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6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 11 | https://www.worldatlas.com/maps/armenia | en | Armenia Maps & Facts | [
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] | 2023-12-27T13:15:16-05:00 | Physical map of Armenia showing major cities, terrain, national parks, rivers, and surrounding countries with international borders and outline maps. Key facts about Armenia. | en | /nwa_assets/img/site/favicon.png | WorldAtlas | https://www.worldatlas.com/maps/armenia | Armenia covers an area of 29,743 sq. km (11,484 sq mi) in Eurasia's South Caucasus region. It is a landlocked country with no access to the world's oceans. Armenia is one of the most mountainous nations on Earth and has an average elevation of 5,900 feet (1,800 meters) above sea level. Armenia is surrounded by the nations of Iran, Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Georgia.
The Lesser (or Little) Caucasus Mountains dominate much of Armenia's landscape. As observed on the physical map of Armenia above, the topography of the country is very rugged and mountainous. Nearly the entire nation is covered by mountain ranges and deep valleys. The highest point is Mt. Aragats at 13,418 ft. (4,090m). A yellow triangle marks the highest point on the map.
The Araks and Debed Rivers are the two most important waterways in the nation. The Araks act as a natural border between Iran and Turkey to the south while also granting the nation a small sliver of floodplain that exists along its banks. This part of the nation is the most densely populated and is home to Armenia's capital city Yerevan. Rivers flow fast down through the mountains, at least 3% form the valleys of the Araks and Debed rivers. | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 1 | 44 | https://newspaper.irandaily.ir/7518/5/7878 | en | General developments of labor market in Armenia | [
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] | null | [] | null | en | null | By Eliza Matevosyan
Economist
The creation of mechanisms aimed at the development of the labor market, the implementation of effective policies, and reforms are important prerequisites for achieving economic success in Armenia. They also promote the development, stability, expansion, and effective use of its labor potential.
The basis of this claim is the latest available data, mainly for 2022 since the summary indicators of the labor market for 2023 have not been published yet.
In light of the double-digit economic growth of 12.6% registered in 2022 in Armenia, positive developments were also observed in the labor market: the unemployment rate decreased, while employment and wages rose.
Thus, the average monthly number of officially registered unemployed people decreased by 12.4% in 2022, compared to the same period last year, totaling 53,420 people. In 2022, the unemployment rate decreased by 2% to reach 13.5%, compared to 2021, and the number of unemployed decreased by 11.3%, counting up to 176,600 people. On the other hand, during the observed period, the number of hired workers increased by 5.4%, to which contributed both the formation of new organizations (the number of organizations increased by 11.2% for the given period, employing 61,386 people), as well as an increase in the number of tourists and labor migrants, especially in the IT sector, arriving in the Republic of Armenia (RA).
To characterize the labor market, it is important to refer to study salaries and their trends in a given country, which is a key characteristic that illuminates the social security of that country. According to 2022 figures, the average monthly nominal salary in RA was 235,576 Armenian dram (AMD) (equaling $541). This showed a 15.5% increase compared to the previous year, mainly due to a 19% increase in the wages paid by Armenia’s private sector and a 4.3% increase in the wages paid by its public sector.
The growth of wages is mainly owing to the growth of salaries in the fields of
Information technologies,
Wholesale and retail trade,
And financial and insurance
activities.
Against the inflation of 8.6%, the real salary increased by 6.3% in Armenia. It is noteworthy that in 2022, compared to the previous year, the levels of average monthly nominal wages increased in all provinces of Armenia, except Lori Province. However, the growth rate was particularly significant in Tavush Province by 41.1% and in Yerevan by 23.1%.
However, attention should be paid to the fact that the salary level in Tavush Province was inferior to four other provinces in absolute terms during the mentioned period. On the other hand, the highest salary level was in Syunik Province, which exceeded the rate registered in the capital by more than 58%, amounting to 427,040 AMD.
It is extremely important for the well-being of society to constantly focus on the study of labor market issues, raising them, as well as taking and implementing measures aimed at their regulation. In this context, it is particularly important to note that one of the urgent and outstanding problems of Armenia’s labor market continues to be the uneven development of the labor market by territorial units (by RA provinces and Yerevan), particularly, the concentration of jobs and labor in the capital.
In 2022, about 36% of the labor force was concentrated in Yerevan, instead of the 29.6% registered in the previous year. It should also be noted that in 2022, more than 61% of the labor force was allocated to Yerevan and other cities. Furthermore, about 35% of the total employed people belong to Yerevan.
Attention should be paid to the fact that despite such a concentration of labor resources, Yerevan is also the leader in terms of the share of unemployed people, which was about 44% in 2022. It is noteworthy that provinces with a large share of labor resources are also distinguished by a large share of unemployment.
On the other hand, from the point of view of studying the distribution of labor resources, it is extremely important to take into account the population density indicator. Here, it should be noted that the level of urbanization in Armenia continues to be quite high, as a result of which the population density has increased to 1 per square mile. Thus, the capital is the most densely populated area as of 2022: about 64% of the total population was concentrated in Yerevan, while the indicator stood at 9% in the most populated province.
An integral part of the labor market study is the observation of labor migration, as well as the ethnic composition of the labor market in the country, since they have a direct impact on the composition and structure of labor resources, as well as the professional quality of the workforce. Therefore, it should be noted that people from Armenia mainly go to Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and other CIS countries as well as some European countries for work. And people come to work in Armenia mainly from India, Iran, and Ukraine. Recently, there has been a sharp increase in the inflow of citizens from India, Iran, and Russia to Armenia.
To sum up, we can state that the features and problems of the Armenian labor market are mainly as follows: Firstly, the geographical location of the territorial units and socio-economic features reveal disparities in development and, secondly, both the labor market and economic development are mainly concentrated in Yerevan. Along with all the above-mentioned, the study and analysis of the main indicators characterizing the labor market show that currently, there are positive trends in the Armenian labor market. These positive trends are also reflected in a decrease in the unemployment rate and an increase in employment in the country. | |||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 85 | https://turkicstates.org/en/haberler/turkic-council-secretary-general-on-the-armenia-azerbaijan-nagorno-karabakh-conflict_2032 | en | TURKIC COUNCIL SECRETARY GENERAL ON THE ARMENIA-AZERBAIJAN NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT | [
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] | null | [] | null | https://www.turkicstates.org/assets/img/favicons/favicon.ico | Türk Devletleri Teşkilatı | https://www.turkicstates.org/en/haberler/turkic-council-secretary-general-on-the-armenia-azerbaijan-nagorno-karabakh-conflict_2032 | The Secretary General of the Turkic Council Baghdad Amreyev expressed his deep concern and strongly condemned the artillery shelling of the Armenian Armed Forces densely populated territories of Tovuz region along the state border between Azerbaijan and Armenia, and therefore escalation of tension in the region.
The Secretary-General extends his condolences to the families of the martyrs, the people and the Government of Azerbaijan over loss of lives and wishes a speedy recovery of the injured.
The Turkic Council reaffirms its commitments to the norms and principles of international law and reiterates the importance of the early settlement of the Armenia-Azerbaijan Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, on the basis of sovereignty, territorial integrity and inviolability of internationally recognized borders of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
In this context, the Secretary General urges an immediate end to the fighting and calls on the Parties to de-escalate the situation and continue to seek ways to resolve the conflict peacefully, on the basis of generally accepted principles and norms of international law, and the related resolutions of the UN Security Council adopted in 1993.
NEWS DATE: 14.07.2020
RELATED PHOTOS | ||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 26 | https://www.nationmaster.com/country-info/stats/Geography/Land-area/Square-miles | en | Countries Compared by Geography > Land area > Square miles. International Statistics at NationMaster.com | [
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6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 71 | https://www.ft.com/content/2e2f38b0-e7a1-11e8-8a85-04b8afea6ea3 | en | Finding my Armenia, a century after the genocide | https://www.ft.com/__origami/service/image/v2/images/raw/https%3A%2F%2Fwww.ft.com%2F__origami%2Fservice%2Fimage%2Fv2%2Fimages%2Fraw%2Fhttp%253A%252F%252Fcom.ft.imagepublish.upp-prod-eu.s3.amazonaws.com%252F070786ee-e8ea-11e8-a34c-663b3f553b35%3Fsource%3Dnext-article%26fit%3Dscale-down%26quality%3Dhighest%26width%3D700%26dpr%3D1?source=next-opengraph&fit=scale-down&width=900 | https://www.ft.com/__origami/service/image/v2/images/raw/https%3A%2F%2Fwww.ft.com%2F__origami%2Fservice%2Fimage%2Fv2%2Fimages%2Fraw%2Fhttp%253A%252F%252Fcom.ft.imagepublish.upp-prod-eu.s3.amazonaws.com%252F070786ee-e8ea-11e8-a34c-663b3f553b35%3Fsource%3Dnext-article%26fit%3Dscale-down%26quality%3Dhighest%26width%3D700%26dpr%3D1?source=next-opengraph&fit=scale-down&width=900 | [
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"Lilah Raptopoulos"
] | 2018-11-16T11:25:27+00:00 | After years delaying a trip, Lilah Raptopoulos made the emotional journey to her ancestral country | en | https://www.ft.com/__origami/service/image/v2/images/raw/ftlogo-v1%3Abrand-ft-logo-square-coloured?source=update-logos&format=svg | https://www.ft.com/content/2e2f38b0-e7a1-11e8-8a85-04b8afea6ea3 | In February, Armenia nudged me. I met a stranger who learnt I was Armenian and who asked a completely normal follow-up question: “Have you been?”
No, I told him. My grandfather and great-grandparents escaped during the Armenian genocide. Almost all traces of Armenian history from that part of the former Ottoman empire — now eastern Turkey — have been destroyed. Because the modern-day nation is on land that was not under Ottoman rule, I never thought it would feel like my Armenia. “I’ll go, eventually,” I said. This was language I was repeating. I have been saying it all my life.
“Huh,” he said. “I’ve been wanting to go for some time now, so I might just bite the bullet. My friend went and said she had the best time. It seems to have culture, delicious food, excellent music and mountains. I mean, what more do you need?”
I blinked. He was going to Armenia? The country, heavy with symbolism in my mind, was not somewhere a tourist could just visit for a cheap week away. If he could — which, of course, he could — why was I making such a big deal about my own eventual trip?
In May, Armenia nudged me again. The Financial Times was covering the country’s Velvet Revolution — Armenians, after a month of entirely peaceful, nationwide protest, unseated their prime minister and replaced him with opposition leader Nikol Pashinyan. The revolution was an overwhelming success. Knowing my background, an editor in our newsroom asked for my thoughts on it.
“To be honest, I know very little about Armenia the country,” I told her. In 1922, a few years after the genocide ended, Armenia was incorporated into the Soviet Union, where it remained for 70 years. My mother’s family always thought Eastern Armenians (those from the nation of Armenia) would be more culturally Russian than those of our heritage, which was influenced more by the Greek, Armenian, Jewish and Ottoman cultures that had coexisted for centuries under Ottoman rule.
We thought of ourselves as Western Armenian, members of the diaspora. When my family left, we took that culture with us in a time capsule. Different food. Different dialect.
I heard myself saying these things, and I didn’t like it. Who was I kidding? Why had I never been to Armenia?
The third time Armenia showed up was in July. I received an invitation to a press event in New York. The poet Peter Balakian, whose 1997 memoir Black Dog of Fate is a resonant exploration of growing up Armenian in America, was due to speak. I was tired, but I felt the pull. So I took the subway uptown.
Halfway through the event, I texted my family’s group chat.
Live texting you from this Armenia event.
Did you know the oldest known winery is in Armenia?
The food looks insane. Basturma for breakfast!
One of the safest countries in the world?!
OK, they got me. I’m going. September. Who wants to join?
My sister responded. “September’s like, tomorrow,” she said. “Maybe next year.”
Meanwhile, Armenia was nudging my mother, too. When I called her that night, she told me about a recent conversation with a woman she knew. “Stop waiting for next year,” the woman had told her. “It’s not the moon. What’s the big deal? Just go!”
It was the moon. To us, it was the moon. But people have been to the moon. So I booked flights for my parents and me.
With a last name like Raptopoulos, my Greekness is a public fact that I carry everywhere. It is also tangible: I hear it in my father’s accent, see it on my trips to Greece; I even speak the language, albeit haltingly. But my Armenianness is fully cultural, just an idea. It is something I work overtime to keep alive. My grandmother, my mother and now my sisters and I stuff green peppers with ground beef, rice, cumin. We know how to skewer slippery cubes of lamb into shish kebabs.
One day I called my mother. “I woke up missing my mom today,” she said. “So I’m making a cheese boerag.” As she spoke, she was layering filo dough in a pan, brushing each sheet lovingly and hastily with melted butter, filling the middle with farmer’s cheese, feta cheese, garlic powder, an egg, then putting it in to bake.
In my hometown of Brookline, Massachusetts, every Armenian I knew was related to me. As a child, I explained the intricacies of the genocide to my American friends’ parents. Not visiting Armenia seemed like procrastination, but it wasn’t. It was a block. Maybe it represented danger, the source of the trauma. My family, like many in the diaspora, had a misconception of how the country would be. We weren’t sure we’d belong. It took a collection of cues to get us there.
I met my parents at the luggage carousel in Yerevan, the capital, at midnight in September, seven months after my first cue. We had flown in separately and were giddy, our senses tingling, everything new and out of context. “It smells sweet,” my mother said, a fact that made her happy.
Armenia today is a small, landlocked Christian nation of 2.9 million people. Travel is quite cheap for western tourists, so we organised a driver for the whole trip, Rafael Hovakimyan, and a tour guide for three days in the countryside, Katar Taslakyan. Both became like family; they’re in half of my photos.
Rafael was at the airport the night we arrived. “Armenia welcomes you,” he told us. “I know that you will leave this country in love. Everyone does.”
For the first two days, my parents and I kept repeating, “I can’t believe we’re in Armenia”, like wind-up dolls. Yerevan feels like a small southern European city — outdoor cafés and wine bars, unique museums, a symmetrical central square. The snow-capped Mount Ararat, biblically the landing place of Noah’s ark, stands in constant view.
The children on billboards looked like me. My mother kept remembering forgotten phrases from her childhood. At a market, she turned to me. “My mom used to say Kah-nee-yeh. It means ‘How much?’ Watch this.”
With the confidence of a local, she hollered “Kah-nee-yeh” to the vendor. He responded in full Armenian sentences. “I’m so sorry, I actually don’t know what that means,” she said. “I was just checking to see if it worked.”
The next morning, as we ate eggs scrambled with tomato, my mother stopped someone walking by. “I’m sorry to bother you. My father used to make this every Sunday. Is it called doma-tizo-havgeet?” It was.
We had found a place in the outside world where our secret family language worked.
My father was our affable travel companion, returning the favour to my mother, who has joined him on dozens of visits to Greece over their 45 years of marriage. His parents, in an odd twist of fate, also grew up in Western Armenia during the Ottoman empire. In 1922, the Turks had agreed with Greece on an exchange of populations. The Greeks in Turkey, including my father’s parents, walked a thousand miles to Greece in caravans; the Turks in Greece made the converse trip.
My parents met in New York City and realised quickly that their families had been neighbours in Asia Minor. They were both from the same place, shuffled and re-sorted by history, an imperial chess game in which they had no control. When my grandfathers met for the first time, one didn’t speak Greek and the other didn’t speak English. They communicated in Turkish, the language of their oppressors.
A few days into our trip, I asked my father how he felt. We were walking around Yerevan — like every day, the weather was warm, sunny and dry. “It feels like it’s on the cutting edge of change,” he said. “It feels like Greece in the 1970s. It feels familiar, but it’s not mine. But you’re the one who’s Armenian. How does it feel to you?”
I felt so lucky in that moment — Greece was not my mother’s. Armenia was not my father’s. But both could be mine.
For three days we travelled through the countryside, past dramatic scenes — burnt yellow mountains, a brilliant blue Lake Sevan, gorges that sliced rolling hills in half, tiny monasteries tucked into rock and growing from the land as if they had living roots. We drove through villages that were littered with memories of Armenia’s Soviet past: cement homes with tin roofs, vast abandoned factories.
Late one afternoon, we walked into the grounds of a 6th-century monastery called Odzun. A local festival was wrapping up and children were chasing each other. I looked up to see my mother sitting on the steps of a monument surrounded by children. Their arms were wrapped around each other like old friends, chanting “Ar-men-ia! Ar-men-ia!” As we left, one boy said to my mother in the little English he knew, “Bye bye! I love you!”
“Oh I love you too!” she cried, her arms outstretched. “Come to Boston and you can stay at my house.” That we ever worried we might not belong suddenly became laughable; the number of years we had lost, when we could have had Armenia as another home, felt palpable.
My mother’s father, Manuel BozBeckian, survived the genocide, in which an estimated 1.5 million Armenians were killed in 1915. The genocide was directed primarily by Talaat Pasha and the Young Turks, the nationalist party in power at the end of the Ottoman empire. I tell the BozBeckian story often and openly. It feels like the only way to keep the history alive. So I’ll tell you now.
It was 1915, and Manuel was six years old. One night at dinner, his father was taken outside their home and shot. The rest of his family — his mother, brother, sister and himself — were pushed into line on a long walk into the Syrian desert. To die.
This is how most Armenians died: they were robbed, deprived of food and water, often raped and killed. People dropped out of the lines like flies. If you go to parts of the Syrian desert now and touch the ground, you find bones.
Somewhere along the walk, my great-grandmother witnessed a fight between two Young Turk generals and was brought to a nearby city to testify. She had to put her three children in an orphanage while the testimony went on. She was gone for a year; I can only imagine what she had to do to survive. When she returned to the orphanage, my grandfather was the only one of her children left alive. The word used was always malnutrition. But children in Turkish state orphanages during the genocide were tortured and starved.
After a number of years travelling, Manuel and his mother made it on to one of the last boats to America from Constantinople, through Ellis Island. By then he was 13. When I was 13, I had my own bathroom, a growing CD collection and a job walking my neighbour’s dog.
Father shot, caravan into the desert, testify, orphanage, malnutrition, Ellis Island. These words are stitched into me. I’ve been told that traumas like these are passed down generationally, that I have a diluted version of it and that it will continue on, even more diluted, to my children. How could this not be true? Manuel is the man that raised my mother.
The diaspora today is large — about 11 million — and spread across the world, from Russia to the US, France, Lebanon, Iran and Argentina. It is only 3.5 million smaller than the world’s Jewish population. The genocide is still a live issue: Turkey continues to deny it and, due to lobbying and the pressure of strategic alliances, it has still not been acknowledged by the US, the UK, Israel or all but 29 countries around the world.
I have always been defined by my grandfather’s story. But over the course of these 11 days in Armenia, I began to feel that my attachment to the genocide was a privilege — I could come here and explore my roots freely, because my family’s experiences have improved so radically in the years since.
While my grandparents built lives, Armenia continued to struggle. It was relatively stable during Soviet rule, though heavily dependent, until 1988, when it suffered a catastrophic earthquake that killed 25,000 people. When the USSR fell in 1992, the economic support it had given the country went with it. Left with an unreliable supply of energy, Armenians lived with about an hour of electricity a day for four years.
The people we met who have memories of the 1990s told us of the “dark years”, when one of the few things they could rely on eating was trout from Lake Sevan. They remembered cutting down trees with their fathers for warmth in cold winters. (Today, the country is still trying to recover from overfishing and deforestation.) They remember a war with Azerbaijan from 1988-1994 over contested borders of the Armenian-populated Nagorno-Karabach , an unresolved conflict still considered one of wider Europe’s most unstable potential flashpoints.
Armenia has good diplomatic ties with almost everyone but its two direct border neighbours, Turkey and Azerbaijan. Its history with Russia adds a layer of complication; though they are close, Russia likes its former states to need it. Russia sells weapons to Azerbaijan and Armenia at the same time.
In recent years, the country has become a base for members of the diaspora living across the Middle East, including more than 17,000 Syrian Armenians. One evening we had dinner at Derian, a Syrian-Armenian restaurant in Yerevan, with an Armenian-American named Suzanne Daghlian. She had “felt the pull — I can’t explain it” and moved permanently to Yerevan in 2013. Her friend Davit had come to Armenia from Aleppo a few months before the Syrian civil war began. Once fighting started back home, his family suggested he stay.
Davit is 27. He joined us for a glass of raki and told us things were bad but could have been worse. He was lucky. His family in Aleppo had lost power, water and heat for two full years. His aunt’s building was struck by a missile; many of his friends had been kidnapped or killed; they struggled with depression and unspeakable pain. But you can’t compare pain, he told us. In parts of Africa people are starving, and we are dying because of war, and we just really can’t compare it.
A Syrian-Armenian family from the next table began to chat with us. They had gone to school with Davit in Aleppo and recognised each other here, in this restaurant in Yerevan. They offered us some of their son’s birthday cake. We said, “No, it’s OK,” and laughed, but the child’s mother picked up the cake, filled her fork and brought it to each of our mouths.
“Ker”, she told us. Eat.
Here I was, Lilah from Brookline, Massachusetts, standing with a fellow Armenian. She had a similar family history of persecution, but had recently survived another vivid round of trauma. When in need, this country welcomed her, a cultural meeting place that also welcomed Davit, and Suzanne, and me. She was feeding me, simply because she is Armenian and it is important to feed.
The next day we visited Mother Armenia, a Statue of Liberty-like monument that overlooks Yerevan from the top of its highest hill. It replaced a monument of Joseph Stalin that was pulled down in the 1960s. She is severe, made of copper, her elbows at right angles. She holds a sword in her hands. I was shocked to see that sword.
I suppose I thought, naively, that after the genocide, Armenians’ wellbeing was a settled matter. Sure, their post-genocidal partition wasn’t large, but it was theirs and they were safe. Instead, I found a country not fully calm.
On one of the last days, I told Rafael that I was sure he had many tourists like us, from the diaspora, who arrive with the genocide at the top of our minds. I asked whether it bothered him that we were so caught up in the fight for genocide recognition while Armenia was still struggling in so many other ways. “Yes, we have to look forward. But I think it is good that the diaspora talks about the genocide, because it reminds the world of our power,” he told me. “It shows strength that you will not let it go. If Turkey or Azerbaijan tries to start a war with us, they know the world is watching.”
Despite these tensions, Armenia has one of the lowest crime rates in the world, and its people are full of optimism . The revolution in May was organised through Facebook, Twitter and Signal by a generation that doesn’t remember Soviet rule, is well educated, highly skilled in technology and has grown up online. Its leader, journalist turned opposition politician Nikol Pashinyan, set ground rules: no violence, no resistance; if someone tries to arrest you, allow them; everyone off the streets at 10pm.
As in many post-Soviet states, for years oligarchs held substantial economic and political control in Armenia. Corruption, including bribery and electoral fraud, was common. In April, the public watched with hope as their country transitioned from a semi-presidential republic to a parliamentary democracy, with the promise from two-term president Serzh Sargsyan that he would not appoint himself prime minister. When he broke this promise, the revolution began.
In the seven months since Sargsyan stepped down, Pashinyan’s number-one goal has been to root out corruption. He has cut back the country’s police force; now traffic cops no longer stop drivers to demand bribes. He has criminalised rampant vote-buying and investigated — and charged — oligarchs for widespread tax fraud, bringing millions back into the system to reinvest.
Pashinyan recently called for a snap election and, on December 9, citizens will have a chance to replace their current parliament with politicians they trust. For the first time, it will be a free and fair election.
One evening I met Armen Der Kiureghian, president and co-founder of the American University of Armenia. We had dinner on an outdoor patio in Yerevan, wrapping fresh, spongey lavash flatbread around sprigs of mixed herbs. I asked him what he wanted to see in Armenia over the next 10 years.
“That people don’t leave,” he said. “That people come back, and that the diaspora realises that this is the perfect time to invest. If Pashinyan can root out corruption, Armenians will be able to start businesses. They want to work hard.”
Our last night was my mother’s 69th birthday. It was our final meal in Yerevan: kofte, dolma, tourshi, manti. My father turned to my mother. “So, Debbie, do you feel like this is your country?” he asked.
She thought for a second. “I feel like I have a culture, and that culture has a country.”
Lilah Raptopoulos is the FT’s community editor; lilah.raptopoulos@ft.com
Follow @FTMag on Twitter to find out about our latest stories first. Subscribe to FT Life on YouTube for the latest FT Weekend videos
Letter in response to this article:
Turkey and Armenia: the truth is more complicated / From Ümit Yalçin, Ambassador of Turkey to the UK | |||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 4 | https://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/armenia/location | en | Where is Armenia in the World? | https://worldpopulationreview.com/favicon.ico | https://worldpopulationreview.com/favicon.ico | [
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] | null | [] | null | en | /favicon.ico | null | Armenia is an Asian country located in the Eurasia Region on the Armenian Highlands. To give you an idea of where this is, picture Russia on a map. Armenia is located to the southwest, with the Black Sea on one side and the Caspian Sea on the other. As one of the former Soviet republics, Armenia is the smallest of them all.
GPS Coordinates
Armenia is located at a latitude of 40.0691° N and a longitude of 45.0382° E.
Levels of Elevation in Armenia
At its highest point, Armenia reaches an altitude of 13,419 feet above sea level. Located atop Mount Aragats, the highest point is found on a volcano. In the opposite direction, Armenia’s lowest point is 1,312 feet above sea level. This point is located along the Debed River in along the northern parts of Armenia.
Most Extreme Points
In the north, Armenia shares borders with Georgia. The northernmost part of Armenia is the province of Tavush, with GPS coordinates of 41°17′ N and 45°0′ E. In the east, Armenia shares borders with two different areas: Azerbaijan and the Republic of Artsakh. The easternmost point of Armenia is located in the province of Syunik with coordinates of 39°13′ N and 46°37′ E. In the south lie Nakhchivan and Iran. The most extreme point in southern Armenia is also located in the Syunik province at a latitude of 38°49′ N and 46°10′ E. In the west, Armenia shares borders with Turkey, with the most extreme point situated in the Shirak province at a latitude of 41°5′ N and longitude of 43°27′ E.
Total Area and Population Density of Armenia
The total area of Armenia is 11,484 square feet, which marks Armenia as the 138th largest country based on total area alone. Armenia is a landlocked state, but there are areas of water within the boundaries of the country. Of its total area, Armenia is made up of 594.6 square miles of water. The remaining 10,889.4 square miles are land areas. In terms of percentages, Armenia is 94.9% land and 5.1% water.
The Republic of Armenia has a population of 2,935,242 people. Taking total area and population into consideration, we are able to calculate the population density of Armenia. By dividing the population by the total area, the outcome is a population density of approximately 255.59, which is rounded to 256. This means that there are just about 256 people per square mile in Armenia. Based on population, Armenia is the 134th most populated country in the world, and in terms of density, it is the 99th most dense country. | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 67 | https://www.nationalgeographic.com/travel/article/armenia-trail-ancient-churches-hiking | en | This new trail reveals the wonders of Armenia—a country at the crossroads of the world | [
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] | 2022-12-06T15:29:08.498000+00:00 | A 500-plus mile hiking path shows off the tiny nation’s stunning mountains and top-notch hospitality. | en | Travel | https://www.nationalgeographic.com/travel/article/armenia-trail-ancient-churches-hiking | Despite its small size—just over 11,000 square miles—Armenia packs a wealth of scenery, wildlife, and early Christian history into its craggy terrain. It’s a hiker’s dream, with landscapes winding through the Caucasus Mountains from the arid Aras Valley, at the Iranian border, to lush forests rolling into Georgia.
But until recently, it was impossible to hike across the whole of this nation at the crossroads of Europe and Asia. “I remember looking out at these mountains and thinking, ‘my God, I really want to explore them’,” says Tom Allen, a British adventurer and trail developer who first visited the country in 2008. “But there were no hiking maps of the country, Google Maps was basically blank, and the Soviet military maps were classified.”
Allen’s experience led him to design a 514-mile route crossing Armenia, which launched in early 2022. Working with NGOs HIKEArmenia and Trails for Change, Allen and teams of volunteers not only built fresh trails but also linked Soviet-era 4x4 tracks, herding routes, and longtime footpaths. It all winds through cloud-hugging pastures past ancient monasteries, stone villages, and crumbling caravanserais from the days when the Silk Road made Armenia rich.
This Armenian section is the first country-wide through-hike of the greater Transcaucasian Trail (TCT), which will one day link Armenia with Georgia and Azerbaijan via an 1,800-mile network going west-east from the Black Sea to the Caspian, and north-south from the Greater to the Lesser Caucasus.
The TCT’s Armenian portion offers a glimpse of what’s to come. Hiking it, past green mountains and ancient Christian monuments (including the clifftop Tatev Monastery), also gives a taste of this storied land.
A trail is born
The TCT first broke ground in 2017, when a team of volunteer trail builders began carving paths in the dense oak and hornbeam forests above Dilijan, a resort town a 90-minute drive north of the Armenian capital, Yerevan.
Visitors can now follow red-and-white TCT trail markers across the nation to witness the volcanic domes of the Gegham Mountains and the emerald depths of Vorotan Canyon. The trail also passes three UNESCO-listed monasteries, which speak to Armenia’s history as the first country to establish Christianity as the state religion.
(See how these traditional herders still cross the perilous trails of the Caucasus.)
Still, the TCT remains a work in progress. “The trail isn’t completely marked, signposted, maintained, and beautifully groomed [yet],” says Allen. He says there are abundant resources on the TCT website—including topo maps, recommended apps, and both KML and GPX route downloads—to navigate less developed areas like the vast steppe near Lake Sevan.
Wildlife and warm hospitality
The possibility of encounters with Syrian brown bears and gray wolves adds to the appeal of hiking the TCT, as do tales of the recent return of the Caucasian leopard (which locals view, auspiciously, as a revival of the Armenian spirit). Some stretches of the TCT recall the rugged red rocks of Sedona; others the forested hills of Shenandoah.
“There is a huge diversity of landscapes for such a small country,” says Jakub Babij, a through-hiker from Poland. “You have areas that are like a desert, and then parts that are similar to the Alps.”
(See wildly underrated wild places on our Best of the World list.)
Babij set aside 40 days to do the trail from Meghri, in the south, to Lake Arpi, near the Georgian border. He camped most nights, but occasionally slept in one of the guesthouses that have started springing up along the trail “to get a real sense of the local culture.” The hospitality of Armenians, he says, left the biggest impression.
Many hosts prepare sprawling khorovats (feasts) for overnight guests, with grilled meats, lavash flatbreads, soft cheeses, and vegetable and bulgur wheat salads. Shots of oghi (homemade fruit vodka) often lead to rounds of kenadz, a poetic Armenian toasting custom.
An ecotourism boom
Recent campaigns to promote Armenia and to fund improvements to its tourism offerings have inspired a travel boom, with visitation increasing by 15 percent each year from 2010 to 2020. Ardag Kosian, executive director of HIKE Armenia, says cash flowing into communities beyond Yerevan (where one-third of Armenians live) makes the TCT key for rural development. “When you have a village that doesn’t have a lot of resources, and you have villagers opting to leave rather than stay, there needs to be a way for them to make a living,” he says. “Ecotourism is a surefire way to do that.”
In 2018, Garnik Gevorgyan built a campsite along the TCT with hot showers, covered picnic tables, and a restaurant serving locally grown food. He was inspired by tourists who had started showing up in his tiny village, Artavan, seeking lodgings and meals.
(Discover Mayan history on Mexico’s first through-hike.)
“I don’t see it as a business; it’s showing my way of life,” he says. “Before the TCT, nobody knew the name of my village—not even Armenians. Now it’s like Artavan finally exists.”
HIKEArmenia has been instrumental in disseminating trekking intelligence through its website, app, and information center in downtown Yerevan. It’s also funded much of the infrastructure-building (though NGO Trails for Change builds most routes). Assisting rural communities remains HIKEArmenia’s main focus.
The idea is that hikers can do loop trails or day paths and stay in one place for a few nights. Take Old Martiros, for example. This ancient village now lures tourists with trails out to lakes, traditional Armenian cross-stones, and a rock-hewn church carved into the mountainside. While in town, travelers can buy local products such as dried stone fruits, gata pastries, and wine. “The longer they’re there, the more impact,” says Kosian.
Hiking along ancient thoroughfares from village to village, “you see things that are thousands of years old,” Kosian adds. “You meet families who have lived in the same place for generations. They tell you stories about how they used the trail you’re walking on to go to school. And all of this adds age and depth. It becomes more than just hiking; it becomes walking through an open-air museum.”
A boost to hiking across the Caucasus
Armenia was once merely the realm of intrepid hikers who connected the dots on their own. The TCT, which is expected to draw a hundred through-hikers this year (and thousands more day hikers), gives the country a way to draw “soft adventure” travel as well. All the while, the trail has fostered a burgeoning outdoors movement within Armenia, with local trail clubs helping maintain the route.
A similar buzz now exists across the border in Georgia, which has 84 miles of its TCT complete, and in Azerbaijan, where $10,000 in government funding is jumpstarting trail development. “This came as a surprise,” says Allen, “because Azerbaijan’s government was funding a shared project with Armenia.” The neighbors have fought two wars over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh. Tensions remain high and borders are closed (the TCT will enter Azerbaijan via Georgia).
“If nothing else, [the TCT] will show that it’s possible for there to be a shared project that has little to do with geopolitics and a lot to do with what all of these countries have in common,” says Allen. “I’d like to think that, one day soon, the TCT will become a hopeful, symbolic thing for the region.” In a way, it already is. | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 88 | https://www.armenian-genocide.org/churchill.html | en | Statement on the Armenian Genocide | [
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] | null | [] | null | https://www.armenian-genocide.org/churchill.html | Winston S. Churchill, Prime Minister of Great Britain (1940-45, 1951-55)
...it will be convenient to outline however briefly the subsidiary Armenian Tragedy which accompanied the revival of the Turkish power.
The events which have been described in Russia and in Turkey, and which were soon to be ratified by new disasters, were fatal to the Armenian people. The Great War had carried them through hideous slaughters to the fairest and broadest hope they had ever known; and then abruptly laid them — it may well be for ever — in the dust. The age-long misfortunes of the Armenian race have arisen mainly from the physical structure of their home. Upon the lofty tableland of Armenia, stretching across the base of the Asia Minor Peninsula, are imposed a series of mountain ranges having a general direction east and west. The valleys between these mountains have from time immemorial been the pathways of every invasion or counter-attack between Asia Minor in the west and Persia and Central Asia in the east. In antiquity the Medes, the Persians, and Romans; in the early centuries of the Christian Era the Persian Sassanids and Eastern Roman Emperors; and in the Middle Ages successive waves of Mongols and Turks — Seljukli and Osmanli — invaded, conquered, partitioned, yielded and reconquered the rugged regions in which an ill-starred race strove ceaselessly for life and independence. And after the rise of Russia to power the struggle for possession of the Armenian regions, as containing the natural frontiers of their own domains, was continued by Russia, Persia and the Ottoman Empire.
At the moment the Great War began Armenia, divided between Russia and Turkey, repressed by force or actual massacre, had no defense but secret societies and no weapons but intrigue and assassination. The War drew upon them a new train of evils. After the Balkan Wars the Pan-Turks cast away both 'Ottomanization' and 'Turkification' as means for recreating the State. They attributed the disasters which the Turkish Empire had sustained in part to the opposition of the non-Turkish races in their midst. In blunt but significant language they concluded that these races 'were not worth considering; they were worse than encumbrances; they could go to the devil.' The re-created State for which patriotic Turks hoped must be formed by Turks alone. The goal, if attainable, could be reached only by a long road and hard. The sooner therefore the Turkish people set out upon it in deadly earnest, the better. The Turks took this road from 1912 onwards; and the fact that they had done so went long unrecognized in Europe. The Armenians were, however, better informed. They saw that the incorporation of the Moslem areas of Caucasia in a great Turkish State would, if carried to achievement, place the Armenian plateau, including Russian Armenia, under Turkish sovereignty and jeopardize the whole future of their race. The outbreak of the Great War brought these issues to a head. The Turkish Government in furtherance of their own aims tried to secure Armenian support of Russian Armenians. A grim alternative was presented to the Armenian leaders. Should they throw their national weight as far as it lay in their power on the side of Russia or of Turkey, or should they let their people be divided and driven into battle against each other? They took the remarkable decision that if war should come, their people in Turkey and in Russia should do their duty to their respective Governments. They thought it better to face fratricidal strife in the quarrels of others than to stake their existence upon the victory of either side.
When Turkey attacked Russian Armenia, the Czar's Government, fearing that a successful defense of Caucasia by Armenians would dangerously inflame the Nationalist aspirations of the race, conveyed a hundred and fifty thousand Armenian conscripts to the Polish and Galician fronts and brought other Russian troops to defend Armenian hearths and homes in Caucasia. Few of these hundred and fifty thousand Armenian soldiers survived the European battles or were able to return to Caucasia before the end of the War. This was hard measure. But worse remained. The Turkish was plan failed. Their offensive against Caucasia in December 1914 and January 1915 was defeated. They recoiled in deep resentment. They accused the Armenians of the Turkish eastern districts of having acted as spies and agents on behalf of Russia, and of having assailed the Turkish lines of communication. These charges were probably true; but true or false, they provoked a vengeance which was also in accord with deliberate policy. In 1915 the Turkish Government began and ruthlessly carried out the infamous general massacre and deportation of Armenians in Asia Minor. Three or four hundred thousand men, women, and children escaped into Russian territory and others into Persia or Mesopotamia; but the clearance of the race from Asia Minor was about as complete as such an act, on a scale so great, could well be. It is supposed that about one and a quarter millions of Armenians were involved, of whom more than half perished. There is no reasonable doubt that this crime was planned and executed for political reasons. The opportunity presented itself for clearing Turkish soil of a Christian race opposed to all Turkish ambitions, cherishing national ambitions that could only be satisfied at the expense of Turkey, and planted geographically between Turkish and Caucasian Moslems. It may well be that the British attack on the Gallipoli Peninsula stimulated the merciless fury of the Turkish Government. Even, thought the Pan-Turks, if Constantinople were to fall and Turkey lost the war, the clearance would have been effected and a permanent advantage for the future of the Turkish race would be granted.
The arrival of the Grand Duke Nicholas in the Caucasus at the beginning of 1916, his masterly capture of Erzeroum in February 1916, and his conquests of Turkish territory in North-Eastern Asia Minor revived Armenian hopes. The entry of the United States raised them higher. But the Russian Revolution quenched this flicker. It is not possible here to follow the tangled conflicts of the Georgians, Armenians and Tartars which followed. Early in 1918 the Russian Army of the Caucasus abandoned the front in Asia Minor and dissolved into an armed rabble struggling to entrain for home. The Russians had gone. The Turks had not yet come. A desperate effort was made by the remaining Armenian manhood to defend their country. The Armenian elements of the Russian Army therefore held together, and with the help of volunteers succeeded for a time in holding back the Turkish advance. Their hundred and fifty thousand soldiers were already dead or scattered, and they could never muster more than 35,000 men. The Treaty of Brest-Litvosk in February 1918 was the signal for a general Turkish advance eastward. The Armenian line was overwhelmed; and by May not only had the Turks recovered the districts occupied by the Grand Duke, but they had taken the districts of Batum, Kars and Ardahan and were preparing to advance to the Caspian. Meanwhile the great Allies strode forward. British, French and United States troops beat down the German armies in France. The Anglo-Indian armies conquered Mesopotamia, Palestine and Syria. At the very moment when the Turks had reached the goal in Caucasia for which they had run such risks and to which they had waded through crime and slaughter, their whole State and structure fell prostrate. The Armenian people emerged from the Great War scattered, extirpated in many districts, and reduced through massacre, losses of war and enforce deportations adopted as an easy system of killing, by at least a third. Out of a community of about two and a half millions, three-quarters of a million men, women, and children had perished. But surely this was the end.
The earlier miseries and massacres of the Armenians have been made familiar to the British people, and indeed to the Liberal world, by the fame and eloquence of Mr. Gladstone. Opinions about them differed, one school dwelling upon their sufferings and the other upon their failings. But at any rate in contrast to the general indifference with which the fortunes of Eastern and Middle-Eastern peoples were followed by the Western democracies, the Armenians and their tribulations were well known throughout England and the United States. This field of interest was lighted by the lamps of religion, philanthropy and politics. Atrocities perpetrated upon Armenians stirred the ire of simple and chivalrous men and women spread widely about the English-speaking world. Now was the moment when at last the Armenians would receive justice and the right to live in peace in their national home. Their persecutors and tyrants had been laid low by war or revolution. The greatest nations in the hour of their victory were their friends, and would see them righted.
It seemed inconceivable that the five great Allies would not be able to make their will effective. The reader of these pages will however be under no illusions. By the time the conquerors in Paris reached the Armenian question their unity was dissolved, their armies had disappeared and their resolves commanded naught but empty words. No power would take a mandate for Armenia. Britain, Italy, America, France looked at it and shook their heads. On March 12, 1920, the Supreme Council offered the mandate to the League of Nations. But the League, unsupported by men or money, promptly and with prudence declined. There remained the Treaty of Sèvres. On August 10 the Powers compelled the Constantinople Government to recognize an as yet undetermined Armenia as a free and independent State. Article 89 prescribed that Turkey must submit to 'the arbitration of the President of the United States of America the question of the frontier to be fixed between Turkey and Armenia in the vilayets of Erzeroum, Trebizond, Van and Bitlis, and to accept his decision thereupon, as well as any stipulation he may prescribe as to access of Armenia to the sea.' It was not until December 1920 that President Wilson completed the discharge of this high function. The frontier he defined gave Armenia virtually all the Turkish territory which had been occupied by Russian troops until they disbanded themselves under the influence of the Revolution; and era which, added to the Republic of Erivan, made an Armenian national homeland of nearly sixty thousand square miles.
So generous was the recognition in theory of Armenian claims that the Armenian and Greek population of the new State was actually outnumbered by Moslem inhabitants. Here was justice and much more. It existed however upon paper only. Already nearly a year before, in January 1920, the Turks had attacked the French in Cilicia, driven them out of the Marash district and massacred nearly fifty thousand Armenian inhabitants. In May Bolshevik troops invaded and subjugated the Republic of Erivan. In September, by collusion between the Bolsheviks and Turks, Erivan was delivered to the Turkish Nationalists; and as in Cilicia, another extensive massacre of Armenians accompanied the military operations. Even the hope that a small autonomous Armenian province might eventually be established in Cilicia under French protection was destroyed. In October France, by the Agreement of Angora, undertook to evacuate Cilicia completely. In the Treaty of Lausanne, which registered the final peace between Turkey and the Great Powers, history will search in vain for the word 'Armenia'. | ||||||||
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With a population density of 19,737 people per square kilometer, Macao in China was the most densely inhabited country in the world in 2020. Monaco ranked second in terms of population density with 19,361 people per square kilometer. China and Monaco were the only two countries globally that had a population density of more than 10,000 people per square kilometer. Singapore was rated third in terms of population density with 8,019 people per square kilometer in 2020. Singapore is followed by Hong Kong and Gibraltar, with a population density of 7,126 and 3,369 people per square kilometer. China, Monaco, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Gibraltar make up the five most densely populated countries in the world.
The Population Density in Armenia
Between 2015-2021, the population density in Armenia was highest in the year 2021. The Population density reached 104.25 people per square kilometer in 2021. Between 2015 to 2021, the population density of Armenia increased by 1.5%. On a year-on-year basis, the population density increased by 0.2% in 2021.
Factors Affecting the Population Density of a Country
There are multiple physical factors including the terrain, climate, water supply, and soil that can affect the growth of population density of an individual country. Female infertility rates, Birth rates, healthcare facilities, increasing urbanization, immigration & emigration rates, education, and other social & cultural aspects are the secondary factors that affect the distribution and density of the population.
Most Populous Places in Armenia in 2021
Yerevan, the country's largest city, is home to about one million people and serves as the administrative, cultural and economic center of Armenia. Among the main attractions of Yerevan, Yerevan Fortress is considered the birthplace of the city, and the Church of Katgikeziranavor is the oldest surviving church in Yerevan. St. Gregory Cathedral is also located in the city and is the largest Armenian cathedral in the world. | |||
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LOCATION, SIZE, AND EXTENT
TOPOGRAPHY
CLIMATE
FLORA AND FAUNA
ENVIRONMENT
POPULATION
MIGRATION
ETHNIC GROUPS
LANGUAGES
RELIGIONS
TRANSPORTATION
HISTORY
GOVERNMENT
POLITICAL PARTIES
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
JUDICIAL SYSTEM
ARMED FORCES
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
ECONOMY
INCOME
LABOR
AGRICULTURE
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
FISHING
FORESTRY
MINING
ENERGY AND POWER
INDUSTRY
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
DOMESTIC TRADE
FOREIGN TRADE
BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
BANKING AND SECURITIES
INSURANCE
PUBLIC FINANCE
TAXATION
CUSTOMS AND DUTIES
FOREIGN INVESTMENT
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
HEALTH
HOUSING
EDUCATION
LIBRARIES AND MUSEUMS
MEDIA
ORGANIZATIONS
TOURISM, TRAVEL, AND RECREATION
FAMOUS ARMENIANS
DEPENDENCIES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Republic of Armenia
Hayastani Hanrapetut 'Yun
CAPITAL: Yerevan
FLAG: Three horizontal bands of red (top), blue, and gold.
ANTHEM: Mer Hayrenik.
MONETARY UNIT: The dram (introduced 22 November 1993) is a paper currency in denominations of 10, 25, 50, 100, 200, and 500 drams. The dram (d) replaced the Armenian ruble and the Russian ruble (r). Currently d1 =$0.00225 (or $1 = d445) as of 2005.
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES: The metric system is in force.
HOLIDAYS: New Year's Day, 1–2 January; Christmas, 6 January; Day of Remembrance of the Victims of the Genocide, 24 April; Peace Day, 9 May; Anniversary of Declaration of First Armenian Republic (1918), 28 May; Public Holiday, 21 September; Day of Remembrance of the Victims of the Earthquake, 7 December; New Year's Eve, 31 December.
TIME: 4 pm = noon GMT.
LOCATION, SIZE, AND EXTENT
Armenia is a landlocked nation located in southeastern Europe/southwestern Asia. Comparatively, the area occupied by Armenia is slightly smaller than the state of Maryland with a total area of 29,800 sq km (11,506 sq mi). Armenia shares boundaries with Georgia on the n, Azerbaijan on the e and s, Iran on the s, and Turkey on the w and has a total boundary length of 1,254 km (778 mi). Armenia's capital city, Yerevan, is located in the west-central portion of the country on the Hrazdan River.
TOPOGRAPHY
The topography of Armenia features the high Armenian Plateau and three primary mountain ranges, the Lesser Caucasus Mountains in the north, the Vardenis Range in central Armenia, and the Zangezur Range in the southeast. There is little forest land and a few fast flowing rivers. The Aras River Valley contains good soil. Mount Aragats, an extinct volcano in the plateau region, is the highest point in Armenia at 13,425 ft (4,095 m). The nation occasionally suffers from severe earthquakes. In December 1988, a massive earthquake struck near the city of Kumayri, killing over 25,000 people.
CLIMATE
Armenia's climate ranges from subtropical to alpine-like in the mountains. The mean temperature in midsummer is 25°c (77°f). In midwinter, the mean temperature is 0°c (32°f). Rainfall is infrequent. The capital city receives 33 cm of rain annually (13 in), though more rainfall occurs in the mountains.
FLORA AND FAUNA
Armenia is located in what geographers call the Aral Caspian Lowland. The country has broad sandy deserts and low grassy plateaus. The region is home to European bison, snow leopards, cheetahs, and porcupines.
ENVIRONMENT
In 2000, Armenia's chief environmental problems resulted from natural disasters, pollution, and warfare. A strong earthquake in 1988 resulted in 55,000 casualties. Radiation from the meltdown of the nuclear reactor facility at Chernobyl in the former Soviet Union also polluted the environment. The nation's soil has also been polluted by chemicals including DDT and the Hrazdan and Ares rivers have also been polluted. The war between Armenia and Azerbaijan has strained the country's economy, limiting the resources that can be devoted to environmental preservation. It has also led to an energy blockade that has caused deforestation as trees are cut for firewood. Yet another environmental hazard is the restarting of the Metsamor nuclear power plant, which has been brought online without the safety systems recommended by the IAEA.
From 1990–1995, deforestation occurred at an average annual rate of 2.69%. However, some reforestation projects have been initiated. As of 2003, 7.6% of the total land area in Armenia is protected, including two sites protected as Ramsar wetlands: Lake Sevan and Lake Arpi. As of 2002, 11 of the nation's 84 species of mammal were threatened, as were 4 species of bird and 1 higher plant species. Endangered species include the Barbel sturgeon, Dahl's jird, and the field adder.
POPULATION
The population of Armenia in 2005 was estimated by the United Nations (UN) at 3,033,000, which placed it at number 133 in population among the 193 nations of the world. In 2005, approximately 11% of the population was over 65 years of age, with another 22% of the population under 15 years of age. There were 87 males for every 100 females in the country. According to the UN, the annual population rate of change for 2005–10 was expected to be 0.3%; this low rate, attributed to a decline in fertility rates and migration, was considered too low by the government. The projected population for the year 2025 was 3,258,000. The population density was 102 per sq km (264 per sq mi).
The UN estimated that 65% of the population lived in urban areas in 2005, and that population in urban areas was changing at an annual rate of -0.43%. The capital city, Yerevan, had a population of 1,079,000 in that year. Other urban centers and their estimated populations include Kumayri (206,600) and Kirovakan (170,200). Most of the cities and towns are located along the river valleys in the north and west.
MIGRATION
Independent Armenia is only a portion of historic Armenia, which at its greatest extent also included lands now in Turkey, Iran, and Azerbaijan. There are Armenian communities in these countries and also in Russia, Georgia, Lebanon, Syria, and the United States. Between 1988 and 1993 around 360,000 ethnic Armenians arrived in Armenia from Azerbaijan as a result of the conflict over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. In 1995 a citizenship law, which included special provisions making naturalization much easier for refugees from Azerbaijan, was enacted. By the end of January 2004, the number of refugees from Azerbaijan obtaining Armenian citizenship topped 65,000. One of the largest naturalizations of refugees in recent decades, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) supported the process with financial and material assistance. In 2003, there were 50,000 internally displaced persons (IDP) within the country. The UNHCR reported that at the end of 2004 there were 235,235 refugees in Armenia and 68 asylum seekers, of which over 50,000 refugees were assisted by UNHCR. From 1998 to 2003, except for 2000, remittance flows to Armenia grew by 20% per year.
Armenia has a net migration rate of -6.1 migrants per 1,000 population as of 2005. The government views both the immigration and emigration levels as too high.
ETHNIC GROUPS
A 2004 report indicates that Armenians comprise an estimated 98% of the population. Minority groups include the Azeri, Russians, Ukrainians, Belarussians, Jews, Assyrians, Georgians, Greeks, and Yezidi Kurds. As of 1993, most of the Azeris had emigrated from Armenia.
LANGUAGES
Armenian is spoken by about 97% of the population. Armenian belongs to an independent branch of the Indo-European linguistic family. It is a highly inflective language, with a complicated system of declensions. It is agglutinative, rich in consonants, and has no grammatical gender. The vocabulary includes many Persian loan words. There are two main dialects: East Armenian, the official language of Armenia, and West, or Turkish, Armenian. The alphabet, patterned after Persian and Greek letters, has 38 characters. Armenian literature dates from the early 5th century ad. Yezidi is spoken by about 1% of the population; Russian and other various languages are spoken by the remaining 2%.
RELIGIONS
In 2005, about 90% of the population were nominally members of the Armenian Apostolic Church. Catholic churches, both Roman and Mekhitaris (Armenian Uniate), had an estimated 180,000 adherents. The next largest group was the Yezidi, a Kurdish ethnic and religious group that practice a mixture of beliefs from Islam, Zoroastrianism, and animism; they had an estimated 30,000 to 40,000 members. Other Christian denominations include Pentecostals, Greek Orthodox, Jehovah's Witnesses, the Armenian Evangelical Church, Baptists, Seventh-Day Adventists, the Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter-day Saints (Mormons). Most Jews, Muslims, and Baha'is are located in Yerevan.
Armenia became a Christian country in the 4th century ad. In 1991, the Law on Freedom of Conscience established the separation of church and state but granted the Armenian Apostolic Church status as the national church. All religious denominations and organizations outside of the Armenian Apostolic Church must be registered in order to operate. Those that are not registered are prohibited from publishing newspapers or magazines, sponsoring television or radio broadcasts, and renting meeting space. In 1997 amendments tightened registration requirements by raising the minimum number of adult members to qualify for registration from 50 to 200. The laws also indicate that a petitioning organization must adhere to a doctrine that is based on "historically recognized Holy Scriptures." Registration and monitoring of religious groups was originally under the jurisdiction of a government-based Council of Religious Affairs. In 2002 the president abolished the council and announced that a new office, under the prime minister, would handle matters of religion. The National Minorities and Religious Affairs Department was also established by the government.
The Armenian Apostolic Church is a member of the World Council of Churches.
TRANSPORTATION
As of 2004, there were 825 km (513 mi) of 1.520-m (broad) gauge railroad, not including industrial lines. An estimated 828 km (515 mi) are electrified. Supplies that arrive from Turkey by rail must be reloaded, due to a difference in rail gauges. Goods that cross Georgia or Azerbaijan are subject to travel delay from strikes and blockages and may be interdicted.
As of 2003, the highway system included 7,633 km (4,748 mi) of roads, all of which are paved. Of that total, 1,561 km (971 mi) are expressways.
There were an estimated 16 airports as of 2004, 11 of which had paved runways (as of 2005). The Zvartnots airport at Yerevan is fairly well maintained and receives scheduled flights from Moscow, Paris, New York, London, Amsterdam, Athens, Beirut, Dubai (UAE), Frankfurt, Istanbul, Prague, Tehrān, Vienna, Zürich, and Sofia. In 2003, 367,000 passengers were carried on scheduled domestic and international flights.
Cargo shipments to landlocked Armenia are routed through ports in Georgia and Turkey.
HISTORY
Armenian territories were first united into an empire under Tigranes the Great (95–55 bc), whose extensive lands included parts of Syria and Iraq. Defeated by the Roman general Pompey, Armenia became a client state of the Roman Empire. Rome and Sasanian Persia partitioned Armenia, and after them Byzantium and the Ummayed and Abbasid caliphates controlled parts of Armenia. Armenia adopted Christianity at the beginning of the 4th century ad. The Seljuk Turks invaded Armenia in the 11th century, followed by Genghis Khan and Timur, leading to mass emigrations. Persia and Ottoman Turkey divided Armenia into eastern and western portions in the 16th–18th centuries. Russia took over Persia's holdings in 1828, and during the latter part of the 19th century both Russia and Turkey carried out harsh repression against nationalist activities among Armenians under their sway, leading to many deaths and mass emigrations. During World War I, Ottoman Turkey carried out forced resettlement and other harsh policies against Armenians, which Armenians term their national genocide. The historical experience remains a contentious issue in Armenian-Turkish relations.
After the Bolshevik revolution in Russia in 1917, Armenia declared independence in May 1918. Armenia's population of 750,000 included as many as 300,000 who had survived flight from Turkey, and the heavy burden of independence among hostile neighbors (it clashed with Turkey, Georgia, and Azerbaijan) and an inhospitable climate may have led to as many as 150,000 deaths from famine and disease. Although the August 1920 Treaty of Sevres accorded international recognition of Armenian independence, the Russian Red Army conquered Armenia in November 1920. In 1922, Armenia was named part of a Transcaucasian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic, which encompassed lands now in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, but it became a separate union republic in 1936. During the 1920s, Moscow drew internal borders in the Caucasus, which resulted in Nagorno-Karabakh (NK), then a mostly ethnic Armenian region, being incorporated into Azerbaijan, separated from the rest of Soviet Armenia by a few miles of Azerbaijani territory. NK was given the status of an "autonomous republic."
Following a February 1988 call by the Nagorno-Karabakh (NK) legislature for unification with Armenia, the Armenian Supreme Soviet in December 1989 declared that NK, a largely ethnically Armenian-populated enclave within Azerbaijan, was part of Armenia. It also proclaimed Armenia's sovereignty over its land and resources. A popular referendum on independence was held in Armenia on 21 September 1991, in which 94% of the eligible population reportedly participated and which was approved by 99%. The Armenian legislature declared Armenia's independence two days later. Armenia received worldwide diplomatic recognition upon the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991.
Beginning in 1988, conflict engulfed NK, with Azerbaijan resisting the secession or independence of its enclave. Casualties were estimated at over 5,000. Emigration of 350,000 Armenians residing in Azerbaijan and over one million Azerbaijani residing in Armenia or NK followed pogroms in both states and conflict in NK and surrounding areas. In December 1991, a referendum in NK (boycotted by local Azerbaijani) approved NK's independence and a Supreme Soviet was elected, which on 6 January 1992, declared NK's independence and futilely appealed for world recognition. In 1993, Armenian forces gained control over NK and surrounding areas, occupying over 20% of Azerbaijani territory, which they continued to hold despite an Azerbaijani offensive in 1993–1994 that reportedly cost 6,000 Azeri casualties. A ceasefire has held fitfully since May 1994, but talks on a political settlement remain inconclusive. In the six-year period of conflict from 1988 to 1994, more than 35,000 people were killed and nearly one million have been left homeless.
In November 1989, Levon Ter-Petrosyan became a leader of the Armenian National Movement (ANM), which grew out of the Karabakh Committee to push for Armenia's independence, and its chairman in March 1990. ANM and other nationalist deputies cooperated to elect him chairman of the Armenian Supreme Soviet in August 1990, inflicting a serious blow on the Armenian Communist Party. Following Armenia's declaration of independence, presidential elections were held on 16 October 1991. Ter-Petrosyan was supported by the ANM, winning 83% of the vote against six other candidates, including internationally famous dissident Paruir Hairikian of the Association for National Self-Determination and Sos Sarkisyan of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF; called Dashnaktsutyun in Armenian, meaning "federation"). Ter-Petrosyan was sworn into office on 11 November 1991, for a five-year term. His suspension of the activities of Armenian Revolutionary Federation party in December 1994 and a trial of its leaders raised concerns among some observers about possible setbacks to democratization.
Elections to Armenia's unicameral 190-member National Assembly (legislature) were held in June 1995, at the same time as a referendum in which Armenian voters adopted the country's first post-Communist new constitution. International observers reported many campaign and voting irregularities. Observers from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) judged the elections "free but not fair," in part because the main opposition party, the ARF, was banned from participation, the government dominated campaigning, the CEC appeared heavily pro-government in its decisions, and security officers constituted a chilling presence in many voting places. Voting irregularities reported on election day by the international observers included the violation of secret voting and pressure in voting places to cast a ballot for certain parties or candidates. In all, the Republic Bloc and other pro-government parties won 166 out of 190 seats, while the opposition won only 18 and independents four (two seats were undecided).
Ter-Petrosyan won reelection as president on 22 September 1996, by garnering 51.75% of the vote, a far smaller majority than in 1991, barely avoiding runoff balloting. Ter-Petrosyan's main opponent in the presidential race was Vazgen Manukian, head of the National Democratic Union (NDU) party. He garnered 41.3% of the presidential vote. Manukian had worked closely with Ter-Petrosyan in the Karabakh Committee. Following the presidential election, followers of Manukian's electoral coalition demonstrated against what they and many international observers termed irregular voting procedures. On 25 September 1996, tens of thousands of protesters stormed the legislative building in Yerevan and assaulted the legislative speaker and deputy speaker, both belonging to the ANM. The crowd was dispersed by police with few injuries or deaths.
In March 1997, in an attempt to garner greater public support for his regime, Ter-Petrosyan appointed a highly popular war hero of the NK conflict, Robert Kocharian, to the post of prime minister of Armenia. Ter-Petrosyan and others viewed Kocharian as having the leadership abilities necessary to help revive the slumping economy and to increase tax collection. In accepting the prime ministership, Kocharian resigned as president of NK.
Ter-Petrosyan announced in September 1997 that he had accepted an Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) peace plan as a basis for resolving the NK conflict that would require "compromises" from Armenia. The two-stage plan called for NK Armenians to withdraw from most territories they had occupied outside of NK and for international peacekeepers to be deployed, followed by discussion of NK's status. The announcement brought open criticism from Kocharian and other Armenian and NK officials. On 1 February 1998, Yerkrapah, a legislative faction and militia group composed of veterans of the NK conflict, and headed by the country's defense minister, called for Ter-Petrosyan to resign. Many members of Ter-Petrosyan's ANM legislative faction defected, leading to the resignation of the parliamentary speaker. Heated debate in the legislature culminated with Ter-Petrosyan's resignation on 3 February 1998. Ter-Petrosyan denounced the "bodies of power" for demanding his resignation, referring obliquely to Kocharian, Defense Minister Vazgen Sarkisyan, and Minister of the Interior and National Security Serzh Sarkisyan. Although the constitution called for the legislative speaker to assume the duties of acting president pending an election, the resignation of the speaker caused these duties to devolve upon Prime Minister Kocharian. A special presidential election was scheduled for 16 March 1998.
Twelve candidates succeeded in registering for the March presidential election. The main contenders were Kocharian, Vazgen Manukyan (who had run against Ter-Petrosyan in 1996 and was head of the National Democratic Union), and Karen Demirchyan (head of the Armenian Communist Party from 1974 to 1988). Since none of the candidates won the required "50% plus one" of the 1.46 million votes cast (in a 64% turnout), a runoff election was held on 30 March. In the runoff, acting President and Prime Minister Kocharian received 59.5% of 1.57 million votes cast (in a 68.5% turnout). The OSCE concluded that "this election showed improvement in some respects over the 1996 election," but did "not meet OSCE standards to which Armenia has committed itself." Observers alleged ballot box stuffing, discrepancies in vote counting, and fraud perpetrated by local authorities that inflated the number of votes for Kocharian. Nevertheless, he was inaugurated on 9 April 1998. The legislature selected Demirchyan as its speaker on 10 June.
On 27 October 1999, gunmen entered the legislature and opened fire on deputies and officials, killing Prime Minister Vazgen Sarkisyan and Speaker Karen Demirchyan, two deputy speakers, and four others. The purported leader of the gunmen claimed they were targeting the prime minister and were launching a coup to "restore democracy" and end poverty, and took dozens hostage. President Robert Kocharian rushed to the legislature and helped negotiate the release of the hostages, promising the gunmen a fair trial. The killings appeared the product of personal and clan grievances. Abiding by the constitution, the legislature met on 2 November and appointed Armen Khachatryan (a member of the majority Unity bloc) as speaker, and Kocharian named Sarkisyan's brother Aram the new prime minister the next day, seeking to preserve political balances. Political infighting intensified. The military prosecutor investigating the assassinations detained a presidential aide, appearing to implicate Kocharian in the assassinations. The Unity and Stability factions in the legislature also threatened to impeach Kocharian in April 2000. Seeking to counter challenges to his power, Kocharian in May 2000 fired his prime minister and defense minister. In October 2001, on the second anniversary of the shootings in parliament, thousands of protesters staged demonstrations in Yerevan to demand Kocharian's resignation. In December 2003, six individuals were sentenced to life imprisonment for their roles in the 1999 assassinations. The death penalty in Armenia had been abolished that August. Protests against Kocharian's presidency continued in 2004, despite his reelection in 2003.
Although Armenia has the highest economic growth rate of any country in the former Soviet Union, more than 50% of the population lives in poverty. Unemployment and emigration remain problems, and Armenia is under a trade blockade from Turkey and Azerbaijan over the dispute in Nagorno-Karabakh—goods are transported only through Georgia. However, US and European companies interested in tapping oil and gas reserves in the Caspian Sea have been planning the construction of a pipeline through the Caucasus to Turkey. In September 2001, Russian President Vladimir Putin visited Armenia, the first Russian president to do so since independence. Armenia and Russia negotiated a 10-year economic cooperation package, and an agreement was reached on expanding a Russian military base in Armenia.
Presidential elections were held on 19 February 2003, with no candidate receiving 50% of the votes; a runoff election was scheduled for 5 March. Kocharian took 48.3% of the first-round vote, with Stepan Demirchyan—son of Karen Demirchyan, the former parliamentary speaker assassinated in 1999—taking 27.4% of the vote. Artashes Geghamian came in third with 16.9%. The opposition called the election fraudulent and said it would not recognize the vote, and observers from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) declared the election "flawed." Stuffing of ballot boxes allegedly took place, although many ballots were cast in transparent boxes, in an attempt to have a fair vote. Also, Kocharian received five times as much television coverage as all of his opponents combined. In the runoff election held on 5 March, Kocharian was reelected president with 67.5% of the vote; Demirchyan received 32.5%.
GOVERNMENT
Armenia adopted its post-Soviet constitution by public referendum on 5 July 1995 by 68% of the voters. A commission headed by Ter-Petrosyan had drawn up the draft constitution. It provides for a strong presidential system of government with a weak legislative system, granting the president power to appoint and remove the prime minister, judges, and prosecutors. It also gives him liberal grounds for dissolving the legislature, declaring martial law, and limiting human rights by declaring a state of emergency. The president serves a five-year term. The prime minister is nominated by the president and is subject to legislative approval. The prime minister with presidential and legislative approval appoints the Cabinet of Ministers. The unicameral National Assembly has 131 members, who serve four-year terms; 75 members are elected by party list, and 56 by direct vote.
POLITICAL PARTIES
Armenia held elections to a new single-chamber 131-seat legislature on 30 May 1999, with 75 deputies elected by party list and 56 elected by direct vote. Twenty-one parties and blocs fielded candidates on the party list vote, but only six passed a 5% vote hurdle. The Unity bloc garnered 42% of over two million votes cast, gaining 29 seats, followed by the Communist Party of Armenia with about 12% of the vote. In constituency balloting, the Unity Bloc (which included the country's two largest parties, the People's Party and the Republican Party) garnered the most seats (35), followed by nonparty-affiliated candidates (29). Other major parties that received at least 7% of the party list vote in the 1999 legislative race include the National Democratic Union, Armenian Revolutionary Federation-Dashnaktsutyun, Law-Governed Country Party, Communist Party of Armenia, the Armenian Pan-National Movement, Law and Unity bloc, and the Mission Party. The other registered parties included both those newly created for the legislative race and more traditional parties. They were the Mighty Motherland, Homeland bloc, Ramkavar Azatakan Party (Liberal Democratic Party), Freedom Party, Democratic Party of Armenia, Union of Socialist Forces and Intelligentsia bloc, Union of Communist and Socialist Parties, Youth Party of Armenia, Decent Future, National State Party, Free Hayk Mission Party, Shamiram Party, and ONS+ bloc (the National Self-Determination and Homeland-Diaspora).
Legislative elections were held on 25 May 2003. The Republican Party won 23.5% of the vote (23 seats) for deputies elected by party list, followed by Justice Bloc, 13.6% (14 seats); Rule of Law, 12.3% (12 seats); ARF (Dashnak), 11.4% (11 seats); National Unity, 8.8% (9 seats); United Labor Party, 5.7% (6 seats). However, seats by party change frequently as deputies switch parties or declare themselves independent.
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
The regional governmental structure is closely modeled after the national structure. The president appoints governors to Armenia's 11 provinces (marzer ), including the mayor of the capital of Yerevan, which has the status of a marz. Each province has both executive and legislative bodies that control the provincial budget and businesses within the region. Regional governments do not have authority to pass laws independent of national legislation. Marzer are divided into rural and urban communities (hamainkner ), and Yerevan is divided into 12 districts. The communities and Yerevan districts are governed by community chiefs and legislative bodies called councils of elders (avakani ). In the cities, community chiefs hold the title of mayor. In 1997 a law on self-government was passed calling for decentralization in some areas and some fiscal independence for local governments. Elections for mayors, community chiefs, and local councils in 654 constituencies were held 20 October 2002, with a 46% voter turnout rate (an increase of close to 20% from the turnout in 1999). Local elections are held every three years. There were fewer complaints of electoral irregularities than in previous elections. The ruling Republican Party fielded the most candidates, and 18 other parties, in addition to independents, participated. The Law-Governed Country Party came in second, and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation was third. Local elections were held once again in October 2005, and voters decided not to return many incumbents to office.
JUDICIAL SYSTEM
The constitution provides for an independent judiciary, but in practice courts are vulnerable to pressure from the government, though legal reforms are resulting in some changes. The court system consists of district courts of first instance, an Appeals Court, and a Court of Cassation. Judges for the local courts of first instance and the Court of Appeals began operating under a new judicial system in January 1999. Judges were selected for their posts based on examinations and interviews by the Minister of Justice, approval of a list of nominees by the Council of Justice, and approval by the president. Unless they are removed for malfeasance, they serve for life. About one-half of Sovietera judges have been replaced. Prosecutors and defense attorneys also began retraining and recertification. A military bureaucracy continues to follow Sovietera practices.
A Constitutional Court has the power to review the constitutionality of legislation, approves international agreements, and settles electoral disputes. Its effectiveness is limited. It only accepts cases referred by the president, two-thirds of the members of the legislature, or election-related cases brought by candidates in legislative or presidential races. The president appoints four of the nine judges of the Constitutional Court.
The constitution establishes a Council of Justice, headed by the president and including the prosecutor general, the minister of justice, and 14 other members appointed by the president. The Council appoints and disciplines judges in courts of first instance and the Court of Appeals. A Council of Court Chairs has been created to reduce the power of the Ministry of Justice and increase the independence of the judicial system. It is responsible for financial and budgetary issues involving the courts, and consists of 21 senior judges.
A criminal procedure code entered into force in January 1999 specifies that a suspect may be detained for no more than 12 months pending trial, has the right to an attorney, right to a public trial and to confront witnesses, and the right to appeal.
ARMED FORCES
The active armed forces numbered 48,160 in 2005. There were 45,000 personnel in the Army, organized into five corps that would include a mix of motorized and standard rifle regiments, armored and other support units. Equipment in 2005 included 110 main battle tanks, 104 armored infantry fighting vehicles, 140 armored personnel carriers, and 229 artillery pieces. The Air and Defense Aviation Forces numbered 3,160 personnel with 16 combat capable aircraft (one fighter and 15 fighter ground attack aircraft) and 12 attack helicopters. Paramilitary forces numbered 1,000 and were made up of border troops and Ministry of Internal Affairs personnel. The military budget in 2005 totaled $135 million.
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
Armenia was admitted to the United Nations on 2 March 1992. The country serves as a member of several specialized agencies within the United Nations, such as FAO, IAEA, ICAO, IDA, IFC, IFAD, ILO, IMF, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNIDO, WIPO, and WHO. Armenia is a member of the CIS and the Council of Europe. The country was admitted to the OSCE on 30 January 1992 and serves as an observer in the OAS. It became a full member of the WTO on 5 February 2003. Armenia is one of 12 members of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Zone, which was established in 1992. It is also a part of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and the EBRD. Armenia is a member of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and the NATO Partnership for Peace. The country ratified the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty in July 1992. The Armenia government supports the cause of the ethnic Armenian secessionists in the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan. The OSCE is serving as a mediator in what has been a sometimes violent struggle.
In environmental cooperation, Armenia is part of the Basel Convention, the Conventions on Biological Diversity and Long Range Transboundary Air Pollution, Ramsar, the Kyoto Protocol, the Montréal Protocol, the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and the UN Conventions on the Law of the Sea, Climate Change, and Desertification.
ECONOMY
As part of the Soviet Union, the Armenian economy featured largescale agro-industrial enterprises and a substantial industrial sector that supplied machine tools, textiles, and other manufactured goods to other parts of the USSR in exchange for raw materials. Trade with its neighbors, on which resource-poor Armenia relies heavily, was jeopardized by the outbreak of conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave in 1988, and by political instability in Georgia and Azerbaijan. Also, in December 1988, a severe earthquake did considerable damage to Armenia's productive capacity, aggravating its regional trade deficit. The physical damage had not been repaired when the economy suffered the implosion that accompanied the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991.
With independence, as real GDP fell 60% from 1992–93, small-scale agriculture came to dominate in place of the former agro-industrial complexes, with crops of grain, sugar beets, potatoes, and other vegetables, as well as grapes and other fruit. Growth was not registered until 1994, at 5%, when, in July, a ceasefire was signed by Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh, and, in December, the government embarked on a comprehensive IMF-monitored program of macroeconomic stabilization and structural reform. By 1996, growth was in double digits and inflation in single digits, although setbacks, which began in late 1996, reduced real GDP growth to 3% in 1997, while inflation surged to 27%. In 1998, real growth reached 7.3% while inflation fell to a single digit 8.7%, despite the negative impacts of the Russian financial crisis and a continuing Azerbaijanled economic blockade over the unresolved Nagorno-Karabakh issue.
Growth in the first nine months of 1999 was at an annual rate of 6%, but this was reduced to 3% for the year in the disruptions following the hostage-takings and assassinations of the prime minister and parliamentary speaker in October, a stated motive for which was the large proportion of Armenians living in poverty (at 55% in 2001 by CIA estimates). Inflation was held to 0.7% in the crisis, due to policy changes that have continued to keep inflation at a low level. Moderate GDP growth of 6% was achieved in 2000 while prices, as measured by the consumer price index, actually declined an estimated 0.8%.
In 2001, targeted real growth under the IMF-guided program was 6% but actual growth was about 10% (CIA est.) as the effects of economic reforms, the privatization of small and medium-sized enterprises, and increased foreign investment began to impact performance. IMF and CIA estimates for 2002 were for real growth between 12.5% and 12.9%, with stable price levels. Barring major disruptions (only too likely as the war in Iraq, launched 19 March 2003, added another source of instability to the region), Armenia was expected to attain its pre-independence level of percapita income by 2005. Growth sectors include telecommunications, assembly of electric and electronic appliances, agriculture and food processing, energy generation and distribution, construction, coal and gold mining, and international air communications.
The IMF-sponsored economic liberalization program encouraged remarkable GDP growth rates: 13.9% in 2003, 10.1% in 2004, and a predicted 8.0% in 2005. Rising investment levels, exports, and real incomes also contributed to this growth. Inflation, tamed in 2002, was on the rise in 2003 and 2004, at 4.7% and 7.0% respectively. For the most part however, the government has done a good job of keeping the inflation in check, and stabilizing the local currency. Despite encouraging economic figures though, unemployment remains fairly high (at around 14%) and poverty is a critical issue that needs to be dealt with immediately.
INCOME
The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) reports that in 2005 Armenia's gross domestic product (GDP) was estimated at $15.3 billion. The CIA defines GDP as the value of all final goods and services produced within a nation in a given year and computed on the basis of purchasing power parity (PPP) rather than value as measured on the basis of the rate of exchange based on current dollars. The per capita GDP was estimated at $5,100. The annual growth rate of GDP was estimated at 8%. The average inflation rate in 2005 was 2.4%. It was estimated that agriculture accounted for 24.9% of GDP, industry 34.6%, and services 40.5%.
According to the World Bank, in 2003 remittances from citizens working abroad totaled $168 million or about $55 per capita and accounted for approximately 6.0% of GDP. Foreign aid receipts amounted to $247 million or about $81 per capita and accounted for approximately 8.5% of the gross national income (GNI).
The World Bank reports that in 2003 household consumption in Armenia totaled $2.35 billion or about $768 per capita based on a GDP of $2.8 billion, measured in current dollars rather than PPP. Household consumption includes expenditures of individuals, households, and nongovernmental organizations on goods and services, excluding purchases of dwellings. It was estimated that for the period 1990 to 2003 household consumption grew at an average annual rate of 1.8%. In 2001 it was estimated that approximately 52% of household consumption was spent on food, 18% on fuel, 3% on health care, and 15% on education. It was estimated that in 2003 about 43% of the population had incomes below the poverty line.
LABOR
As of 2004, Armenia's labor force numbered 1.2 million. In 2002, an estimated 25% were involved in industry, 45% in agriculture, and 30% in services. The unemployment rate was estimated at 30% in 2003.
Legislation passed in 1992 guarantees workers the right to bargain and organize collectively. An independent labor federation was created in 1997. However, organized labor remained weak as of 2005, because of high unemployment and a slow economy. Collective bargaining does not occur because most large employers are still under state control. Labor disputes are generally settled in economic or regular courts of law. According to the Confederation of Labor Unions (CLU) an estimated 290,000 workers belonged to 25 labor unions in 2005.
Armenians are guaranteed a monthly minimum wage which was set at around $26.00 as of 2005. The standard legal workweek was 40 hours, with mandatory overtime and rest periods. Children under the age of 16 are prohibited by law from full-time labor, although children at age 14 can be employed if permission is given by the child's parents and from the labor union. Due to the dire economic situation, none of these legal standards are relevant. Although the government is required to promulgate minimum occupational health and safety standards, as of end 2005, such standards have yet to be implemented. In addition, a lack of government resources and general worker insecurity prevent any effective enforcement of the nation's labor laws.
AGRICULTURE
Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, about 16% of Armenia's land was cultivated. As of 2002, there were an estimated 560,000 hectares (1,384,000 acres) of arable cropland (20% of the total land area), of which 65,000 hectares (160,600 acres) were planted with permanent crops. Agriculture engaged about 45% of the economically active population in 2003. That year, agricultural production was 13% higher than what it had been during 1999–2001.
Production for 2004 included tomatoes, 222,047 tons; potatoes, 575,942 tons; wheat, 296,000 tons; and grapes, 148,892 tons. In 2002, there were some 18,300 tractors and 4,000 harvester-threshers in service.
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
Over one-fifth of the total land area is permanent pastureland. In 2004, the livestock population included: sheep, 580,000; cattle, 565,800; pigs, 85,300; goats, 48,300; and horses, 12,500. There were also some 3.6 million chickens. In 2004, some 54,000 tons of meat were produced, including 33,400 tons of beef and veal, 7,200 tons of mutton and lamb, 4,300 tons of poultry, and 8,500 tons of pork. In 2004, 535,800 tons of milk, 31,500 tons of eggs, 4,500 tons of cheese, and 1,200 tons of greasy wool were also produced. Meat, milk, and butter are the chief agricultural imports.
FISHING
Fishing is limited to the Arpa River and Lake Sevan. Commercial fishing is not a significant part of the economy. The total catch in 2003 was 1,633 tons. Trout and carp are the principal species.
FORESTRY
Forests cover an estimated 12.4% of Armenia. Soviet mismanagement, the 1988 earthquake, hostilities with Azerbaijan, and fuel shortages have impaired development. Available timber is used for firewood during the harsh winters. Imports of forestry products totaled $12.2 million in 2003.
MINING
Mineral resources in Armenia are concentrated in the southern region, where several operating copper and molybdenum mines were located. Armenia had been mining one-third of the former Soviet Union's (FSU) output of molybdenum (2,073 metric tons in 2002, down from 3,100 metric tons in 2000). Copper mines were located at Kapan, Kadzharan, Agarak, Shamlugh, and Akht'ala; the latter two were not in operation in 2002. Kadzharan and Agarak also had molybdenum mines. Despite relative proximity to rail and port facilities that supplied European markets, the mineral sector's ability to compete on the world market was inhibited by infrastructure problems. Armenia's production of perlite has been estimated at a steady 35,000 metric tons annually, from 1998 through 2002.
In 2002, Armenia produced industrial minerals such as clays, diatomite, dimension stone, limestone (12.5 million short tons), salt (30,300 metric tons), and semiprecious stones. It mined copper (16,641 metric tons of copper concentrate), copperzinc, and native gold deposits. The Zod and Megradzor gold mines ceased operations in 1997. The government hoped to revive the gold industry through the recovery of gold tailings at the Cuarat gold mill. Significant by-product constituents in the nonferrous ores in 2002 included barite, gold (estimated at 3,200 kg), lead, rhenium, selenium, silver (5,500 kg), tellurium, and zinc.
Armenia's exports of mineral products in 2002 accounted for around 70% of its total exports by value. In that year, total exports were valued at $507.2 million.
ENERGY AND POWER
With only negligible reserves of oil, natural gas, and coal, and with no production, Armenia is heavily reliant on foreign imports. Following the breakup of the Soviet Union, oil consumption has declined from 48,400 barrels per day in 1992 to 38,630 barrels per day in 2002. Natural gas consumption in 2002 was 38.49 billion cu ft. Total electrical consumption in 2002 was 4.446 billion kWh.
Net electricity generation in 2002 totaled 5.215 billion kWh, primarily from the reopened Medzamor nuclear plant at Yerevan (815,000 kW capacity), the Hrazdan (near Akhta) oil/natural gas plant (1,110,000 kW capacity), the Yerevan heat/power plant (550,000 kW capacity), and the Sevan-Hrazdan hydroelectric plant and smaller plants (925,000 kW capacity). Of total electricity generated in 2002, some 31% came from hydroelectric plants, 40% from nuclear power, and 29% from thermal power. Total capacity in 2002 was 3.341 million kW. The Medzama plant, reopened in 1995, increased electricity generation by 40% and has enabled electricity to be supplied around the clock for the first time in years. However, the Armenian government has promised to decommission the plant by 2004 to save money on maintenance if enough alternative power sources can be found by that time. As of 2002 three major and 38 smaller hydroelectric projects were planned, at a total cost of $300 million, with backing by the World Bank.
As of 1999, the domestic distribution grid for electric power was scheduled for restructuring and privatization, with assistance from the World Bank and the US Agency for International Development (USAID). A December 1988 earthquake disrupted the Yerevan nuclear power plant, creating almost total dependence on imported oil and natural gas for power. When ethnic hostilities with Azerbaijan again resurfaced in 1992, Azerbaijan discontinued service of its pipeline to Armenia (with natural gas from Turkmenistan). The only other supply routes passed either through Turkey (which was sympathetic to Azerbaijan) or through Georgia (which was dealing with its own civil chaos). Since the 1994 ceasefire with Azerbaijan, the revival of energy supplies has helped start the recovery of Armenia's economy. If Armenia and Azerbaijan ever resolve their disputes, the transit of oil and gas from the Caspian Sea region abroad will become possible.
INDUSTRY
Before the earthquake in 1988, Armenia exported trucks, tires, electronics, and instruments to other republics. A number of these plants were destroyed by the earthquake. Armenia was also a major producer of chemical products, some 59% of which were exported to other republics. Armenia has the highest number of specialists with higher education and second highest number of scientists of all the former Soviet republics. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, industrial production has been severely disrupted by political instability and shortages of power. Much of Armenia's industry is idle or operating at a fraction of its capacity.
Economic blockades by Turkey and Azerbaijan as part of the continuing dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh have cut Armenia off from an old direct gas pipeline from Azerbaijan, as well as precluded it from participation in any of the east–west pipelines being built in the post-Soviet era. The alternative Armenia has pursued is a gas pipeline from Iran delivering Turkmenistan gas (to avoid sanctions on customers of Iran, which were renewed by the US Congress in August 2001). Intergovernmental agreements on the project were signed in 1992 and 1995. In December 1997 the Korpezehe-KurtKwi pipeline feeding Turkmen natural gas directly into the Iranian system was opened. In December 2001 agreement was reached on a route that bypassed the Azeri exclave of Nakhichevan, running from Kadzharan to the southern border at Megri. Work on the Armenian section of the Iran-Armenian gas pipeline was to have begun in 2002 but was delayed until 2003 by disputes over the price Iran was intending to charge.
Light industry dominates Armenia's industrial sector and is striking for its diversity. The leading industries in 2002 included metal-cutting machine tools, forging-pressing machines, electric motors, tires, knitted wear, hosiery, shoes, silk fabric, chemicals, trucks, instruments, microelectronics, gem cutting (in 2002, 53 diamond-polishing companies exported $150 million worth of diamonds), jewelry manufacture (up 200% in 2002), software development, food processing, and brandy. Most of the country's small and mediumsized enterprises have been privatized, spurring the recovery of industrial growth.
Progress has been slower with larger industries often due to the lack of viable bidders. About 70% of the larger operations had been privatized by 1998, the year Armenia passed legislation for the sale of the country's electricity transmission and distribution networks, retaining government control over power generation. To support the privatization, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) bought a 20% share in each of Armenia's four distribution companies in an agreement preserving the government's right to buy back the shares should the agreement be abrogated. In 2002, after two failed offerings, management of the electricity distribution network was won by Daewoo Engineering. In 2001, Armenia reached a debt-to-equity agreement with Russia to exchange the debt it owed Russia—at almost $100 million and requiring about $20 million a year to service, the largest and only nonconcessional part of Armenia's external debt—for five nonperforming staterun enterprises. The center-piece was the Hrazdan Thermal Power Plant, valued at about $100 million, but also including the "Mars" Electronics Factory established in 1986 for making robots, and three research institutes. Under the debt for property agreement the Russian government will turn the operations over to private entrepreneurs.
Armenia has the highest number of cooperatives (per capita) in the Commonwealth of Independent States. By CIA estimates for 2000, industry accounted for 32% of GDP, but employed about 42% of the labor force. In 2002, with 12.5% overall GDP growth, industry grew 16%, including a 42% growth in construction. The country is projecting growth along with partnership opportunities in areas such as power generation, aviation, construction, electronics, apparel, tourism, food processing, industrial property acquisition, banking, and other areas.
In 2004, industry accounted for 36.1% of the overall GDP; agriculture made up 22.9% of the economy, while services came in first with 41.1%. What is remarkable though, is the fact that only about 25% of the working population was employed by the industry, whereas around 45% worked in agriculture. This indicates a high productivity rate in the industrial sector, and a low one in agriculture. The industrial production growth rate was, at 15%, higher than the GDP growth rate, indicating that industry is the main engine of the Armenian economy. Particularly metallurgy, energy, and machine building managed to attract new investment and helped boost the industrial sector output.
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
The Armenian National Academy of Sciences, founded in 1943 and headquartered in Yerevan, has departments of physical, mathematical, and technological sciences; and natural sciences; and 32 research institutes in fields such as agriculture; biological, mathematical, physical, and earth sciences; and technology. Yerevan State University (founded in 1919) has faculties of mechanics, mathematics, physics, radiophysics, chemistry, biology, geology, geography, and mathematical cybernetics and automatic analysis. Also in Yerevan are the State Engineering University of Armenia (founded in 1930), the Yerevan State Medical University (founded in 1922), the Yerevan Zootechnical and Veterinary Institute (founded in 1929), and the Armenian Scientific and Technical Library. In 1987–97, science and engineering students accounted for 29% of college and university enrollments.
As of 2002, there were 1,606 researchers and 147 technicians per million people, actively engaged in research and development (R&D). Spending on R&D accounted for $24.25 million, or 0.25% of GDP in 2002. Of that amount, government accounted for 55.2% of R&D spending, while foreign sources accounted for 11.2%. The remainder was undistributed. In 2002, high technology exports totaled $3 million, 2% of the country's manufactured exports.
DOMESTIC TRADE
As of 1999, there were about 23,128 wholesale and retail companies registered in Armenia, accounting for over 54% of the total registered businesses. The main retail center is in Yerevan. A majority of retail establishments are small food and specialty item shops. Many of these work with wholesalers and sell items on a consignment basis. There are also large open markets in Yerevan and other cities offering a wide variety of food, clothing, housewares, and electronics.
Beginning in 1996, the government launched a major privatization drive. By 1999, over 80% of small businesses and over 60% of medium and large corporations were in private hands. Nearly all farmland is privately owned. Seasonal openair food markets are also popular. Some of these markets still engage in bartering.
FOREIGN TRADE
Armenia's main trading partners are Belgium, Russia, the United States, Iran, Switzerland, Israel, Georgia, the United Kingdom, the UAE, and the EU. Exports include gold and diamonds, aluminum, transport equipment, electrical equipment, and scrap metal. Imports
CountryExportsImportsBalanceWorld667.91,211.8-543.9Israel142.3123.418.9Belgium123.8129.1-5.3Russia96.0196.1-100.1United States54.999.1-44.2Germany43.635.48.2United Kingdom39.856.5-16.7Switzerland-Liechtenstein31.642.1-10.5Netherlands21.810.811.0Iran21.463.5-42.1Italy-San Marino-Holy See18.838.1-19.3(…) data not available or not significant.
include grain and other foods, fuel and energy. Inter-republic trade has suffered as a result of border hostilities, particularly the ongoing conflict over the Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan, which may prevent the proposed Caspian Sea oil pipeline from passing through Armenia. As of 2003, recent talks between the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan represented a positive step toward resolving the dispute.
Due to its delicate geographic placement, Armenia scores modest foreign trade figures. In 2004, exports totaled only $850 million (FOB—Free on Board), while imports climbed to $1.3 billion (FOB). Main export commodities were precious or semiprecious stones and metals (accounting for 42.5% of total exports), base metals (19.5%), mineral products (11.7%), prepared foodstuffs (9.7%). Principal imports included precious or semiprecious stones and metals (22.5%), mineral products (16.2%), machinery and equipment (10.1%), and prepared foodstuffs (7.0%). These last figures indicate that while Armenia has a vibrant industry, it is not exploiting it to its fullest potential. Existing trade barriers probably hinder the export of manufactured goods, so it has to resort to trading mainly natural resources.
BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
Although the government is working to reduce Armenia's large trade deficits by improving export performance, the conflict over the Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan continues to weaken the economy by disrupting normal trade and supply links. Armenia receives large amounts of humanitarian assistance.
The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) reported that in 2001 the purchasing power parity of Armenia's exports was $338.5 million while imports totaled $868.6 million resulting in a trade deficit of $530.1 million.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) reported that in 2001 Armenia had exports of goods totaling $353 million and imports totaling $773 million. The services credit totaled $187 million and debit $204 million.
Exports of goods and services continued to grow in the following years, reaching $696 million in 2003, and $738 million in 2004. Imports followed a similar path, totaling $1.1 billion in
Current Account-190.6 Balance on goods-434.1 Imports-1,130.2 Exports696.1 Balance on services-68.3 Balance on income93.4 Current transfers218.5Capital Account89.9Financial Account174.8 Direct investment abroad-0.4 Direct investment in Armenia120.9 Portfolio investment assets0.1 Portfolio investment liabilities0.2 Financial derivatives… Other investment assets-63.6 Other investment liabilities117.6Net Errors and Omissions-1.7Reserves and Related Items-72.4(…) data not available or not significant.
2003, and $1.2 billion in 2004. The resource balance was consequently negative in both years, at around -$400 million. The current account balance was also negative, dropping to -$190 million in 2003, and recuperating to -$161 million in 2004. Reserves of foreign exchange and gold reached $555 million in 2004, covering almost six months of imports.
BANKING AND SECURITIES
The Central Bank of Armenia is charged with regulating the money supply, circulating currency, and regulating the commercial banks of the country. Commercial banks in Armenia include the Ardshinbank, Armagrobank, Armeconombank, Armimplexbank, Arminvestbank, Bank Armcommunication, Bank "Capital," Bank "Haykap," Central Bank of Armenia, Commercial Bank "Ardana," Commercial Bank Anelik, "Gladzor" Joint Stock Commercial Bank, Masis Commercial Bank, and the State Specialized Savings Bank of the Republic of Armenia. Leading foreign banks include: Mellat Bank (Iran) and Midland Armenia (UK).
The IMF has been concerned about the direction of policy taken by the National Bank of Armenia and the slow pace of financial reform. Armenia's financial sector is overbanked and beset with nonperforming credits, mainly to large state enterprises. Armenia has been a model reforming country among the former Soviet republics, and multilateral creditors are worried that public pressure may now force the government to loosen monetary and fiscal policies.
It was revealed in January 1997 that the central bank's credits to finance the government's budget gap has surpassed their $100 million limit in the first 10 months of 1996. The bank has been forced to intervene in the domestic markets, selling foreign exchange reserves to maintain the stability of the dram. The dram has lost some 14% in value since September 1996, when it stood at d412:$1. By the end of June1997 the rate had gone down to almost d500:$1. The International Monetary Fund reports that in 2001, currency and demand deposits—an aggregate commonly known as M1—were equal to $141.6 million. In that same year, M2—an aggregate equal to M1 plus savings deposits, small time deposits, and money market mutual funds—was $310.3 million. The discount rate, the interest rate at which the central bank lends to financial institutions in the short term, was 19.4%.
There are three stock exchanges in Armenia the largest of which is the Yerevan Stock Exchange which listed 91 companies in 1999 and had total capitalization of $17 million. The next largest is the "Adamand" Yerevan Commodity and Stock Exchange which listed 45 companies.
INSURANCE
Insurance is largely controlled by government organizations inherited from the Soviet system, although private insurance companies are not unknown.
PUBLIC FINANCE
In 1994, the government began a three-year effort to privatize the national industries. Loans from the IMF, World Bank, EBRD, and other financial institutions and foreign countries aimed at eliminating the government's budget deficit. However, by 1996, external public debt exceeded $353 million with annual debt service payments exceeding $55 million. Loans to Armenia since 1993 total over $800 million.
The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) estimated that in 2005 Armenia's central government took in revenues of approximately $786.1 million and had expenditures of $930.7 million. Revenues minus expenditures totaled approximately -$144.6 million. Total external debt was $1.868 billion.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) reported that in 2002, the most recent year for which it had data, central government revenues were d338,463 million. The value of revenues was us$590 million, based on an exchange rate for 2002 of us$1 = d573.35 as reported by the IMF.
Revenue and Grants338,463100.0% Tax revenue227,44767.2% Social contributions44,71113.2% Grants50,48014.9% Other revenue15,8264.7%Expenditures…… General public services…… Defense…… Public order and safety…… Economic affairs…… Environmental protection……Housing and community amenities…… Health…… Recreational, culture, and religion…… Education…… Social protection……(…) data not available or not significant.
TAXATION
Armenia's complex tax system was revised in 1997 and again in 2001. The top corporate profit tax rate was lowered from 30% to 20%. As of 1 July 2001 a single rate was applied to all taxable profits, defined as the difference between revenues and the sum of wages, amortization payments, raw and intermediate purchases, social security contributions, insurance fees, and interest expenses. Newly formed enterprises are exempt from taxes for the first two years, but there is no provision for carrying forward losses.
Individual income taxes are withheld by enterprises and are paid to the Ministry of Finance monthly. The personal income tax has been reduced from three bands to two: 10% for monthly taxable income up to d80,000 ($144) and 20% plus a payment of d8,000 ($14.40) for taxable income between d120,000 and d320,000 ($1,892) for monthly taxable income above d80,000. Armenians also pay taxes to social security and pension funds. In 1992, Armenia introduced a value-added tax, which stood at 20% in 2003. Excise taxes are applied to diesel fuel, oil, spirits, wine and beer at various rates. There are also land taxes and property taxes. Achieving a higher level of tax collection has been an important part of Armenia's economic reform programs. The fiscal deficit was projected at 2.4% of GDP for 2003.
CUSTOMS AND DUTIES
All exports are duty-free. Minor customs duties (up to 10%) are imposed on certain imports. Imports of machinery and equipment for use in manufacturing by enterprises with foreign investment are exempt from all customs duties.
FOREIGN INVESTMENT
Armenia's investment climate is regulated by the bilateral investment treaty (BIT) signed with the United States on 23 September 1992 and by the law on foreign investment adopted by Armenia on 31 July 1994. Armenia has also concluded BITs on investment and investment protection with 15 other countries: Georgia, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, Ukraine, Iran, Egypt, Romania, Cyprus, Greece, France, Germany, Canada, Argentina, China, and Vietnam. Its investment policy is geared to attract foreign investment, with foreign investors accorded national treatment and any sector open to investment. As of 2003, under the law of profit tax, two-year tax holidays are accorded foreign investors whose equity investment in a resident company is at least 500 million drams, or a little less than one million dollars. There are no limits on the repatriation of profits, or on the import and export of hard currency, so long as the currency is imported or earned in Armenia. Otherwise there is a $10,000 limit on the export of cash.
In late 1997, the government initiated the privatization of 11 of the larger state owned enterprises (SOEs), including the energy sector. It was not until 2002, however, that a suitable and willing foreign investor, Daewoo Engineering, was found to manage privatized electricity distribution. Operations at the Zvartnots International Airport have also been successfully leased. The 2001 debt-for-equity swap with Russia, whereby five unproductive SOEs (Hrazdan Thermal Power Plant, the "Mars" Electronics Factory established in 1986 to build robots, and three research labs) were exchanged for the cancellation of Armenia's debt with Russia (about $100 million of nonconcessional lending that was costing almost $20 million/year to service) promised to increase Russian private investment in Armenia as the Russian government passed the assets on to private investors.
From 1998–2000 annual inflow of foreign direct investment (FDI) ranged from $120 million to $230 million, though it fell to $75.9 million in 2001 in the wake of the global contraction of foreign investment following the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks on the US World Trade Center. In 2002, FDI increased 12% to about $85 million. A large share of FDI comes from the Armenian diaspora in the United States, Russia, Iran, France, Greece, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Syria. Since 1998, the Lincy Foundation of Armenian American Kirk Kirkorian has made available about $165 million to support small and medium enterprise (SME) development (offering concessional loans for businesses that are at least 51% Armenian owned), assistance for tourism development ($20 million in 2000), and infrastructure repair ($60 million in 2002 and $80 million in 2003). Armenia's accession to the World Trade Organization in 2000 has helped improve the investment climate as a consequence of meeting the WTO's strictures for membership.
The flow of foreign capital into Armenia continued to grow steadily, reaching $155 million in 2003, and $300 million in 2004. The main FDI sources have been Russia, the United States, Greece, France, and Germany. Unfortunately, only a small part of the capital inflows were geared towards green field investments. At the end of 2003, the accumulated stock of FDI amounted to 32% of the GDP.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Development planning in Armenia has been aimed at counter-acting the effects of three devastating blows to its economy: the earthquake of 1988; open warfare and economic blockade over Nagorno-Karabakh; and the combination of hyperinflation and industrial collapse following its separation from the Soviet Union. The government has been aggressive in launching economic reform, beginning with its privatization of agricultural land in 1991, which boosted crop output 30% and resulted in a 15% increase in agricultural production. In December 1994, Armenia embarked on a series of ambitious programs of economic reform guided by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that have resulted in nine years of positive growth rates. On its present course, Armenia will achieve its pre-independence level of per capita income by 2005. By 1997, privatization of most small industry, as well as an estimated 70% of larger enterprises, was complete. Progress has been slower with larger state-owned enterprises (SOEs), not least because the government has had difficulty finding bidders at its cash sales auctions. In 1997, the ministries controlling the SOEs were merged, and their functions changed from direct control to general supervision and special support. The Ministry of Industry and the Ministry of Trade, and certain parts of the Ministry of Economy and the Ministry of Privatization and Foreign Investment were also merged in order to streamline the bureaucracy.
In late 1997, 11 large enterprises were offered for sale and in 1998 the parliament passed a law allowing for the sale of the state electricity transmission and distribution networks. Viable bidders were not immediately forthcoming and on 5 December 2000, as a means of supporting the privatization program, the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) agreed to take 20% shares in each of Armenia's four electricity distribution companies, with provision for the Armenian government's right to buy back the shares if the agreements were abrogated. The privatization process of the distribution networks stalled in 2001 and 2002 as twice the government failed to attract any final bids. To make the offer more attractive, the government merged the four distribution companies into one closed-end joint stock company, Electricity Networks of Armenia, and on 31 October 2002, 100% of the shares were acquired by the English company, Midland Resources Holding, Ltd. Midland in turn contracted with Daewoo International of South Korea to manage the newly privatized company. By 2002, only a small fraction of a total 100 larger SOEs had been privatized, according to the US Agency for International Development (USAID).
The republic has substantial deposits of gold, copper, zinc, bauxite, and other minerals, which could be developed with Western capital. The government is currently exploring alternative trade routes, and seeking export orders from the West to aid production and earn foreign exchange. Much of Armenia's industry remains idle or operating at low capacity utilization in large part because of the country's political isolation from oil and gas supplies.
Armenia's determination to create a market-oriented economy and democratic society has engaged (in addition to the IMF) the World Bank and EBRD as well as other financial institutions and foreign countries. Nevertheless, Armenia continues to remain economically isolated in comparison with its Caucasian neighbors.
The Armenian economy is expected to grow strongly in the coming years, based on increased domestic consumption, which in turn is fueled by higher wages and remittances from abroad. In addition, further investments are expected to come in the country as a result of economic restructuring and trade-oriented policies. Armenia boasts a highly educated work force, a diverse and dynamic industrial base, and a strategic geographic location. However, as long as the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict will not be resolved, the economy will find it hard to reach its fullest potential.
SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
Pension and disability benefit systems were first introduced in 1956 and 1964. More recent legislation was passed in 2002 and implemented in 2003. Retirement is set at age 63 for men and age 59.5 for women, although earlier retirement is allowed for those engaged in hazardous work. The cost is covered by employee, employer, and government contributions. Work injury legislation provides 100% of average monthly earnings for temporary disability and a proportion of wages up to a maximum of 100% for permanent disability, depending on the extent of incapacity. Unemployment, sickness, and maternity benefits and family allowances are also provided under Armenian law.
Women in Armenia largely occupy traditional roles despite an employment law that formally prohibits discrimination based on sex. Women do not receive the same professional opportunities as men and often work in low-level jobs. In 2004 women earned approximately 40% less than men. Societal attitudes do not view sexual harassment in the workplace worthy of legal action. Violence against women and domestic violence is widespread and underreported. According to a recent survey, 45% of women were subject to psychological abuse, and 25% of women were physically abused. Most women do not report domestic abuse due to fear of reprisal and embarrassment.
The constitution protects the freedom of assembly and the freedom of religion. The government allows minorities, such as the Russians, Jews, Kurds, Yezids, Georgians, Greeks, and Assyrians, the right to preserve their cultural practices, the law allows them to study in their native language. Discrimination is prohibited on the basis of race, sex, religion, language disability, or social status. Human rights abuses appear to be widespread. Prison conditions fail to meet international standards and accusations of police brutality are not uncommon.
HEALTH
The infant mortality rate was 23.28 per 1,000 live births in 2005, an increase over the previous five years. The estimated maternal mortality rate was 35 per 100,000 live births as of 1999. Life expectancy in 2005 averaged 71.55 years. There were 7,000 warrelated deaths from 1989 to 1992; the death rate was estimated at 10 per 1,000 people in 2002. The incidence of tuberculosis was 58 per 100,000 people. Immunization rates declined as of 1994 due to war and earthquakes but have begun to recover. In 1999, the immunization rates were as follows for a child under the age of one: tuberculosis, 72%; polio, 95%; and measles, 92%. In the same year, the estimated immunization rate for DPT was 91%. In 2000 the total fertility rate was 1.3 births per woman and the maternal mortality rate was an estimated 35 per 100,000 live births.
As of 2004, there were an estimated 352 physicians and 473 nurses per 100,000 people and the country spent an estimated 7.8% of its GDP on health care. In this former republic of the Soviet Union, health care has undergone rapid changes in the last few years. The break from the Soviet Union has meant a disruption of the system that once provided member states with equipment, supplies, and drugs. Out-of-pocket payments by individual are now required for most health care services. However, the health care delivery itself is still largely organized as it was during the Soviet era, with regional clinics and walkin centers delivering most primary health care services.
The incidence of heart disease is high compared to other moderately developed countries. There is nearly a 50% chance of dying of heart disease after age 65 for both women and men. The HIV/AIDS prevalence was 0.10 per 100 adults in 2003. As of 2004, there were approximately 2,600 people living with HIV/AIDS in the country. There were an estimated 200 deaths from AIDS in 2003.
HOUSING
Housing throughout Armenia has been somewhat scarce for the past two decades due to a number of factors, including a history of state control, a devastating earthquake in 1988, and civil conflicts. Since the 1993 passage of a law on privatization for previously state and public-owned housing, about 96% of apartments were privatized and transferred to ownership by the existing tenants.
A large number of buildings are neglected and in serious disrepair and utilities are limited and expensive. The total number of housing units in 2001 was at about 750,719. Nearly 59% were multiunit dwellings, most of which are in urban areas. About 25% of all multi-unit homes were built before 1960; another 52% were built between 1960 and 1980. Only about 85% of the population have access to improved water supplies. Only 9% have central heating. About 50% of the population rely on wood burning stoves as a primary heating source.
Overcrowding and homelessness is a great concern, particularly among the population of refugees and displaced persons. In 2001, about 11% of all households lived in one-room homes. In 2001, it was estimated that about 40,000 families (5% of all households) had no permanent shelter. Nearly 40% of these people lived in temporary shelters called domics within the earthquake zone. Another 40,000 families were on waiting lists for new permanent housing because of overcrowding. About 1,200 new housing units were completed in 2001. The same year, there were about 29,000 unfinished housing units (4,487 buildings). Most of these were started in the late 1980s and early 1990s within the earthquake zone, and were simply left incomplete because of lack of funds and materials.
EDUCATION
Education is compulsory between the ages of 7 and 14 years and is free at both the primary and secondary levels. The system is broken into three levels. Primary school lasts for three years, followed by intermediate school, which lasts for five years. This is followed by two years of general secondary education. Primary school enrollment in 2003 was estimated at about 94%; 95% for boys and 93% for girls. The same year, secondary school enrollment was about 83%; 82% for boys and 85% for girls. The pupil to teacher ratio for primary school was at about 17:1 in 2003; the ratio for secondary school was about 10:1.
Since the early 1990s, increasing emphasis has been placed on Armenian history and culture. The school year runs from September to July. Instruction is available in Armenian and Russian. The education system is coordinated through the Ministry of Education and Science and the Council of Rectors of Higher Educational Establishments. About 3.2% of the GDP was given to education in 2003.
The adult literacy rate for 2004 was estimated at about 99%, with a fairly even rate between men and women. There are two universities in Yerevan: the Yerevan State University (founded in 1919) and the State Engineering University of Armenia. Seven other educational institutions are located in the capital. There are several other institutes of higher education throughout the country. About 25% of all age-eligible students were enrolled in tertiary education programs in 2003.
LIBRARIES AND MUSEUMS
There are two branches of the National Library, with the main branch in Yerevan comprising 6.2 million volumes as of 2002. The main library of the Armenian Academy of Sciences in Yerevan has 4.4 million volumes. The Armenian Academy of Sciences and the universities each have research libraries. The Armenian Library Association was established in 1995.
Yerevan's museums include the National Gallery of Arts; the Yerevan Children's Picture Gallery, a unique collection of children's art from Armenia and around the world; the Museum of Modern Art; the House Museum of Ovanes Tumanjan, Armenia's most renowned poet; and the Museum of Ancient Manuscripts. There are also museums devoted to the composer Aram Khachaturian (including his piano) and the filmmaker Sergei Paradjanov, Armenia's most famous sons. The Genocide Memorial and Museum at Tsitsernakaberd is in Yerevan. The Matenadaran Manuscript Museum, also in Yerevan, was established to preserve the ancient written culture of the region.
MEDIA
In 2003, there were an estimated 148 mainline telephones for every 1,000 people; about 60,800 people were on a waiting list for telephone service installation. The same year, there were approximately 30 mobile phones in use for every 1,000 people. Communications are the responsibility of the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications and are operated by Armental, a 90% Greek-owned company. Yerevan is linked to the Trans-Asia-Europe fiber-optic cable through Iran. Communications links to other former Soviet republics are by land line or microwave, and to other countries by satellite and through Moscow.
A majority of citizens rely on radio and television as a primary source of news and information. Armenian and Russian radio and television stations broadcast throughout the country. In 2004, there were over 20 radio stations and over 40 television broadcasters, most of which were privately owned and operated. In 2003, there were an estimated 264 radios and 229 television sets for every 1,000 people. Though cable television service is available, only about 1.2 of every 1,000 people are subscribers. In 2003, there were 15.8 personal computers for every 1,000 people and 37 of every 1,000 people had access to the Internet. There were four secure Internet servers available in 2004.
The three largest newspapers as of 2002 were Golos Armenii (The Voice of Armenia, circulation 20,000), Hayastani Hanrapetutyun (a joint publication of the parliament and the newspaper's staff), and Respublika Armenia, (the Russian-language version of Hayastani Hanrapetutyun). According to the Yerevan Press Club, the total newspaper circulation in the country in 2004 was 60,000, an increase of 20,000 from 2003. There were about 27 newspapers available in the capital.
Armenia's constitution provides for freedom of expression, and is said to generally uphold freedom of speech and press. However, journalists seem to adhere to an unspoken rule of self-censorship, particularly when reporting on political issues, since they traditionally depend on the government for funding and access to facilities. The government has, it is noted, begun to shed itself of the state publishing apparatus, and it has dissolved the Ministry of Information.
ORGANIZATIONS
Important political movements in Armenia include the Armenian National Movement and the National Self-Determination Association. Armenian trade unions belong to the umbrella organization Council of Armenia Trade Unions. The Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Republic of Armenia promotes the economic and business activities of the country in world markets.
The National Academy of Sciences of Armenia encourages the public interest in science and seeks to ensure availability and effectiveness of science education programs. The Armenian Physical Society serves a similar role. The group also works with various research programs. The Independent Media Center promotes the freedom and accuracy of press and other media. The Armenian Medical Association promotes research and education in the field; there are also several professional associations for specialized fields of medicine.
There are a number of national sporting organizations, including the Athletic Federation of the Republic of Armenia, the Armenian National Paralympic Committee, and other groups sponsoring football (soccer), baseball, skiing, and the Special Olympics. The National Youth Council of the Republic of Armenia coordinates youth organizations through the support of the Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Youth. An affiliate of the United Nations of Youth (UNOY), a foundation based in the Netherlands, was established in Armenia in 1994. Other youth groups include the Aragast Youth Club and the Armenian Euro Club Unipax. There are active chapters of the Girl Guides and Girls Scouts; the World Organization of Scouting is represented by the Armenian National Scout Movement. The Armenian Junior Chamber is a national leadership development organization. The YMCA is also present.
Organizations representing the rights and role of women in society include the League of Armenian Women, the Union of the Protection of Women's, Children and Family Rights, and the Women's Alliance. There is a national chapter of the Red Cross Society, World Vision, and Habitat for Humanity. The Armenian Relief Society supports local community health development programming.
TOURISM, TRAVEL, AND RECREATION
Although there is a shortage of resources, Armenia has been investing in new hotels to increase tourism. Outdoor activities and scenery seem to be the primary attractions. Lake Sevan, the world's largest mountain lake, is a popular summer tourist spot. The Tsakhador ski resort is open year round for skiing in the winter and hiking and picnicking the rest of the year. Mt. Ararat, the traditional site of the landing of Noah's Ark, is located along the border with Turkey. Yerevan, Armenia's capital, also boasts theaters; the casinos in Argavand are popular with tourists and Albanian citizens.
In 2003, there were about 206,000 visitor arrivals, as compared to 45,000 in 2000. Tourist receipts totaled $90 million in 2003.
In 2002, the US Department of State estimated the daily cost of staying in Yerevan at $184.
FAMOUS ARMENIANS
Levon Ter-Petrosyan was president of Armenia from 1991 until 1998. Gagik G. Haroutunian has been prime minister, vice president, and chairman of the Council of Ministers since November 1991. Gregory Nare Katzi, who lived in the 10th century, was Armenia's first great poet. Nineteenth-century novelists include Hakob Maliq-Hakobian (1835?–1888) whose pen name is "Raffi" and the playwright Gabriel Sundukian (1825–1912). G. I. Gurdjieff (1872?–1949) was a Greek-Armenian mystic and teacher. Soviet aircraft designer Artem Mikuyan (1905–70) served as head of the MiG design bureau. Arshile Gorky (1904–48) was an Armenian-American abstract expressionist painter.
DEPENDENCIES
Armenia has no territories or colonies.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abrahamian, Levon and Nancy Sweezy (eds.). Armenian Folk Arts, Culture, and Identity. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001.
Adalian, Rouben Paul. Historical Dictionary of Armenia. Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 2002.
De Waal, Thomas. Black Garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan Through Peace and War. New York: New York University Press, 2003.
Karanian, Matthew. Edge of Time: Traveling in Armenia and Karabagh. 2nd ed. Washington, D.C.: Stone Garden Productions, 2002.
Kohut, David R. Historical Dictionary of the "Dirty Wars." Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 2003.
Libaridian, Gerard J. Modern Armenia: People, Nation, State. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 2004.
Seddon, David (ed.). A Political and Economic Dictionary of the Middle East. Philadelphia: Routledge/Taylor and Francis, 2004.
Suny, Ronald Grigor. Looking Toward Ararat: Armenia in Modern History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993.
Transcaucasia, Nationalism and Social Change: Essays in the History of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996.
Walker, Christopher J. Armenia: the Survival of a Nation, Rev. 2nd ed. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990.
World Bank. Public Expenditure Review of Armenia. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 2003.
ARMENIA
Republic of Armenia
Major City:
Yerevan
Other Cities:
Arzni, Ashtarak, Echmiadzin, Kumayri
EDITOR'S NOTE
This chapter was adapted from the Department of State Post Report 1999 for Armenia. Supplemental material has been added to increase coverage of minor cities, facts have been updated, and some material has been condensed. Readers are encouraged to visit the Department of State's web site at http://travel.state.gov/ for the most recent information available on travel to this country.
INTRODUCTION
Armenia is one of the great cradles of human civilization. The archeologists tell us that wine was invented in its sheltered valleys, and, perhaps, even the wheel. According to Armenia's librarians, more than a decade before the Emperor Constantine turned Rome into a Christian Empire, Armenia's King Trdat declared his kingdom Christian, making Armenia into the world's very first Christian state.
Certainly, Armenia is home to one of the world's oldest and most durable continuous cultures. Its 3,000 years of history tell a powerful tale of conquest, foreign domination and resurgence. And throughout it all, the country's remarkable people have sustained a clear sense of national, ethnic, and religious identity.
A member of the Soviet Union from 1921-1991, a newly independent Armenia is working hard to fulfill the promise of democracy and a market economy. The 1999 Parliamentary elections, for example, showed real improvement over the previous election. But, despite progress, the transition from the Soviet system has been painful. In addition to the natural hardships faced by all command economies undergoing reform, Armenia faces blockades and sanctions resulting from a complex conflict with Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh Region.
Following independence, Armenia was virtually without electric power for 2 years. Its well-developed economy-one of the richest in the Soviet Union-was simply crushed. Recovery has been slow.
Now, however, the worst is over. The dram, the national currency, is currently enjoying relative stability. Oil and gas supplies are flowing steadily. Moreover, with U.S. help, the power sector has been reorganized to dramatically improve efficiency. As a result, the lights have been on in Yerevan for the past two years.
With traditional resilience, the country is slowly climbing out of the abyss, even though high tensions with Azerbaijan keep Armenia's borders with that country and with Turkey closed. Although the traditional economic base has been shattered, small businesses are opening all over the capital, and, to a lesser extent, in the provinces. Consumer goods are available in local markets, kiosks and stores. The metro is running; car traffic is rolling all day long. If normal life still lies in the future, some hope, at least, has returned to the present. Much, however, is contingent on creating a durable political resolution to the volatile Nagorno-Karabakh situation.
Given this dramatic backdrop, Yerevan remains an intensely busy post. The Armenians, among the best-educated people in the entire CIS, are competent and energetic. Personnel assigned to this post can expect many exciting responsibilities at work. Moreover, given the very real nature of the challenges here, there is a genuine sense of making a difference.
MAJOR CITY
Yerevan
Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, is in the west-central part of the country in the Ararat Valley, a plateau 1,000 meters (3,000 feet) above sea level. This fertile plain is ringed by an impressive range of mountains, which are capped with snow for most of the year. With the exception of the relatively flat center city, Yerevan is a town of steep hills and winding cobblestone byways. The tree-lined downtown streets retain some old-fashioned charm, as do sections of the surrounding hillsides. These are clustered with stone villas and small houses in various states of repair. There are many bars and restaurants in the safely walked center. And, in the summer especially, outdoor cafes and fountains abound. Much of the greater metropolis, however, is characterized by Soviet-style high-rise architecture, which lacks any aesthetic appeal. But Armenia's often spectacular countryside is never more than a 30-minute drive from any part of town. It should be noted that all official Embassy housing is currently in the relatively pleasant city center.
The ancient city is the cultural as well as the administrative center of the nation. There are universities, a fine, functional Opera House and many pleasant museums. With about a million people it is home to roughly a third of the country's entire population.
On clear days (and there are many) the mountains ringing Yerevan create a dramatic backdrop. Mount Ararat of Noah's Ark fame, a 16,000-foot peak crowned with eternal snow, commands the southwest horizon across the Turkish border. To the north looms Mount Aragats, Armenia's highest mountain, a rugged snow-capped peak of 13,000 feet.
Utilities
Electricity is 220v-50hz. There are frequent, sometimes extremely powerful, spikes. Bring surge protectors and uninterruptible power supplies (UPSs) for computers and any other expensive or delicate electrical equipment. European-style round-prong sockets are used in all housing. Bring adapter plugs for appliances with auto power-switching properties. Non-power-switching electrical appliances with 110v-60hz input require a transformer. Some appliances like electric clocks cannot be adapted in this way, others, like turntables may require special parts from the manufacturer for full adaptation.
Outlets are not usually grounded, so extra care should always be exercised around appliances. Hand-held equipment-hair dryers, shavers-requires extra caution.
Food
For most of the year there is a good supply of inexpensive raw fruits and vegetables at the open-air markets. In summer there is an abundance of delicious local apricots, cherries, and other fruits. The dead of winter sees a dramatic reduction of selection and an increase in price for fresh produce. Still, by Western standards, prices are not high. Winter crops like cabbages, beets, potatoes, onions, carrots are readily available all the time at cheap prices. And salad greens, fresh herbs and even tomatoes can almost always be had for a price. Oranges, bananas and apples can also be obtained year round. The best places for fruits and vegetables (price and selection) are the GUM fresh market on Tigran Mets Avenue and the Central Market on Mashtots Ave. Small markets and vendors abound in the city.
Fresh pork, lamb, beef, chicken and a limited variety of freshwater fish are available year round. Eggs are available, too. Low and reduced fat UHT shelf milk and full-fat powdered milk can be purchased as well, although supplies of low-fat are sporadic. Pasteurized fresh milk is available, but the quality is low.
Dried fruits like raisins, apricots, dates and figs, as well as many kinds of salami and cured meat, can be found in abundance. A few varieties of whole-bean coffee are available. The Cafe de Paris on Abovian Street (near Tumanian Street) has fresh-roasted beans. And there is plenty of instant coffee in shops and kiosks. Also available are pasta, flour, rice, beans, lentils, a limited variety of European and Australian cheeses, local sour cream, walnuts, hazelnuts, mushrooms, yogurt, and butter. A variety of Western soft drinks, candy, cigarettes, ice-cream bars and a few brands of imported and local beer are available.
There are a few supermarkets in Yerevan, but the inventory is sometimes disappointing and quirky and they are far from Western standard. A shopping trip might include a run through all of them to find something you need. Frozen food is available at these stores, but the selection is extremely limited and there are no frozen vegetables.
The following stores are popular these days: Partez, Europe, Cash and Carry, Yeritsian and Sons, Bravo, Urartu, and the Hayastan Super Market at the Druzbah Metro stop. For meat " The Rooster " butcher on Pushkin Street is popular. The state-run GUM market is a good place to shop, but is a little intimidating at first. One will find there most of the goods carried in the supermarkets, and at much better prices.
Other than some cereal products, baby foods are not generally available. Cake mixes are not available. Pop Tarts and other breakfast bars are not available. Pet food is available, but limited as to type and very expensive. Kitty litter is not available. Beer is available but limited in variety. Wine is available, but limited in variety. Nestle breakfast cereals are available, but are limited in choice and are now selling for $6 a box. Low-fat versions of food are not available. Peanut butter, pancake syrup, and chocolate syrup are not available.
© Dave Bartruff/Corbis. Reproduced by permission.
Clothing
The supply of ready made clothes available here is limited and often not to American taste. There are some ultra-expensive designer boutiques, however. And medium quality hand tailoring is available.
The sun can be quite strong, especially in the mountains, so hats, sun block, and good sunglasses are needed. Bring some effective winter gear. It does not stay cold, but temperatures can get very low. Long underwear will be needed some days. Keep in mind that many local buildings are poorly heated.
Washable fabrics should be chosen where possible. Although drycleaning services are available here, they are pricey and not as versatile as those in the U.S.
Sturdy walking shoes are a must; walking is a good way to get around in Yerevan.
Supplies and Services
It is strongly suggested that you bring a supply of laundry detergent and fabric softener with you. But what you bring by way of supplies is mainly a matter of preference, not absolute necessity. Most household goods are available here, from cleaning supplies to paper goods. But… they seldom bear a familiar brand name and often the quality is odd or very low. Russian-made toilet paper and Barf Detergent (an Iranian brand name) are good cases in point. Prices can also be quite high for some things, such as laundry detergent. Here you might see some familiar brands, such as Tide, but make sure it is for a machine. Hand detergent is common.
The following services are available and adequate: haircutting, shoe repair, taxi, tailoring, dressmaking, upholstery and draperies, auto repair, locksmith, picture framing, etc. In short, most average needs can be met.
Domestic Help
Domestic help is available and runs about $100 per month for day help ($1 per hour). Houses do not have special facilities for live-in maids.
Religious Activities
Most churches in Yerevan are Armenian Apostolic, but there are some services for other denominations. A partial list of contacts follows.
Anglican: (Episcopalian) Monthly service in English. Contact: Philip Storventer, St. Zhoravants Church. Tel: 40-79-85, Office: 52-71-27
Catholic: The Mekhitarist Center, daily services (mornings) with Sunday Mass at 10:00 am. (Catholic Armenian rite Mass is held primarily in Armenian with readings usually in English.) Address: 7 Alikhanian St. (opposite the Chinese Embassy) Contacts: Father Serafino (speaks English, French, Italian, Armenian), Father Elia (speaks Armenian, Italian) Tel: 56-18-88, 58-98-37 E-mail: [email protected]
Church of the Latter-Day Saints: Services 10 am or 12 noon at 43 Pushkin St. Five different congregations and a youth group. Contact: Margie Anderson. Tel: 27-0349 or Elder Hadley Tel: 34-43-97 or Elder Reading Tel: 58-33-23.
Seventh Day Adventist: No English Service. There is an Armenian congregation of 300 and a young adult group. Contact: ADRA office. Tel: 39-27-09.
Interdenominational Bible Study and Fellowship: (In English) Sunday mornings from 9:30 to 10:30 am. at the Drummond home, Address: 39A Aigestan St. (Near Peace Corps Office) Contact: Peter or Jekke Drummond. Tel: 57-44-27.
Synagogue: Address: Nar-Dos St. 23, Yerevan. Contact: Rabbi Gersh-Meir Bourstem (Chief Rabbi of Armenia)Tel: 57-19-68 Fax: 374 3 90-69-14. e-mail:[email protected]
Education
There is only one school in Armenia suited to the needs of the international community, and it is very well regarded. The QSI International School of Yerevan is an independent coeducational day school that offers an educational program from pre-school through grade eight for students of all nationalities. In addition, the school has the capability of coordinating correspondence education for the higher grades through a well-respected program operated out of the University of Nebraska. The school was founded in 1995 by Quality Schools International (QSI), which has 17 schools operating worldwide, many of them in the CIS. The school year comprises three trimesters. These extend from the first week in September to the second week in December; from the first week in January to the third week in March; and, lastly, from the first week in April to the second week in June.
The school is governed by the QSI Board of Directors. The board's composition is set forth in the bylaws of QSI. Additionally, an advisory board, composed of from six to ten members, assists the school in its operation. All members of the advisory board reside in Armenia. They are appointed by the president of QSI in concert with the director of the QSI International School of Yerevan.
The school offers an outcome-based educational program with a curriculum similar to that of U.S.-based public and private schools. Instruction, leading to individual mastery, takes advantage of small class sizes and the diverse educational backgrounds of the students. Instruction is in English.
The school also coordinates extracurricular activities such as ballet, karate woodcarving, jewelry making, sculpting, puppet making, etc. Swimming instruction at a pool operated by the International Federation of the Red Cross (IFRCC) is available.
There were four full-time faculty members in the 1997-98 school year, two of whom were U.S. citizens.
The school is located in the 650 square meter second floor of the CARITAS Switzerland building on Ashtarak Highway. The building will also house the school's administrative offices and the director's quarters. The facilities will be adequate for the projected enrollment for the next 3 years, and there is sufficient play and exercise space for the students, both indoors and out. The school has its own athletic field and weekly access to the IFRCC gym and pool. There are currently no facilities for handicapped or special needs students. Bus service will be provided.
In the 1998-99 school year, the school's income was derived from regular day school tuition. Annual tuition rates were as follows: Pre-school (3-4-year-olds) $5,300; Kindergarten, $8,300; grades one through eight, $10,800. The school also charges an annual capital fund fee of $1,600 per year or a capital fund deposit of $4,000 for all 5 year and older students. Accreditation: Full accreditation is expected by 1999. Currently, the school's financial system and curriculum have both received accreditation. The school has been accepted into candidacy for full accreditation by two bodies: The Middle States Association of Colleges and Schools and the Commission on International and Trans-Regional Accreditation. The Self Study and School Improvement Plan have been completed and the Accreditation Team visited the school in February 1999. The school holds a Provisional Certificate from the Department of Defense.
Contact: QSI International School of Yerevan, c/o American Embassy, Yerevan, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 20521-7020
E-mail: [email protected] World Wide Web URL: http://www.arminco.com/gsiy International telephone and fax: 371-407656
Local mobile phone: 8-21-407656
Sports
A few sport activities are also available in Yereva | |||||
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Hayastani Hanrapetut’yun
Republic of Armenia
Flag Coat of arms
Anthem: Մեր Հայրենիք (Armenian)
Mer Hayrenik (transcription)
"Our Fatherland"
Capital Yerevan
40°11′N 44°31′E Largest city capital Official languages Armenian[1] Ethnic groups Armenian 98.1%,
Yezidi (Kurd) 1.1%,
other 0.7%
(2011 est.)[2] Government Unitary parliamentary republic - President Armen Sarkissian - Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan Formation and independence - Traditional date August 11th, 2492 B.C.E. - Nairi 1200 BCE - Kingdom of Ararat 840s B.C.E. - Orontid Dynasty 560 BCE - Kingdom of Armenia
formed
190 BCE - Democratic Republic of Armenia established
28 May 1918 - Independence
from the Soviet Union
Declared
Recognised
Finalized
23 August 1990
21 September 1991
25 December 1991 Area - Total 29,743 km² (143rd)
11,484 sq mi - Water (%) 4.71[2] Population - 2017 estimate 3,045,191[2] - Density 108/km²
280/sq mi GDP (PPP) 2017 estimate - Total $28,282 billion[3] - Per capita $9,456[3] GDP (nominal) 2017 estimate - Total $11,548 billion[3] - Per capita $3,861[3] HDI (2015) 0.743 ({{{HDI_category}}}) Currency Dram (դր.) (AMD) Time zone UTC (UTC+4) - Summer (DST) DST (UTC+5) Internet TLD .am Calling code +374
Armenia (Armenian language: "Hayastan"), officially the Republic of Armenia, is a landlocked, mountainous country located in the Southern Caucasus between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea.
During World War I in the western portion of Armenia, Ottoman Turkey instituted a policy of forced resettlement coupled with other harsh practices that resulted in an estimated one million Armenian deaths. Tens of thousands of ethnic Armenians died during Soviet Union leader Joseph Stalin's Great Purge.
Armenia has been populated since prehistoric times, and has been proposed as the site of the Biblical Garden of Eden. Armenia lies in the highlands surrounding the Biblical mountain of Ararat, upon which, in the Judeo-Christian tradition, Noah's Ark came to rest after the flood. (Gen. 8:4).
Armenia prides itself on being the first nation to adopt Christianity as its official religion. A former republic of the Soviet Union, today Armenia is constitutionally a secular state, but the Christian faith plays a major role.
Etymology
The original Armenian language name for the country was Hayq. The name later evolved into Hayastan a combination of Hayasa (Հայասա) or Hayk (Հայկ) with the Persian language suffix "-stan" (land) in the Middle Ages. Hayk was one of the great Armenian leaders after whom the The Land of Hayk was named.
Pre-Christian accounts suggest that “Nairi,” meaning "land of rivers," was once an ancient name for the country's mountainous region, first used by Assyrians around 1200 B.C.E.
The name Armenia came from Armenak or Aram, the great-grandson of Haik's great-grandson, another leader who is, according to Armenian tradition, the ancestor of all Armenians. Akkadian language inscriptions (2400 B.C.E.) mention Armani, locating them in the southern Armenian Highlands near Lake Van. Armani was the earlier form of Armens who were of Proto-Indo-European descent. To this day Assyrians (direct descendents of Akkadians) refer to Armenians as Armani.
Geography
Located between the Black and Caspian Seas, Armenia is bordered on the north and east by Georgia and Azerbaijan, and on the south and west by Iran and Turkey.
The Republic of Armenia, covering an area of 11,600 square miles (30,000 square kilometres) is located in the north-east of the Armenian Highland. The highland, covering 154,000 square miles (400,000km²), is considered to be the original homeland of Armenians. Armenia is slightly smaller than the state of Maryland in the United States.
Twenty-five million years ago, a geological upheaval pushed up the earth's crust to form the Armenian Plateau, creating the complex topography of modern Armenia. The lesser Caucasus range extends through northern Armenia, runs southeast between Lake Sevan and Azerbaijan, then passes roughly along the Armenian-Azerbaijani border to Iran. Thus situated, the mountains make travel from north to south difficult.
The terrain is mostly mountainous, with fast flowing rivers and few forests. The climate is highland continental, which means that the country is subjected to hot summers and cold winters. The land rises to 13,435 feet (4095 meters) above sea-level at Mount Aragats, and no point is below 1312 feet (400 meters) above sea level.
Mount Ararat, which was part of Armenia, is the highest mountain in the region. One of the national symbols of Armenia, it was given to Turkey by the Soviet Union in the Treaty of Kars in 1921.
The climate in Armenia is markedly continental. Summers are dry and sunny, lasting from June to mid-September. The temperature fluctuates between 72° Fahrenheit (22° Celsius) and 96.8°F (36°C). However, the low humidity level softens the effect of high temperatures. Evening breezes blowing down the mountains provide a welcome cooling effect. Springs are short, while falls are long. Autumns are known for their vibrant and colorful foliage. Winters are quite cold with plenty of snow, with temperatures ranging between 23°F (-5°C) and 14°F (-10°C). Winter sports enthusiasts enjoy skiing down the hills of Tsakhkadzor, located 30 minutes outside Yerevan.
Lake Sevan nestled up in the Armenian highlands, 45 miles (72.5km) across at its widest point and 233 miles (376km) long is the second largest lake in the world relative to its altitude, 6233 feet (1900 meters) above sea level.
The valleys of the Debet and Akstafa rivers form the chief routes into Armenia from the north as they pass through the mountains. Terrain is most rugged in the extreme southeast, which is drained by the Bargushat River, and most moderate in the Aras River valley to the extreme southwest. Most of Armenia is drained by the Aras, or its tributary the Razdan, which flows from Lake Sevan.
Armenia is located in what geographers call the Aral Caspian Lowland. The country has broad sandy deserts and low grassy plateaus. The region is home to European bison, snow leopards, cheetahs, and porcupines. Geological turmoil continues in the form of devastating earthquakes, which have plagued Armenia. In December 1988, the second largest city in the republic, Leninakan (now Gyumri), was heavily damaged by a massive quake that killed more than 25,000 people.
Environmental issues include: soil pollution from toxic chemicals such as DDT; deforestation, which was caused by citizens scavenging for firewood during an energy blockade in the conflict with Azerbaijan; pollution of Hrazdan (Razdan) and Aras Rivers; diminishing drinking water supplies, as a result of draining Lake Sevan for hydropower; and the unsafe restart of the Metsamor nuclear power plant.
Most of the population lives in the western and northwestern areas of the country, where the two major cities, Yerevan and Gyumri (which was called Aleksandropol' during the tsarist period), are located. Yerevan is Armenia's industrial, transportation, and cultural center.
History
Armenia has been populated since prehistoric times, and has been proposed as the site of the Biblical Garden of Eden. Armenia lies in the highlands surrounding the Biblical mountains of Ararat, upon which, in the Judeo-Christian tradition, Noah's Ark came to rest after the flood. (Gen. 8:4).
Archaeologists continue to uncover evidence that Armenia and the Armenian Highlands were among the earliest sites of human civilization. A tomb has been dated to 9000 B.C.E. From 6000 B.C.E. to 1000 B.C.E., spears, axes and trinkets of copper, bronze and iron were produced in Armenia and traded in neighboring lands where those metals were less abundant.
The territory of Armenia is also one of the candidates for the legendary Aratta, mentioned in Sumerian records. In the Bronze Age, several states flourished in the area of Greater Armenia, including the Hittite Empire (at the height of its power), and Mitanni (South-Western historic Armenia).
The existence of Armenia as a cultural entity begins with the Hayasa-Azzi (fifteenth to twelfth centuries B.C.E.), and the Armens. The legendary founder of Armenia was Hayk, a chieftain who united his kinsmen into a single nation. The legend says Hayk was a great-great-grandson of Noah (son of Togarmah, who was a son of Gomer, who was a son of Japheth, who was a son of Noah), and a forefather of all Armenian people.
In the Iron Age, the Indo-European Phrygians and Mushkis arrived in the Near East, and toppled the Mitanni Kingdom. Then, the Nairi people (twelfth to ninth centuries B.C.E.) and the Kingdom of Urartu (ninth to sixth centuries B.C.E.) successively established their sovereignty over the Armenian Highland. Yerevan, the modern capital of Armenia, was founded in 782 B.C.E. by the Urartian king Argishti I.
Around 600 B.C.E., the Kingdom of Armenia was established under the Orontid Dynasty, which existed under several local dynasties till 428 C.E. The kingdom reached its height between 95 - 66 B.C.E. under Tigranes the Great.
Religion in ancient Armenia was historically related to a set of beliefs which, in Persia, led to the emergence of Zoroastrianism. It particularly focused on the worship of Mihr (Avestan Mithra) and also included a pantheon of native Aryan gods, such as Aramazd, Vahagn, Anahit, and Astghik. Armenian Church tradition says that two of Jesus' twelve apostles, Thaddaeus and Bartholomew, preached Christianity in Armenia between 40-60 C.E. A number of Christian communities were established there since that time. In 301, Armenia became the first country to adopt Christianity as its official religion. Tiridates III (238-314 C.E.) was the first ruler to Christianize his people, his conversion ten years before the Roman Empire granted Christianity official toleration under Galerius, and 36 years before Constantine the Great was baptized.
After the fall of the Armenian kingdom in 428 C.E., most of Armenia was incorporated as a marzpanate within the Persian Sassanid Empire. Armenians rebelled in 451 C.E. Christian Armenians maintained their religious freedom, and Armenia gained autonomy and the right to be ruled by an Armenian marzpan, whereas other imperial territories were ruled exclusively by Persians. The Marzpanate of Armenia lasted until the 630s, when Sassanid Persia was destroyed by the Arab Caliphate.
Medieval Armenia
Armenia emerged from the Marzpanate period as an autonomous principality within the Arabic Empire, ruled by the Prince of Armenia, who was recognized by the Caliph and the Byzantine Emperor. It was part of the administrative division Arminiyya created by the Arabs, which included parts of Georgia and Caucasian Albania, and had its center in the Armenian city Dvin. The Principality of Armenia lasted till 884, when it regained independence from the weakened Arabic Empire.
The re-emergent Armenian kingdom was ruled by the Bagratuni dynasty, and lasted till 1045. Several areas separated as independent kingdoms and principalities. In 1045, the Byzantine Empire conquered Bagratid Armenia, and soon controlled the other Armenian states.
In 1071 Seljuk Turks defeated the Byzantines and conquered Armenia at the Battle of Manzikert, establishing the Seljuk Empire. To escape death or servitude, Gagik II, King of Ani, an Armenian named Ruben I, with some of his countrymen went into the Taurus Mountains, and then into Tarsus of Cilicia. The Byzantine governor gave them shelter. The Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia was eventually established.
As the Seljuk Empire collapsed, in the early 1100s, Armenian princes of the Zakarid noble family established a semi-independent Armenian principality in Northern and Eastern Armenia, known as Zakarid Armenia. The Orbelian Dynasty shared control of various parts of the country.
Foreign rule
During the 1230s, the Mongol Ilkhanate conquered the Zakaryan Principality, as well as the rest of Armenia. Other Central Asian tribes invaded, from the 1200s until the 1400s, weakening Armenia. During the 1500s, the Ottoman Empire and Safavid Persia divided Armenia. The Russian Empire later incorporated Eastern Armenia (consisting of the Erivan and Karabakh khanates within Persia) in 1813 and 1828.
Under Ottoman rule, the Armenians were granted considerable autonomy within their own enclaves, but as Christians under a strict Muslim social system, they faced pervasive discrimination. When they pushed for more rights, Sultan ‘Abdu’l-Hamid II organized massacres, between 1894 and 1896, resulting in an estimated death toll of 80,000 to 300,000 people. The "Hamidian massacres," as they came to be known, gave Hamid an international reputation as the "Bloody Sultan."
Mount Ararat fell into the hands of the Russian Empire after the last Russo-Persian War (1826-1828). The Democratic Republic of Armenia briefly gained control of the mountain, which was ceded to Turkey as part of the Treaty of Kars in 1921.
World War I and the Armenian Genocide
Young Turks overthrew the government of Sultan Hamid, bringing hope to Armenians living in the empire. However, during World War I and the Ottoman assault on Russia, the new government began to distrust the Armenians, because Armenian volunteers fought with the Russian army. Between 1915 and 1917, a large proportion of Armenians living in Anatolia perished in what is known as the Armenian Genocide. Armenians and Western historians regard this as state-sponsored mass killings, while Turkish authorities say the deaths were the result of a civil war coupled with disease and famine. Death toll estimates range from 650,000 to 1.5 million. These events are commemorated yearly on April 24, the Armenian Martyr Day.
The Russian army gained most of Ottoman Armenia during World War I, but lost in 1917 when the Bolshevik Revolution caused the army to withdraw. Eastern Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan united in the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic, until May 28, 1918, when that republic dissolved and eastern Armenia became independent as the Democratic Republic of Armenia, which lasted until December 4, 1920.
The Treaty of Sèvres, signed on August 10, 1920, promised to maintain the existence of the democratic republic and to attach the former territories of Ottoman Armenia to it. But the Turkish National Movement rejected the treaty, and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk used the treaty as the occasion to declare itself the rightful government of Turkey, replacing the monarchy based in Istanbul with a republic based in Ankara.
Soviet Armenia
A violent conflict, known as the Turkish-Armenian War, broke out in late 1920. The Treaty of Alexandropol, signed on December 2, forced Armenia to disarm, to cede more than 50 percent of its pre-war territory, and to give up territories granted by the Sèvres treaty. Meanwhile, the Soviet Eleventh Army had invaded Armenia at Karavansarai (present-day Ijevan) on November 29. By December 4, Soviet forces entered Yerevan, Bolshevist Russia annexed Armenia, and in 1922 was incorporated into the Soviet Union as part of the Transcaucasian SFSR along with Georgia and Azerbaijan. The 1921 Treaty of Kars, between Turkey and the Soviet Union, superseded the Treaty of Alexandropol. In it, Turkey allowed the Soviet Union to assume control over Ajara with the port city of Batumi in return for sovereignty over the cities of Kars, Ardahan, and Iğdır, all of which were part of Russian Armenia.
The TSFR existed from 1922 to 1936, when it was divided up into the Armenian SSR, Azerbaijan SSR, and the Georgian SSR. Soviet rule brought relative stability. Armenians received medicine, food, and other provisions from Moscow. The church struggled under Soviet rule. After the death of Vladimir Lenin, when Joseph Stalin took power, tens of thousands of Armenians were either executed or deported during Stalin's Great Purge.
Stalin died in 1953. Under Nikita Khruschev, life in Soviet Armenia improved. The church was revived when Catholicos Vazgen I assumed the duties of his office in 1955. In 1967, a memorial to the victims of the Armenian Genocide was built at the Tsitsernakaberd hill above the Hrazdan gorge in Yerevan after mass demonstrations took place the tragic event's 50th anniversary in 1965.
During Mikhail Gorbachev’s leadership in the 1980s, Armenians began to demand better environmental care for their country, opposing the pollution that Soviet-built factories brought. Tensions developed between the Armenian and Azerbaijani republics over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh. Armenia suffered the devastating 1988 Spitak earthquake. Gorbachev's inability to solve Armenia's problems (especially Karabakh) led many Armenians to become disillusioned, creating a hunger for independence.
Independence
In 1991, the Soviet Union broke apart and Armenia re-established its independence. The initial post-Soviet years were marred by the continued confrontation with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. A Russian-brokered cease-fire was put in place in 1994. Since then, Armenia and her neighbor have held peace talks, mediated by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. The status over Karabakh has yet to be determined and the economies of both countries have been hurt in the absence of a complete resolution.
Politics
As a former republic of the Soviet Union, Armenia is a unitary, multi-party, democratic nation-state. The politics of Armenia take place in a framework of a presidential representative democratic republic.
According to the Constitution of Armenia, the president, who is elected by popular vote for a five-year term, and is eligible for a second term, is the chief of state. The prime minister, who is appointed by the president and confirmed with the majority support of the National Assembly, is the head of government. The cabinet comprises a Council of Ministers appointed by the prime minister. The prime minister and Council of Ministers must resign if the National Assembly refuses to accept their program.
The unicameral parliament, called the Azgayin Zhoghov or National Assembly, comprises 131 members elected by popular vote to serve four-year terms. Ninety members are elected by party list, and 41 by direct vote. Universal suffrage begins above the age of 18.
Justice is administered by tribunal courts, review courts, and the Court of Appeal. There are military courts and a Constitutional Court comprising nine members, five appointed by the National Assembly and four by the president. The judiciary is nominally independent. The president is head of the Council of Justice and appoints its 14 members. In 1999, the Court of Appeal replaced the Supreme Court in criminal-military and civil-economic matters.
The Armenian government's stated aim is to build a Western-style parliamentary democracy. However, international observers have questioned the fairness of Armenia's parliamentary and presidential elections and constitutional referendum since 1995, citing polling deficiencies, lack of cooperation by the electoral commission, and poor maintenance of electoral lists and polling places.
The Armenian army, air force, air defense, and border guard comprise the four branches of the armed forces. The Armenian military was formed after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and with the establishment of the Ministry of Defense in 1992. The President of Armenia is Commander-in-Chief of the military. The Ministry of Defense is in charge of political leadership, while military command remains in the hands of the general staff, headed by the chief of staff.
Active forces number about 60,000 soldiers, with an additional reserve of 32,000, and a "reserve of the reserve" of 350,000 troops. Armenian guards are in charge of borders with Georgia and Azerbaijan, while Russian troops monitor its borders with Iran and Turkey. In the case of an eventual attack, Armenia is prepared to mobilize every able-bodied man between the age of 15 and 59, with military preparedness.
Armenia is divided into 10 regions known as marzes, with the city of Yerevan having special administrative status as the country's capital. The chief executive in each marze is the marzpet (marz governor), appointed by the government of Armenia. In Yerevan, the chief executive is the mayor, appointed by the president. The regions are: Aragatsotn, 1; Ararat, 2; Armavir, 3; Gegharkunik, 4; Kotayk, 5; Lori, 6; Shirak, 7; Syunik, 8; Tavush, 9; Vayots Dzor, 10; and Yerevan, 11.
Armenia is a member of the United Nations, the Council of Europe, Asian Development Bank, the Commonwealth of Independent States, the World Trade Organization and the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation. It is a Partnership for Peace (PfP) member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and in a military alliance of CSTO. It is also an observer member of the Eurasian Economic Community, La Francophonie, and the Non-Aligned Movement.
Economy
Before independence, Armenia's economy was largely industry-based – chemicals, electronics, machinery, processed food, synthetic rubber, and textiles – and highly dependent on outside resources. Agriculture contributed only 20 percent of net material product and 10 percent of employment before the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991. The republic had developed a modern industrial sector, supplying machine tools, textiles, and other manufactured goods to sister republics in exchange for raw materials and energy.
Armenian mines produce copper, zinc, gold, and lead. The vast majority of energy is produced with fuel imported from Russia, including gas and nuclear fuel (for its one nuclear power plant); the main domestic energy source is hydroelectric. Small amounts of coal, gas, and petroleum have not yet been developed.
Like other newly-independent states of the former Soviet Union, Armenia's economy suffers from the legacy of a centrally planned economy and the breakdown of former Soviet trading patterns. Soviet investment in and support of Armenian industry has virtually disappeared, so that few major enterprises are still able to function.
The effects of the 1988 Spitak Earthquake, which killed more than 25,000 people and made 500,000 homeless, are still being felt. The conflict with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh has not been resolved. The closure of Azerbaijani and Turkish borders has hindered the economy, because Armenia depends on outside supplies of energy and most raw materials. Land routes through Georgia and Iran are inadequate or unreliable.
Gross domestic product fell nearly 60 percent from 1989 until 1992–1993. The national currency, the dram, suffered hyperinflation for the first years after its introduction in 1993.
Nevertheless, the government was able to make wide-ranging economic reforms that paid off in dramatically lower inflation and steady growth. The 1994 cease-fire in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has helped the economy. Armenia has had strong economic growth since 1995, building on the turnaround that began the previous year, and inflation has been negligible for the past several years. New sectors, such as precious stone processing and jewelry making, information and communication technology, and even tourism are beginning to supplement more traditional sectors in the economy, such as agriculture.
Loans to Armenia, which since 1993 exceed $1.1-billion, are targeted at reducing the budget deficit, stabilizing the currency; developing private businesses; energy; the agriculture, food processing, transportation, and health and education sectors; and ongoing rehabilitation in the earthquake zone. One of the main sources of foreign direct investments remains the Armenian diaspora, which finances major parts of the reconstruction of infrastructure and other public projects.
A liberal foreign investment law was approved in June 1994, and a Law on Privatization was adopted in 1997, as well as a program on state property privatization. Unemployment remained at around 30 percent. In 2007 due to the influx of thousands of refugees from the Karabakh conflict.
According to the 2006 Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), Armenia ranked 93rd of 163 countries, a slight increase since it was first ranked in 2003, at 80th. In the 2007 Index of Economic Freedom, Armenia ranked 32nd, ahead of countries like Portugal and Italy.
Exports totaled $1.056-billion in 2006. Export commodities were diamonds, mineral products, foodstuffs, and energy. Export partners were Germany 15.6 percent, Netherlands 13.7 percent, Belgium 12.8 percent, Russia 12.2 percent, Israel 11.5 percent, the United States 11.2 percent, Georgia 4.8 percent, and others 18.2 percent.
Imports totaled $1.684-billion in 2006. Import commodities were natural gas, petroleum, tobacco products, foodstuffs, and diamonds. Import partners were Russia 13.5 percent, Belgium 8 percent, Germany 7.9 percent, Ukraine 7 percent, Turkmenistan 6.3 percent, U.S. 6.2 percent, Israel 5.8 percent, Iran 5 percent, Romania 4.2 percent, others 36.1 percent.
Per capita GDP was $4270 in 2005, or ranked 115 on a list of 181 countries.
Demographics
Armenia's nearly-homogeneous population is close to 3 million—the third most densely populated of the former Soviet republics. There has been increased emigration after the break-up of the USSR, and a moderate influx of Armenians returning.
Armenia has a relatively large diaspora – eight million by some estimates, greatly exceeding the 3.2 million population of Armenia itself. The largest diaspora communities are in Russia, France, Iran, the United States, Georgia, Syria, Lebanon, Argentina, and Ukraine. From 40,000 to 70,000 still live in Turkey mostly in and around Istanbul.
Western medicine is practiced, and under the Soviet system, health care was state-run and universal. A number of private clinics operate, some under the sponsorship of diaspora voluntary associations, such as the Armenian General Benevolent Union and the Armenian Relief Society. Life expectancy at birth for the total population in 2006 was 71.84 years, 68.25 years for males, 76.02 years for females.
Ethnicity
Ethnic Armenians make up the vast majority of the population, with a small number of Yazidis (Kurds). Other minorities include Russians,Assyrians, Ukrainians, Greeks, Poles, Caucasus Germans, Udis, and Tats. Most Azerbaijanis who lived in Armenia left the country for Azerbaijan at the beginning of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. During the same period, a large number of Armenians fled from Azerbaijan to Armenia.
Religion
Christianity is the predominant religion. The roots of the Armenian Apostolic Church go back to the first century. According to tradition, two of Jesus' 12 apostles—Thaddaeus and Bartholomew—who preached Christianity in Armenia between 40-60 C.E. started the Armenian Church. Because of these two founding apostles, the official name is the Armenian Apostolic Church. Armenia was the first nation to adopt Christianity as a state religion, in 301.
Over 93 percent of Armenian Christians belong to the Armenian Apostolic Church, a form of Oriental Orthodoxy, which is a very ritualistic, conservative church, roughly comparable to the Coptic and Syriac churches. Armenia also has a population of Catholics (both Roman and Mekhitarist - Armenian Uniate (180,000)), evangelical Protestants, and followers of the Armenian traditional religion.
The Yazidi Kurds, who live in the western part of the country, practice Yazidism. The Armenian Catholic Church is headquartered in Bzoummar, Lebanon. The non-Yazidi Kurds practice Sunni Islam.
The Jewish community in Armenia has diminished from 5000 to 750 persons since independence due to Armenia's economic difficulties, with most emigrants leaving for Israel. Two synagogues operate, one in the capital, Yerevan, and in the city of Sevan. Intermarriage with Christian Armenians is frequent.
Language
The Armenian language, an Indo-European language, is the official language. The Armenian language has been spoken since at least 800 B.C.E. The alphabet was written in 405 C.E. by the monk Mesrob Mashtots and comprises 38 letters. Western Armenian, based on a version of nineteenth century Armenian, is spoken in Istanbul and is used in the diaspora, and Eastern Armenian, based on the Armenian spoken in Yerevan, is used in the ex-Soviet countries and Iran. There is also "Grabar" Armenian, the original written language, which is still used in the liturgy of the church. When Armenia was under Russian and Soviet rule, Russian was the second official language. Ninety six percent of the population speak Armenian, while 75.8 percent additionally speaks Russian although English is becoming increasingly popular.
Men and women
Women do the household chores, and the grandmother or mother-in-law is the household manager. Women and men both work outside the home, and have equal access to all jobs. Many women work, although more work in lower paid jobs. In 1991, during the first elections in the newly independent republic, women candidates won in nine constituencies out of 240. No parliamentary committees include female members.
Marriage and the family
Some marriages are arranged. The elaborate wedding process begins when the man and woman are "promised." The man's parents, grandparents, and often uncles and aunts, visit the woman's house seeking permission from the woman's father for the relationship to prosper. Once the father grants permission, the man gives the woman a "promise ring." To celebrate, the woman's family opens a bottle of Armenian cognac.
Most families have a substantial engagement party, organized and paid for by the girl's family. At the party, a priest prays for the soon-to-be husband and wife. They slide wedding bands on each other's right hands. The ring is moved to the left hand once a formal marriage ceremony is conducted by the Armenian church, usually one year later. The man and his family pay for the wedding, which is organized by the bride and groom to be.
Housing shortages in Soviet Armenia, meant the new couple resided with the groom's family, although the preference is that they form a new household. The most common domestic unit before and during Soviet rule consisted of a multi-generational family including paternal grandparents, their married offspring, and unmarried aunts and uncles. In 2007, the married couple and their children constituted the domestic unit. Armenians are known for having large and close family bonds. Regarding inheritance, men and women are treated equally.
Mothers are the main providers of infant care, and are responsible for child-rearing. Under Soviet rule, free day care was available, but many preferred to leave their infants with grandmothers. A Soviet pattern in which women were guaranteed employment after a long, paid maternity leave has continued. Children are the center of attention until puberty, when they are disciplined and are expected to take on responsibilities.
Education
Education, which is valued, is compulsory and free at primary and secondary level. Reflecting Soviet influence, the system places importance on science and technology, although by the mid-1990s more emphasis was placed on Armenian culture and history. In 2000, 155,423 pupils attended primary schools, and 389,131 pupils attended secondary schools, while 75,474 students were enrolled in higher education.
A private higher education system was introduced in 1992. By mid-1997, 75 of the 90 higher education institutions were private. The American University of Armenia has graduate programs in Business and Law, among others, and forms a new focal point for English-language intellectual life in the city.
Ninety percent of health-care students were women, and in arts and education women constitute 78 percent. Men accounted for 55.3 percent of economics courses, 59 percent of agriculture, and 40 percent for industry, transportation, and communications.
In 2001–2002 education spending amounted to 3.1 per cent of gross national product. The Armenian education system achieves a high literacy rate. In 2003, 98.6 percent of the entire population over the age of 15 could read and write.
Class
From the eleventh to fourteenth centuries, there were aristocratic noble houses with court responsibilities. Later, a middle class emerged. Most Armenians were peasants until the beginning of the twentieth century. The Soviet era brought a so-called classless society, although higher government positions brought political power and wealth. Since then a new elite has emerged, following the pattern under Soviet rule. Refugees form an underclass.
Culture
Armenian cuisine is closely related to eastern and Mediterranean cuisine. Staple foods are bread and salt. An Armenian saying of friendship is: "we have bread and salt among us." Dignitaries are welcomed with a presentation of bread and salt. The preparation of a large number of meat, fish and vegetable dishes in the Armenian kitchen requires stuffing, frothing and pureeing. Harissa a traditional meal, consists of wheat grain and lamb cooked over low heat. Meats and vegetables are barbecued. Breakfasts on non-working days are major get-togethers. Khash, cattle legs boiled in huge pots and served with spices and garlic, is consumed with Armenian brandy. Armenia is famous for its wine and brandy, which is renowned worldwide. The pomegranate is the national fruit.
Armenian hospitality is legendary and stems from ancient tradition. Social gatherings center on sumptuous presentations of course after course of elaborately prepared and well-seasoned food. Hosts will replenish a guest's plate or glass. After several replenishments, it is acceptable to refuse politely or just leave a little uneaten food. Cognac, vodka, and red wine is served during meals and gatherings. It is rare to enter an Armenian household and not be offered coffee, pastry, food, or water.
Architecture
Armenia’s long history as a crossroads of the ancient world has resulted in a landscape with innumerable fascinating archaeological sites. Medieval, Iron Age, Bronze Age and even Stone Age sites are all within a few hours drive of the city.
Contemporary Armenian architecture has followed a tradition of simplicity, reliance on local materials, and use of volcanic tufa for facings. During the Soviet era, prefabricated panels were used in apartment buildings, many of which collapsed during the 1988 earthquake.
Art
The National Art Gallery in Yerevan has more than 16,000 works that date back to the Middle Ages, illustrating Armenia's rich tales, as well as paintings by many European masters. The Modern Art Museum, the Children’s Picture Gallery, and the Martiros Saryan Museum are only a few of the other noteworthy collections of fine art on display in Yerevan.
Dance
In Armenia there are rock paintings of scenes of country dancing from the fifth to the third millennia B.C.E. In the fifth century Moses of Khorene had heard of how the old descendants of Aram (Armenians) recorded traditions in the ballads for the lyre and their songs and dances. Traditional dancing is popular among expatriate Armenians, and has been `exported' to folk dance groups all over the world.
Cinema
Soviet Armenia (1924) was the first Armenian documentary film. Namus was the first Armenian silent black-and-white film (1926, directed by Amo Bek-Nazaryan and based on a play of Alexander Shirvanzade describing the ill fate of two lovers, who were engaged by their families to each other since childhood, but because of violations of namus (a tradition of honor), the girl was married by her father to another.
Lacemaking
Like Lacis, or Filet lace, Armenian needlelace seems to be a descendant of netmaking. Where lacis adds decorative stitches to a net ground, Armenian needlelace involves making the net itself decorative. There is some archaeological evidence suggesting the use of lace in prehistoric Armenia and the prevalence of pre-Christian symbolism in traditional designs would certainly suggest a pre-Christian root for this art form. Unlike Europe, where lace was the preserve of the nobility, Armenian lace decorated everything from traditional headscarves to lingerie. Thus lacemaking was part of many women's lives.
Literature
The Armenians once had a temple literature of their own, which was destroyed in the fourth and fifth centuries by the Christian clergy, so thoroughly that barely 20 lines of it survive in the history of Moses of Khorene. Literature began in Armenia around 400 C.E. Most literary arts were created by Moses of Khorene, in the fifth century. Stories and myths changed as they were passed on through generations. During the nineteenth century, writer Mikael Nalbandian worked to create a new Armenian literary identity. Nalbandian's poem "Song of the Italian Girl" may have been the inspiration for the Armenian national anthem, Mer Hayrenik. Notable writers during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries include Siamanto, Hagop Baronian, Vahan Tekeyan, Levon Shant, Krikor Zohrab, Rupen Zartarian, Avetis Aharonian, Garegin Njdeh, Atrpet, Gostan Zarian and Nigol Aghpalian.
Music
The world-class Armenian Philharmonic Orchestra performs at the beautifully refurbished Yerevan Opera House, where one can attend a full season of opera. There are several highly regarded chamber ensembles, including the National Chamber Orchestra of Armenia and the Serenade Orchestra. Classical music can be heard at the Yerevan Komitas State Conservatory and the Chamber Orchestra Hall. Jazz is popular, especially in the summer when live performances are a regular occurrence at one of the city’s many outdoor cafés and parks. Members of the nu-metal band called "System of a Down" are all of Armenian descent, although only bassist Shavo Odadjian is from the country.
Sports
Armenian princes and nobles contested the ancient Olympics. In the twenty first century, many types of sports are played in Armenia, including football (soccer), chess, boxing, basketball, hockey and volleyball. Armenia's mountainous terrain gives the opportunity for skiing and climbing. Water sports can be practiced on Lake Sevan. Competitively, Armenia has been successful in weightlifting and wrestling. Armenia belongs to the Union of European Football (soccer) Associations and International Ice Hockey Federation. It hosts the Pan-Armenian games.
Notes
References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees
Agatʻangeghos, and Robert W. Thomson. History of the Armenians. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1976. ISBN 0873953231
Bauer-Manndorff, Elisabeth, and Jacob Schmidheiny. Armenia, past and present. Lucerne: Reich Verlag, 1981.
Cox, Caroline, John Eibner, and Elena Bonnėr. Ethnic cleansing in progress: war in Nagorno Karabakh. Zürich: Institute for Religious Minorities in the Islamic World, 1993. ISBN 3952034525
Bournoutian, George A. A concise history of the Armenian people: (from ancient times to the present). Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, 2003. ISBN 1568591411
Lang, David Marshall. Armenia, cradle of civilization. London: Allen & Unwin, 1978. ISBN 0049560085
Movsisyan, A. E. The sacred highlands: Armenia in the spiritual geography of the ancient Near East. Yerevan: Yerevan University Publishers, 2004. ISBN 5808405866
Russell, James R. Zoroastrianism in Armenia. Boston, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987. ISBN 978-0674968509
Russell, James R. Armenia and Iran: iii. Armenian religion Encyclopedia Iranica. Retrieved July 2, 2018.
Thierry, Jean Michel, Patrick Donabédian, and Nicole Thierry. Armenian art. New York: H. N. Abrams in association with Prelacy of the Armenian Apostolic Church of America-Catholicosate of Cilicia, 1989. ISBN 0810906252
Utudjian, Edouard. Armenian architecture, 4th to 17th century. Paris: Editions A. Morancé, 1968. OCLC 464421
Walker, Christopher J. Armenia, the survival of a nation. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press, 1980. OCLC 6280619
All links retrieved August 15, 2023. | ||||||
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"Cemal Eren"
] | 2022-07-04T00:00:00 | Can the economic legacy of highly skilled groups persist long after they were uprooted from their homelands? To answer this question, we study long-term su | en | /oscar-static/img/favicons/darwin/apple-touch-icon-92e819bf8a.png | SpringerLink | https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10887-022-09210-8 | History abounds with episodes of forced migration triggered by civil unrest, wars, natural disasters, and state mandated expulsions or relocations. If current times are any indication, we will continue to witness similar events going forward.
Forced migration may yield qualitatively different consequences for stayers, migrants, and destination regions. Yet, the literature so far has largely focused on the impact of forced migration on receiving populations (e.g., Hornung, (2014)) or migrants themselves (e.g., Becker et al., (2020)), while paying less attention to the long-term prosperity of sending regions.Footnote 1
How sending regions fare in the long run depends on both the adverse effects of forced out-migrations and how departing populations had shaped the development potential of local economies until they left. These latter effects—the economic legacy of émigrés—may operate through human capital spillovers from departing groups onto the staying population and the productive assets these groups accumulated until departure. Ultimately, the characteristics of departing groups (e.g. education, occupational skills, tangible assets relative to stayers) and the nature of social and economic interactions between departing and staying groups will dictate the economic legacy of émigrés. However, disentangling the legacy of departing groups from the contemporaneous influence of their remaining members and the potential endogeneity of migration is a challenge.
We examine the economic footprints of the two largest non-Muslim communities in the Ottoman Empire, i.e. Armenians and Greeks, almost a century after their wholesale removal from their homelands within modern Turkey. Our goal is to study whether the positive legacy effects of these high-skilled groups are sufficiently strong –against the backdrop of the potentially adverse impact of the expulsions themselves– so as to impart a lasting imprint on spatial patterns of economic development. This is a novel departure from the literature examining the lasting impact of human capital and the cultural and institutional heritage migrant communities bring to the locations they settle. This paper, instead, studies the legacy of these groups on the subsequent economic development of the locations they departed.
Armenian and Greek communities of Anatolia historically possessed higher levels of human capital and wealth relative to Muslim groups (Üngör & Polatel, 2011; Der Matossian, 2007; Kévorkian, 2011). Particularly over the 18th and 19th centuries, when trade between the Middle East and Western Europe was soaring, the economic standing of the non-Muslim minorities of the Empire significantly improved vis-a-vis the Muslim communities as the former came to dominate trade and commerce (Kuran, 2004). Two events at the turn of the 20th century marked the end of centuries-long religious coexistence. Ottoman Armenians were subjected to mass killings and deportations (also known as the Armenian Genocide) during the First World War, while the Greeks were forced out of Asia Minor following the Greco-Turkish War of 1919–1922 and the subsequent population exchange between Greece and Turkey in 1923. These tragic episodes provide us with two unique experiments of history that are well suited to empirically assess the long-run legacy of productive minorities on regional development, in general, and on local human capital, in particular.
Measuring the economic legacy of departing groups is challenging. Regional differences in the timing of outmigration, the possibility of return migration, and the role of economic choices pose difficulties. Our historical setting is largely immune to these problems. Both Greeks and Armenians were forced to leave their homelands as a result of the official state policies that were motivated by the ongoing wars and the ideological orientation of the ruling elite. The mass expulsions of Armenians and Greeks led to an almost complete removal of these communities over a short time period.Footnote 2
The timing of expulsions almost a century ago allows us a reasonably long window of time to assess the persistence of minority legacy. Therefore, we exploit sub-national variation in Armenian and Greek population shares in the late Ottoman period as a proxy for historical exposure of each region to minority presence, without having to worry about contemporary spillovers across regions.Footnote 3
We find that districts with greater Armenian and Greek concentration before the expulsions are today (i) more densely populated, (ii) more urbanized, and (iii) exhibit greater economic activity measured by light density at night. Estimates suggest 11 and 14 percent higher income per capita in response to a move from the 10th to the 90th percentile of the Armenian and Greek population share distributions, respectively. A rich battery of robustness checks and complementary evidence at a more granular geographic level suggest that the relationships we document likely reflect a causal minority legacy.
First, our baseline results are robust to potential geographic and climatic determinants of early economic activity that might have influenced historical settlement patterns. Also, our estimates are not sensitive to various drivers of historical and contemporary development. For example, minority presence exerts a sizable influence on regional development independently of (i) historical market access (e.g. proximity to historical railroads, trade routes or major ports), (ii) Muslim immigrants from Greece who came to Turkey as part of the population exchange, (iii) exposure to war, and (iv) density of neolithic sites and ancient settlements as a proxy for prehistoric conditions favorable to agriculture and amenable to permanent settlement. To more flexibly account for selection on observables, we employ matching estimators and find results that are qualitatively similar to the OLS analysis. We also verify that selection on unobservables is unlikely to explain away our estimates (Altonji et al., 2005; Oster, 2019). Lastly, we verify that spatial correlation does not drive our results.Footnote 4
Second, we zoom into the level of villages and neighborhoods in Turkey to offer micro-level evidence. We find that nighttime light density today is remarkably higher in localities with Armenian and Greek community buildings –a proxy for historical minority presence in the absence of demographic data at a granular level. Estimates remain significant and sizable accounting for likely confounders and district level fixed effects. Importantly, accounting for district fixed effects brings us closer to a causal interpretation as we exploit variation across very close localities that are highly similar in unobserved geographic, cultural and institutional characteristics. Thus, omitted factors are very unlikely to confound the causal relationship between minority presence and luminosity. Lastly, to take into account historical agglomeration that is not driven by minority presence per se, we also account for proximity to old Muslim community buildings and find similar results.
We argue that an important source of minority legacy was inter-group human capital spillovers during the long co-existence of Muslim and non-Muslim communities. In support of this mechanism, we first provide historical evidence that Ottoman Armenians and Greeks were on average more educated than their Muslim counterparts and constituted a disproportionately high share of the skilled labor force. Moreover, already before the expulsions, Muslims in high minority regions were relatively more educated than other Muslim groups. In the immediate aftermath of the mass expulsions, regions that were previously home to minorities still had higher literacy rates among remaining Muslims than low-minority regions, and a greater share of the Muslims in these regions were employed in commerce.
We then demonstrate that today there are still significant gaps in educational attainment between high and low-minority districts. Baseline estimates suggest that a 20 percent increase in either historical Armenian or Greek share implies 2.1 percentage points higher current high school completion rates. This change amounts to more than 12.5 percent of the mean completion rate of 16 percent. However, this effect of historical minority presence diminishes significantly once more direct proxies for exposure to minority human capital –such as the proximity to minority school buildings or historical literacy rates among the Muslim population– are accounted for. We also show that proximity to old minority school buildings predicts higher luminosity even conditional on other types of community buildings.
Finally, consistently with the human capital spillover channel, we document continuity in occupational patterns. Using novel historical micro data on religious identity and occupation for the entire universe of male residents in three Anatolian cities around 1840s, we show that Armenians and Greeks were indeed over-represented in relatively more skill-intensive occupation groups, and that religious diversity within some of these occupation groups was particularly high –suggesting ample scope for inter-group economic interactions and knowledge and skill transfer. Then, drawing on the 2000 Census micro data, we confirm that many of the same occupation groups where minorities tended to specialize constitute a higher share of the labor force today in ex-minority regions.
As an additional channel of persistence, we assess the potential role of minority assets and the way they were redistributed among the Muslim population in the aftermath of the expulsions. We offer suggestive evidence that redistribution of confiscated minority assets among Muslim groups contributed to wealth concentration in the long run. In particular, we show that, conditional on geography and minority population shares, contemporary land inequality is positively related to the presence of community buildings built by Armenians. This finding is in line with the anecdotal evidence that the main beneficiaries of “abandoned” Armenian properties were members of local Muslim elite. Greek property, instead, was relatively less subject to asset grabbing by local elite than Armenian property, and historically Greek areas received larger flows of Muslim immigrants. Accordingly, we find that modern land inequality is not related to historical Greek buildings. It is possible that concentration of land and wealth facilitated business formation particularly during the early stages of Turkish economic development despite its adverse effects on human capital accumulation.Footnote 5
Taken together, our findings bear significance beyond their particular context. They imply that, in regions with mass population replacements, the legacy of past population geography can be an important confounder. In particular, not only the ancestral heritage of current populations, but also the economic influence of long-gone groups can leave a strong imprint on spatial patterns of economic development. Therefore, when evaluating the role of ancestral origins in comparative development, one needs to better account for the history of past populations that are long gone.
1.1 Contribution to the literature
The exodus of Greeks and Armenians permanently altered the composition of embodied traits in the remaining populations. This major shock might have reduced the future economic potential of the sending regions not only vis-a-vis their own counterfactual trajectories but also vis-a-vis the other regions that were not directly affected by the expulsions. Yet, we find that regions that were treated with historical minority presence fared better in the post-expulsion period compared to areas without significant Greek or Armenian presence. Thus, our first novel contribution is to demonstrate that the positive historical legacy of high-skilled groups can trump any negative effect these regions might have experienced. Related literature highlights the effects of expulsions and persecutions on social structure, labor market outcomes and education (Acemoglu et al., 2011; Becker et al., 2020; Testa, 2021; Bharadwaj et al., 2015), agricultural productivity (Bazzi et al., 2016; Bharadwaj & Mirza, 2019), population dynamics (Chaney & Hornbeck, 2016), firm performance (Huber et al., 2021), financial development (Pascali, 2016), and scientific productivity (Waldinger, 2012, 2016; Akbulut-Yuksel & Yuksel, 2015). We depart from this literature as we are not concerned with isolating the effects of expulsions per se. Despite the possible negative effect of the expulsion of Armenians and Greeks on productivity, we argue that their centuries-long presence and co-existence with Muslim groups have positively transformed the development potential in these regions.
Within the context of the long-term legacy of inter-religious co-existence, our work is related to Grosfeld et al. (2013), who show that current non-Jewish residents of the Pale of Settlement exhibit higher anti-market attitudes and within-group trust, and lower entrepreneurship. They argue that the negative legacy of the forced co-existence of Jews and Christians was partly a byproduct of the anti-Jewish culture. In contrast, we find a positive legacy of unforced co-existence of Greeks and Armenians with their Muslim neighbors. The difference might be attributed to the involuntary nature of co-habitation in the Pale of Settlement, greater social and occupational segregation between Jews and Christians, and, possibly, stronger ethnic animosity towards Jews. After all, there is evidence that Jewish presence in pre-industrial Europe facilitated urban development where peaceful co-existence was achieved (Johnson and Koyama, 2017), religious tolerance was a catalyst for innovation during the second industrial revolution in Prussia (Cinnirella & Streb, 2017), and complementarities between diverse ethno-religious groups can foster innovation and economic activity (Ashraf & Galor, 2013; Hornung, 2019).
Second, we argue that the positive net legacy effect persisted largely due to the pre-departure influence of Armenian and Greek communities on human capital accumulation among Muslims. This connects our paper to the literature on the importance of human capital spillovers for development (Waldinger, 2010, 2012), and, in particular, the socioeconomic influence of high-skilled ethno-religious groups (Becker & Woessmann, 2009; Hornung, 2014; Moser et al., 2014; Johnson & Koyama, 2017; Natkhov and Vasilenok, 2021). Our paper differs from this literature in its focus on whether the legacy effects persist in the absence of minority human capital, rather than capturing a combination of accumulated historical effects and the contemporaneous influence of human capital embodied in these groups.
Third, we add to the literature on the importance of human capital by studying the legacy of two communities that have received little attention –Greeks and Armenians of the Ottoman Empire. As an exception, Sakalli (2019) shows that the gains in educational attainment after the secularization of the Turkish education system in the early 1920s have been smaller in Turkish provinces with higher religiosity (proxied by Armenian population share). Both papers use Armenian share as an explanatory variable but for different purposes. We study the long-term legacy of minorities on development, while Sakalli (2019) focuses on the differential effect of an educational reform in areas with higher historical Armenian presence. Also, Grosjean (2011) shows that locations in South Eastern Europe with greater non-Muslim presence have relatively higher bank penetration today.
Our paper also relates to the work on historical path dependence. Most studies in this literature evaluate whether historical accidents and temporary shocks to population size, human capital and other productive assets can permanently change economic geography (O’Rourke, 1994; Davis & Weinstein, 2002; Nunn, 2008; Miguel & Roland, 2011; Bleakley & Lin, 2012; Jedwab et al., 2019). Our results suggest path-dependence in development driven by the legacy of highly skilled minority groups even though their economic ascent was interrupted by mass expulsions.
Lastly, we contribute to our understanding of the regional disparities in Turkish economic development (Altuğ et al., 2008; Pamuk, 1987; Toprak, 2012). For example, Asik et al. (2020) document the West-East divide in Turkey and the inverse-U shaped pattern in regional economic inequality since 1880. We show that the legacy of Armenian and Greek populations is not only an important contributor to the evolution of inter-regional disparities but it also explains variations at a more local level.
2.1 Armenians and Greeks in Anatolia prior to the Ottoman rule
Majority of Ottoman Armenians lived for centuries in their historic homeland in eastern Turkey (western Armenian Plateau). Armenians dominated the region as early as the 1st millenium, from the first unified Armenian state of the Kingdom of Urartu (860BC-590BC) to the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia (1080–1375). Following the adoption of Christianity as an official religion by the Kingdom of Armenia in 301, first religious schools were established. Throughout history, Armenian society ascribed an important role to education.Footnote 6 By the 10th century, most Armenian cities and many rural centers had elementary schools. As early as the 9th century, Armenians established institutions of higher education (Vardapetarans). From 13th century on, some Vardapetarans transformed into universities and contributed to the growth of science and culture in Armenia (Khachikyan, 2010).
Greeks also inhabited Asia Minor for centuries before Turkish arrival. First Greek city-states were established in the 13th century BC (Burckhardt, 1998). Greeks settled predominantly in western and central Anatolia.Footnote 7 Byzantine Empire was the primary home to Greeks and Christianity became the state religion in the 4th century. Byzantine society was highly literate,Footnote 8 and literacy rates among Byzantine Greeks were higher than in the West with widespread access to elementary education and book ownership (Browning, 1989).
In the 11th century, Turkic tribes began to penetrate Asia Minor. Following Seljuk Turks’ victory against the Byzantine army in 1071, numerous Turkmen beys (tribe leaders) started carving their own principalities out of formerly Byzantine Anatolia. Following the disintegration of Seljuk Sultanate of Rum, the Ottoman Beylik, a Turkish principality in northwestern Anatolia, conquered the remaining Byzantine territories in Anatolia. Islam’s dominance in Anatolia was sealed by the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453.
2.2 Armenians and Greeks under the Ottoman rule
From its foundation in 1299 until its dissolution in 1922, the Ottoman Empire ruled over ethnically and religiously heterogeneous peoples. Ottoman treatment of non-Muslims was mainly guided by imperial needs and practical concerns (Braude, 2014). Although state religion of the Empire was Islam, it was tolerant towards other religions. Forced conversion to Islam was against the Sharia law and Islamization was never an official Ottoman policy (Deringil, 2000). Non-Muslims were free in their choice of residence and profession. As the Empire incorporated a greater number of diverse peoples, it became necessary to institutionalize various groups into the empire. After the conquest of Constantinople, Sultan Mehmet II laid the foundations of the millet (religious community or nation) system. Millet system played a key role for the stability of the Ottoman order by governing the internal affairs of a multi-ethno-religious imperial setting. Under this system, non-Muslims enjoyed a degree of autonomy in their internal affairs pertaining to religious and cultural practices, education, fiscal matters, and civil law. In particular, each ethno-religious group was organized into a separate millet with the right to elect its own religious leader and to establish its own courts to oversee legal disputes between members of the same community. Due to the key role of non-Muslims in the Ottoman economy and their contribution to tax revenues, the state-minority relations could be best described as mutual –rather than one-sided– dependence.Footnote 9
2.3 Armenians and Greeks in the economic sphere
The main premise of our paper is that Greeks and Armenians made significant contributions to local economies in Anatolia which in turn laid the ground for subsequent economic development in the post-expulsion period. Historical evidence supports the crucial economic role minorities played in the economic life of the Empire. In 1894/1895, the average income per capita among the Ottoman provinces with above median minority share was larger than those with below median minority share, 123.6 kurus versus 111.5 kurus (Karpat, 1985). In high minority provinces, average population density was almost twice as high in 1893 as in the rest of the provinces (Figure B.2).Footnote 10 Importantly, this gap grew even larger by 1906, as high minority provinces experienced faster growth on average than low minority ones. Armenians and Greeks of the Ottoman Empire were ahead of the Muslim communities in their economic modernization. They were relatively more urbanized than Muslims and possessed superior agricultural knowhow (İnalcık & Quataert, 1994; Kieser, 2001). Gaps in educational attainment were also visible (Kuran, 2012). Across Ottoman provinces in 1894/95, the average proportion of primary school students within Greeks and Armenians combined was about 1.6 times as high as that of the Muslim community (Figure B.4).
By the 19th century, minorities had a disproportionate control over higher value-added sectors in trade, commerce, agriculture, and manufacturing, and owned greater wealth relative to Muslims (Kuran, 2004; Der Matossian, 2007; Kévorkian, 2011). For example, in the Black Sea region, Armenian and Greek merchants brokered trade between the West and locals. By the end of the 19th century, in the province of Trabzon, out of 33 exporters, 29 were Greek or Armenian while they made up only 40 percent of the population (Kuran, 2004). Along the Aegean, Greeks dominated commerce with 40–60% of the merchants, while their population share was 20–38% (Kuran, 2004). Similarly, in Istanbul, a predominantly Turkish city, Turks made up just 4% of export-import merchants by 1914.Footnote 11
Individual-level data from the Ottoman Population Registers of the 1840s provide detailed information on the pre-expulsion occupational specialization along ethnoreligious lines. We have access to the whole universe of male households for three Anatolian cities: Ankara, Bursa and Manisa.Footnote 12 The resulting sample contains about 14,300 individuals of which 16 percent were Greeks and 22 percent were Armenians. Tables 1 and B.1 tabulate occupation groups and sub-groups, respectively, in which Armenians and Greeks were over-represented vis-a-vis their overall shares in the workforce.Footnote 13 Figures indicate that Armenians were over-represented as sellers, dealers of textile, medical professionals, in building and construction, and in manufacturing (such as instrument making, clothing, metal working, machines and tools, and precious metals). Despite their lower share in the overall workforce vis-a-vis Muslims, their numbers in all these occupational groups exceed that of Muslims. Greeks were over-represented in manufacturing (such as brick and tile production, precious metals, earthenware, metal working, food industries), building and construction, agriculture, as dealers, medical professionals, and sellers of food. Also, despite their lower share in the overall workforce than Muslims, they came to dominate Muslims in these sectors. Muslims, on the other hand, were most over-represented in forestry, transport and communications, local and national government service, armed forces, and agriculture. In short, most of the occupation groups Armenians and Greeks dominated can be considered as high-skilled or capital intensive occupations by the standards of the Ottoman economy in the 19th century.Footnote 14
2.4 Expulsions and the process of ethno-religious homogenization
The Treaty of Berlin (1878) between the Ottoman Empire and the Western powers brought the Armenian Question onto the international stage. Meanwhile, concerns about the fate of the empire and Sultan Abdulhamid’s rule were growing among Turkish civilian and military bureaucracy. A strong opposition group, the Young Turk Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), seized power through a coup in 1908. Dominant view within CUP prioritized Turkish ethnicity and the creation of a homeland with a Muslim majority (Zürcher, 2003). In 1915, CUP embarked on a wholesale anti-Armenian extermination policy and issued the “Temporary Law of Deportation” (Tehcir Law). Consequently, by the end of the WWI, more than one million Armenians of Turkey (with the exception of Istanbul) were removed from their homes through massacres and death marches (Kévorkian, 2011; Akçam, 2012; Dündar, 2008). From the eastern end of the Empire to the west, Armenian communities entirely disappeared due to either expulsions or the subsequent outmigrations of the remaining few.
The first wave of involuntary mass emigration of Greeks took place towards the end of the Turkish War of Independence in 1922 (Zürcher, 2003). Remaining Greek communities of the Empire were expelled en masse in 1923, as a result of the Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations agreed by the Greek and Turkish governments at the Lausanne Conference. The convention stipulated an exchange of the Muslim populations in Greece for the Orthodox Greek populations in Turkey (with the exception of Istanbul). The exodus involved around 1.3 million Orthodox Greeks. In a matter of few years, the population exchange program achieved its goal of religious homogenization rendering the Greek community of Turkey irrelevant in their original locations (Friedman, 2006).
While Armenian and Greek shares in the total population were, respectively, about 8% and 10% in 1893, more than 99% of Turkey registered Muslim by 1927 (excluding Istanbul).
4.1 District level evidence
In this section, we assess the relationship between historical presence of Armenians and Greeks, and contemporary development outcomes at the district level. Key to our identification is the fact that systematic expulsions led to an almost complete removal of Armenian and Greek communities out of their homelands in Turkey with the exception of Istanbul. We can thereby rule out contemporaneous influence of these groups on development and employ pre-expulsion population shares of Armenians and Greeks as proxies for historical exposure of each district to minority presence. Our baseline specification is
$$\begin{aligned} y_{i} = \alpha _{} \left( {A_{1893}}\right) _{k_i} + \gamma _{} \left( {G_{1893}}\right) _{k_i} + \delta _{} \ln \left( {PD_{1927}}\right) _{i} + {\theta '{\mathbf {X}}_{i}} + R_{i} + \varepsilon _{i}, \end{aligned}$$
(1)
where \(y_{i}\) is an outcome of interest (e.g. luminosity in 2000) in modern district i. Variables of interest are the historical Armenian share, \(A_{1893}\), and Greek share, \(G_{1893}\), in the Ottoman kaza \(k_{i}\) to which district i was assigned. In our preferred specification, we include both Armenian and Greek shares simultaneously to account for any bias that would result if the two populations sorted into localities where the other group was more or less concentrated. We control for population density in 1927 –the first census after the expulsions– as the best available proxy for historical local development in the aftermath of the expulsions. This way the coefficients on minority shares reflect the relative economic performance throughout the post-expulsion period of those locations with higher historical exposure to Greek and Armenian presence.Footnote 22\({\mathbf {X}}_{i}\) denotes the set of exogenous geographic and climatic factors that might have influenced locations of early Armenian and Greek settlements. \(R_{i}\) denotes modern region/sub-region/province fixed effects. Standard errors are clustered at the modern province level. The identifying assumption for the baseline OLS estimation is that, conditional on historical population density, region specific fixed effects, and geographic factors that might have driven minority settlement patterns, the remaining unexplained drivers of contemporary economic activity should not be correlated with historical minority shares.
4.1.1 Minorities, population density and urbanization
As a first measure of development, we examine the evolution of population density in the aftermath of the expulsions across districts with differential minority exposure.Footnote 23 We start out with the short-term impact of expulsions on regional population density in 1927. Figure 1 shows the mechanical negative impact of deportations and the population exchange on population density, conditional on pre-expulsion population density, geographic controls, and sub-region fixed effects (see also Panel A of Table B.5). Among areas with similar levels of population density before Armenian and Greek expulsions, those with higher shares of minorities were significantly less populated five to ten years after the expulsions and mass killings.
In the longer-run, however, the recovery process eliminates the post-expulsion gap between low- and high-minority areas and it eventually leads to the (re)emergence of significant differences in population density in favor of the latter. For instance, comparing the population dynamics of previously high- and low-minority districts, Figure 2 shows that high-minority areas grew faster on average than low-minority ones, leading to an eventual divergence.Footnote 24 More systematically, Figure 3 shows that districts with greater concentration of historical minorities are indeed more densely populated in 2000.Footnote 25 Thus, Figures 1, 2, and 3 together support the view that, despite enduring negative shocks to population, over the longer term, regions with greater former minority presence overtook their ethno-religiously more homogeneous counterparts. A move from-10th-to-90th percentile of minority shares increases population density in 2000 by 23 and 21 percent, for Armenians and Greeks respectively (see Panel B of Table B.5).
As a second measure of development, we assess the long-run legacy of minorities on urbanization rates in 2000. Urbanization captures better the degree of economic modernization than population density and it highly correlates with income per capita.Footnote 26 Figure 4 shows that districts with greater historical exposure to minority presence are significantly more urbanized in 2000 even after controlling for the baseline geographic characteristics and subregion fixed effect (Table B.6). A move from the 10th to the 90th percentile of the Armenian share distribution is associated with a 9.2 percentage point increase in urbanization rate in 2000, whereas the same effect is 5 percentage points for Greek population shares.
4.1.2 Historical minority presence and nighttime lights
Our main measure of economic development is the intensity of nighttime lights (luminosity). In light of previous results on contemporary population density and urbanization rates, we conjecture a positive relationship between historical minority presence and luminosity, once potentially confounding factors are accounted for. The evidence in Table 2 corroborates our conjecture. Both Armenian and Greek shares are highly significant and positive predictors of modern economic development in 2000, conditional on past population density, and geographic and regional factors (see our baseline specification in column 7).Footnote 27 Raising Armenian share from the 10th to the 90th percentile is associated with a 24.8 percent increase in average luminosity, while the same effect is 32 percent for Greek share (column 7).Footnote 28 It is worth noticing that the estimates are sensitive to the omission of regional and geographic characteristics, reflecting a downward bias due to negative selection of Armenians and an upward bias due to positive selection of Greeks. This is not surprising when we consider the historical homelands of Armenians and Greeks and the influence of the west-east gradient that historically characterized development potential in Anatolia.Footnote 29 We also identify a rather stable Armenian legacy based on within-subregion or within-province variations across Turkish districts. This finding alludes to the local nature of the influence of Armenian presence on development, an issue we further investigate in Sect. 4.5.Footnote 30
Back of the envelope calculations suggest that these magnitudes are economically meaningful.Footnote 31 A modern province with a 20 percent (90th percentile) historical Armenian share has 11 percent higher gross regional product per capita in 2000 than a province with no historical Armenian presence (10th percentile). At the average province income, this corresponds to about $260 per capita. Instead, a modern province with a 26 percent (90th percentile) historical Greek share has 14 percent higher gross regional product per capita in 2000 than a province with no historical Greek presence (10th percentile). At the average province income, this corresponds to about $335 per capita.
4.1.3 Addressing threats to identification
While Section C in the Online Robustness Appendix provides a detailed discussion of the threats to identification, sources of bias, and how we carry out our robustness analyses, we give a brief outline here. Despite taking into account a wide range of geo-climatic factors and subregion/province fixed effects, we cannot rule out potential selection of minorities based on local drivers of development (Section C.1). Our first strategy is to account for a rich set of correlates of historical and contemporary development that may confound minority share coefficients (Section C.2). We show that our results are robust to taking into account access to railroads and ports, exposure to war, historical settlement of migrants, historical Kurdish presence, historical regional centers, distances to Istanbul and nearest national borders, and distance to old trade routes (Table C.1).
One important concern is that development potential might have driven early settlement patterns. To address this, we account for three deep-rooted factors that have certainly shaped pre-historic human settlement patterns in Anatolia over the course of history. These are Neolithic settlements based on archaeological data (as a proxy for prehistoric conditions that were favorable to agriculture and amenable to permanent settlement), ancient Greek sites dating to the Classical (480–323 BC) and the Hellenistic (323–146 BC) periods, and proximity to Tushpa (Van) as the capital of the ancient Urartu (Van) Kingdom (860-590 BC) (first unified Armenian State). Our results are remarkably robust to taking into account early selection and settlement patterns (Section C.3 and Table C.3).
We also assess the extent of omitted variable bias using two related methods (Altonji et al., 2005; Oster, 2019). Altonji et al. (2005) ratios are reasonably large (4.3 for Armenians and 3.05 for Greeks), while (Oster, 2019) tests for coefficient stability show that selection on unobservables is unlikely to explain away our results (Section C.4 and Table C.4).
Importantly, we carefully carry out covariate and propensity score matching analyses to have better counter-factual control districts for the treated ones, mitigating endogeneity concerns. Matching allows us to more flexibly account for observable characteristics and it improves identification by focusing on a smaller sample of common support where treated and untreated districts are more comparable. Our baseline findings are confirmed in the matching exercises (Section C.5 and Tables C.5, C.6, C.7, C.8, and C.9).
To address concerns about spatial correlation, we perform multiple exercises, largely following (Kelly, 2019). The conclusion is that our results are not simply driven by spatial correlation. Section C.7 provides a detailed discussion (see Figure C.1 and Table C.12).
To sum up, our baseline conclusions from the district-level analysis qualitatively survive a rich battery of robustness exercises, and selection on omitted factors must be fairly strong to explain away these results. Therefore, taken together, the evidence we provide makes a strong case for a causal positive legacy of Greeks and Armenians on current regional development. In the next section, we analyze the link between minority presence and development at a much finer geographic scale, allowing us to account for district-level fixed effects and thus to further mitigate concerns about selection on unobservables.
4.2 Village/neighborhood level evidence
In this section, we employ villages and neighborhoods (localities) as the unit of analysis –instead of districts. In particular, we exploit within-district variations in the proximity to minority community buildings across localities, instead of within-subregion variations in minority population shares across districts. In doing so, we are motivated by two related goals. First, we evaluate the legacy of historical minority settlement patterns on the spatial organization of current economic activity at a highly localized level. Second, the fine geographical scale of the data allows us to account for district-level fixed effects.Footnote 32 Unobservables that could shape both the historical distribution of economic activity and ethno-religious demography within a subregion or province become less relevant when we focus on variations across localities within a district. The units we compare are not only geographically and culturally similar, but also governed by the same local administrative body. Therefore, such locations are very unlikely to vary with respect to omitted factors that may confound the causal relationship between minority presence and luminosity.
We employ the geo-coded locations of community buildings as a proxy for minority presence at the very local level. This is a natural choice since we do not have minority figures at the neighborhood/village level from historical censuses. Besides the locational detail it offers, building data have the advantage of capturing a larger fraction of minority settlements over the long history of Greeks and Armenians, rather than the snapshot the Ottoman Census provides. We regress luminosity on the presence of minority buildings in the vicinity of more than 49,000 localities, conditional on a large set of potential confounders. Our estimating equation is
$$\begin{aligned} (AvgLum5km)_{i} = \eta + \alpha (ArmBld5km)_{i}+ \gamma (GreBld5km)_{i} + \theta '{\mathbf {X}}_{i} + \delta _{i} + \varepsilon _{i} \end{aligned}$$
(2)
where i is a locality (village or neighborhood). \((AvgLum5km)_{i}\) is the log of mean luminosity in year 2000 within 5km radius of i.Footnote 33\((ArmBld5km)_{i}\) and \((GreBld5km)_{i}\) are binary variables indicating the presence of at least one historical Armenian and Greek community building within 5km of locality i, respectively.Footnote 34 We choose to employ binary indicators because the number of buildings has an extremely right-skewed distribution. By using a building dummy, we can also reduce measurement error and better isolate the contribution of mere minority presence from the additional influence of the level of historical prosperity of minority groups. \({\mathbf {X}}_{i}\) is a vector of geographic, historical and contemporary correlates of development. \(\delta _{i}\) denotes district fixed effects. We cluster standard errors at the province level.
Table 3 summarizes our results. Columns 1–7 in Panel A use the entire sample, pooling together villages and neighborhoods in towns, while column 8 reports results for the sample of villages only. In a step-wise fashion, we introduce our variables of interest, geographical controls, province and district fixed effects, as well as historical (e.g. proximity to historical urban centers and old trade routes) and contemporary (e.g. distance to contemporary railroad network and biggest commercial/industrial centers) correlates of development. In the stringent specification of column 6 with all controls and district fixed effects –allowing us to compare very similar localities in close proximity– minority presence is a positive and significant predictor of local economic activity.
Column 7 introduces a dummy for the presence of historical mosques and Islamic schools (madrasas) within 5km. Once conditioned on proximity to Muslim community buildings, we identify the local minority influence from the variations across localities that were similarly attractive for Muslims due to the benefits from agglomeration, agricultural potential, or other unobservable locational fundamentals. Thus, if previous results were merely driven by overall agglomeration economies –i.e. proximity to developed environment of the past and not proximity to minority settlements per se– the coefficients for Armenian and Greek presence should greatly diminish in size and significance. Column 7 shows that even though Muslim building coefficients are positive –suggestive of potential agglomeration effects– Armenian and Greek coefficients hardly change. This reassures us that our minority estimates are not merely driven by agglomeration effects. According to this most preferred specification, a location within 5km of an Armenian community building is 62 percent more lit up than another comparable location in the same district, whereas the Greek effect is 22 percent.
One might be concerned that the results are driven by relatively more urbanized locations. In historically more urban centers, Muslim and non-Muslim buildings might have clustered together, and hence, neighborhoods near urban centers might reflect the confounding effect of urbanization. To address this, column 8 estimates our most stringent model on the sample of villages only. The resulting estimates are significantly more sizable.Footnote 35 Although minority presence is a strong predictor of both historical and contemporary urbanization –as established in our district-level analysis– these findings suggest that the strong minority legacy on local development is not merely an urban phenomenon. Minority villages are far from losing out to historically Muslim villages, and, today, the ones that were home to local Armenian and Greek communities are significantly more prosperous.
In columns 1 and 2 of Panel B of Table 3, we analyze whether minority presence outside the 5km radius circle predicts luminosity within that circle. This exercise addresses the concerns that, first, despite the locational fixed effects, minority buildings may still be picking up the influence of unobserved factors making that locality more attractive; and second, variation in luminosity is driven by the lights emanating from the very buildings we measure. Column 1 shows that minority buildings within 5 to 7km (the outer ring) still have a positive and significant effect on luminosity within 5km of a locality. A horse race between buildings within the 5km circle and the outer ring indicates that buildings in the outer ring remain significant and the magnitudes are comparable (column 2). These results suggest that proximity to minority settlements, i.e. spatial spillovers, plays a non-trivial role.
In columns 3 and 4, to isolate the role of minority settlements at the intensive margin, we explore how luminosity is related to the density of Armenian and Greek buildings in localities with at least one Armenian or Greek building within a 5km radius, respectively. This gets us closer to a backdoor-criterion identification, i.e. once we account for selection into locations, the intensity of treatment (density of minority buildings) is not confounded by omitted factors. Conditional on having an Armenian (Greek) building nearby, the greater is the Armenian (Greek) settlement density the higher is luminosity within 5km of a locality.Footnote 36
This section discusses potential mechanisms for minorities’ positive legacy in the post expulsion period. Section 5.1 shows that Muslims in high minority areas had greater human capital prior to and in the immediate aftermath of the expulsions as well as in modern-day Turkey. We offer supportive evidence that higher levels of human capital among Muslims in ex-minority areas (both in the past and today) are in part a consequence of the transfer of skills and knowledge that Armenians and Greeks increasingly possessed throughout the second half of the 19th century. We argue that inter-group human capital spillovers is the most likely mechanism. In Sect. 5.2 we examine the potential role of physical assets minorities left behind. Section 5.3 concludes with an evaluation of alternative mechanisms.
5.1 Direct effect of minorities on Muslim human capital
“His master taught geometry to my grandfather. He taught him mathematics. He was a craftsman who had a compass, a ruler, a miter, and a protractor in those times. Grandfather only knew how to read and write, but his Armenian master taught him. He used to stop my grandfather Ali while he was cutting wood: ‘Ali, my son, did you measure, did you draw it well, did you make a model, a small plan of it on paper?’ ”
Kamil on his grandfather, in Neyzi and Kharatyan-Araqelyan (2010)
As evidenced in the historical background, minorities had a significant representation in high-skilled and educated segments of the Ottoman society. For example, in the poorer eastern provinces, human capital of the Armenian community and the know-how of their artisans stood out vis-a-vis Muslims (Kévorkian, 2011). While Greek and Armenian philanthropic and religious institutions were channeling community resources into education, majority of Muslims lacked adequate education and skills, deepening the discrepancies between non-Muslim and Muslim human capital.Footnote 37
We argue, however, that proximity to Greek and Armenian communities conferred a counteracting positive influence on the human capital of Muslims. The mechanism we favor is the inter-group human capital spillovers via the diffusion of occupational knowledge and entrepreneurial skills. Economic interactions over this long period would result in intergroup transmission of skills and knowledge in agriculture, craftsmanship, trade and commerce. Muslims working with or competing against minorities in the domestic market had an advantage in adopting superior know-how, production techniques as well as commercial initiative, compared to Muslims without such exposure. Below, we provide supporting evidence for our most favored hypothesis in several steps.
5.1.1 There was reasonably large scope for inter-group economic interactions and human capital spillovers
Anecdotal evidence from the late Ottoman period suggests that different religious communities regularly interacted in the economic sphere.Footnote 38 For instance, in the province of Kayseri, the commercial relationships between Muslims and non-Muslims were very dynamic. The extent of economic integration was such that Muslims and non-Muslims not only traded and interacted on a constant basis, but they even had joint enterprises on occasion (Kekeçoğlu, 2007).Footnote 39 Local histories of Ottoman towns with significant non-Muslim presence are full of more direct anecdotal evidence about transfer of economically relevant skills and knowhow from minorities to Muslims.Footnote 40
Beyond anecdotal evidence, to buttress the idea that there was considerable scope for inter-religious economic interactions in Ottoman towns, we provide descriptive evidence from the Ottoman Population Registers of 1840s for three Anatolian cities (each covering the entire city population). Table 4 reports intra-occupational religious diversity for Ankara, Bursa and Manisa.Footnote 41 Panel A reports a weighted average of within-occupation religious diversity across all occupation groups represented in each city. To benchmark these statistics, we also provide information about the size of the labor force and the share of Muslims in the labor force. Panel B reports religious diversity indices separately for main occupation groups in which Armenians and/or Greeks were historically over-represented (as in Tables 1 and B.1).
There are two takeaways. First, there was considerable within-occupation diversity to allow for inter-religious interaction between people in similar occupations. In all three cities, there was on average more than 40% chance that two randomly selected individuals from the same occupation group will be a Muslim and a non-Muslim. Hence, descriptive evidence from micro data supports anecdotal accounts of inter-group interactions in the economic sphere. Moreover, intra-occupation religious diversity was quite similar across the three cities despite different city sizes (comparing Manisa and Ankara to Bursa). Second, in all three cities, manufacturing and sellers were among the most diverse occupation groups. These were also among the occupation groups Armenians and Greeks were over-represented.
5.1.2 Muslims in high minority areas had greater human capital than other Muslims already before the expulsions of minorities
If co-existence with minorities contributed to human capital accumulation among Muslims, then we should see differential Muslim education levels between high and low minority areas already before the expulsions. Consistently with this hypothesis, Figure 5 shows exactly that by providing descriptive evidence of greater average primary school enrollment rates among Muslims who lived in high minority areas than Muslims in low minority areas across Ottoman provinces in 1894/1895.Footnote 42 Importantly, Figure 6 provides more systematic evidence on the positive relationship between Muslim middle-school enrollment rate (students per Muslim population) in 1893 and Armenian and Greek population shares at the Ottoman district level. This relationship is robust to controlling for Ottoman province (vilayet) or county (sancak) fixed effects.Footnote 43
5.1.3 Expulsions did not eliminate the human capital differences between high- and low-minority areas
Did differences in Muslim human capital survive the expulsions? To answer that, we use data on literacy rates from the first Turkish census after the expulsions in 1927. Close to 99 percent of Turkey’s population registered Muslim by 1927 and a significant share of those must have coexisted with the minorities prior to expulsions. Thus, literacy rates in 1927 capture the human capital of remaining Muslims. Figure 7 suggest that, even after accounting for pre-expulsion population density and other characteristics, literacy rates among Muslim residents in 1927 are significantly higher in areas with higher Armenian and Greek shares in 1893. One percentage point increase in the historical Armenian (Greek) share is associated with a 0.06 (0.05) percentage point increase in literacy rate in 1927. This is economically sizable as the average literacy rate at the time was 5.9%. A move from the 10th to the 90th percentile of the Armenian share raises literacy rate by 1.28 percentage points –more than one fifth of the average literacy rate.
Additionally, Figure 8 shows that the employment shares in commerce in 1927 were also higher in former minority areas. This suggests that Muslim population living in former minority areas were not only more literate but also a greater fraction of this population had the necessary skills and opportunities to be employed in commerce.
5.1.4 Contemporary educational attainment is higher in ex-minority areas and districts with greater stock of historical minority human capital
If the head start in human capital accumulation among Muslims in high-minority regions persisted over time, we should observe today greater education levels in historically high minority areas –with historical human capital mediating this relationship. District-level results in Table 5 support these predictions. Column 1 shows that Armenian and Greek shares in 1893 are positive and significant predictors of greater high school completion rates in 2000.Footnote 44 Column 2 suggests that literacy rates in 1927 are a significant predictor of educational attainment in 2000, and once the literacy rates in 1927 are taken into account, the relationship between minority shares and contemporary education becomes weaker.Footnote 45 Armenian and Greek coefficients drop by 28 and 38 percent, respectively, upon controlling for literacy rates in 1927 (comparing columns 1 and 2). This suggests that part of the legacy of minorities on current educational attainment is through positive spillovers on historical human capital accumulation among Muslim co-inhabitants –a fact previously documented in Figures 5, 6 and 7.
Second, we probe whether the stock of historical minority human capital explains some of the variation in educational attainment, even conditional on minority population shares. Thus, employing data on historical school buildings of minorities as of 1912 (see Data Appendix), we compute the ratio of the number of Armenian or Greek school buildings within a district to the size of the Muslim population in 1893. This variable proxies the intensity of exposure to minority human capital by an average Muslim individual. Typically, the degree of interaction among ethno-religious groups was greater in more urban centers with more scope for human capital spillovers.Footnote 46 Columns 3 and 7 show how modern educational attainment is related to Armenian and Greek schools per Muslim in 1893, separately for historically more urbanized (central Ottoman districts) and less urbanized districts. As expected, minority schools per Muslim positively predict higher contemporary educational attainment in districts that were part of historically more urbanized areas rather than elsewhere.
While the number of minority school buildings in a district (in proportion to Muslim population) can be informative about the overall exposure to minority human capital, it does not take into account the spatial proximity between Muslims and minority groups. All other things equal (including minority shares), scope for inter-group spillovers would increase with spatial proximity between these groups. Therefore, if historical human capital spillover was an important channel through which minority presence facilitated Muslim human capital accumulation and hence current economic development, we expect to see a positive link between spatial exposure of Muslims to minority groups and contemporary educational attainment, even conditional on overall minority presence in the district. In columns 4 and 8, we test this idea using spatially-weighted measures of Muslim exposure to Armenians and Greeks in each district. To construct the spatial exposure variables, we first use geocoded locations of historical mosques and madrasas as proxies for local centers of Muslim concentration. For each such Muslim building we compute the weighted number of Armenian (Greek) community buildings that fall within a 20km radius. As weights, we use the inverse distance to each such minority building. Then, we average these spatial exposure measures across all Muslim buildings within a district to obtain our final variable. Results suggest that educational attainment is positively related to geographic proximity between Muslim and Armenian (Greek) communities even when we compare districts with similar minority population shares. The estimated marginal effects of exposure to Armenians are larger and more precisely estimated than for Greeks.Footnote 47 The latter coefficients are marginally insignificant at conventional levels (p-value=0.11) once all robustness controls are added.
Finally, we provide suggestive evidence, at the district level (see columns 2–5 in Table B.8) and at the village/neighborhood level (see Table B.9), that historical human capital accumulation plays an important intermediating role in explaining the reduced form relationship between local minority presence and economic activity today.
5.1.5 Contemporary occupational structure in ex-minority areas is relatively more skill-intensive and largely coincides with historical Greek and Armenian occupational over-representation
Going beyond broad proxies of human capital, we use the 5% Micro Sample from the 2000 Turkish Census to provide suggestive evidence that the skilled occupations of minorities (see Tables 1 and B.1) were eventually taken up in the post-expulsion era by the Muslims in those areas. Our goal is to explore whether historical minority presence predicts the prevalence of contemporary professions which (i) require higher educational investment or scientific training and/or (ii) can be broadly considered as the modern counterpart –in terms of sector-specific skills– of those occupations in which Greeks and Armenians were dominant or over-represented.
In the micro sample, we observe the actual profession category (80 in total) of individuals. We compute district level occupational distribution to capture the type of professional skills acquired through education, training or experience.Footnote 48 As such, representation of different groups of professions in the district population reflects the type of human capital of residents. At the modern district level, we regress the share of people in each selected occupation group in 2000 on historical Armenian and Greek shares, conditional on baseline controls.Footnote 49
Results are presented in Table 6. Armenians or Greeks were not historically dominant in agriculture. Consistently, column 1 of Panel A suggests that the share of people in agriculture is lower in historical minority areas. Presumably, STEM and medical occupations employ the upper tail of human capital. These people are more prevalent in regions with higher historical minority presence (columns 2 and 3, Panel A) –consistent with the fact that medicine is the only profession where Armenians and Greeks were historically over-represented and dominant vis-a-vis Muslims (Table B.1). In three Ottoman cities of 1840s, manufacturing and trade (sellers and dealers) were two of the most religiously diverse occupation groups (see Panel B in Table 4), where Armenians and Greeks were over-represented (Tables 1 and B.1). Almost 80 years after the expulsions, the shares of entrepreneurs and executives, people in trade and commerce, and manufacturing occupations involving instrument, machine and tool making increase with the concentration of minorities prior to the expulsions (columns 4 and 5 of Panel A and column 4 of Panel B). Professions related to building and construction (including carpentry and masonry) are also more prevalent in ex-minority areas (column 1, Panel B) –consistent with the historical specialization patterns for both ethnoreligious groups. Greeks, and to a lesser extent Armenians, were historically over-represented among jewelers, which is reflected in the share of the local workforce in higher Greek areas (column 2, Panel B). Finally, we find that in ex-Greek locations higher share of people hold professions in services involving food, drink and accommodation (column 5, Panel B), consistently with Greeks’ historical over-representation in this service category.
The evidence from this subsection strongly suggests that Armenian and Greek minorities have made a direct contribution to local human capital accumulation among Muslim residents, very likely through pre-expulsion spillovers of occupational skills and knowledge.
5.2 The role of confiscated minority assets
The movable property left by the Armenians should be conserved for long-term preservation, and for the sake of an increase in Muslim businesses in our country, companies need to be established strictly made up of Muslims. Movable property should be given to them under suitable conditions that will guarantee the business’ steady consolidation. The founder, the management and the representatives should be chosen from honorable leaders and the elite, and to allow tradesmen and agriculturalists to participate in its dividends, [...]
From Minister of Interior Talaat Pasha’s empire-wide decree about the businesses confiscated after the Genocide (6 January 1916).
Part of the properties and assets minorities left behind after the expulsions –e.g., community buildings, land plots, shops and factories– were either plundered by opportunist crowds or unlawfully captured by the local elite. However, a good part of the minority assets were confiscated by the state and sold via public auctions –mostly to the politically connected elite (Üngör & Polatel, 2011).Footnote 50 Historical accounts suggest that state officials and local notables received a disproportionate share of minority assets –especially after the Armenian expulsions.Footnote 51
Galor and Moav (2004) argue that in the early stages of industrialization, when physical capital accumulation was the prime engine of growth, greater inequality can promote economic growth, although this relationship is eventually reversed when human capital becomes the main driving force behind economic development. It is possible that unequal redistribution of minority property led to greater asset concentration after the expulsions and facilitated the emergence of a Muslim bourgeoisie. Moreover, the concentration of minority wealth in the hands of a local Muslim elite could have spurred investment in more viable businesses and bigger enterprises thereby fueling physical capital accumulation and growth, particularly during the early stages of Turkish industrialization when capital was scarce.
To test this hypothesis, we ideally need historical data that would allow us to compare the distribution of private assets held by Muslims before and after the expulsions and to relate the difference to confiscated minority assets. Unfortunately such data is not available. Instead, we use a contemporary proxy for historical asset concentration. Employing district-level information on land holdings of households in 1997, we construct a Gini index for land holdings.Footnote 52 Contemporary land inequality would be a reasonable proxy if asset concentration, spurred by the transfer of minority property, persisted to date. We combine land concentration with district-level information on the number of minority community buildings per 1935 population to proxy for the historical minority assets per capita in the post-expulsion period.Footnote 53
The hypothesis we want to test has two parts. The first part postulates that, other things equal, asset inequality should be higher in regions with greater minority presence and higher amount of confiscated property –especially when minority assets were more unequally redistributed. In Table 7 we explore this link. First column suggests that minority shares in the past positively predict modern land inequality. Column 2 shows that although historical Armenian buildings significantly predict greater land concentration in 1997, there is no significant effect for Greek buildings. This may be due to more uneven redistribution of Armenian assets compared to Greek assets. While Armenian property was more subject to looting and elite capture, the redistribution of Greek property was more systematic and orderly under the control of the state. Previous conclusions carry over in column 3 when both minority shares and minority buildings are included. Columns 4–6 repeat the same analyses controlling for robustness variables. Overall, the results from Table 7 are consistent with the hypothesis that post-expulsion redistribution of Armenian assets increased wealth concentration.
The second part of the hypothesis suggests that the rise in wealth inequality –possibly driven by elite capture of minority assets– facilitated development in the early stages of industrialization. The evidence we can offer about this part of the hypothesis is relatively weaker. Columns 8 and 9 in Table B.8 show that land concentration correlates positively with development even after controlling for population shares of Greeks and Armenians. However, unlike for human capital, we lack historical measures for wealth or land inequality. Therefore, we cannot rule out the role of reverse causation and simultaneity bias in driving this relationship. One could alternatively argue that the amount of productive assets minorities left behind (per Muslim residents) might have contributed to subsequent development regardless of how unequal they were distributed. In columns 6, 7 and 9 of Table B.8 we tackle this possibility but do not find much evidence in favor of it. Our building-based proxies for minority assets per post-expulsion Muslim population have no explanatory power for contemporary development once minority population shares are accounted for.
5.3 Other potential mechanisms and interpretations
5.3.1 Cultural attitudes
Could the effect of exposure to minorities on cultural attitudes explain our results irrespective of human capital spillovers? In reference to the inter-group contact hypothesis, one may argue that exposure to out-group members under the right circumstances may increase inter-group trust and tolerance, and cultivate a universal world view that is more welcoming to different cultures and ideas. In Table B.10, we regress various measures of trust and out-group tolerance on historical minority presence in the district where a respondent resides. We find no evidence that current residents of ex-minority districts have more generalized trust or more trust towards other religions or ethnicities.
5.3.2 Decline in religious diversity due to expulsions
An alternative view may be that ethnoreligious diversity imposed constraints on development in Ottoman regions, and the decline in religious diversity due to expulsions became a positive push to economic development. However, this scenario is hard to reconcile with two observations. First, religiously more diverse regions had higher population density already prior to expulsions (Figure B.2). Second, religiously homogenous regions prior to expulsions remained at least as homogenous as the ex-minority regions after the expulsions. Yet, the former experienced slower population growth than high-minority areas in the post-expulsion period (Figures 2 and B.5).
5.3.3 Location of ancient settlements and urban agglomeration
Since minority presence pre-dates Muslim arrival, it could be that areas minorities settled had more time to develop/urbanize or that these locations became focal for market development. Here the concern is that time since first settlement rather than the characteristics of the early settlers might be driving our results. This logic however ignores the role of feedback effects. Early transition to sedentary life means more time to accumulate location-specific human capital. Nonetheless, in Section C.3, we account for pre-historic settlement patterns in Anatolia using archaeological evidence. Also, to account for historical urban agglomeration, we control for proximity to Muslim buildings in Table 3. This mitigates the concern that both non-Muslims and Muslims cluster in the same areas and we are simply picking up unobserved factors that made these areas attractive. Additionally, Panel B of the same table shows that luminosity around each locality increases with minority presence in the surrounding areas further away from the center, even after controlling for minority presence in the center.
5.3.4 Sorting of high skilled Muslims
Rather than human capital spillovers to native Muslims, one could argue that sorting of skilled Muslim immigrants into high minority areas may drive our findings on education and development. Broadly speaking, this mechanism, albeit more indirect than the spillover channel, can still be interpreted as the legacy of minority presence as long as immigrants select on economic opportunities that were the result of historical minority presence. In that case, we can view this explanation as a special form of historical agglomeration, i.e. path dependence, whose ultimate source is minority presence.
A somewhat different scenario is that expulsions led to vacant land and labor shortages in ex-minority areas. And perhaps, more educated and skilled Muslim migrants settled in those locations and they were better suited to succeed economically than the native Muslims. Yet, it is hard to explain why Muslim immigrants were more skilled than native Muslims who had greater time to accumulate location-specific human capital. To address this issue, in Table C.1 we account for inflows of immigrants who arrived during the population exchange with Greece and the fraction of population (in 1927) who were born outside Turkey. While we do not observe and hence cannot account for internal migration and its effect on human capital composition during the post-expulsion period, this scenario by itself cannot explain why occupations where Greeks and Armenians were traditionally overrepresented are still more prevalent in ex-minority areas (see Table 6). | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 89 | https://www.fidh.org/en/region/europe-central-asia/azerbaijan/nagorno-karabakh-conflict-all-sides-must-spare-civilians-and-respect | en | Karabakh Conflict: All Sides Must Spare Civilians and Respect International Law | [
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] | null | FIDH is alarmed by reports of indiscriminate shelling of densely populated areas and civilian infrastructure in and around the Nagorno Karabakh (…) | en | squelettes/plugins/fidh/theme/images/favicon.ico | International Federation for Human Rights | https://www.fidh.org/en/region/europe-central-asia/azerbaijan/nagorno-karabakh-conflict-all-sides-must-spare-civilians-and-respect | On 27 September 2020, heavy fighting broke out in and around the Nagorno Karabakh region in the South Caucuses resulting in hundreds of casualties, including dozens of civilians. This latest instance of armed violence between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the region is the most intense since 1994. While the exact number of casualties is at this time unknown, they are reportedly into the hundreds and include dozens of civilians, including children. Several journalists have been wounded. Both sides blame the other for the latest outbreak of hostilities.
Most of the civilian casualties are a result of heavy shelling. There have also been reports of damage to civilian buildings, roads and bridges in towns and villages on either side of the contact line. Journalists report the use of cluster munitions in densely populated areas.
Both Armenia and Azerbaijan are parties to the 1949 Geneva Conventions. Customary international humanitarian law (IHL) on the conduct of hostilities also applies to the situation. Under IHL, parties to the conflict must distinguish between civilians and civilian objects on the one hand, and military objectives, including military personnel, on the other, and only target the latter.
“Cluster munitions are inherently imprecise weapons that should never be used in a densely populated area,” said Ilya Nuzov, the Head of FIDH’s Eastern Europe and Central Asia desk. “Their use constitutes a violation of international humanitarian law, while their intentional use against civilians is a war crime triggering both individual and state responsibility.”
In addition to international humanitarian law, international human rights law continues to apply during times of armed conflict. Both Armenia and Azerbaijan are States Parties to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the European Convention on Human Rights and must therefore protect their populations from the effects of armed conflict.
FIDH calls on both Azerbaijan and Armenia to refrain from targeting the civilian population or taking any other action that might threaten the life and health of civilians, including through the use of cluster munitions, and to avoid damaging homes, schools, hospitals and the civilian infrastructure crucial to the delivery of food, water and electricity to the conflict-affected region. | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 92 | https://www.statista.com/statistics/1238987/female-population-share-by-country/ | en | Highest female to male ratio worldwide by country 2022 | [
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6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 31 | https://www.usaid.gov/georgia/news/wearesakartvelo-using-information-build-bridges | en | #WeAreSakartvelo: Using Information to Build Bridges | https://www.usaid.gov/themes/custom/uswds_usaid/favicon.ico | https://www.usaid.gov/themes/custom/uswds_usaid/favicon.ico | [
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] | null | [] | 2022-02-23T10:36:00 | JNEWS is a local independent media outlet in Javakheti, a majority ethnic Armenian region in Georgia’s south. | en | /themes/custom/uswds_usaid/favicon.ico | U.S. Agency for International Development | https://www.usaid.gov/georgia/news/wearesakartvelo-using-information-build-bridges | JNEWS is a local independent media outlet in Javakheti, a majority ethnic Armenian region in Georgia’s south. Several years ago, a group of active citizens in Javakheti created the outlet to ensure that ethnic Armenians - many of whom lack Georgian language skills - could receive fact-based information about local and national issues. Now, the outlet is playing an important role in promoting civic integration in Georgia.
7 years ago in Akhalkalaki, Javakheti, a group of friends - four journalists and one engineer – met to discuss what they could do to improve conditions in the region. They decided that what Javakheti needed most was an independent media outlet based on strong journalistic principles, while the rest of Georgia needed a voice from Javakheti. This is how JNEWS – the Javakheti Information Center – was established by five women with a 1,800 euro grant.
"Initially, we wanted to launch a blog with this budget, then we thought we could create a website. Together, we decided the name, visual scheme, and colors. We did not have an office, we had meetings in the street" - recalls Kristina Marabyan, one of the founders of JNEWS. The outlet was co-founded by Kristina along with Rima Gharibyan, Shushana Shirinyan, Ani Minasyan, and Aghunik Ayvaziyan.
Today, JNEWS is a well-known regional media outlet in Georgia and the leading voice in Javakheti. It reports on important issues in the Georgian, Armenian, and Russian languages.
According to its founders, more than 70,000 people visit the JNEWS website from different parts of the world each month. It not only informs Georgian society about news in the region of Javakheti, which is densely populated by ethnic Armenians, but it is also one of the main ways for people in Javakheti to learn about what is going on in the country.
Recently, the founders stumbled upon the records from their brainstorming back in 2014. They realized that the main goals they set more than seven years ago have already been achieved.
”We have accomplished [our goals],” they say, adding, “We have transformed”.
It certainly was not easy to achieve these goals. It was a difficult journey, one that involved overcoming gender, ethnic, and other cultural stereotypes.
Building a Bridge
According to the 2014 census, 4.5% of Georgia's population is Armenian, making them the second largest ethnic group in the country. Armenians make up 92.2% of Akhalkalaki residents and 95% of Ninotsminda. Javakheti is home to several different ethnic communities: Armenians, Georgians, including eco-migrants, Greeks, and Russians. The Armenian population is the region’s largest.
JNEWS launched when there was almost “no information in Armenian language in the region,” recalls Kristina. Mainly due to language barriers, the main sources of information accessible to the population were Russian and Armenian media. Javakheti did not have an active local media outlet which could report and tell the region’s story to the rest of the country.
"Javakheti is a region near the border that is densely populated by. We witnessed that it was becoming a kind of instrument of geopolitical passions ... While the people in this region lived a normal life, we thought that if there were no media that communicated about the needs and thoughts of the people here, it would always be used for different [geopolitical] purposes” - recalls Rima, the editor-in-chief. “In 2014, even European media wrote that if Georgia joined NATO, Javakheti would be separated from Georgia ... We thought that there should be a media outlet which could report information from here. Fortunately, we have managed to do this.”
“It is important that someone explain, when people go to a political rally, for instance – what are their needs? This should be reported so that Georgia understands this. For example, there was a period when we were perceived as separatists in Georgia, as if we did not want things to go well in the country. But this is not true, we have the same problems that others have, we have the same needs like other citizens, and Georgia should see these issues as they are in reality. Fair, ethical journalism helps this, and the situation in the region largely depends on it” – says Kristina.
5 Women and their Impact on the Community
The media organization founded by five women years ago in a small regional town laid the ground not only for an information breakthrough, but it also made unexpected changes in the usual cultural and political routine of Akhalkalaki.
Shushana Shirinyan was 40 years old when she left her career as an engineer and joined the JNEWS team as a journalist. Now, she considers writing and journalism to be the best profession for her. She recalls that in 2014, when the team started covering news, conducting polls, talking about problems, criticizing, and even demanding to attend government level meetings, their actions were surprising to many people.
Gender was an important factor in this.
“There was a stereotype that women are not capable of anything. We have shown that they are. We were sitting and working with men and we were showing that women could participate in discussions and decision-making processes about regional issues”- recalls Shushana. “For instance, City Hall members were not accustomed to the fact that women were attending the meetings. Now, this has changed. I think that our team has also contributed to this.”
Currently, the team at JNEWS consists of 15 women of both older and younger generations. But all of them had to overcome stereotypes and help change attitudes in the community.
“When you go to a small town for news coverage, you come across acquaintances and relatives, and you know almost everyone. It was hard in the beginning. They didn’t expect this from us – you are either somebody’s daughter or somebody’s wife. They were asking how we wrote this way. But for us, the truth is the most important thing. Soon, everyone realized this” – recalls Shushana.
Soon, official bodies became accustomed to the fact that the media would ask them for information, which they were obliged to provide. The journalists remember that in the beginning, official agencies’ perception of the media was one of the biggest challenges. But the JNEWS team is now most proud of the citizens’ active engagement.
“If before we had to travel to some village kilometers away to get a small press comment, nowadays people approach us to share problems and to raise issues”- says Aghunik Ayvazyan, one of the co-founders of JNEWS, who has been the editor of Armenian language division for past three years. The reason of this increased interest may also be the news that changed peoples’ lives:
“We mainly write about the region, social issues; we pay significant attention to education; we write about personal issues. For example, I remember a story of a single mother of three, who was blind and lived in extreme poverty. When a local official heard this news, they found her a home and provided her with social services. After this, people started contacting us” – says Aghunik. She points out that readers are not only interested in stories about local Armenians, but about all of the ethnic groups of the region.
Homeland
When asked which issues were most important to ethnic Armenians living in Javakheti, JNEWS’s answer is the same: In Javakheti, different ethnic groups, including ethnic Armenians, live alongside each other. Their everyday lives, along with their aspirations and problems, are alike. They are not divided along ethnic lines.
“There are more differences between our region and the rest of Georgia, rather than among the ethnic minorities within our region... There’s no ethnic distinction or problems. Azerbaijanis come from Marneuli and buy potatoes, Turks also come”- says Kristina, whose neighbors are mainly ethnic Georgian.
“I’ll tell you about my personal example,” she says when responding to a question about the civic integration of ethnic Armenians. “I personally went through this process. I studied in an Armenian school and got higher education in Armenia. And there I heard for the first time that I was not a citizen of Armenia. Then, we had close relations with Armenia and I had no contact with Georgians.”
Though challenges remain, the journalists say that nowadays we have a better picture of the integration process in the region, compared to 10, 15 years ago. It is especially reflected in youth. One of the reasons for this is improving Georgian language instruction and more active civic engagement. For example, JNEWS reported that this year 250 students finishing high school in Akhalkalaki continued their studies in Georgian universities. This is almost twice the number from 2010, when it was 186. How can we assess what Georgia means to ethnic Armenians? Rima often thinks about this, as covering integration issues is one of the publication’s main priorities:
“We have a feeling that this is our homeland, I am part of it. But regarding being part of the country as a system, they [ethnic Armenians] have no such feeling. They feel a connection to the land, but when there are problems, they have no requirements from the government. For example, when they couldn’t leave the country due to closed borders, they didn’t require answers from the local authorities, but they searched for alternative ways.”
“Integration depends on how we are received in the rest of Georgia. If they receive us as strangers, we will remain strangers” – says Kristina.
-How do you feel, are you a stranger?
- I’m not. I have the same rights and obligations as others. Here’s the difference: If you feel yourself to be a citizen, you remain in the country, learn Georgian, and live in the region. If you don’t feel this way – you leave for another country. It’s important not to frustrate such people… when a person doesn’t know what’s going on in their country, it’ll make no difference what actually goes on in the country. We work so that people understand this.” | ||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 84 | https://apnews.com/article/armenia-azerbaijan-nagorno-karabakh-weapons-israel-6814437bcd744acc1c4df0409a74406c | en | Israeli arms quietly helped Azerbaijan retake Nagorno-Karabakh, to the dismay of region’s Armenians | https://dims.apnews.com/dims4/default/235cebf/2147483647/strip/true/crop/4336x2439+0+226/resize/1440x810!/quality/90/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fassets.apnews.com%2F91%2F0a%2F426e52b3b4ba8b7378f0d9bfbbbd%2Fbefd46c1602e44abb46378ceffcfd866 | https://dims.apnews.com/dims4/default/235cebf/2147483647/strip/true/crop/4336x2439+0+226/resize/1440x810!/quality/90/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fassets.apnews.com%2F91%2F0a%2F426e52b3b4ba8b7378f0d9bfbbbd%2Fbefd46c1602e44abb46378ceffcfd866 | [
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] | 2023-10-05T04:27:52+00:00 | Israel has quietly helped fuel Azerbaijan’s campaign to recapture Nagorno-Karabakh, supplying powerful weapons to the country ahead of its lightening offensive last month that brought the Armenian separatist enclave in its territory back under its control. | en | /apple-touch-icon.png | AP News | https://apnews.com/article/armenia-azerbaijan-nagorno-karabakh-weapons-israel-6814437bcd744acc1c4df0409a74406c | TEL AVIV, Israel (AP) — Israel has quietly helped fuel Azerbaijan’s campaign to recapture Nagorno-Karabakh, supplying powerful weapons to Azerbaijan ahead of its lightening offensive last month that brought the ethnic Armenian enclave back under its control, officials and experts say.
Just weeks before Azerbaijan launched its 24-hour assault on Sept. 19, Azerbaijani military cargo planes repeatedly flew between a southern Israeli airbase and an airfield near Nagorno-Karabakh, according to flight tracking data and Armenian diplomats, even as Western governments were urging peace talks.
The flights rattled Armenian officials in Yerevan, long wary of the strategic alliance between Israel and Azerbaijan, and shined a light on Israel’s national interests in the restive region south of the Caucasus Mountains.
“For us, it is a major concern that Israeli weapons have been firing at our people,” Arman Akopian, Armenia’s ambassador to Israel, told The Associated Press. In a flurry of diplomatic exchanges, Akopian said he expressed alarm to Israeli politicians and lawmakers in recent weeks over Israeli weapons shipments.
“I don’t see why Israel should not be in the position to express at least some concern about the fate of people being expelled from their homeland,” he told AP.
Azerbaijan’s September blitz involving heavy artillery, rocket launchers and drones — largely supplied by Israel and Turkey, according to experts — forced Armenian separatist authorities to lay down their weapons and sit down for talks on the future of the separatist region.
The Azerbaijani offensive killed over 200 Armenians in the enclave, the vast majority of them fighters, and some 200 Azerbaijani troops, according to officials.
There are ramifications beyond the volatile enclave of 4,400 square kilometers (1,700 square miles). The fighting prompted over 100,000 people — more than 80% of the enclave’s ethnic Armenian residents — to flee in the last two weeks. Azerbaijan has pledged to respect the rights of ethnic Armenians.
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has termed the exodus “a direct act of an ethnic cleansing.” Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry strongly rejected the accusation, saying the departures are a “personal and individual decision and (have) nothing to do with forced relocation.”
Israel’s foreign and defense ministries declined to comment on the use of Israeli weapons in Nagorno-Karabakh or on Armenian concerns about its military partnership with Azerbaijan. In July, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant visited Baku, the Azerbaijan capital, where he praised the countries’ military cooperation and joint “fight against terrorism.”
Israel has a big stake in Azerbaijan, which serves as a critical source of oil and is a staunch ally against Israel’s archenemy Iran. It is also a lucrative customer of sophisticated arms.
“There’s no doubt about our position in support of Azerbaijan’s defense,” said Arkady Mil-man, Israel’s former ambassador to Azerbaijan and current senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv. “We have a strategic partnership to contain Iran.”
Although once resource-poor Israel now has plenty of natural gas off its Mediterranean coast, Azerbaijan still supplies at least 40% of Israel’s oil needs, keeping cars and trucks on its roads. Israel turned to Baku’s offshore deposits in the late 1990s, creating an oil pipeline through the Turkish transport hub of Ceyan that isolated Iran, which at the time capitalized on oil flowing through its pipelines from Kazakhstan to world markets.
Azerbaijan has long been suspicious of Iran, its fellow Shiite Muslim neighbor on the Caspian Sea, and chafed at its support for Armenia, which is Christian. Iran has accused Azerbaijan of hosting a base for Israeli intelligence operations against it — a claim that Azerbaijan and Israel deny.
“It’s clear to us that Israel has an interest in keeping a military presence in Azerbaijan, using its territory to observe Iran,” Armenian diplomat Tigran Balayan said.
Few have benefited more from the two countries’ close relations than Israeli military contractors. Experts estimate Israel supplied Azerbaijan with nearly 70% of its arsenal between 2016 and 2020 — giving Azerbaijan an edge against Armenia and boosting Israel’s large defense industry.
“Israeli arms have played a very significant role in allowing the Azerbaijani army to reach its objectives,” said Pieter Wezeman, senior researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, which tracks arms sales.
Israeli long-range missiles and exploding drones known as loitering munitions have made up for Azerbaijan’s small air force, Wezeman said, even at times striking deep within Armenia itself. Meanwhile, Israeli Barak-8 surface-to-air missiles have protected Azerbaijan’s airspace in shooting down missiles and drones, he added.
Just ahead of last month’s offensive, the Azerbaijani defense ministry announced the army conducted a missile test of Barak-8. Its developer, Israel Aerospace Industries, declined to comment on Azerbaijan’s use of its air defense system and combat drones.
But Azerbaijan has raved about the success of Israeli drones in slicing through the Armenian defenses and tipping the balance in the bloody six-week war in 2020.
Its defense minister in 2016 called a combat drone manufactured by Israel’s Aeronautics Group “a nightmare for the Armenian army,” which backed the region’s separatists during Azerbaijan’s conflict with Nagorno-Karabakh that year.
President Ilham Aliyev in 2021 — a year of deadly Azerbaijan-Armenian border clashes — was captured on camera smiling as he stroked the small Israeli suicide drone “Harop” during an arms showcase.
Israel has deployed similar suicide drones during deadly army raids against Palestinian militants in the occupied West Bank.
“We’re glad for this cooperation, it was quite supportive and quite beneficial for defense,” Azerbaijani’s ambassador to Israel, Mukhtar Mammadov told the AP, speaking generally about Israel’s support for the Azerbaijani military. “We’re not hiding it.”
At a crucial moment in early September — as diplomats scrambled to avert an escalation — flight tracking data shows that Azerbaijani cargo planes began to stream into Ovda, a military base in southern Israel with a 3,000-meter-long airstrip, known as the only airport in Israel that handles the export of explosives.
The AP identified at least six flights operated by Azerbaijan’s Silk Way Airlines landing at Ovda airport between Sept. 1 and Sept. 17 from Baku, according to aviation-tracking website FlightRadar24.com. Azerbaijan launched its offensive two days later.
During those six days, the Russian-made Ilyushin Il-76 military transport lingered on Ovda’s tarmac for several hours before departing for either Baku or Ganja, the country’s second-largest city, just north of Nagorno-Karabakh.
In March, an investigation by the Haaretz newspaper said it had counted 92 Azerbaijani military cargo flights to Ovda airport from 2016-2020. Sudden surges of flights coincided with upticks of fighting in Nagorno-Karabkh, it found.
“During the 2020 war, we saw flights every other day and now, again, we see this intensity of flights leading up to the current conflict,” said Akopian, the Armenian ambassador. “It is clear to us what’s happening.”
Israel’s defense ministry declined to comment on the flights. The Azerbaijani ambassador, Mammadov, said he was aware of the reports but declined to comment.
The decision to support an autocratic government against an ethnic and religious minority has fueled a debate in Israel about the country’s permissive arms export policies. Of the top 10 arms manufactures globally, only Israel and Russia lack legal restrictions on weapons exports based on human rights concerns.
“If anyone can identify with (Nagorno-Karabakh) Armenians’ continuing fear of ethnic cleansing it is the Jewish people,” said Avidan Freedman, founder of the Israeli advocacy group Yanshoof, which seeks to stop Israeli arm sales to human rights violators. “We’re not interested in becoming accomplices.” | ||
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Armenia is a source and destination country for human trafficking. Women and children are especially vulnerable to sex trafficking, and trafficking for the purpose of forced labour and begging. However, the number of trafficking victims identified by Armenian authorities has been declining since 2020; most identified victims are women and girls exploited within the country for sexual purposes. Victims from abroad are also vulnerable to human trafficking, specifically in forced labour and sex trafficking. For instance, Ukrainian, Belarusian, and Russian dancers are frequently targeted by traffickers for the purpose of sexual exploitation, and men arriving to the country from India and Iran are vulnerable to forced labour. Even though labour exploitation is prevalent in the country, this market is difficult to assess as potential victims generally refuse to be identified as victims of trafficking. Forced child labour is observed in agriculture, construction and service provision. There are also reports suggesting the existence of illicit adoption schemes. These are carried out through the involvement of corrupt high-ranking officials: doctors, police officers and even orphanages. Although the exact market value is unknown, profits are believed to primarily accrue to domestic actors, due to the important local demand. Armenian citizens who travel abroad to seek employment in different countries – such as Russia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Turkey – have also been subject to human trafficking.
Armenians can easily enter neighbouring countries like Russia, Turkey and Iran – visas are not required or are easy to acquire. For this reason, the number of Armenians using criminal networks to illegally enter neighbouring countries is negligible, and human smuggling is therefore limited. There are some reports of the country being used by nationals from the UAE and Turkey to illegally enter the European Union, but this market is not widespread. There is no recent data suggesting the existence of extortion and protection racketeering in Armenia, and there is only a minimal risk of the problem emerging in the short and medium term.
Trade
Even though Armenia’s arms trafficking market is limited, especially when compared to neighbouring countries, the illegal circulation of weapons, mainly originating from Nagorno-Karabakh region, continues due to the ongoing hostilities there. Illegal weapons used in the First Nagorno-Karabakh War in the 1990s are still circulating illegally in the country, but the exact scale of this issue is unknown. There are also allegations of Armenia being a destination country for illegal imported arms from the Western Balkans through Georgia, which is feeding the illicit arms trade in the country. In addition, it has been reported that Russia exported arms to Armenia before and during the conflict with Azerbaijan.
Armenia is a source and transit country for the transnational trade in counterfeit goods. Most common counterfeit products found in the country are counterfeit luxury goods and brand-named products. When it comes to the illicit trade in excise goods, specifically cigarettes and alcohol, Armenia is mainly a source country. There are reports suggesting high levels of cigarette smuggling from Armenia to countries including Russia, Iraqi Kurdistan in northern Iraq, Iran, Turkey, Georgia and Germany. However, despite being the third largest provider of counterfeit cigarettes to Russia, after Belarus and Kazakhstan, the Armenian share has been in decline due to the increased presence of Belarusian cigarettes in the country.
Environment
Even though Armenia is one of the least forested countries in Eastern Europe, forests are largely endangered, specifically in the north-east and south-east due to illegal mining, illegal logging and the exploitation of those forests for firewood. Illegal logging in Armenia is prevalent along the border with Azerbaijan, where heightened insecurity lowers investment prospects and increases economic depression. Illicitly harvested timber is used as firewood and in furniture manufacturing. Overall, however, there has been a national decrease in illegal logging due to improved forest management measures and increased pressure from the judiciary, although corruption in the sector remains a concern.
Armenia is a frequent transit country for endangered animals, including giraffes, zebras and crocodiles, coming from South Africa and other countries, which are then trafficked towards Russia and the EU. Current findings also suggest that demand for rare animals among wealthy and influential Armenians appears to be common: there have been many cases of high-ranking officials using fraudulent CITES permits to import wild animals to keep as pets. The Armenia–Azerbaijan border regions are well-known poaching grounds; poachers have become more organized in recent years. The country is also part of a caviar-smuggling corridor running from Azerbaijan through Armenia into Russia and the EU, although to a lesser extent when compared to neighbouring countries.
Gold remains the most exploited non-renewable resource, though this exploitation has reduced in recent years. The gold mines in the Nagorno-Karabakh region have been under Azerbaijani control since autumn 2021; that country also controls most of the gold mines in the Kalbajar region. There are reports suggesting the involvement of state-embedded actors in the exploitation of gold mines in the country, through the abuse of state-issued permits. Diamond smuggling is equally prevalent: diamonds purchased from countries like India are transported to Armenia where they are polished and processed before being exported to the UAE, Russia and Belgium. However, there is no evidence suggesting the involvement of criminal groups in this market. Moreover, there has been a substantial decrease in diamond smuggling in the country, which is attributed to the tighter border restrictions and closures. In an attempt to regularize the industry, Armenia has established a state-owned company aimed at centralizing the import and export of diamonds.
Drugs
Armenia is a transit country for the heroin trade – it is a link on the northern Balkan smuggling route between Afghanistan, Iran, the Caucasus and Europe. Armenian, Russian and Iranian organized groups are involved in this market. Heroin trafficked through Armenia largely originates from Iran and Iranian groups are particularly involved in cross-border transit and supply. Evidence indicates that the Meghri crossing on the Armenia–Iran border is where most of the heroin supply enters the country; it is subsequently transported to the Armenia–Georgia border. Despite this cross-border trade, domestic heroin consumption in Armenia remains limited due to low purchasing power among a relatively small population. When it comes to cocaine trafficking, Armenia is a transit point on the routes between Latin America, Turkey and Europe, as well as Iran, the UAE and Malaysia. However, cocaine trafficking through Armenia, which mostly involves foreign actors, is believed to have been on the decline in recent years. Due to targeted drug seizures, domestic demand is also moderate.
Armenia is a source country for the cannabis trade. Indoor cannabis production is prevalent across the country. Although cannabis is primarily produced by domestic actors, it is often destined for foreign markets. (Domestic consumption is moderate due to targeted drug seizures in the country.) Armenia is also a transit country for the trade in synthetic drugs, which are destined for European or Australian markets. In addition to local organized crime groups, Georgian and Iranian actors are involved in the production and smuggling of methamphetamine. Similar to other substances, synthetic drugs are usually imported from Iran.
Cyber Crimes
Cyber-dependent crimes have increased in Armenia in recent years. Government authorities have been targeted by spyware and by criminals looking to exploit weaknesses in the country’s public and private infrastructure. These attacks are often politically motivated and they are also on the rise between Armenia and Azerbaijan, where different hacker groups have been attacking government websites. Russian hacker groups have also been known to target Armenian governmental and military organizations with malicious software, spy systems, denial-of-service attacks and ransomware attacks, among others. Cyber-attacks at international level are also generated from Armenia. Despite the emerging significance of cybercrime in the country, the value of the market is unknown and there is no public information that indicates which actors or groups are involved. While government-backed attacks against other states are prevalent, ransomware attacks and other cybercrimes targeting civilians remain limited, although there is evidence that this market is also growing. In addition, escalating cryptocurrency mining activities in Armenia could create a niche for illicit activities in years to come, due to a lack of relevant regulations.
Financial Crimes
Embezzlement of public funds, tax evasion and avoidance, and fraudulent investment schemes are the most common financial crimes in Armenia. These crimes affect the national treasury and civilians who are trying to make quick profits. State-embedded actors, national actors and foreign actors, including Israeli groups, are known to be involved in this market.
Criminal Actors
State-embedded actors remain one of the most influential criminal actors in Armenia. However, their influence has reduced in recent years following government efforts to combat corruption. Nevertheless, criminal activities are thought to take place at all levels of the state, enabled by law enforcement officials who facilitate transactions between criminal groups and higher-ranking officials for personal gain. Connections between law enforcement and small criminals at a local level are also commonplace due to bribery. At a high level, the Armenian political elite and their relatives are reportedly engaged in several criminal markets including arms trafficking, drug trafficking, wildlife trafficking, money laundering, illegal mining and other corrupt practices. Certain business sectors have been cartelized or semi-monopolized, specifically businesses involved in commodities like sugar, flour and alcoholic beverages. Politicians governing these cartels allegedly enjoy immunity. Foreign players are also engaged in criminal activities in Armenia. For the most part, these are Iranian groups involved in the trafficking of heroin, synthetic drugs and to a lesser extent, cocaine; and Russian companies working with state-embedded actors to exploit non-renewable resources.
Even though Armenian mafia-style groups are known to be involved in human smuggling, drug smuggling and counterfeiting, the activities of such groups remain limited. Armenia has a weak economy and there is a lack of space in the country for lucrative illegal business. There is no evidence to suggest that any mafia-style groups control significant territories in Armenian cities. There are reports of an Armenian mafia divided into separate clans or brotherhoods (called ‘akhperutyuns’), which control parts of the capital Yerevan, although the reports indicate a decline in membership since 2018. Historically, professional criminals who enjoy elite positions within organized crime groups have been active in Armenia, although their influence has declined since the early 2000s. (In the region, this type of criminal is known as a ‘thief in law’ – from the Russian slang term vory v zakone.) Experts no longer consider such groups to be mafia-style groups but rather criminal networks. The activities of Armenian criminal networks remain limited, mostly due to a lack of resources and Armenia only being a transit country of illicit trade, rather than the source or destination. Nevertheless, a small number of thieves in law remain in Armenia, exerting some influence over criminal markets. There is no public data or reports that reveal the widespread involvement of the private sector in criminal markets, with the exception of private tobacco companies that produce counterfeit cigarettes. However, since these have lost their market share in the main market of Russia, their activities are likely to have reduced.
Leadership and governance
Armenia is identified as a hybrid or transitional regime. The country continues to improve its state capacity despite the regime change and political issues related to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Progress has been made with EU cooperation in various areas, including democratic governance and transparency, but political leadership is still strongly influenced by Russia. This reflects on the country’s governance, external relations and politics, as well as the security measures impacted by the presence of Russian peacekeepers in the border areas with Azerbaijan. The political crisis following the defeat of ethnic Armenian forces in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was largely defused in the snap election of June 2021, which resulted in a decisive victory for the ruling party and the reconfirmation of the prime minister. Following the elections, the government has continued to implement its reforms, prioritizing rule of law and anti-corruption, among other key areas. Progress has been made with regards to transparency and accountability, and public trust in institutions has improved, but state-embedded corruption remains prevalent. The close relationship between oligarchs and political and business actors has raised concerns about cronyism and influence and has highlighted a selective application of the law. Notwithstanding the EU’s support in its efforts to fight corruption, Armenia also lacks transparency when it comes to prosecutions and the work of its law enforcement, especially in cases connected to high-profile politicians.
Armenia is party to most relevant international treaties and conventions pertaining to organized crime, with the exception of the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, and the Arms Trade Treaty. Armenia has also collaborated with many international actors, including the EU and Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in the aftermath of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, the work of the latter has been blocked. The country has also started working closely with Europol to combat cross-border criminal activities, including wildlife trafficking. At a national level, Armenia’s legal framework (developed with the support of the EU, aligning national policies with EU policies) covers most organized criminal markets. However, further efforts are necessary to strengthen the country’s relevant legislation, especially in relation to human smuggling and cryptocurrency.
Criminal justice and security
Armenia’s judicial system continues to lack independence. Some judicial bodies are heavily populated by politically connected people. Despite a national strategy drafted for judicial reform, more needs to be done to improve the effectiveness of the justice system. Even though there is a significant focus on reducing corruption (Armenia has established three anti-corruption investigative bodies), corruption within the judicial system remains a major concern. As for the penitentiary system, torture and ill-treatment in custody remain problematic and are usually perpetrated with impunity. Criminal subcultures allegedly rule Armenia’s prisons. Following the introduction of a bill criminalizing such subcultures, riots broke out in many prisons across the country. Reports also indicate prisoner abuse and poor living conditions, including understaffing and poor medical facilities.
Historically, law enforcement agencies have not been among the most trusted institutions in the country. Limited state funding and low salaries have made bribes more tempting. There are also concerns about a lack of skilled professionals in law enforcement – this despite some successful operations in recent years that have resulted in high-profile arrests, including of local crime bosses. The Armenian government has approved an action plan for the reform of its law enforcement bodies. The plan includes creating a new patrol police and granting police investigative powers.
Armenia lost a large swathe of territory in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict – a total of seven regions, which are now either controlled by Azerbaijan or by the self-proclaimed Republic of Artsakh. There has been a major escalation in military hostility, which started in 2022 and which threatens the safety and livelihoods of civilians in Nagorno-Karabakh and along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border, mostly on the Armenian side. Although Armenia’s borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan have been closed since 1993, the borders with Georgia and Iran are exposed and vulnerable to drug trafficking. While Armenia maintains domestic control of its law enforcement operations, there are Russian border guards along the country's borders with Turkey and Iran.
Economic and financial environment
Armenia has strengthened its anti-money laundering (AML) legal framework in recent years (to match international standards) and it has made progress in money-laundering risk and threat assessment. There have been further legislative reforms to regulate gambling. Law enforcement authorities continue to pursue criminal cases against high-level officials from prior governments (and any associated oligarchs) with an increasing number of convictions. However, despite these improvements, there are still AML risks within the Armenian banking system – a system used by Iranian and Russian criminal groups, and by Russian oligarchs in the wake of sanctions against Russia. Even though there are no major deficiencies within the national AML framework, the risk of money laundering and terrorist financing is still considered high.
In order to secure a stronger economic system, Armenia has cooperated with the EU on economic regulatory reforms within the Eastern Partnership scope. These reforms include the promotion of a digital economy to bring economic growth to the country, to generate jobs, improve livelihoods and help businesses. The right to property ownership and the establishment of private businesses, while free of state interference, both lack transparency and are affected by cronyism. Despite government and international efforts at economic reform, about half of the workers in Armenia are employed in the informal sector and possibly subjected to abuse and/or exploitation due to the poor enforcement of relevant labour protections.
Civil society and social protection
The Armenian government has a fairly robust framework in place to provide support to victims of modern slavery, and to help those victims exit. Overall, however, victim and witness support measures appear insufficient. Law enforcement officials also reportedly lack the training and sensitivity required to assist victims. Victims in remote areas are most at risk – they have limited access to justice, notably victim-centred procedures or formal victim/witness protection measures. However, there are certain mechanisms, including an online whistle-blower platform and a hotline for trafficking victims, that provide some support to victims and witnesses in the country. Even though the Armenian government has used awareness campaigns to increase its efforts at preventing human trafficking, no significant efforts have been made to monitor and prevent sex trafficking and forced labour.
Despite a generally positive stance towards non-state actors in Armenia, there is a lack of civil society organisations dedicated to issues like policing, the criminal justice system and fighting organised crime. Those that exist lack funding and resources. That said, civil society organizations have been increasingly involved in decision-making processes in the country. The media landscape in the country is polarized and recent incidents of physical violence against journalists suggests that political influence in media affects their protection. The attacks severely undermine basic international media freedom standards and many independent journalists have reported incidents of self-censoring to avoid harassment from political or corporate entities. | ||||||
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"Maria Tavernini",
"Mohsen Kadivar"
] | null | 100,000 Armenians left Nagorno-Karabakh after Azerbaijan's offensive. Almost 80 percent of the region's population fled to neighboring Armenia | en | Reset DOC | https://www.resetdoc.org/story/after-nagorno-karabakh-an-uncertain-future-awaits-both-refugees-and-wider-region/ | Hundreds of refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh took to the streets of Yerevan a few days ago. They demanded a more comprehensive response plan from the Armenian government, as well as protections from international entities that may enable them to one day return to their homes. The protest included the reading of a declaration that cast light on the housing difficulties encountered by the former inhabitants of Artsakh. The latter have criticized the government’s “inadequate” response to the crisis.
The provisional plan drafted by Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Khachatrian in February includes public funding for the purchase or construction of new homes for refugees. Each refugee would receive 3 million dram, the equivalent of 7,400 dollars. Refugee representatives rejected the offer on the grounds that such an amount would only allow them to find housing in remote villages, where opportunities for work are few and far between.
International Crisis Group Data
According to a report from the International Crisis Group, 100,000 Armenians left Nagorno-Karabakh after Azerbaijan‘s offensive on September 19, 2024, which put an end to the enclave’s autonomy. Almost 80 percent of the region’s population fled to neighboring Armenia. This constitutes the largest mass exodus into its own territory that the country has experienced in recent history.
After registering all refugees, the Armenian government then sought to provide them with accommodation in cities, in order to avoid the creation of refugee camps. However, resources are limited. Each adult refugee received the equivalent of 250 dollars upon entry into the country, followed by a monthly subsidy of 125 dollars to pay for rent and basic needs (the average salary in Armenia is 668 dollars per month). In order to reduce expenses and survive on such small amounts, some families have chosen to share the same home. However, their future remains uncertain, because it is still unclear whether Yerevan will be able to continue the aid program, which is set to expire at the end of March.
Refugee aid has placed a considerable burden on the Armenian economy. The country consists of a mere three million inhabitants, 25 percent of whom already lived under the poverty threshold even before the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis. Today, one out of every thirty inhabitants is a refugee from Artsakh. Put another way, there are as many refugees as there are people living in the country’s second-largest city, Gyumri.
Refugee aid constitutes a significant socio-economic challenge. Without adequate long-term support, the country’s poverty rate can only increase. Though so far the people of Armenia have shown great solidarity, increased poverty may lead to societal tension, especially as the allocation of funding to refugees may result in cuts to other services.
The Housing Crisis
Even though the Armenian government initially planned to relocate refugee families to the country’s urban centers, the majority of refugees opted to settle in the capital. Rent is higher in Yerevan, but the chances of finding work are greater as well. Today, Yerevan hosts 50,000 Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh. An additional 30 percent of the total refugee population settled in the capital’s vicinity. For example, Masis, 17 km from Yerevan, hosts 11,000 refugees, the equivalent of almost 10 percent of the population of Nagorno-Karabakh before September 2023. In Masis, public buildings have been turned into residences, because all the available housing has been leased.
The Armenian government hopes to build new apartment buildings. However, even with the aid of companies and private donors, this would require huge sums: a small apartment for a single family in a town near the capital would cost at least 20,000 dollars.
Costs diminish considerably in the smaller towns and villages, in less densely populated areas. In Vardenis, on the border with Azerbaijan, houses may be purchased for a mere 5,000 dollars. However, none of the refugees wish to live there, fearing both the possibility of further clashes between the two countries, and fewer work opportunities. A town official told representatives of the International Crisis Group that many of the refugees originally intended for Vardenis decided to get off their buses once they realized their destinations. Only 800 refugees, the very poorest, now live in Vardenis. They constitute only a tenth of the number of refugees the government had planned to relocate to the area.
The Employment Crisis
In terms of employment, the Armenian government quickly launched an employment plan that included funding incentives for companies that hired refugees, in the hope that this would lead to regular long-term contracts. According to official data, over 5,000 Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh have found a job over the last six months. However, it is difficult to predict how many will manage to keep their jobs. Though the Armenian economy has certainly grown over the last five years, the additions of thousands of new jobseekers may raise the country’s unemployment levels from the current 11 percent to 15-17 percent.
Moreover, according to UNHCR, 30,000 refugees are children and 18,000 are over 65. A few thousand more are disabled, in many cases as a result of several decades of conflict, and they are therefore unlikely to find employment. Long-term plans must include a plan for the more vulnerable.
International Aid
From September 2023, the European Union has provided over 12 million euros in humanitarian aid to the Nagorno-Karabakh refugees. At the start of 2024, the EU invested a further 5.5 million euros intended to ease access to essential services, healthcare, and housing.
Ever since the start of the conflict in 2020, the European Commission has allocated 38.4 billion euros for the supply of food, products used for hygiene, emergency education, health and psychosocial support, medical equipment, and demining operations in the areas directly involved in the war.
Yerevan has also requested a loan from the World Bank, and diaspora organizations in Europe and the United States have attempted to raise money for aid. The UNCHR estimates that Armenia needs 97 million dollars to cover refugee aid costs, at least until the end of March. However, even with the help of sixty local and international organizations, only 40 percent of this amount has been raised.
Normalization Between Armenia and Azerbaijan
The government of Azerbaijan has always made it clear that the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh are free to return to their homes if they accept Azeri rule. However, this does not seem feasible to many refugees, having lived for several decades in a self-declared autonomous republic in latent conflict with Azerbaijan, with occasional bursts of violence that culminated in the September 19 attack.
Normalization between Azerbaijan and Armenia remains the only path to prevent further instability. In order to reach a deal, the two countries must agree on borders and transportation. Baku wishes to restore transportation links between Azerbaijan and its enclave, Nakhchivan: the previous plan was for such links to run through Iran, but the most recent proposal would involve a route through Armenia. At the same time, Baku demands that Yerevan abandon any of its claims for territory. At the moment, the refugees see no possibility of returning to their homes, unless they receive safety guarantees from international entities.
A “Great Return” for Azeris
Meanwhile, Azerbaijan has launched a resettlement program for Azeri citizens in Nagorno-Karabakh. According to data from AzerTac, the Azeri national press agency, 1,360 families have taken part so far, for a total of 5,400 people.
These are either former Azeri refugees who had left the enclave after the war in the early 1990s, or children and grandchildren. 527 families have returned to the city of Fuzuli, 431 to Lachin, 175 to Aghali, 20 to Talish, and 207 to Zabukh.
This resettlement scheme, dubbed the “Great Return” by the Aliyev government, started in 2020, when it involved the 300 settlements regained after the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. The first phase of the scheme is scheduled to reach completion by the end of 2026, with the resettlement of 34,500 families, thanks to a funding allocation of 3.1 billion dollars largely invested in reconstruction projects.
Cover photo:Â Residents of Armenia and individuals who have been displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh gather for a rally at Freedom Square in Yerevan, Armenia On 20 March 2024. Armenians unite to urge the Armenian government to address the housing requirements of those from Nagorno-Karabakh who were forced to abandon their residences during the events of September 2023, alongside the restoration of essential social programs. (Photo by Anthony Pizzoferrato / Middle East Images via AFP.)
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SNU S I GN HETE U S ETEH NG I S RS U TALN UD CA LM AU NN AC AC DU NLAT U SR SE NETIHW WHITENES ES RI V CA VI R SE UM AL
M A R T I N A . B E R GR EE RG R E B . A N I T R A M
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY LOS ANGELES LONDON
SSERP AINROFILAC FO YTISREVINU NODNOL SELEGNA SOL YELEKREB
SIGHT UNSEEN WHITENESS AND AMERICAN VISUAL CULTURE
MARTIN A. BERGER
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY LOS ANGELES LONDON
The publisher gratefully acknowledges the generous contribution to this book provided by the Art Endowment Fund of the University of California Press Foundation.
University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England © 2005 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Berger, Martin A. Sight unseen : whiteness and American visual culture / Martin A. Berger. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0-520-24459-1 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Race awareness in art. 2. Art and race. 3. Whites—Race identity—United States. 4. Arts, American—19th century. I. Title. nx650.r34b47 2005 701'.03—dc22 2005008042 Manufactured in Canada 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06 05 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of ansi/niso z39.48-1992 (r 1997) (Permanence of Paper).
FOR VICKY
CONTENTS
List of Illustrations Acknowledgments
IX XIII
White Like Me 1 Genre Painting and the Foundations of Modern Race 1 1 Landscape Photography and the White Gaze 4 3 Museum Architecture and the Imperialism of Whiteness Silent Cinema and the Gradations of Whiteness 1 2 3 The Triumph of Racialized Thought 1 7 3
INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 1 CHAPTER 2 CHAPTER 3 CHAPTER 4 EPILOGUE
Notes 1 7 5 Bibliography Index 2 2 7
207
81
ILLUSTRATIONS
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17
IX
William Sidney Mount, Farmers’ Nooning, 1836. 1 2 William Sidney Mount, Boys Caught Napping in a Field, 1848. 1 3 Frederic Edwin Church, Cotopaxi, 1855. 1 7 Fan K’uan, Travelers amid Streams and Mountains, after 1033. 1 8 Homer Dodge Martin, The Iron Mine, Port Henry, New York, ca. 1862. George Inness, The Lackawanna Valley, ca. 1856. 2 0 William Sidney Mount, Cider Making, 1841. 2 2 Frank Lloyd Wright, Darwin Martin House, 1904–6. 2 3 William Sidney Mount, Fair Exchange, No Robbery, 1865. 2 5 William Sidney Mount, detail of figure 9. 2 7 William Sidney Mount, Long Island Farmhouses, begun 1862. 3 7 William Sidney Mount, Farmer Whetting His Scythe, 1848. 3 9 Carleton Watkins, The Yosemite Valley from the Best General View, 1866. Carleton Watkins, Cathedral Rock, Yosemite, ca. 1865 or 1866. 4 6 Carleton Watkins, Bridal Veil, Yosemite, ca. 1865–66. 4 7 Carleton Watkins, The Half Dome from Glacier Point, 1878–81. 4 8 At the Mechanics’ Institute, 1869. 4 9
19
45
X
18
19
20
21
22 23 24 25 26 27 28
29 30
31
32 33 34
35
36
37
38
39
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
C. King and J. T. Gardner, Map of the Yosemite Valley, 1868. Plate from Geological Survey of California. 5 0 Baker and Company, Plan of Yosemite Valley, 1876. Plate from Two Years in California. 5 1 Ojibwa or Algonquin maker, Map Drawn by Indians on Birch-Bark, ca. 1841. 5 3 E. R. Wallace, Map of the Adirondacks, 1883. Plate from The Tourist’s Guide Book to the United States and Canada. 5 6 Charles Willson Peale, The Artist in His Museum, 1822. 5 9 H. H. Richardson, Ames Gate Lodge, North Easton, MA, 1880–81. 6 1 Carleton Watkins, Union Diggings, Columbia Hill, Nevada County, 1871. 6 2 Jonas Lie, The Conquerors (Culebra Cut, Panama Canal), 1913. 6 6 Lawren S. Harris, Lake and Mountains, 1928. 6 7 Frederic Edwin Church, Aurora Borealis, 1865. 6 9 Isaac Hayes, The Shores of the Polar Sea, 1867. Plate from The Open Polar Sea: A Narrative of a Voyage of Discovery towards the North Pole. 7 0 Frederic Edwin Church, detail of figure 27. 7 1 Charles Leander Weed, Yo-semite Valley, from the Mariposa Trail / Mariposa County, Cal., 1863–64. 7 5 Timothy O’Sullivan, Shoshone Canon and Falls, 1868. Plate from Geological Exploration of the Fortieth Parallel. 7 6 William Henry Jackson, Grand Cañon of the Colorado, ca. 1880. 7 7 William Hahn, Yosemite Valley from Glacier Point, 1874. 7 8 Fraser, Furness and Hewitt, Rodeph Shalom Synagogue, Philadelphia, 1869–70. 8 2 Richard Morris Hunt, Scroll and Key Society, Yale University, New Haven, CT, 1869. 8 3 Frank Furness, Brazil Pavilion, Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition, ca. 1876. 8 4 Furness and Hewitt, northeast facade of the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, Philadelphia, 1872–76. 8 6 Fraser, Furness and Hewitt, interior of Rodeph Shalom Synagogue, North Broad and Mt. Vernon Streets, Philadelphia, 1869–70. 8 7 Furness and Hewitt, interior main stair hall of the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, Philadelphia, 1872–76. 8 8
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
40
41
42
43
44 45 46
47
48 49
50 51 52 53
54
55 56
57
58 59
60 61
XI
Furness and Hewitt, archway leading to the western galleries of the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, Philadelphia, 1872–76. 8 9 Furness and Hewitt, detail of tympanum on northwest facade pavilions of the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, Philadelphia, 1872–76. 9 0 Furness and Hewitt, detail of Ceres on the northwest facade of the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, Philadelphia, 1872–76. 9 0 John Sartain, Second Building, Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, ca. 1860. 9 1 G. B. Lombardi, Deborah, ca. 1874. 9 4 William Wetmore Story, Jerusalem in Her Desolation, 1873. 9 5 Frederick Gutekunst, interior galleries of the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, Philadelphia, 1877. 1 0 3 William Ware and Henry Van Brunt, Memorial Hall at Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, 1865–78. 1 0 7 Gerhard Sisters, Igorot Dance, St. Louis Exposition, 1904. 1 0 9 Keppler, Corbin’s White Jew and Whiter Jewess, detail of Hints for the Jews.—Several Ways of Getting to Manhattan Beach, 1879. 1 1 1 Manhattan Beach Hotel, ca. 1895. 1 1 3 D. P. S. Nichols’ Broad Street Horse & Carriage Bazaar, before 1892. 1 1 6 H. Muhr’s Sons Watch and Jewelry Factory, 1889. 1 1 7 Furness and Hewitt, detail of northeast facade entrance of the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, Philadelphia, 1872–76. 1 1 9 Furness and Hewitt, detail of northeast interior passage from vestibule to stair hall of the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, Philadelphia, 1872–76. 1 2 0 Film still of Hard Wash (The Pickaninny’s Bath), ca. 1896. 1 2 5 William C. Paley, film still of 10th U.S. Infantry, 2nd Battalion Leaving Cars, 1898. 1 2 6 William C. Paley, film still of Colored Troops Disembarking (24th U.S. Infantry), 1898. 1 2 7 Film still of Montreal Fire Department on Runners, 1901. 1 3 0 Palmer Cox, detail of Brownies as Tourists from Diªerent Countries at the Rock of Gibraltar, 1894, from The Brownies around the World. 1 3 1 Thomas Worth, The Darktown Fire Brigade—Saved!, 1884. 1 3 2 The Darktown Fire Brigade—Slightly Demoralized, 1889. 1 3 3
XII
62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69
70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Edward W. Clay, The Fruits of Amalgamation, 1839. 1 3 9 Edwin S. Porter, film still of The Great Train Robbery, scene 6, 1903. 1 4 5 Edwin S. Porter, film still of The Great Train Robbery, scene 11, 1903. 1 4 6 Edwin S. Porter, film still of The Great Train Robbery, scene 11, 1903. 1 4 7 Film still of The Story the Biograph Told, 1903. 1 4 8 Edwin S. Porter, film still of Life of an American Fireman, 1903. 1 5 2 Edwin S. Porter, film still of Life of an American Fireman, 1903. 1 5 3 Fanny Frances Palmer, Across the Continent: “Westward the Course of Empire Takes its Way,” 1868. 1 5 6 Film still of Railroad Smashup, 1904. 1 5 8 Theodor Kaufmann, Westward the Star of Empire, 1867. 1 5 9 Thomas Nast, All Hail and Farewell to the Pacific Railroad, July 10, 1869. 1 6 0 Edwin S. Porter, film still of The Great Train Robbery, scene 14, 1903. 1 6 1 Edwin S. Porter, film still of The Great Train Robbery, scene 1, 1903. 1 6 4 Edwin S. Porter, film still of The Great Train Robbery, scene 3, 1903. 1 6 5 Edwin S. Porter, film still of The Great Train Robbery, scene 4, 1903. 1 6 6 Edwin S. Porter, film still of The Great Train Robbery, scene 12, 1903. 1 6 7 Edwin S. Porter, film still of The Great Train Robbery, scene 13, 1903. 1 6 8 Winslow Homer, Right and Left, 1909. 1 6 9
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I
f this book succeeds in articulating meaningful connections between visual culture and its real-world eªects, much of the credit is due to Vicky Gwiasda. For nearly a decade, Vicky has challenged me to make my scholarship relevant to non–art historians by focusing on the practical implications of visual arts in day-to-day life. Through the example she sets personally and professionally, and through her careful reading of my work, she pushes me to keep the links between social products and power always within sight. For insightful feedback on draft versions of the manuscript and related talks, I am indebted to Chris Castiglia, Jill Gordon, Julie Hansen, Ena Harris, Sharon Ann Holt, Cynthia Mills, Alex Nemerov, and Jack Quinan. Sharon’s comments in particular were remarkable for their thoroughness and detail. The Press’s two readers, Frances Pohl and Bruce Robertson, each provided thoughtful, meticulous, and generous assessments of the manuscript that helped me refine my thesis. Jolene Rickard’s help was indispensable to me as I thought through my arguments on Native American representation, and I thank her. To Mark Aronson, Ron Gaczewski, Karl Kusserow, and Jack Quinan, I express appreciation for aid in locating, acquiring, and reproducing a number of my illustrations. The Press’s fine arts editor Stephanie Fay does a wonderful job with ideas, words, and psyches. Consequently, there is no editor with whom I would rather work. I am grateful for the diligent and responsive eªorts of her assistants, Erin Marietta and Sigi Nacson. Thanks also to Susan Ecklund, who copyedited the book with precision. Much of the research and writing of this book took place at the Smithsonian Amer-
XIII
XIV
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ican Art Museum, where I had the privilege of being a fellow in 2002–3. I thank Virginia Mecklenburg, Cynthia Mills, and Bill Truettner for fostering a warm and intellectual environment in which to write, and also SAAM and Congress for seeing the value in continuing to fund research in the humanities during this era of social cuts. Among the many fellows who enriched my experience in Washington, I wish to single out Isabel Taube and Catherine Whalen for particular thanks.
INTRODUCTION
WHITE LIKE ME
Race has become metaphorical—a way of referring to and disguising forces, events, classes, and expressions of social decay and economic division far more threatening to the body politic than biological “race” ever was. Expensively kept, economically unsound, a spurious and useless political asset in election campaigns, racism is as healthy today as it was during the Enlightenment. It seems that it has a utility far beyond economy, beyond the sequestering of classes from one another, and has assumed a metaphorical life so completely embedded in daily discourse that it is perhaps more necessary and more on display than ever before. TONY MORRISON, PLAYING IN THE DARK: WHITENESS AND THE LITERARY IMAGINATION, 1992
S
ight Unseen explores the links between racial identification and vision. It probes the role of European-American whiteness in guiding both the form and the meaning of the visual arts during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Without claiming that all whites see the world through an identical lens, Sight Unseen maintains that shared ideologies rooted in race provide a consistent and detectable structure that guides their interpretation of the visual world. This book analyzes the discursive contexts in which selected paintings, photographs, buildings, and early motion pictures were produced and received, tracing how European-Americans internalized historically specific ideologies linked to whiteness, how such ideologies were both expressed by and impressed on visual texts, and how these texts worked in conjunction with social structures and practices to produce real-life material implications for both white and nonwhite peoples.1 Sight Unseen diªers from many previous studies of race in that its focus on the visual arts does not reflect the importance of visual evidence per se in constructing racial identities. Despite the human propensity to privilege sight, and the long-standing Western tendency to root racial designations in observable traits, images do not persuade us to internalize racial values embedded within them, so much as they confirm meanings for which the discourses and structures of our society have predisposed us. Instead of selling us on racial systems we do not already own, the visual field powerfully confirms previously internalized beliefs. Because the narratives and meanings visible to us in artworks are supported by forces
1
2
INTRODUCTION
external to the works themselves, Sight Unseen expends considerable energy explicating what is unseen. The unseen is at work in the discourses and structures that guide and delimit the significance of art but extends as well to the evidence selected for examination and the properties of whiteness itself. In my eªort to illustrate the power and ubiquity of race in conditioning the meaning of American visual culture, I have selected the primary texts scrutinized here for their conspicuous distance from the politics of race. This book not only shuns artworks containing obvious racial themes or tropes, but also avoids analyzing images that include nonwhites. In illuminating the value systems that informed the meaning of genre paintings and adventure films populated exclusively with white characters, and landscape photographs and fine arts museums containing no human beings at all, Sight Unseen argues that a decidedly racialized perspective animated even those cultural products most removed from racial concerns.2 The focus on works that exclude nonwhite characters both helps to deflate the common assumption that racial minorities catalyze otherwise race-neutral texts into treatises on race and expands the range of evidence used to elucidate whiteness. But perhaps more important, it also mitigates the dangers associated with white scholars’ making a subject of racial others. Since the late 1960s a host of antiracist whites across a range of disciplines have produced sophisticated and sensitive studies of nonwhite racial identities, convinced that their analyses might serve as catalysts for social change. In critiquing the dominant construction of black, brown, or red identity, such studies have had an undeniable impact on the material conditions of nonwhite peoples. Yet in light of the pernicious legacy of whites’ taking both vicarious and physical pleasure in the bodies of nonwhites, it seems prudent to consider the investment of whites in producing even the most progressive analyses of nonwhite representations. Until quite recently, I explained my own investment in teaching and writing on people of color as a natural by-product of my ethnic identity. My concern with racial justice struck me as a reasonable outgrowth of my cultural identification as a Jew. As the son of a refugee from Hitler’s Germany, and the nephew of a survivor of Dachau and BergenBelsen, I grew up with family narratives of anti-Semitism, arrest, deportation, and death, which oªered vivid reminders of the dangers inherent in racial classification. Concern for disempowered peoples seemed a logical extension of my identity politics. But despite the ways in which I believed myself politically aligned with nonwhite peoples, my identification as a Jew did nothing to dismantle my whiteness.3 As a host of scholars have shown, American Jews worked hard throughout the twentieth century at losing those traits, outlooks, and a‹liations that marked them as racially distinct. In contrast to my father’s childhood in Berlin, mine in Toronto was characterized by the possibility of being both Jewish and white. I will have more to say in later chapters on the utility of reading nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century American Jews (or, for that matter, Irish Catholics and Italians) as nonwhite, but for now it is enough to appreciate
WHITE LIKE ME
3
that widely held perceptions of the racial inferiority of Jews in the 1930s complicated my father’s relation to the dominant ideal of whiteness in ways that were not true for me in the 1960s.4 From time to time I may be made to feel racially insecure based on comments and actions that target my ethnic background, but most of the time I comfortably pass as white. I continue to believe that my slightly outsider status has much to do with my interest in racial questions, though I am now more attuned to the ways in which my whiteness must necessarily complicate this interest. Being Jewish or, for that matter, being female, gay, or working class may well increase one’s potential for sensitivity to societal inequities—even as it sadly oªers no guarantee—but since those of us who are Jewish and white, or female and white, were nonetheless formed by a perspective on the world that owes much to our racial identification, it is important to acknowledge what is at stake in our desire to make a subject of racial others. My concern is that white academics who focus on representations of nonwhite peoples—no less than members of the general public who “love” black athletes, comedians, and musicians—may use the mantle of “racial justice” as a respectable cover for indulging in our long-standing fascination with the other.5 There is a way in which the public and academic attraction of whites to images depicting blacks might constitute a twenty-first-century incarnation of the minstrel show.6 The claim is less fantastic than it may seem, given the insatiable white desire for racial others, as well as the complex cultural functions of minstrel performance. As historians from Eric Lott to Michael Rogin have cogently explained, minstrelsy has long provided an outlet for the conflicted racial impulses of whites, expressing both the denigration and the celebration of black American life. Instead of creating satirical skits that only lampooned African Americans, and so solidified northern support for the slave system, or later, segregation, minstrelsy expressed both fear and desire, disavowal and identification. In presenting minstrelsy as ambivalent and conflicted, contemporary scholars have sought not to defend it as positive or even benign but to explore its complex cultural functions for nineteenth- and twentieth-century Americans, and to allow modern readers to see beyond what we take today as its unmitigated racism. This revisionist account helps explain how both abolitionist and proslavery Americans could attend and appreciate the same performances by drawing on those elements of the spectacle that resonated with their own views.7 Once we acknowledge the contradictory cultural meanings that minstrelsy embodied, we can appreciate how the performances necessarily promoted views that segments of their audience did not consciously embrace. White abolitionists who enjoyed minstrel shows may have believed that the performances celebrated African American life, but it should be obvious that their financial and moral investment in the genre promoted collateral meanings they were unable to control. Minstrelsy did not promote either pos-
4
INTRODUCTION
itive or negative images of African Americans depending on the politics of a given audience member; to varying degrees, it advanced both simultaneously. The cultural work that minstrelsy performed for even racially progressive whites remained ambiguous, even if some audiences judged its impact as beneficial to blacks. Given that most blacks in nineteenth-century America deplored minstrelsy while such racially progressive whites as Walt Whitman and Abraham Lincoln attended minstrel performances, and considering that as powerful an antiracist as Mark Twain expressed unequivocal love for minstrelsy, it seems appropriate for whites today to consider how our modern interest in the black image may express a cultural complexity—a multivalence—of which we are similarly unaware. Knowing of the long-standing white need for black others should make us skeptical of claims that well-meaning whites can transcend their race’s investment in depictions of nonwhites. Because even progressive whites are still white, I am convinced that those of us motivated by a vision of racial justice should begin an analysis of race by assessing how white identity aªects the lives of both white and nonwhite peoples. This process might start with European-American scholars shifting their primary evidence of race from black to white representations. To suggest such a shift is not to say that people of color approach images of nonwhites objectively, but simply to acknowledge the markedly diªerent stakes for each group. Nonwhites (not whites) pay the cultural and material price for any analysis of racial minorities that inadvertently reinforces cultural stereotypes or feeds the white need for racial others. Given the stakes for minority peoples, our understanding that the “problem” of race lies primarily with the group that holds most of the power, and considering the growing number of studies on African American, Latino, Native American, and Asian American depictions produced today by nonwhite peoples, we might ask, why would whites concerned with racial justice not begin their examinations with their own racial representations? As bell hooks urges, it is time “for concerned folks, for righteous white people, to begin to fully explore the way white supremacy determines how they see the world, even as their actions are not informed by the type of racial prejudice that promotes overt discrimination and separation.”8 For hooks and contemporary scholars of race, whiteness is clearly not a natural identity rooted in our genes but a malleable social product. Notwithstanding how the many historians of whiteness choose to define it—through its eªects (as a kind of violence, blindness, or entitlement), through its secondary characteristics (as self-regulation, control, or rigidity), or as a coherent entity (such as a form of property or a self-perpetuating discourse or structure)—all share a belief in its artificiality.9 Virtually every study of whiteness opens with the academic commonplace that there are no significant genetic distinctions between the races, and that our system of racial classification is an invention of the West. The melanin concentrations that Americans read as signs of racial belonging may be genetically grounded, but as academics routinely point out, there is
WHITE LIKE ME
5
no biological reason to group human populations according to skin color. While color is a culturally significant sign for separating various human populations, researchers have long maintained that there is no more logic to this demarcation of race than there would be in fixing a racial order based on other genetic patterns, such as eye color, balding patterns, or lactose intolerance. Americans who trace their earliest-known ancestors to Kenya are likely to be darker than those whose origins are in Norway, but we know that there is as much genetic variation within the “black” and “white” races as between them.10 As James Baldwin famously remarked, “Color is not a human or a personal reality; it is a political reality.”11 Politically progressive scientists and historians have embraced the concept of race as a social product, in part, because it so eªectively discredits group claims for racial superiority. Even casual students of history will appreciate the racial impetus behind some of the twentieth century’s most infamous acts of genocide—against Armenians in Turkey (1915–18, 1920–23), Jews in Europe (1941–45), ethnic Vietnamese and Chinese in Cambodia (1975–79), Kurds in Iraq (1988), Tutsis in Rwanda (1994), Muslims in Srebrenica (1995), and black Africans in Darfur, Sudan (2004–). Given the frequent rationalization of laws, policies, prejudices, and crimes by reference to “innate” and “natural” diªerences between human groups, it is no wonder that we are attracted to imagining that all begin life with an identical biological base. But those who argue for our social construction, finding the evidence for human equality in genetic sameness, ironically ally themselves with those who support racial hierarchies, to the extent that each group adheres to identity models grounded in biological determinism. For social constructivists, genetic homogeneity ensures racial equality, while for biological determinists, genetic diªerence produces racial hierarchy.12 In both cases, genes are the base dictating the shape of racial superstructures. The stance of social constructivists has the added eªect of leaving their arguments vulnerable to advances in genetic analysis, for should improved technology allow scientists to discover consistent genetic signatures separating racial groups, the rationale for racial equality would appear open to attack. Such concerns are more than hypothetical, given that recent progress in genomic research has begun to chip away at the orthodoxy that genes are unconnected to racial divisions. In 2002 a group of American, French, and Russian researchers developed a technique for accurately determining an individual’s place of genetic origin, reliably grouping their test subjects into one of five geographic regions based on an examination of correspondences in their genomes. While the researchers were careful not to invoke the loaded label of “race” in their published report, their geographic zones closely correspond to popular racial categories, dividing the world’s population by descent into African, Eurasian (European and Middle Eastern), East Asian, Oceanic, and American.13 Their work is complemented by that of Steven Pinker, a psychologist of language, who argues that academics have consistently suppressed evidence of how genes shape human be-
6
INTRODUCTION
havior, for fear of undermining cherished principles of equality under law. For Pinker, scientific analysis of the links between certain social behaviors, innate abilities, and biology need not bring about conflict with our moral value system. Committed to legal equality, and unconvinced by the sensationalistic arguments of Richard Hernstein and Charles Murray that the IQ “gap” between various races has a genetic component, Pinker nonetheless argues that particular elements of our makeup are hardwired into our genes.14 Pinker’s work focuses on general social behaviors (our drive for dominance, ethnocentrism, and moral sensibility) and abilities (our intuitive physics, spatial sense, and propensity for language), which he sees as innate in human beings, even as he leaves open the possibility that minor genetic distinctions between races might play a role in predisposing the individuals in racial groups to other subtle behaviors or abilities.15 To conclude that populations closed to outside groups for tens of thousands of years share a detectable genetic signature, or that some social behaviors and abilities might have a genetic tie, is a long way from declaring that Jews are genetically programmed for avarice or that blacks are naturally slothful. To acknowledge minor racial diªerences does not mean asserting racial superiority any more than accepting the existence of major genetic diªerences between the sexes necessarily entails an argument for the superiority of either females or males. To be sure, innate diªerences are routinely noted in support of claims for the supremacy of one sex over the other, but corresponding assertions are also made for various races, despite forty-odd years of academic rhetoric stressing the social nature of racial divisions. Whether human beings are ultimately shaped by society, biology, or some combination of the two, racial justice is a moral imperative that must not hinge on the vicissitudes of popular or scientific identity theories. As Pinker writes, “The case against bigotry is not a factual claim that humans are biologically indistinguishable. It is a moral stance that condemns judging an individual according to the average traits of certain groups to which the individual belongs.”16 Whether or not our racial divisions are linked to biology, it is inarguable that our experience of race is shaped predominantly in the social field. Academics in recent decades have produced an impressive corpus of research detailing the fluid borders of whiteness during the past three hundred years. We know from the work of historians that Protestant European-Americans deemed Irish Catholics racially inferior into the final third of the nineteenth century and that they rejected Jews as their racial equals up through the middle of the twentieth.17 From legal scholars we have learned that, beginning in the last two decades of the nineteenth century, numerous immigrants went to court asking to be designated white so that they might become naturalized citizens of the United States. Between 1790, when naturalization was limited to “free white persons,” and 1952, when overtly racial criteria for citizenship were dropped, scores of immigrants turned to the courts in the hope of being declared white. Citing a bewildering array of contradictory rationales, including scientific evidence, common knowledge, congressional in-
WHITE LIKE ME
7
tent, and legal precedent, federal and even Supreme Court judges shifted racial borders by extending white identity to individuals from Mexico and Armenia, and at times to those from Syria, India, and Arabia.18 In opinions that show no awareness of the ways in which their collective eªorts shaped race as a social and legal fiction, U.S. judges worked diligently to secure what they took as the natural borders of race. Given both the potential dangers of linking moral claims for equality to social definitions of race and our understanding that socially produced criteria have historically guided American racial thought and policy, it makes little sense for scholars in the humanities and social sciences to wade into debates on correspondences between genetic markers and modern racial definitions. Biology should concern historians only to the extent that perceptions of biological makeup have consistently produced social definitions of race. Biology in early twentieth-century America was wedded to race by ethnic (and at times religious and even political) ties, taken as signs of an individual’s immutable biology and so determining who could be classified white. As we shall see, the discourses and structures of American society encouraged both whites and nonwhites to embrace a white perspective on the world (that naturalized the perquisites of European-Americans), even as fluctuating perceptions of biological identity severely restricted who might and might not enjoy the benefits of being labeled white. The chapters that follow take seriously the importance of situating racial identities in social context. Each analyzes how the borders of whiteness have expanded and contracted over time and outlines the structural and discursive forces that made such changes possible. Each considers how shifting definitions of whiteness presented opportunities and perils for Native American, African American, and European-American peoples. Yet, the chapters are more concerned to illustrate the material consequences that result from being white than to trace the fluid boundaries of whiteness. I claim that acceptance of whiteness conditions the sight, beliefs, and actions of European-Americans, thus naturalizing their sense of entitlement, but more significant, I argue that this racialized value system led European-Americans to interpret their art in decidedly racial terms. By the end of the nineteenth century, the perspective that came with being white was su‹ciently ingrained in the European-American mind that it consistently structured whites’ interpretations of the visual world. I claim that racial thinking has long infected how European-Americans view and respond to their environments, but do not insist that everything in America is always about race. The distinction is significant. In analyzing visual texts that contain no links to racial subjects (and often no sign of human beings), I illustrate how whites used the logic of race as a powerful, comforting mold for casting both human products and the natural environment into recognizable forms. As my chapters demonstrate, genre paintings depicting white farmers, landscape photographs of the western frontier, fine arts museums, and early action films were made intelligible in part through racialized viewing prac-
8
INTRODUCTION
tices of which European-Americans were utterly unaware. Although whites did not see race as an issue in any of my primary texts, they nevertheless responded to the works in ways that betrayed their investment in being white. Sight Unseen radically shifts the boundary of what counts as “racial” by refusing to confine its inquiry to texts containing obvious racial themes. Politically progressive studies of art that expose European-American investment in racial hierarchies center on the depictions of white and nonwhite peoples, aiming to end their unequal treatment in art. Over time, such analyses have had the unintended eªect of equating the narratives of art with identity formation, racial symptoms with the illness itself. Since altering how whites and nonwhites are represented cannot by itself cause (or cure) racial inequalities rooted in structural and discursive systems, it is essential that racial studies probe beneath the narrative surface of images. Only by unearthing both the operational logic of race and its manner of guiding the interpretation of our visual world may we come to comprehend, and potentially dislodge, its power in American culture. Somewhat uneasily, I refer throughout the text to those Americans classified as white as European-American. I do this to distinguish whites in the Americas from those in Europe but also to produce a term that parallels the terms “African American,” “Asian American,” and “Native American.” To disrupt the apparent self-evidence of what the term “white” signifies, I elect to employ a clunky alternative that embodies the messy and contradictory ways in which modern racial divisions are produced. This decision presents some obvious di‹culties, given that all people from Europe residing in the United States were not accorded equal claim to status as white. But even such a di‹culty presents certain advantages, for in those cases where I am forced to distinguish between, say, Protestant and Jewish European-Americans, the needed adjectives compel readers to confront the inconsistent and historically contingent nature of racial definition. Because the term “white” occludes contradictions that are unavoidable in the phrase “Catholic European-American,” it is ultimately less useful to my project. Its neatness is something of a liability in a study devoted to exploring how race works. The picture of whiteness that emerges in this book reflects, in part, the legal definitions mandated by Congress and policed by the nation’s courts. But it is primarily a representation of cultural understandings of who is and who is not white, and of the shifting hierarchy that exists within the white race. The apparent clarity with which legal definitions purport to divide black from white flattens the lived reality of many Americans, given that the legal designation “white” has never guaranteed equal treatment under the law, never mind social or economic equality, for those whose whiteness is less culturally secure.
CHAPTER ONE
GENRE PAINTING AND THE FOUNDATIONS OF MODERN RACE
I
n a lengthy tribute to William Sidney Mount (1807–68) in 1851, the critic Alfred Jones lauded the painter’s honest treatment of American racial types. Jones showed considerable interest in exploring both black and white identity in Mount’s works, though, revealingly, he found racial themes at play only in those canvases that included blacks. For Jones and his European-American contemporaries, an African American presence was required to think through the racial identity of those categorized as black, but it was also necessary for considering the racial designation of those deemed white. As period responses to the European-American laborers in Farmers’ Nooning (1836; fig. 1) make clear, the protagonists owed their whiteness to the presence of a black. For Jones, the scene provided a “perfect transcript” of life, documenting “how lazily lolls the sleeping Negro on the hay [while] the white farmers are naturally disposed about with their farming implements.”1 The nonwhite figure cued the critic to invoke a series of binaries (lazy and industrious, asleep and awake, black and white), which gave to whiteness tangible, visible traits. In European-American culture, nonwhites have historically functioned as racial catalysts, transforming whites from individual human figures into symbols of an otherwise unmarked race.2 Mount’s Boys Caught Napping in a Field (1848; fig. 2) depicts a similar rural scene of midday ease, yet lacking a nonwhite figure, it had nothing overt to say about race. Whereas the African American of Farmers’ Nooning is entitled to rest during his lunchtime break, the white youths in Boys Caught Napping are clearly shirking their responsibilities. Even without the aid of its title, the canvas’s visual evidence presents us with 11
12
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
William Sidney Mount, Farmers’ Nooning, 1836. Oil on canvas, 51.44 × 62.23 cm. The Long Island Museum of American Art, History & Carriages, Stony Brook, NY. Gift of Frederick Sturges Jr., 1954.
FIGURE 1
obvious signs of their failings. A discarded pitchfork is displayed prominently in the center foreground, and a deck of cards—long a symbol of gambling and, hence, vice— spills from the cap of the central youth. Despite these signs of dereliction, EuropeanAmerican audiences were not led to reflect on the racial fitness of the boys. The same viewers who saw the African American protagonist of Farmers’ Nooning as a sign for an inferior race took the white miscreants of Boys Caught Napping as individuals, who apparently revealed little about their racial group. An anonymous critic describing the scene’s allure to European-American viewers in 1848 noted how “we . . . look with feelings of regret somewhat akin to envy at the delicious indolence of the boys Caught Napping who bask under the shady trees and are troubled by no care or anxiety.”3 Far from
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
13
William Sidney Mount, Boys Caught Napping in a Field, 1848. Oil on canvas, 73.66 × 91.44 cm. The Brooklyn Museum of Art. Dick S. Ramsey Fund 39.608. FIGURE 2
oªering an exposé of white idleness, the canvas presented viewers with a nostalgic ode on the pleasures of (white) boyhood. European-Americans overwhelmingly accepted the existence of a racial opposition between black sloth and white industry, yet they were nonetheless able to view the white youths’ “delicious indolence” in Boys Caught Napping as an appealing trait. This suggested no paradox to European-American audiences. Without an African American presence to activate racial binaries or to transform whites into symbols of their race, viewers interpreted the youths as lazy individuals who just happened to be white. Because no ideological context existed then to taint European-Americans’ perceptions of their race, the social or economic implications of whites who acted in seemingly unwhite ways were limited. It was not simply that European-Americans overlooked the indolence of the youths, but that they viewed their laziness in positive terms. Virtually identical actions
14
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
confirmed both the innate “laziness” of blacks and the “delicious” quality of white boyhood. So ingrained was this racial asymmetry that the obviously European-American laborer lounging in the right foreground of Farmers’ Nooning did nothing to disrupt the racialized binary of indolence and industry that critics saw as central to the work. The historical inability of European-Americans to see whiteness at work entails considerable costs. These are evident in the economic, political, and judicial inequities suffered by nonwhite peoples—already touched on in the introduction and to be detailed in the chapters that follow—and in less-often-remarked-upon biases that impair our ability to account for the lived complexity of race. Prior to analyzing the racial investment of European-Americans in late nineteenth-century painting, this chapter accounts for how current art historical biases necessarily skew the analysis of whiteness; it then proªers a three-step formula for analyzing race that takes into account the historically contingent processes by which we read meaning from visual texts. Convinced that discourses circulating outside art objects circumscribe their significance, I begin my study by analyzing the dominant discourses that established the parameters for what visual texts might mean, before attending to the visual evidence of the art. Since acknowledgment of the social utility in examining whiteness is some distance from developing a practical model for its analysis, this chapter lays out a legible road map for approaching race in the visual arts, establishing the route for the chapters that follow. It should come as no surprise that a culture blind to whiteness developed similarly oblivious art historical methods.4 All methods are fashioned from distinct perspectives and priorities, each with an internal logic. Such logic ensures that methods have builtin blind spots, at times because various issues are deemed extraneous to the central inquiry, but also because they may not even register as issues: empiricist approaches tend to miss the cultural relativism of truths; Marxist methods, the dynamics of gender; and structuralist inquiries, the notion of agency. Because the oª-the-shelf methods available to Americanists were forged in a culture unattuned to whiteness, they all possess deficiencies for the analysis of race. At their best, our standard methods serve as a blunt tool for examining race; at their worst, they simply confirm the impression of most Americans that nothing new or remarkable can be learned about individuals labeled white. Our methods impede the study of race by internalizing the racial blindness characteristic of our society; they then compound the problem through their visual determinacy. Because virtually all methods root their inquiries in the visual evidence of artworks, they participate in an endless feedback loop: methods that privilege visual evidence combine with our cultural blindness to whiteness to ensure that texts containing only white people—or those containing no figures at all—have nothing to say about race. This visual determinacy is endemic to our methodological landscape, for although Americanists today employ a range of approaches, virtually every one is anchored first in the visual
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
15
register. Even approaches typically taken as polar opposites in American art history— formal and contextual methods—support my claim. Formalists believe in the autonomy and primacy in art of line, color, texture, and, in some instances, representation. Contextualists, in turn, see art as inextricably linked to culture; they believe that no understanding of the fine arts is possible without a thorough grounding in the economic, political, philosophical, and religious underpinnings of a society. If these are the strict definitions, the practice of Americanists is considerably less clear-cut, for the boundaries between camps frequently blur, and formal and contextual approaches both continually evolve in response to ongoing disciplinary debates. Claims made for the supposed primacy of form are frequently used by formalists to support broader claims for other artworks and American culture. Similarly, contextualists routinely promote the sociology of art—that is, while paying attention to the context provided by external social forces, use art to understand society. They explain how social forces guide what art gets made and how and consider what that art, in turn, says about our values. To my mind, the most politically responsible scholarship produced by members of each camp seizes on the potential of art to illuminate culture, with formalists focused on the art itself, and contextualists more concerned with factors external to the art object. The formalists’ privileging of visual evidence oªers many advantages for the study of visual culture, including attention to the materiality of art and a corresponding insistence on not reflexively subordinating visual to text-based evidence. It also presents serious drawbacks. To ground the meaning of an artifact in its visual evidence exaggerates the power of art objects, limits our ability to see the range of cultural work performed by art, and in the case of racial inquiries, predisposes us to overlook whiteness by ensuring that we root our analysis in what is readily seen. Certainly the artifacts of a given society constitute a material residue of that culture’s past, but an investment in the object, coupled with a general reticence to see any art as simply a mirror of social values, leads many formalist scholars to overstate the cultural impact of artifacts. Studies that stress the primacy of visual evidence make it di‹cult to read an artwork as an intellectual dead end or a mere reflection of dominant norms. The tendency is always to interpret artworks as proactive, counterhegemonic, and anticipating future trends.The investment in close looking—and, hence, in a privileged object—enshrines each work as a rare and singular artifact. Reliance on “visual evidence” entails other risks as well. In many such studies there is an underlying assumption that what we see in an artwork as “obvious,” “significant,” or “strange,” or even what we take to be the work’s primary narrative, was read in a similar way by the work’s original viewers. Close looking helps us understand the original culture only if we can accept vision as a self-evident and unchanging route to knowledge; but as a number of scholars—from art historians to neurobiologists—have con-
16
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
vincingly argued, human vision is contingent on historical context.5 We cannot approximate the viewing experience of a canvas’s original audience in the nineteenth century, because of how our historical moment conditions our sight. Frederic Edwin Church, working in nineteenth-century America, and Fan K’uan, painting in eleventh-century China, each impressed his countrymen with his “truthful” depictions of the natural world (figs. 3, 4). Notwithstanding the penchant of these artists for selectively combining natural forms in their compositions and for using subjective representational systems, these paintings were taken as veritable transcripts of nature. Readers will instantly appreciate the futility of debating the relative truthfulness of the depictions, given the dissimilar value systems informing the creation of these two works. Whereas Fan’s contemporaries valued his ability to conjure up the internal essence of nature, Church’s audiences prized his photograph-like replication of external forms. If one considers “truthful” those scenes rendered in parallel perspective, with objects viewed frontally from a constantly shifting rather than a fixed vantage, and with light eliminated as an external organizing principle, then Fan’s work is clearly superior. If, in contrast, one values linear perspective, with additive forms organized by an external light source, and photographic rendering of detail, then Church’s work is more satisfying.6 One’s evaluation of the landscapes’ veracity indicates reasonably well the cultural system that dominates one’s worldview. The diªerences in culture and vision between eleventh-century China and twentyfirst-century America make it impossible for us to ground arguments about Fan’s art and society in the visible evidence of his painting; we cannot see what the artist and his contemporaries saw. Without claiming that it is impossible to learn a new way of seeing more in keeping with Fan’s, I nonetheless believe that a study rooted in the formal elements of a canvas will lead mostly to insights on the modern critics who do the looking. If the gulf between us and the Victorian era is less than that between us and the Sung dynasty, still the cultural divide remains significant. Since realist novels and sentimental paintings are still produced today, our conversancy with the artistic forms of the Gilded Age masks the significance of the altered social context in which such forms are read. The problem is only exacerbated by the long-standing American penchant for naturalistic art. Because the art of Victorian America minutely reproduces our modern sense of sight, it is easy to downplay the changes separating us from the Gilded Age. Familiar genres and naturalistic renderings serve to cloak more than a century of change. Although the best formalist studies are always careful to move beyond the visual evidence of an isolated artwork—taking into account an eclectic array of historical evidence in their analyses— the bedrock insistence that visual evidence establish the direction of inquiry diminishes the likelihood of producing readings that counter what our modern eyes can “see.” On one level, our experience of nineteenth-century art diªers from that of Victorian Americans because of the cultural work that the texts themselves performed. In Hard Facts: Setting and Form in the American Novel, Philip Fisher argues that the experience
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
17
FIGURE 3 Frederic Edwin Church, Cotopaxi, 1855. Oil on canvas, 71.1 × 106.8 cm. Smithsonian American Art Museum, Washington, DC. Gift of Mrs. Frank R. McCoy.
of modern-day audiences reading Uncle Tom’s Cabin (1852) cannot replicate that of readers in the 1850s because of the ways in which the novel has altered American culture. By leading white readers to experience the emotion of black characters, and thus perceive their humanity, Uncle Tom’s Cabin counterbalanced the indiªerence and cruelty to which blacks were subject in antebellum society. But, as Fisher notes, the triumph of the novel’s humanizing strategy has meant that present-day readers confront the sentimental ethos of a text that no longer has anything to balance. The novel (in conjunction with a host of other period texts) has done its work so well—obliterating that which it was created to refute—that we can no longer experience it as an antidote to a poisonous ideology. We can and do recognize the dehumanizing context in which the novel first circulated, but it is di‹cult to conceive how we might ground our understanding of it in the formal properties of the text and yet experience Uncle Tom’s Cabin in a manner approaching that of antebellum audiences.7 On a more elemental level, cultural trends having little to do with artworks per se distort our modern experience of nineteenth-century texts. Broad cultural shifts unrelated
FIGURE 4
Fan K’uan, Travelers amid Streams and Mountains, after 1033. Hanging scroll, ink and color on silk, 206.3 × 103.3 cm. National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan. Photograph courtesy of Lee & Lee Communications/ Art Resource, New York, NY.
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
19
Homer Dodge Martin, The Iron Mine, Port Henry, New York, ca. 1862. Oil on canvas, 76.5 × 127 cm. Smithsonian American Art Museum, Washington, DC. Gift of William T. Evans.
FIGURE 5
to the history of art couple with close looking to encourage the overlay of contemporary narratives on historical artifacts. Cultural determinacy leads formalist viewers of Homer Dodge Martin’s Iron Mine, Port Henry, New York (ca. 1862; fig. 5), for example, to see the painting through the lens of contemporary environmentalism. Audiences today, molded by decades of modern conservationist rhetoric—from Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring (1962) to Al Gore’s Earth in the Balance (1992)—doubtless focus on deforestation and erosion as evidence of industry’s degradation of the land, though Martin’s contemporaries most likely saw a very diªerent scene.8 Midcentury Americans overwhelmingly shared an optimistic attitude toward development, believing in the potential compatibility of industry and nature and in the resilience of the natural world. Many of the nineteenth-century painters and photographers who are taken today as advocates of wilderness protection also produced canvases that championed the development of the land. As the art historian Nicolai Cikovsky Jr. reminds us, George Inness saw no inconsistency in creating scenes of untrammeled nature at the same time that he celebrated the railroad’s transformation of the Lackawanna Valley (fig. 6).9 In a posthumous tribute to Martin after his sudden death in 1897, the art historian John C. Van Dyke noted critics’ universal appreciation of Martin’s “landscapes . . . deserted
20
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
FIGURE 6
George Inness, The Lackawanna Valley, ca. 1856. Oil on canvas, 86 × 127.6 cm. National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC. Gift of Mrs. Huttleston Rogers. Image © 2004 Board of Trustees, National Gallery of Art, Washington.
of man, that were silent, forsaken places,” before praising the painter’s unique ability to capture nature’s “normal condition [of] repose.” Pointing to disruptions of nature caused by storms, volcanoes, and earthquakes, and to those precipitated by human beings, Van Dyke characterized such disturbances as “mere accidents from which nature straightway recovers. . . . After they have passed, nature once more returns to herself. She is ru›ed for a moment and then only in a small localized area.”10 Whereas to modern audiences the scraggly trees at the borders of Martin’s denuded hillside represent the pathos of the land’s destruction, for Van Dyke and his contemporaries they surely signaled nature’s reclamation of a landscape seemingly abandoned by human beings. What we are conditioned to see as a scene of ruin, Victorians could appreciate as an image of rebirth. In significant ways, the problems with formalist art historical methods I have enumerated might seem to be overcome by the contextualists’ distinctive approach. By emphasizing the context surrounding the production of artworks and by downplaying the centrality of visual evidence, contextual art historians reduce the risk of projecting personal or cultural biases on historical artifacts. But the approach of contextualists is strangely menaced by visual determinism, for although their theoretical position may downplay the role of formal properties, their practice of art history is surprisingly attentive to visual evidence. Contextualists rarely ignore the formal attributes of an artwork that contribute to its narrative, subject matter, style, and color, considering only its history of production and reception, or its medium. In determining which contexts are
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
21
worthy of analysis, contextual historians necessarily consider what artworks depict. Thus, at an early stage of analysis, contextualists buy into the representational systems of art, taking the subjects of illusionary scenes as meaningful to their inquiries. This investment in the primacy of vision may strike some readers as a rather strained link between formalists and contextualists, but I want to make a case for its significance in circumscribing the meanings contextual studies of art produce. It is less consequential that contextual inquiries quickly move beyond formal properties than that they start there, for by acknowledging form researchers delimit the range of social factors deemed “appropriate” for discussion. The analyses of patronage, academic training, and markets will always be relevant, but I am interested in scholars’ decisions to select additional contextual frames invariably based on visual information and that, in studies of nineteenth-century American art, almost always involve some consideration of narrative. Although it seems reasonable that a landscape painting encourages a contextualist’s analysis of environmental issues, or a film about shoppers raises issues of consumerism, these connections by their very obviousness, which suggest themselves to every scholar and member of the public who but glances at the artwork, preclude the consideration of other, less obvious, contexts. Late twentieth-century scholarship on Mount exemplifies the contextualists’ de facto reliance on visual evidence. Since the 1970s social historical readings that argue for the works’ bold assertions of the artist’s party politics have supplanted the standard interpretations of his images as sleepy vignettes of country life. Art historians, to recuperate allegorical readings that were widely understood during the artist’s lifetime, have concentrated on the works’ pictorialization of contemporary slang, market philosophies, and political slogans. Beginning with Joseph Hudson’s trailblazing study of Cider Making (1841; fig. 7) as an allegory of William Henry Harrison’s successful “log cabin and hard cider” presidential campaign of 1840, through Elizabeth Johns’s influential analysis of Farmers’ Nooning (see fig. 1) as a cautionary note on foreign-born agitators “tickling the ears” of African Americans, and thus providing them with unrealistic expectations of abolition’s benefits, contextual art historians have grounded elaborate readings of Mount’s works on the paintings’ visual cues.11 Allegorical interpretations serve important cultural functions for contemporary art historians. By rooting meaning in coded signs consciously crafted by the artist, the readings both express a firmly held belief in artistic agency and a‹rm meaning as singular, lucid, and recoverable with su‹cient research. But an allegorical approach entails significant drawbacks: it disregards the reception of art by heterogeneous audiences who may or may not have known the artist’s overt design; it slights the works’ complexity and play; it creates a static picture of the paintings, downplaying the ways in which meanings change over time; and, most significant, it ignores the most elemental meanings, which have nothing to do with conscious intent.
22
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
FIGURE 7
William Sidney Mount, Cider Making, 1841. Oil on canvas, 68.58 × 86.68 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Purchase Charles Allen Munn Collection; bequest of Charles Allen Munn by exchange, 1966.
Even scholars who resist explicating allegories display the tendency to read into paintings the most frequently voiced concerns of the decade in which they were produced. Scholars are inclined to characterize any image produced between 1861 and 1865, however an artist’s patrons or public received it, as at least an unselfconscious reference to the Civil War. On one hand, this makes perfect sense, for how could cultural products created during a national trauma not relate to the conflict on some level? On the other hand, surely there is something too pat about our reflexive conclusion that if it is the 1860s, the issue must be the Civil War; if the 1830s, Andrew Jackson’s bank war; if the 1890s, the Jim Crow era, or at least the closing of the western frontier. Although methods privileging visual evidence are sure to uncover narratives prompted by an artwork’s formal properties, they are destined to overlook more basic meanings generated by invisible discourses circulating in the common culture. These shared discourses help animate the meaning of art, because those of us who produce and interpret art have our vision partially structured by discourses whose cultural work precedes— and need not be activated by—individual artworks. As counterintuitive as it might sound, these invisible discourses are more revealing of a culture than its artworks, given their unobtrusive work in establishing limits on the range of meanings that a text, and a culture, might produce. To reconstruct the meanings of visual artifacts for their original
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
23
FIGURE 8
Frank Lloyd Wright, Darwin Martin House, 1904–6. Buªalo, NY. University Archives Collection, SUNY Buªalo.
audiences, then, we must ask what the works were not about, focusing on unseen discourses that no amount of looking can tease out. I do not recommend that if the dominant discourses Mount’s contemporaries sensed in Farmers’ Nooning relate to abolition, agrarianism, or labor politics, we now arbitrarily tie the canvas to gender relations, merely for the sake of producing a counterreading. But once we have acknowledged that powerful unseen discourses circulating in society play a significant role in determining how an artwork gets seen, it is imperative to visualize the discourses these artworks fail to depict. Although discourse is popularly conceived as a coherent set of beliefs on a subject or theme, it is understood herein in Foucauldian terms—as a well-defined body of social knowledge. The discourse of race, for example, is composed of many ideologically irreconcilable beliefs, unified only by our acceptance of arbitrary boundaries on the statements and the debates that may proceed under its rubric. Powerful yet seldom-remarkedupon discursive boundaries allow me to refer to Frank Lloyd Wright’s Darwin Martin House (fig. 8) as “a successful example of the architect’s mature prairie house style, with his signature cantilevered roof” and to contend that it “makes appropriate use of such modern materials as concrete, glass, and steel in ways that exemplify the modern era,” but also to claim that “it is a spacious six-bedroom home on a generous corner lot, containing original woodwork, updated kitchen, and a new roof.” It is easy to distinguish the passage in the academic style of an architectural critic from that in the commercial language of a sales agent, for each description adheres to the disciplinary rules of its
24
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
profession. In each example, a discursive logic establishes the parameters for appropriate thought and speech long before the first descriptive phrase is uttered.12 My approach to visual analysis sees meaning shaped by the complex interaction of discourses—those that circulate invisibly in the common culture, others prompted by general themes of an artwork, and those arising from the unique formal properties of the work. Dominant cultural discourses residing in viewers interact with a range of secondary discourses suggested by the work’s subject matter and media to establish the outside boundaries for what the artwork might mean. This initial discursive interaction demarcates the range of possible meaning, without dictating the specific interpretations at which audiences will arrive. Once outside limits of potential meaning are established, discourses prompted by particular narrative and material attributes of a singular object further narrow the range of meaning. To put this another way, free-floating invisible discourses (flowing through socialized human beings) interact with thematic discourses (arising from the artwork’s medium, general subject, and display venue) to demarcate the parameters of potential meaning; then specific discourses arising from formal evidence (stylistic and narrative qualities specific to a unique material object) constrict possible meanings down to a limited menu, which gives oª the illusion of having sprung organically from the artwork. My method for recovering the significance artworks held for period audiences is based on this model of meaning’s production in the visual arts. While my selection of race as the significant external discourse guiding the meaning of my chosen artworks may be interpreted as no less subjective than a structuralist’s discovery of racial binaries in the syntax of the image or a social historian’s recovery of racial allegory in its narrative, my approach diªers from theirs in telling ways. Instead of analyzing racial themes in images whose narratives suggest race, I apply whiteness as a category of analysis to artifacts (paintings, as well as photographs, buildings, and films) with no visible links to race. Concerned about the ways in which visual evidence typically sets the trajectory of art historical inquiries, thus diminishing analyses by precluding those readings that do not jibe with what is currently seen, I have selected a category of undeniable concern to nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century Americans, and then handpicked artifacts that appear removed from such concerns. My analysis of art is not more sophisticated than that of other art historians, though it is undoubtedly more attuned to the investment of European-American audiences in racial patterns of thought. In reading artworks against the grain of their visual evidence, Sight Unseen concerns itself less with what artifacts mean than with how their meanings get produced. To illuminate the complex philosophical and racial discourses that animated late nineteenth-century conceptions of race, and to make concrete my method of reading visual evidence, consider what Mount’s Fair Exchange, No Robbery (1865; fig. 9) meant to postbellum audiences. Completed toward the close of Mount’s career, when his contempo-
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
25
William Sidney Mount, Fair Exchange, No Robbery, 1865. Oil on panel, 64.77 × 83.82 cm. The Long Island Museum of American Art, History & Carriages, Stony Brook, NY. Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Ward Melville, 1958. FIGURE 9
raries were increasingly convinced of his irrelevance to modern American art, the image follows in a long line of amusing genre scenes of country life that the artist had consistently turned out since the early 1830s. Against a backdrop of ripening corn, the mustachioed and goateed man at the center of the painting grips a hat in each hand, evidently in the process of swapping his own ragged hat for the scarecrow’s more serviceable headgear (fig. 10). Because the exchange seems so obviously unfair by present-day standards— with the man simply taking what he desires—modern scholars have read the title as ironic. The historian Charles Colbert, writing in the late twentieth century, terms the canvas’s exchange “decidedly unequal,” claiming that the work oªers a sardonic commentary on the relative value of the man’s and the scarecrow’s labor. According to Col-
26
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
bert, the scene contrasts the industry of the scarecrow, which successfully protects the cornfield from hungry birds, with the idleness of the man, whom he takes to be a feckless vagabond.13 The extent to which the exchange was deemed “fair” during the nineteenth century is suggested by an anonymous review of the work published in the New York Herald in 1871. For this critic, who refers to the work as Swapping Hats and Exchange Is No Robbery, it “represents a country man, who, while crossing a field of corn, finds—as is often the case in this world—that a blessing has alighted on a head which cannot appreciate it: he hastens to exchange his own well worn chapeau for the more presentable Panama of the scarecrow. The gratification occasioned by this piece of unlooked for good fortune is well depicted in the face of the young man.”14 Intertwined with the critic’s assertion that the world is unfair, with “blessings” often going to those unable to appreciate them, is an understanding that the man’s ability to value good fortune legitimates his swap of the hats. The exchange is fair not because the hats are equal in value, or even because the respective parties have freely agreed to the trade, but simply because the man getting the best deal appreciates his good fortune in a way that is obviously impossible for the scarecrow. Merely by describing the exchange of hats in positive terms, the critic for the Herald reveals his unspoken belief in the protagonist’s whiteness, for such appreciation and appropriation of material resources were then commonly understood as exclusively white prerogatives; the entitlement of whites has long been naturalized as a central principle of European-American culture. This interpretation may strike some readers as a heavy interpretive burden to place on a simple genre painting, with its illustration of an innocent swap of hats, but I claim not that the painting is about white entitlement but that the worldview of European-Americans ensured that the reception of the image was structured in such racialized terms. Whatever the subject of the painting for its creator or audience, European-Americans viewed it through the lens of white privilege. For nineteenth-century viewers, the exchange at the heart of the narrative tapped into a racialized discourse on property that legitimated fictional confiscations as trivial as that of a scarecrow’s hat or, alternatively, real-world appropriations as consequential as those of Native Americans’ land. At either extreme, the logic of whiteness rationalizes appropriating what belonged to those unprotected by a designation as “white.” When contemporary scholars address the historical eagerness of European-Americans to dispossess native peoples of their land, they often explain it as a consequence of the perceived failings of Native Americans. Because native populations were understood by European-Americans to lack Christian, democratic, capitalistic, and individualistic values, whites readily justified confiscating Indian property. Given the many native groups that accepted all the supposed trappings of European-American culture but were nonetheless dispossessed of their lands—the most obvious example being the Cherokee
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
FIGURE 10
27
William Sidney Mount, detail of figure 9.
Nation, forced by the Indian Removal Act of 1830 to relocate west of the Mississippi River, despite the community’s embrace of agriculture, Christianity, and Western-based systems of law and governance—such historians’ explanations must be seen as merely partial. The Cherokees’ fate was sealed not by their inability or unwillingness to acquire particular values or traits but by their designation as racially “other.” As the historian Ronald Sanders points out, Europeans and colonial Americans made sense of Indian identity by assigning Indians a nonwhite position along a racial axis that ran from “European” to “African.” Having scant interest in understanding the value systems of indigenous peoples, European-Americans supplied them with an identity largely prefashioned out of old-world encounters with racial and religious others. The racial binaries that Europeans used to distinguish themselves from Africans (including industrious/lazy, controlled/wild, Christian/heathen, culture/nature, and white/black) gave them a framework for cementing the identities of indigenous peoples in the New World. Although the legal status of Indians fluctuated over the first century after contact, the immutability of racial categories fixed their initial designation as racially other. When it came to peoples designated as nonwhite, Europeans conveniently ignored how
28
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
the dominant signs of civilization and race were obviously cultural.15 Americans stripped them of their land, even though the Cherokees adopted Western values and institutions, because perceptions of their diªerence ensured that Indians were viewed through a racialized frame that took for granted their inability to make proper use of, or appreciate, material resources. Rationalizations for the confiscation of Indian land invariably focused on native failings. The justification John Winthrop, the first governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, laid out during the colonial era for appropriating native lands resonated with EuropeanAmericans for the next two and a half centuries: “That which lies common, and hath never beene replenished or subdued is free to any that possess and improve it.” Winthrop argued that as for “the Natives in New England, they inclose no land, neither have they setled habytation, nor any tame Cattle to improve land by, and soe have no other but a Naturall Right to those Countries, soe as if we leave them su‹cient for their use, we may lawfully take the rest.”16 Up through the end of the nineteenth century, most EuropeanAmericans accepted the prerogative of whites to seize unenclosed land, provided they fenced it and exploited its resources. As Theodore Roosevelt claimed, surveying American history at the turn of the twentieth century, “The settler and pioneer have at bottom had justice on their side; this great continent could not have been kept as nothing but a game preserve for squalid savages.”17 European-American observers sympathetic to native claims seemed equally unable to separate themselves from the logic of white entitlement. Speaking to his Senate colleagues in 1830, during the fierce debate over the Indian removal bill, Senator Theodore Frelinghuysen of New Jersey roundly condemned President Jackson’s legislation, yet he conceded that “when the increase of [white] population and the wants of mankind demand cultivation of the earth, a duty is thereby devolved upon the proprietors of large uncultivated regions, of devoting them to such useful purposes. But such appropriations are to be obtained by fair contract, and for reasonable compensation.”18 Despite being one of the Cherokee people’s greatest advocates in the Senate, Frelinghuysen had internalized the racialized belief that whites had a right to appropriate land that they would make “useful.” As the contemporary legal scholar Cheryl Harris notes in her analysis of whiteness, Indians and blacks were oppressed not by abstract definitions of race but by the material eªect of such definitions interacting with conceptions of property.19 The general subject of Fair Exchange, No Robbery cued European-American viewers to tap into a discourse of property, so establishing the parameters for the significance of the work. But as we begin to see, the painting’s meanings were produced by the interaction of the visible discourse of property and the invisible discourse of race. One discourse suggested by the image’s subject matter was shaped by a second discourse, which was at issue simply because it resided in a broad cross section of Americans conditioned to privilege the values associated with whites. Modern readers can readily interpret as
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
29
an expression of white privilege the Herald critic’s commentary on who can and cannot appreciate “blessings,” for the issue of white entitlement continues to be relevant to contemporary European-Americans. To account for the conditioning of the nineteenth-century reception of the painting by other strands of racial discourse that no longer resonate with us today proves more di‹cult. If nineteenth-century texts are to possess meanings that are not reducible to modern value systems, we need to recover discursive strands long since faded from view. Period commentary that strikes us as ambiguous, confused, or even banal must be analyzed for what it reveals of narratives that have lost their currency rather than dismissed as an insignificant idiosyncrasy of a critic or a culture. Consider, for instance, that the Herald critic who drew our attention to entitlement noted his belief that Mount’s scarecrow was “quite equal to Hawthorne’s Feathertop.”20 Invoking the title character of Nathaniel Hawthorne’s short story “Feathertop: A Moralized Legend” (1852), the anonymous reviewer linked the painting to the most famous scarecrow in American fiction before L. Frank Baum’s Wonderful Wizard of Oz (1900). While it is easy to gloss over the statement as a prosaic observation that both painter and writer depicted scarecrows, the cultural relevance of the assertion is rooted in what this “equality” meant for audiences in the early 1870s. Hawthorne recounts the tale of a scarecrow, named Feathertop, created out of a pumpkin, broken wooden tools, straw, feathers, and threadbare clothes; he is filled with hundreds of empty stock phrases and is given life by a New England witch. Sent by his creator to court the daughter of a prominent judge in a nearby town, Feathertop projects an image of refinement, convincing nearly everyone he encounters of his aristocratic lineage. Despite his initial social success, the story closes with a distraught Feathertop taking his own life, having caught sight of his “true” reflection in a mirror and recognizing, as he explains to the witch, “the wretched, ragged, empty thing I am” (257). Readers today may be predisposed to accept a scarecrow built of straw, broken tools, and a pumpkin as a symbol for a “hollow man,” with a pleasing surface but no depth, but Feathertop confounds such expectations by emerging as the story’s deepest character in the author’s most powerful antiallegorical tale.21 We learn that despite his motley makeup, the scarecrow has “more real substance” than ninety-nine out of a hundred men (249). Yet neither the townspeople who first encounter Feathertop nor the scarecrow himself can see beyond appearances to judge his real worth. In Hawthorne’s short story perceptions are always misleading.22 Just as the townspeople mistakenly judge the scarecrow as noble based on their “false” view of his finery and manners, so the scarecrow errs in finding himself worthless after glimpsing his “true” visage. Perhaps appropriately, then, we learn that Feathertop comes closest to “vindicating his claims to be . . . human” (257) at the moment he apprehends his reflection and misjudges his value. He is most human, then, not when he realizes his actual
30
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
worth but when he relies on a human value system that reads appearance as an index of worth. Harboring feelings “too tender [and] sensibilities too deep” (258) for this world, he takes his life only after accepting that a hollow scarecrow stands for a hollow man. He dies because of an investment in allegory that readers are meant to question.23 Much as with Mount, Hawthorne’s appellation as an allegorical artist promotes a narrow, restrictive understanding of his work. It is intriguing that the Herald critic links the works, given that twenty-first-century audiences are likely to note significant contrasts between short story and painting. Whereas “Feathertop” conjures up a messy, fluid universe where external signs stand in a complex relation to inner worth, modern scholars consistently read Fair Exchange, No Robbery as depicting a stable, positivistic world.24 Recently scholars have explained the painting as a period allegory of President Andrew Johnson’s political jockeying during Reconstruction and as a pictorial jibe at a much-mocked community of Long Island anarchists; both readings assume that the painting conveyed a straightforward message, readily decoded by the artist’s contemporaries.25 But such positivistic interpretations of Mount’s work bring us no closer to understanding how the nineteenth-century critic linked it to Hawthorne’s inscrutable tale. The critic saw the “equality” of graphic and literary scarecrows because of the philosophical and racial context through which the depictions were filtered in the 1870s— not the similarities in narrative or subject matter, shared use of allegorical conceits, or political views common to the artists. Despite being the products of distinctive ideological contexts, painting and story were drawn together and framed by anxious metaphysical debates then gripping postbellum society. The philosophical ascendancy of idealism over older empiricist paradigms, and the adjustments in racial definition that the emergent worldview fostered, combined with the internal evidence of the works to argue for more equality than diªerence in the scarecrows. To appreciate how such debates transformed Fair Exchange, No Robbery, consider first the intellectual and racial ground out of which Mount’s art developed. Born in 1807 into the early republic, Mount came of age at a time when empiricist thought retained a strong grip on American political and social culture. Driven by a core belief in human rationality and in the possibility of free choice, empiricist thinkers—such as Locke, Voltaire, Hume, Paine, and Jeªerson—provided the intellectual foundations for the new democracy. They articulated both the rights of man and a cogent rationale for rebellion against a tyrannical regime.26 But more relevant to a study of American race is the common view that the egalitarian impulses of empiricist thinkers that nurtured democratic political reforms also played a sizable role in improving the racial climate in the West. According to a host of scholars, empiricism helped break down rationalizations for both slavery and the essentialist concepts of race that supported its imposition.27 Scholars advancing this thesis turn naturally to the writings of John Locke, one of
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
31
empiricism’s most eloquent advocates, who famously wrote in his Two Treatises of Government (1690), “Slavery is so vile and miserable an Estate of Man, and so directly opposed to the generous Temper and Courage of our Nation; that ’tis hardly to be conceived that an Englishman, much less a Gentleman, should plead for’t.” Not only did Locke argue against the institution of slavery, but, as his many admirers suggest, his philosophy helped lay the foundation for racial classifications uncoupled from physiognomy. Rejecting older philosophical systems that accepted the concept of innate ideas, Locke maintained that human beings begin life as a blank slate to be filled by experience, not biology. Historically, liberals have read Locke’s concept of the blank slate to support a behaviorist notion of identity, seen to support human equality and individual freedom.28 The philosopher Kay Squadrito, for example, claims that “Locke’s tabula rasa hastened acceptance of the view that blacks are not congenitally inferior to whites.” She argues that “the empiricist polemic against innatism resulted in stress being placed on environmental factors which contribute to diªerences between races as opposed to purported congenital diªerences.”29 But given the insights of revisionist scholars over the past few decades, we cannot simply link empiricism, and Locke’s philosophy in particular, to egalitarian reforms. The man who labeled slavery “vile and miserable,” oddly enough, also invested in slaving companies, authored the colonial Carolina charter enshrining the rights of slave owners, and reasoned that the European ability to make productive, agricultural use of Indian “waste” land allowed for the dismissal of native titles.30 Those wishing to shield Locke from the taint of racism tend to interpret the philosopher’s ties to slavery either as ideologically inconsistent or as a tortured application of his philosophy.31 The philosopher Harry Bracken, however, takes a diªerent, more pragmatic approach to Locke. Noting the rise of modern theories of race during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Locke’s own complicity in the slave trade, and the “remarkable” acceptance and popularity of empiricism over the past several centuries, Bracken suggests that empiricism helped lay the foundations for modern conceptions of race.32 Although some of the world’s oldest written texts illustrate the human tendency to make distinctions based on physical appearance, only in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were phenotypical diªerences established as the markers of identity, signaling biological diªerences that oªered unproblematic signs of intellectual and cultural worth. Even academics who argue that race is a meaningful division of human populations must acknowledge that the significance of particular physical traits has altered over time, and that our modern formulation of race is unique to the past three hundred years. Bracken points to four elements of Locke’s doctrines that combine to enable racist thought to flourish: antiessentialism, the tally model for determining (nominal) essences, choice preference of items in the tally, and the blank tablet. Locke began by accepting the Aristotelian position that material objects have a particular substance (an inner con-
32
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
stitution), which might be classified into sorts or species. But his antiessentialism held that while real substances might potentially exist, human beings have no basis for knowing them. This is because we base our understanding of substance on our sense perception of its external qualities, which are secondary to its “real essence.” Our sense perceptions, unable to uncover a thing’s “real essence,” provide us what Locke termed “nominal essence,” a collection of qualities serving imperfectly for our idea of a substance. As Locke points out, we may take qualities such as the color yellow, shiny appearance, and malleability as the real essence of gold, but we cannot find any necessary connection between these qualities and the substance itself. According to Locke, the choice preference with which we ascribe various qualities to gold, or to human beings, is grounded not in substances’ real essences but in our subjective interests. In this context the blank slate, for many liberals an empowering component of Locke’s philosophy, by thwarting eªorts to pin down what is common to all human beings may actually push us to accept racial classifications rooted in biology. Bracken points out how the Cartesian mind/body dualism, which empiricism displaced, oªered a “modest conceptual barrier” to racist ideologies by separating human identity from external characteristics. Because the Cartesians rooted human identity in thought—with external characteristics such as skin pigmentation and sex merely accidental, and unreflective of identity—the Cartesian worldview resisted racial theories grounded in physiognomy. Bracken explores how it is possible in Locke’s empirical philosophy, however, for skin color (and other physical and cultural markers) to become the “essential” human property. It is not that Locke argued for the pertinence of skin color in determining identity (if anything, he argued against it) but that he promoted a philosophical system that, unlike Cartesian thought, did nothing to prevent adherents’ taking pigmentation as an essential attribute of human beings. Locke’s philosophical worldview ultimately made it easier to conclude that human beings were those who were white, rather than those who thought.33 This is not to argue that empiricism necessarily produced race any more than it created democracy, for philosophical systems do not invent social structures, but only provide an ideological ground conducive to their development. Instead of giving birth to race, Locke’s empiricism simply made the acceptance of slavery, and of modern racial theories, more likely. Given Bracken’s care not to attribute the invention of race to either Locke or empiricism, one is left to wonder what led Europeans and European-Americans to embrace racialized patterns of thought from the seventeenth century onward. To say that empiricism laid the foundations for race, by making it a conceptual possibility, is not to explain why race turned into the dominant social structure of the West. To appreciate why European-American culture seized on race, we need to consider what the sociologist Albert Memmi has argued is our inborn tendency to diªerentiate: “Racism is the generalized and final assignment of values to real or imaginary diªerences, to the accuser’s
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
33
benefit and at his victim’s expense, in order to justify the former’s own privileges or aggression.” Despite the utility of racism, Memmi cautions against searching for an overarching logic or consistency to racist discourse, for as he makes clear, racism is driven by something outside itself. He makes the controversial claim that racism is “a lived experience . . . inherent in the human condition [whereby] each time one finds oneself in contact with an individual or group that is diªerent and only poorly understood, one can react in a way that would signify racism.”34 Memmi contends that we exhibit a universal tendency to articulate diªerences when confronted with an alien group—a tendency heightened when we feel our privileges or well-being threatened. For Memmi, it is the articulation of diªerence, not racism, that is innate to human beings. Merely to observe “diªerences” is not a racist act, but it is rarely a neutral exercise either, for to articulate diªerence would be largely meaningless if it did not illustrate qualitative disparities. According to Memmi, the human predisposition to diªerentiate produces a racist discourse once it combines with interpretations of those diªerences that serve to consolidate or promote the power of a given group. Memmi argues not that our perception of race is grounded in our biological makeup but that a propensity to diªerentiate is hardwired into our systems, and that such a proclivity, in our particular social context, has produced the modern concept of race.35 Locke’s legitimating of an inborn predisposition to evaluate human beings according to observable traits at once weakened the power of innate ideas (which at least potentially could check experiential biases) and helped produce a social and intellectual context in which modern racial theories might flourish. Just as empiricism did not prevent skin color from being taken as a sign of identity, nor did it bar selective prejudices that might appear verifiable through “scientific” analysis. Thus it allowed the invention of modern ideas of race from a diverse array of preexisting biases: religious prejudices, climactic theories of development, belief in the hereditary nature of human traits, ancient predispositions related to physical appearance, anthropomorphism, long-standing xenophobia, and even philological readings of languages as a reflection of natural character, all of which influenced what would be understood as the scientific discovery of race.36 This Lockean context establishes the antebellum racial conditions out of which the formal qualities of Fair Exchange, No Robbery were born and suggested how the oldfashioned and increasingly marginalized artist may have conceived of his work. Since by the 1870s, when the Herald critic described Fair Exchange, No Robbery for his readers, the empiricist paradigms of Mount’s youth had been largely supplanted by American idealism, my discussion also illuminates the significant intellectual foil against which the emergent philosophy rebelled. Having surfaced in America in the 1830s as transcendentalism, idealism attained philosophical dominance in the decades following the Civil War. Called Absolute Idealism and drawn from Hegelian and contemporary British idealist thought, American idealism oªered a pointed critique of empiricism, finding its route to
34
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
knowledge through experience inadequate because it limited one’s ability to arrive at larger, overarching truths. The idealists argued that all truths (and all that exists) stem from one spiritual reality, which human beings might know. Postbellum Americans embraced a metaphysical system that assured them that a master plan existed at a time when empiricist thought no longer assuaged their doubt. Period Americans were troubled by the human costs associated with industrialization and urbanization; concerned about geological science and Darwinian theories of evolution, which weakened traditional religious beliefs; deeply unsettled by the carnage and destruction of the Civil War. For a nation traumatized by experiential knowledge—overloaded with sensory perceptions and scientific discoveries that fostered disillusionment and doubt—idealism held out an appealing promise of an ultimate meaning that transcended everyday experience.37 Idealism proªered a compromise. Instead of promoting the outright rejection of experience and science, as many conservative theologians desired, idealism argued that such routes to knowledge were partial, not that they were invalid. As Josiah Royce, America’s most famous proponent of Absolute Idealism, urged in Religious Aspects of Philosophy (1885), “Let us overcome all our di‹culties by declaring that all the many Beyonds, which single significant judgements seem vaguely and separately to postulate, are present as fully realized intended objects to the unity of an all-inclusive, absolutely clear, universal, and conscious thought, of which all judgements, true or false, are but fragments, the whole being at once Absolute Truth and Absolute Knowledge.”38 Here, eªectively, was a new religion that appeared compatible with the modern world.39 The triumph of a philosophical system that questioned sensory experience meant the redefinition of racial types, which had been predicated in part on experiential knowledge. Without suggesting that Americans in the aftermath of the Civil War were suddenly unable to judge racial categories according to an individual’s appearance, I contend that the shift away from experiential knowledge unsettled long-standing views of race and then-current racial definitions. The growing appeal of idealist philosophies prepared the ground for realignments in racial thought at the close of the century. The shifting racial outlook is evident in both the increasingly broad acceptance in the South of the “one-drop rule” as the arbiter of black identity and in the first lawsuits various racial minorities brought seeking legal designation as “white” and the consequent conferral of citizenship that status made possible. The consolidation of the one-drop rule in the years following the Civil War is sometimes seen to buttress, rather than diminish, the American tradition of defining race on the basis of physical appearance. After all, the rule undermined a long-standing practice of consigning mulattoes to a separate racial category, neither white nor black. Because the rule stipulated that individuals with even a single black ancestor be classified as black, light-skinned mulattoes were folded into the black race.40 But just as the rule simplified racial categorization by reinforcing a white/black division, it also complicated
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
35
understandings of race by downplaying physical diªerences that had long stood as immutable signs of identity. Under the new system it was possible for individuals whose communities categorized them as black to pass as white, just as a portion of those deemed white were unknowingly black. The one-drop rule both built upon and consolidated racial definitions that transcended physiognomy, leaving whites to fear what came to be known as “invisible blackness.”41 Similarly, the lawsuits filed by racial minorities to gain citizenship during the final decades of the nineteenth century must be seen in this context to provide further evidence of the loosening tie between racial categories and physical traits. Although a congressional act of 1790 restricted citizenship to any alien deemed to be a “free white person,” not until 1878—almost ninety years later—did a visible minority ask the courts to declare him white. The legal scholar Ian F. Haney López argues that such court challenges began only in the late 1870s because of the increased importance of national versus state citizenship in the years following passage of the Fourteenth Amendment, and the concomitant rise in immigration from Asian nations, which produced a critical mass of people who were not obviously white or black.42 But given that a number of early litigants were Hispanic or Native American—two groups that had long boasted significant populations in the United States—it seems evident that other factors explain why such lawsuits were attempted only in the final decades of the nineteenth century. Even the increased importance of national citizenship at the century’s close does not fully account for the number of such suits. They could not be initiated or proceed to court until a conceptual framework developed to allow for the possibility of non-EuropeanAmericans’ being declared white. If the Fourteenth Amendment and rising Asian immigration encouraged the challenges, the suits were conceivable only after the fluidity of period racial models allowed the consideration of such claims. In the 1870s and 1880s, blacks could be legally black notwithstanding their physical appearance as white, just as Asians, Native Americans, and Hispanics could sue for citizenship based on a legal possibility of their being determined white. Although many blacks had been subjected to the one-drop rule over the course of American history, and members of various racial minorities had long agitated for equal rights, the rise of idealism ushered in an ideological context wherein identity models that were only marginally embraced in the antebellum era now rose to dominance. With this picture of shifting racial formation in mind, I turn again to Fair Exchange, No Robbery to ask how its meaning was produced and how the painted and literary scarecrows might have seemed equal to audiences in the 1870s. As we shall see, various strands of external evidence (including the visible discourse of property and the invisible discourses of whiteness and metaphysics) were shaped by the painting’s internal, formal evidence to produce a meaning specific to this particular visual artifact. Because the sub-
36
GENRE PAINTING AND MODERN RACE
ject matter of thousands of pastoral artworks in various media suggested the visible discourses analyzed in this chapter, and because the invisible discourses resided in virtually all Americans of the period, it is essential to consider the unique formal properties of Mount’s painting to have any hope of understanding the contemporaneous responses of gallery audiences. The narrative elements of Mount’s composition are relatively spare. The swap of hats between man and scarecrow takes place in a shallow foreground space blanketed with short grass and scattered weeds. The figures are bracketed on the right by a small blackand-white dog and on the left by a large cornstalk and stump. The middle distance is bisected horizontally by a rickety picket fence, with missing and broken boards, that separates the figures from a field of ripening corn. Anyone familiar with the art of Mount is likely to place the scene in rural Long Island, where the artist spent his working life, but Gilded Age Americans would have recognized a more precise location based on a common knowledge of fence types—a sort of iconography of enclosure. Americans traditionally used fences to keep animals away from crops and as barriers to contain and exclude human beings, and, just as significant, to symbolically demarcate the use of exterior spaces. The type of picket fence illustrated in Mount’s painting was never erected to protect the boundaries of large commercial farms but was placed around houses to signal a domestic space. The standard use of picket fences strongly suggests that the enclosed field in Mount’s image was a modest corn patch attached to a private home. As the architectural historian Philip Dole explains, on nineteenth-century American farms “a trinity of fences—rail, horizontal board, picket, one within the other—described three diªerent but concentric zones. Split rails surrounded the distant pastures; board fences bounded barnyards or b | |||||
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] | null | Representing Jewish Communities In 100 Countries Across Six Continents | en | World Jewish Congress | https://www.worldjewishcongress.org/en/about/communities/AM | Historical records attest to a Jewish presence in Armenia dating back to before the spread of Christianity in the region. The Armenian historian Arakel Babakhanian, commonly known by his pen name "Leo," wrote in his book History of Armenia that King Tigran the Great relocated over 40,000 Jewish families to the ancient Kingdom of Armenia “highly considering their knowledge in trade, handcrafting, and sciences" following a retreat from Judea after a Roman attack on Armenia.
A large Jewish population was settled in Armenia in the first century BCE, thus establishing a permanent Jewish community there. During this period, numerous regional powers attempted to divide and conquer the country, and as a result, the Jewish population (and the general Armenian population as well) suffered the consequences of invasions, occupations, and reconquests. By the third century CE, there was a huge increase in Jewish immigration from the Hellenistic region. As a result, some Armenian towns became largely Jewish.
The conquest of Armenia by the Sassanids under King Shapur II in the following century saw the deportation of Jews. Thousands of Jewish families were deported to areas throughout the region, including Esfahan (modern Iran), Artashat, Vaghasabat, Yervandashat, Sarehavan, Sarisat, Van, and Nakhichevan.
The return of substantial Jewish communities in Armenia coincided with the Russian annexation of eastern Armenia following the Russo-Persian War in 1828, when Russian Jews began arriving in Armenia. They established communities throughout the latter half of the 19th century.
The dissolution of the Soviet Union in the 1990s saw widespread violence engulf the region, and as a result, many Armenian Jews left the region. Today’s Armenian Jewish population is almost entirely comprised of Ashkenazi Jews who came to Armenia during the Soviet period.
Under Soviet rule, Armenia participated on the side of the Allies during World War II. The country was spared the devastation and destruction that wrought most of the western Soviet Union during the war, and many displaced Jews found refuge in Soviet Armenia during the Holocaust. Many scientists were relocated to Armenia during WWII. Many of them stayed in Armenia even after the war; later, their ancestors became part of our community.
Following World War II, the population rose to approximately 5,000 Jews. This continued throughout most of the Soviet era, with many Russian and Ukrainian Jews settling in Armenia as a result of its more accepting society (in comparison to Soviet Russia and Ukraine).
In 2006, a joint Holocaust and Armenian Genocide memorial was erected in Yerevan with the generous assistance of the government of Armenia and the mayor.
The Jewish Community of Armenia estimates that there are approximately 500 Jews, with nearly all residing in the capital, Yerevan, and a small group living in Vanadzor. According to recent listings, there are over 400 Jewish families in the country. Despite some manifestations of antisemitism, the Armenian Jewish community can practice their religion freely and live in relative stability. The majority of Armenian Jews are Ashkenazi, with some Mizrahi and Georgian Jews. Armenia, with its diverse ethnic population and long history of Jewish influence, allows the small Jewish community to practice Judaism freely.
One notable Armenian Jew is Levon Aronyan, the chess grandmaster who received the Order of St. Mesrop Mashtots in 2012 and who openly espouses his Jewish background. Besides him, there have been many prominent Jews living in Soviet and then independent Armenia, including scientists, archeologists, and engineers.
1. In Armenia, one of the oldest Jewish cemeteries in the region dates back to the 12th century. Archeological excavations and the following studies were held together with scientists from Jerusalem Hebrew University and led by Prof. Michael Stone.
2. Many Iranian (Persian) Jews hold Armenian last names.
3. The city of Sevan was established by an ethnic Russian (“Subbotnik”) community deported from Russian central regions following the orders of Catherine (Ekaterina) II (1762–1796), who were secretly practicing Judaism and keeping Shabbat. There are still a few hundred Subbotniks living in Sevan today.
4. There are Armenians among those nominated as “Righteous Among the Nations," or non-Jewish individuals who have been honored by Yad Vashem, Israel's Holocaust memorial, for risking their lives to aid Jews during the Holocaust.
5. In 2013, a team of Jewish Armenian athletes took part in the Maccabiah Games for the first time. | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 1 | 73 | http://chartsbin.com/view/37607 | en | Population Density(2015) | http://cdn3.chartsbin.com/chartimages/l_37607_e254c3dcdf5e4517442627191a804ce1 | http://cdn3.chartsbin.com/chartimages/l_37607_e254c3dcdf5e4517442627191a804ce1 | [
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Population density is a measurement of population per unit area or unit volume; it is a quantity of type number density. It is frequently applied to living organisms, and particularly to humans.
For humans, population density is the number of people per unit of area, usually quoted per square kilometer or square mile (which may include or exclude, for example, areas of water or glaciers). Commonly this may be calculated for a county, city, country, another territory, or the entire world.
Population density is population divided by total land area or water volume, as appropriate.Low densities may cause an extinction vortex and lead to further reduced fertility. This is called the Allee effect after the scientist who identified it. Examples of the causes in low population densities include:
Increased problems with locating sexual mates
Increased inbreeding
Monaco in South Europe, currently holds the record for being the most densely populated nation in the world.Mongolia is the least densely populated country in the world. | |||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 85 | https://www.thenation.com/article/world/east-jerusalem-armenian-quarter-land-deal-hotel/ | en | The Dubious Land Deal Threatening East Jerusalem’s Armenian Quarter | [
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] | 2024-05-14T09:00:00+00:00 | The Nation Magazine | en | https://www.thenation.com/wp-content/themes/thenation-2023/images/favicon.ico?ver=3.0 | The Nation | https://www.thenation.com/article/world/east-jerusalem-armenian-quarter-land-deal-hotel/ | Yet settlers quickly came up with a new tactic to claim the land. Now, one “of the main ways for settlers to take over land properties in East Jerusalem is through purchasing it from the owners,” said Hagit Ofran, director of the Settlement Watch project at Peace Now, a left-wing Israeli NGO. “Almost 100 percent of the deals are dirty or involved with some monkey business. It’s not a clear-cut dispossession because of the alleged purchases, so you don’t see the injustice so strongly.”
The same strategy was adapted for the Old City. Aside from buying Palestinian properties in the area, settlers realized they could target Jerusalem’s Christian churches, which hold vast amounts of real estate in the Old City, yet exist on the periphery of the scrutiny directed at Palestinian land dispossession.
In fact, the dispute over the Armenian Quarter’s land follows a long-standing playbook. On the morning of March 18, 2005, an Israeli journalist told Abu El-Walid Dajani that the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate had ceded the hotel his family had leased and managed since 1949 to Ateret Cohanim, a far-right settler organization that pledges to stand at the “forefront of Jewish Land Reclamation in Jerusalem,” according to their website. As with the case of the Armenian Quarter, the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate had also inexplicably leased away its land for far below market value in a secret deal, and the priest who oversaw the deal was similarly accused of corruption. Perhaps not coincidentally, the owners of Xana Capital Group have been photographed with representatives from Ateret Cohanim. (Ateret Cohanim has denied involvement with the deal in the Armenian Quarter.)
In 2021, after a nearly 20-year-long legal battle, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that Ateret Cohanim held the legal right to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate’s land. The decision has had far-reaching repercussions. In recent years, the Palestinian Christians who make up the majority of the Greek Orthodox community have come to believe “there is no future for the youngsters,” said Dajani. “The youngsters [in the community] go out to secure an education and they don’t come back. They try to find a better way of life. It’s not easy to live under stress.”
Dajani, a Palestinian and practicing Muslim who worked at a Catholic university for many years, fears he is now witnessing the transformation of Jerusalem into an exclusively Jewish city. “There is enough room for everybody” in Jerusalem, Dajani said. “Don’t come with an ideology [saying] that God is a real estate man. I never knew this. There’s not a single thing on Earth that says God is a real estate man.”
And, for the Armenians who have seen armed settlers begin the process of occupying the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate’s land, the situation offers potent warning of what could soon happen to the Armenian Quarter. “They will just keep on encroaching and encroaching,” Balian said. “Progressively, we will lose everything.”
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The Israeli settlers care more about their own Jewish identity—and what it says about their claim to the Old City—than the identities of those they take property from, according to Seidemann. “The Armenian community is not being targeted because they’re Armenian,” he said. “They’re not being targeted because they’re Christian. They are being targeted because they’re in the way, and Christians, Armenians, Muslims, and Palestinians are fungible assets.”
Yet there is no escaping the fact that much of the Armenian community in Jerusalem, including Balian’s family, came to the city in the aftermath of the Armenian genocide of 1916, which led to the deaths of 1.5 million Armenians. In modern times, Armenia has accused Azerbaijan of ethnically cleansing Nagorno-Karabakh, a once-autonomous region of Azerbaijan home to some 100,000 ethnic Armenians, after the Azeri military seized the territory in 2020.
The roughly 7,000 Christians who live in the Old City also constitute an extremely vulnerable population. A century ago, Christians made up 11 percent of the Old City’s population; today, that number is down to 1 percent. “We’re seeing, in the last [few] years, a real deterioration in the public presence of Christians in the Old City,” Ofran said.
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Much of this decline is a result of unceasing hostility from Israeli extremists: Priests are spat on in the streets, buildings are vandalized with graffiti, and church windows need to be replaced monthly after stones are thrown at them, said Abbot Nikodemus Schnabel, who heads the Catholic Dormition Abbey of Jerusalem.
The situation only worsened after the Jerusalem police were placed under the purview of National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Givr, a far-right politician known for representing Jewish extremists accused of anti-Christian hate crimes in court. “This man now is in charge of my security,” Schnabel said. “The quantity of attacks has exploded.”
Since last April, the Armenian Quarter has faced its own share of ugly tactics. In late October, Xana Capital sent a bulldozer to the Armenian Quarter’s land and demolished part of a wall on the property, in clear violation of Israeli law. (Even if the lease were to go through, the land would be ceded to Xana in six years’ time, not immediately.) In early November, Xana’s leaders, accompanied by armed Israeli settlers and attack dogs, turned up on the site, sparking a tense confrontation.
In response, members of Save the ArQ have built a makeshift hut on the Armenian Quarter’s land; Balian and his friends take shifts staying—and sleeping—within the structure to ensure that there is always someone guarding the site. “[In the last few months] I’ve slept more in this tent than I’ve slept next to my girlfriend,” Balian said, pointing to a green camping tent set up inside the hut.
Much damage has already been done. Relations between the Armenian community and the patriarchate are tense, Balian said, after Manougian filed a separate lawsuit against Xana instead of joining Save the ArQ’s lawsuit. Jordan and the Palestinian Authority have also withdrawn their recognition of Manougian as the Armenian patriarch, leaving his leadership of the community in question. The outcome of the legal battle ahead is deeply uncertain.
But for now, the Armenian community is determined to fight on—both for their land and the promise of a pluralist Jerusalem. “The multicultural ethnic diversity within Jerusalem is what contributes to the cultural wealth of Jerusalem,” Balian said. “Armenians have a right to stay here. Jews have the right. Palestinians have the right. We don’t differentiate between our rights or their rights. What we ask for is for everyone else to respect our rights to this land.” | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 0 | 29 | https://www.city-data.com/city/North-Highlands-California.html | en | North Highlands, California (CA 95660) profile: population, maps, real estate, averages, homes, statistics, relocation, travel, jobs, hospitals, schools, crime, moving, houses, news, sex offenders | [
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] | null | [] | null | en | null | Notable locations in North Highlands: California Shock Trauma Air Rescue McClellan Park Fixed Wing (A), Sacramento City Fire Department Division of Training (B), Sacramento Metropolitan Fire District Training Division (C), Sacramento Metropolitan Fire District Station 115 (D), Raef Hall (E), Davies Hall (F), Sacramento Metropolitan Fire District Station 114 (G), Sacramento Metropolitan Fire District Station 42 (H), Sacramento Metropolitan Fire District Station 41 (I), Sacramento Metropolitan Fire District Station 24 (J), Sacramento Metropolitan Fire District Station 112 (K), North Highlands Community Center (L), Sacramento County Sheriff - Northwest Service Center (M), Sacramento County Sheriff - McClellan Station (N), McClellan Aviation Museum (O), Federal Bureau of Investigation - Sacramento (P), California Highway Patrol - North Sacramento Office (Q). Display/hide their locations on the map
Shopping Centers: Bel Air Shopping Center (1), Farmers Center Shopping Center (2), Watt Avenue Shopping Center (3), McClellan Center Shopping Center (4), Highlands Faire Shopping Center (5), Elkhorn-Watt Square Shopping Center (6). Display/hide their locations on the map
Churches in North Highlands include: North Highlands Bible Church (A), North Highlands Community Church of God in Christ (B), Romanian Church of God (C), A Better Way Evangelical Church (D), Bethel Missionary Baptist Church (E), Capitol Free Will Baptist Church (F), Evening Light Church of God (G), Faith Baptist Tabernacle (H), Family Community Church (I). Display/hide their locations on the map
Parks in North Highlands include: Strizek Park (1), Brock Park (2), Community Park (3), Larchmont Park (4), Memorial Park (5), Karl Rosario Park (6), Oakdale Park (7), Planehaven Park (8), Highland Community Sports Complex (9). Display/hide their locations on the map | |||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 9 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yerevan | en | Wikipedia | [
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Capital and largest city of Armenia
Capital city in Armenia
Yerevan ( , YERR-ə-VAN; , -VAHN; Armenian: Երևան[c] [jɛɾɛˈvɑn] ⓘ; sometimes spelled Erevan)[d] is the capital and largest city of Armenia, as well as one of the world's oldest continuously inhabited cities.[28] Situated along the Hrazdan River, Yerevan is the administrative, cultural, and industrial center of the country, as its primate city. It has been the capital since 1918, the fourteenth in the history of Armenia and the seventh located in or around the Ararat Plain. The city also serves as the seat of the Araratian Pontifical Diocese, which is the largest diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church and one of the oldest dioceses in the world.[29]
The history of Yerevan dates back to the 8th century BC, with the founding of the fortress of Erebuni in 782 BC by King Argishti I of Urartu at the western extreme of the Ararat Plain.[30] Erebuni was "designed as a great administrative and religious centre, a fully royal capital."[31] By the late ancient Armenian Kingdom, new capital cities were established and Yerevan declined in importance. The city was mostly depopulated by the Great Surgun of 1603–05, when the Safavid Empire forcibly deported hundreds of thousands of Armenians to Iran. In 1679, the city was mostly destroyed by an earthquake, and then rebuilt on a smaller scale. In 1828, Yerevan became part of the Russian Empire, which led to the repatriation of Armenians whose ancestors had been forcibly relocated in the 17th century. After World War I, Yerevan became the capital of the First Republic of Armenia as thousands of survivors of the Armenian genocide in the Ottoman Empire arrived in the area.[32] The city expanded rapidly during the 20th century while Armenia was a part of the Soviet Union. In a few decades, Yerevan was transformed from a provincial town within the Russian Empire to Armenia's principal cultural, artistic, and industrial center, as well as becoming the seat of national government.
With the growth of the Armenian economy, Yerevan has undergone major transformation. Much construction has been done throughout the city since the early 2000s, and retail outlets such as restaurants, shops, and street cafés, which were rare during Soviet times, have multiplied. As of 2011 , the population of Yerevan was 1,060,138, just over 35% of Armenia's total population. According to the official estimate of 2022, the current population of the city is 1,092,800.[18] Yerevan was named the 2012 World Book Capital by UNESCO.[33] Yerevan is an associate member of Eurocities.[34]
Of the notable landmarks of Yerevan, Erebuni Fortress is considered to be the birthplace of the city, the Katoghike Tsiranavor church is the oldest surviving church of Yerevan, and Saint Gregory Cathedral is the largest Armenian cathedral in the world. Tsitsernakaberd is the official memorial to the victims of the Armenian genocide. The city is home to several opera houses, theatres, museums, libraries, and other cultural institutions. Yerevan Opera Theatre is the main spectacle hall of the Armenian capital, the National Gallery of Armenia is the largest art museum in Armenia and shares a building with the History Museum of Armenia, and the Matenadaran contains one of the largest depositories of ancient books and manuscripts in the world.
Etymology
The exact origin of the name is unknown. One theory regarding the origin of Yerevan's name is the city was named after the Armenian king, Yervand (Orontes) IV, the last ruler of Armenia from the Orontid dynasty, and founder of the city of Yervandashat.[36] However, it is likely that the city's name is derived from the Urartian military fortress of Erebuni, which was founded on the territory of modern-day Yerevan in 782 BC by Argishti I.[36] "Erebuni" may derive from the Urartian word for "to take" or "to capture," meaning that the fortress's name could be interpreted as "capture," "conquest," or "victory."[37] As elements of the Urartian language blended with that of the Armenian one, the name eventually evolved into Yerevan (Erebuni = Erevani = Erevan = Yerevan). Scholar Margarit Israelyan notes these changes when comparing inscriptions found on two cuneiform tablets at Erebuni:
The transcription of the second cuneiform bu [original emphasis] of the word was very essential in our interpretation as it is the Urartaean b that has been shifted to the Armenian v (b > v). The original writing of the inscription read «er-bu-ni»; therefore the prominent Armenianologist-orientalist Prof. G. A. Ghapantsian justly objected, remarking that the Urartu b changed to v at the beginning of the word (Biani > Van) or between two vowels (ebani > avan, Zabaha > Javakhk)....In other words b was placed between two vowels. The true pronunciation of the fortress-city was apparently Erebuny.[38]
Early Christian Armenian chroniclers connected the origin of the city's name to the legend of Noah's Ark. After the ark had landed on Mount Ararat and the flood waters had receded, Noah, while looking in the direction of Yerevan, is said to have exclaimed "Yerevats!" ("it appeared!" in Armenian), from which originated the name Yerevan.[36]
In the late medieval and early modern periods, when Yerevan was under Turkic and later Persian rule, the city was known in Persian as Iravân (Persian: ایروان).[39][40] The city was officially known as Erivan (Russian: Эривань) under Russian rule during the 19th and early 20th centuries. The city was renamed back to Yerevan (Ереван) in 1936.[41] Up until the mid-1970s the city's name was spelled Erevan more often than Yerevan in English sources.[42][43]
Symbols
The principal symbol of Yerevan is Mount Ararat, which is visible from any area in the capital. The seal of the city is a crowned lion on a pedestal with a shield that has a depiction of Mount Ararat on the upper part and half of an Armenian eternity sign on the bottom part. The emblem is a rectangular shield with a blue border.[46]
On 27 September 2004, Yerevan adopted an anthem, "Erebuni-Yerevan", using lyrics written by Paruyr Sevak and set to music composed by Edgar Hovhannisyan. It was selected in a competition for a new anthem and new flag that would best represent the city. The chosen flag has a white background with the city's seal in the middle, surrounded by twelve small red triangles that symbolize the twelve historic capitals of Armenia. The flag includes the three colours of the Armenian National flag. The lion is portrayed on the orange background with blue edging.[47]
History
Main article: History of Yerevan
For a chronological guide, see Timeline of Yerevan.
Pre-history and pre-classical era
See also: Kura–Araxes culture
The territory of Yerevan has been inhabited since approximately the 2nd half of the 4th millennium BC. The southern part of the city currently known as Shengavit has been populated since at least 3200 BC, during the period of Kura–Araxes culture of the early Bronze Age. The first excavations at the Shengavit historical site was conducted between 1936 and 1938 under the guidance of archaeologist Yevgeny Bayburdyan. After two decades, archaeologist Sandro Sardarian resumed the excavations starting from 1958 until 1983.[48] The 3rd phase of the excavations started in 2000, under the guidance of archaeologist Hakob Simonyan. In 2009, Simonyan was joined by Mitchell S. Rothman from the Widener University of Pennsylvania. Together they conducted three series of excavations in 2009, 2010, and 2012 respectively.[citation needed] During the process, a full stratigraphic column to bedrock was reached, showing there to be 8 or 9 distinct stratigraphic levels. These levels cover a time between 3200 BC and 2500 BC. Evidences of later use of the site, possibly until 2200 BC, were also found. The excavation process revealed a series of large round buildings with square adjoining rooms and minor round buildings. A series of ritual installations was discovered in 2010 and 2012.[citation needed]
Erebuni
Main article: Erebuni Fortress
The ancient kingdom of Urartu was formed in the 9th century BC by King Arame in the basin of Lake Van of the Armenian Highland, including the territory of modern-day Yerevan.[49] Archaeological evidence, such as a cuneiform inscription,[50] indicates that the Urartian military fortress of Erebuni was founded in 782 BC by the orders of King Argishti I at the site of modern-day Yerevan, to serve as a fort and citadel guarding against attacks from the north Caucasus.[36] The cuneiform inscription found at Erebuni Fortress reads:
By the greatness of the God Khaldi, Argishti, son of Menua, built this mighty stronghold and proclaimed it Erebuni for the glory of Biainili [Urartu] and to instill fear among the king's enemies. Argishti says, "The land was a desert, before the great works I accomplished upon it. By the greatness of Khaldi, Argishti, son of Menua, is a mighty king, king of Biainili, and ruler of Tushpa."[Van].[51]
During the height of the Urartian power, irrigation canals and artificial reservoirs were built in Erebuni and its surrounding territories.
In the mid-7th century BC, the city of Teishebaini was built by Rusa II of Urartu, around 7 kilometres (4.3 miles) west of Erebuni Fortress.[52] It was fortified on a hill -currently known as Karmir Blur within Shengavit District of Yerevan- to protect the eastern borders of Urartu from the barbaric Cimmerians and Scythians. During excavations, the remains of a governors palace that contained a hundred and twenty rooms spreading across more than 40,000 m2 (10 acres) was found, along with a citadel dedicated to the Urartian god Teisheba. The construction of the city of Teishebaini, as well as the palace and the citadel was completed by the end of the 7th century BC, during the reign of Rusa III. However, Teishebaini was destroyed by an alliance of Medes and the Scythians in 585 BC.
Median and Achaemenid rules
See also: Satrapy of Armenia
In 590 BC, following the fall of the Kingdom of Urartu at the hands of the Iranian Medes, Erebuni along with the Armenian Highlands became part of the Median Empire.
However, in 550 BC, the Median Empire was conquered by Cyrus the Great, and Erebuni became part of the Achaemenid Empire. Between 522 BC and 331 BC, Erebuni was one of the main centers of the Satrapy of Armenia, a region controlled by the Orontid dynasty as one of the satrapies of the Achaemenid Empire. The Satrapy of Armenia was divided into two parts: the northern part and the southern part, with the cities of Erebuni (Yerevan) and Tushpa (Van) as their centres, respectively.
Coins issued in 478 BC, along with many other items found in the Erebuni Fortress, reveal the importance of Erebuni as a major centre for trade under Achaemenid rule.
Ancient Kingdom of Armenia
See also: Kingdom of Armenia (antiquity)
After Alexander the Great's victory over the Achaemenid Empire, the Orontid rulers of the Armenian satrapy achieved independence as a result of the Battle of Gaugamela in 331 BC, founding the Kingdom of Armenia. With the establishment of new cities such as Armavir, Zarehavan, Bagaran and Yervandashat, the importance of Erebuni gradually declined.
With the rise of the Artaxiad dynasty of Armenia who seized power in 189 BC, the Kingdom of Armenia greatly expanded to include major territories of Asia Minor, Atropatene, Iberia, Phoenicia and Syria. The Artaxiads considered Erebuni and Tushpa as cities of Persian heritage. Consequently, new cities and commercial centres were built by Kings Artaxias I, Artavasdes I and Tigranes the Great. Thus, with the dominance of cities such as Artaxata and Tigranocerta, Erebuni significantly lost its importance as a central city.
Under the rule of the Arsacid dynasty of Armenia (54–428 AD), many other cities around Erebuni including Vagharshapat and Dvin flourished. Consequently, Erebuni was completely neutralized, losing its role as an economic and strategic centre of Armenia. During the period of the Arsacid kings, Erebuni was only recorded in a Manichaean text of the 3rd century, where it is mentioned that one of the disciples of the prophet Mani founded a Manichaean community near the Christian community in Erebuni.
According to the medieval Armenian geography Ashkharhatsuyts, Erebuni was part of the canton (gawaṙ) of Kotayk (not to be confused with the current Kotayk Province) of the province of Ayrarat, within Armenia Major.
Armenia became a Christian nation in the early 4th century AD, during the reign of the Arsacid king Tiridates III.
Sasanian and Roman periods
See also: Persian Armenia and Marzpanate Armenia
Following the partition of Armenia by the Byzantine and Sasanian empires in 387 and in 428, Erebuni and the entire territory of Eastern Armenia came under the rule of Sasanian Persia.[53] The Armenian territories formed the province of Persian Armenia within the Sasanian Empire.
Due to the diminished role of Erebuni, as well as the absence of proper historical data, much of the city's history under the Sasanian rule is unknown.[citation needed]
In 587, during the reign of emperor Maurice, Yerevan and much of Armenia came under Roman administration after the Romans defeated the Sassanid Persian Empire at the battle of the Blarathon.[citation needed] Soon after, Katoghike Tsiranavor Church in Avan was built between 595 and 602. Despite being partly damaged during the 1679 earthquake), it is the oldest surviving church within modern Yerevan city limits.[citation needed]
The province of Persian Armenia (also known as Persarmenia) lasted until 646, when the province was dissolved with the Muslim conquest of Persia.
Arab Islamic invasion
See also: Arminiya
In 658 AD, at the height of the Arab Islamic invasions, Erebuni-Yerevan was conquered during the Muslim conquest of Persia, as it was part of Persian-ruled Armenia. The city became part of the Emirate of Armenia under the Umayyad Caliphate. The city of Dvin was the centre of the newly created emirate. Starting from this period, as a result of the developing trade activities with the Arabs, the Armenian territories had gained strategic importance as a crossroads for the Arab caravan routes passing between Europe and India through the Arab-controlled Ararat Plain of Armenia. Most probably, "Erebuni" has become known as "Yerevan" since at least the 7th century AD.
Bagratid Armenia
See also: Bagratid Armenia
After two centuries of Islamic rule over Armenia, the Bagratid prince Ashot I of Armenia led the revolution against the Abbasid Caliphate. Ashot I liberated Yerevan in 850, and was recognized as the Prince of Princes of Armenia by the Abbasid Caliph al-Musta'in in 862. Ashot was later crowned King of Armenia through the consent of Caliph al-Mu'tamid in 885. During the rule of the Bagratuni dynasty of Armenia between 885 and 1045, Yerevan was relatively a secure part of the Kingdom before falling to the Byzantines.
However, Yerevan did not have any strategic role during the reign of the Bagratids, who developed many other cities of Ayrarat, such as Shirakavan, Dvin, and Ani.
Seljuk period, Zakarid Armenia and Mongol rule
See also: Zakarid Armenia and Mongol Armenia
After a brief Byzantine rule over Armenia between 1045 and 1064, the invading Seljuks—led by Tughril and later by his successor Alp Arslan—ruled over the entire region, including Yerevan. However, with the establishment of the Zakarid Principality of Armenia in 1201 under the Georgian protectorate, the Armenian territories of Yerevan and Lori had significantly grown. After the Mongols captured Ani in 1236, Armenia turned into a Mongol protectorate as part of the Ilkhanate, and the Zakarids became vassals to the Mongols. After the fall of the Ilkhanate in the mid-14th century, the Zakarid princes ruled over Lori, Shirak and the Ararat Plain until 1360 when they fell to the invading Turkic tribes.
Aq Qoyunlu and Kara Koyunlu tribes
See also: Kara Koyunlu
During the last quarter of the 14th century, the Aq Qoyunlu Sunni Oghuz Turkic tribe took over Armenia, including Yerevan. In 1400, Timur invaded Armenia and Georgia, and captured more than 60,000 of the survived local people as slaves. Many districts including Yerevan were depopulated.[54]
In 1410, Armenia fell under the control of the Kara Koyunlu Shia Oghuz Turkic tribe. According to the Armenian historian Thomas of Metsoph, although the Kara Koyunlu levied heavy taxes against the Armenians, the early years of their rule were relatively peaceful and some reconstruction of towns took place.[55] The Kara Koyunlus made Yerevan the centre of the newly formed Chukhur Saad administrative territory. The territory was named after a Turkic leader known as Emir Saad.
However, this peaceful period was shattered with the rise of Qara Iskander between 1420 and 1436, who reportedly made Armenia a "desert" and subjected it to "devastation and plunder, to slaughter, and captivity".[56] The wars of Iskander and his eventual defeat against the Timurids, invited further destruction in Armenia, as many more Armenians were taken captive and sold into slavery and the land was subjected to outright pillaging, forcing many of them to leave the region.[57]
Following the fall of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia in 1375, the seat of the Armenian Church was transferred from Sis back to Vagharshapat near Yerevan in 1441. Thus, Yerevan became the main economic, cultural and administrative centre in Armenia.
Iranian rule
See also: Iranian Armenia (1502–1828) and Erivan Khanate
In 1501–02, most of the Eastern Armenian territories including Yerevan were swiftly conquered by the emerging Safavid dynasty of Iran led by Shah Ismail I.[58] Soon after in 1502, Yerevan became the centre of the Erivan Province, a new administrative territory of Iran formed by the Safavids. For the following 3 centuries, it remained, with brief intermissions, under the Iranian rule. Due to its strategic significance, Yerevan was initially often fought over, and passed back and forth, between the dominion of the rivaling Iranian and Ottoman Empire, until it permanently became controlled by the Safavids. In 1555, Iran had secured its legitimate possession over Yerevan with the Ottomans through the Treaty of Amasya.[59]
In 1582–1583, the Ottomans led by Serdar Ferhad Pasha took brief control over Yerevan. Ferhad Pasha managed to build the Erivan Fortress on the ruins of one thousand-years old ancient Armenian fortress, on the shores of Hrazdan river.[60] However, Ottoman control ended in 1604 when the Persians regained Yerevan as a result of first Ottoman-Safavid War.[citation needed]
Shah Abbas I of Persia who ruled between 1588 and 1629, ordered the deportation of hundreds of thousands of Armenians including citizens from Yerevan to mainland Persia. As a consequence, Yerevan significantly lost its Armenian population who had declined to 20%, while Muslims including Persians, Turks, Kurds and Tatars gained dominance with around 80% of the city's population. Muslims were either sedentary, semi-sedentary, or nomadic. Armenians mainly occupied the Kond neighbourhood of Yerevan and the rural suburbs around the city. However, the Armenians dominated over various professions and trade in the area and were of great economic significance to the Persian administration.[61]
During the second Ottoman-Safavid War, Ottoman troops under the command of Sultan Murad IV conquered the city on 8 August 1635. Returning in triumph to Constantinople, he opened the "Yerevan Kiosk" (Revan Köşkü) in Topkapı Palace in 1636. However, Iranian troops commanded by Shah Safi retook Yerevan on 1 April 1636. As a result of the Treaty of Zuhab in 1639, the Iranians reconfirmed their control over Eastern Armenia, including Yerevan. On 7 June 1679, a devastating earthquake razed the city to the ground.
In 1724, the Erivan Fortress was besieged by the Ottoman army.[citation needed] After a period of resistance, the fortress fell to the Turks. As a result of the Ottoman invasion, the Erivan Province of the Safavids was dissolved.[citation needed]
Following a brief period of Ottoman rule over Eastern Armenia between 1724 and 1736, and as a result of the fall of the Safavid dynasty in 1736, Yerevan along with the adjacent territories became part of the newly formed administrative territory of Erivan Khanate under the Afsharid dynasty of Iran, which encompassed an area of 15,000 square kilometres (5,800 square miles). The Afsharids controlled Eastern Armenia from the mid-1730s until the 1790s. Following the fall of the Afsharids, the Qajar dynasty of Iran took control of Eastern Armenia until 1828, when the region was conquered by the Russian Empire after their victory over the Qajars that resulted in the Treaty of Turkmenchay of 1828.[62]
Russian rule
See also: Armenian Oblast and Erivan Governorate
During the second Russo-Persian War of the 19th century, the Russo-Persian War of 1826–28, Yerevan was captured by Russian troops under general Ivan Paskevich on 1 October 1827.[36][63][64] It was formally ceded by the Iranians in 1828, following the Treaty of Turkmenchay.[65] After 3 centuries of Iranian occupation, Yereven along with the rest of Eastern Armenia designated as the "Armenian Oblast", became part of the Russian Empire, a period that would last until the collapse of the Empire in 1917.
Although not mentioned specifically by name, article XV of the Turkmenchay treaty was intended solely for the repatriation of those Armenians whose ancestors had been forcibly relocated to Iran in the early 17th century during the Safavid period. The Russians sponsored the resettlement process of the Armenian population from Persia and Turkey and spread announcements in Armenian villages. Due to the resettlement, the percentage of the Armenian population of Yerevan increased from 28% to 53.8%. The resettlement was intended to create Russian power bridgehead in the Middle East.[67] In 1829, Armenian repatriates from Persia were resettled in the city and a new quarter was built.
Yerevan served as the seat of the newly formed Armenian Oblast between 1828 and 1840. By the time of Nicholas I's visit in 1837, Yerevan had become an uezd ("county"). In 1840, the Armenian Oblast was dissolved and its territory incorporated into a new larger province; the Georgia-Imeretia Governorate. In 1850 the territory of the former oblast was reorganized into the Erivan Governorate, covering an area of 28,000 square kilometres (11,000 square miles). Yerevan was the centre of the newly established governorate.
At that period, Yerevan was a small town with narrow roads and alleys, including the central quarter of Shahar, the Ghantar commercial centre, and the residential neighbourhoods of Kond, Dzoragyugh, Nork and Shentagh. During the 1840s and the 1850s, many schools were opened in the city. However, the first major plan of Yerevan was adopted in 1856, during which, Saint Hripsime and Saint Gayane women's colleges were founded and the English Park was opened. In 1863, the Astafyan Street was redeveloped and opened. In 1874, Zacharia Gevorkian opened Yerevan's first printing house, while the first theatre opened its doors in 1879.
On 1 October 1879, Yerevan was granted the status of a city through a decree issued by Alexander II of Russia. In 1881, The Yerevan Teachers' Seminary and the Yerevan Brewery were opened, followed by the Tairyan's wine and brandy factory in 1887. Other factories for alcoholic beverages and mineral water were opened during the 1890s. The monumental church of Saint Gregory the Illuminator was opened in 1900. Electricity and telephone lines were introduced to the city in 1907 and 1913 respectively. When British traveller H. F. B. Lynch visited Yerevan in 1893–1894, he considered it an Oriental city.[68] However, this started to change in the first decade of the 20th century, in the penultimate decade of Imperial Russian rule, when the city grew and altered dramatically.[68] In general, Yerevan rapidly grew under Russian rule, both economically and politically. Old buildings were torn down and new buildings of European style were erected.
At the beginning of the 20th century, Yerevan city's population was over 29,000.[69] In 1902, a railway line linked Yerevan with Alexandropol, Tiflis and Julfa. In the same year, Yerevan's first public library was opened. In 1905, the grandnephew of Napoleon I; prince Louis Joseph Jérôme Napoléon (1864–1932) was appointed as governor of Yerevan province.[70] In 1913, for the first time in the city, a telephone line with eighty subscribers became operational.
Yerevan served as the centre of the governorate until 1917, when Erivan governorate was dissolved with the collapse of the Russian Empire.
Brief independence
Main article: First Republic of Armenia
At the beginning of the 20th century, Yerevan was a small city with a population of 30,000.[71] In 1917, the Russian Empire ended with the October Revolution. In the aftermath, Armenian, Georgian and Muslim leaders of Transcaucasia united to form the Transcaucasian Federation and proclaimed Transcaucasia's secession.
The Federation, however, was short-lived. After gaining control over Alexandropol, the Turkish army was advancing towards the south and east to eliminate the center of Armenian resistance based in Yerevan. On 21 May 1918, the Turks started their campaign moving towards Yerevan via Sardarabad. Catholicos Gevorg V ordered that church bells peal for 6 days as Armenians from all walks of life – peasants, poets, blacksmiths, and even the clergymen – rallied to form organized military units.[72] Civilians, including children, aided in the effort as well, as "Carts drawn by oxen, water buffalo, and cows jammed the roads bringing food, provisions, ammunition, and volunteers from the vicinity" of Yerevan.[73]
By the end of May 1918, Armenians were able to defeat the Turkish army in the battles of Sardarabad, Abaran and Karakilisa. Thus, on 28 May 1918, the Dashnak leader Aram Manukian declared the independence of Armenia. Subsequently, Yerevan became the capital and the center of the newly founded Republic of Armenia, although the members of the Armenian National Council were yet to stay in Tiflis until their arrival in Yerevan to form the government in the summer of the same year.[74] Armenia became a parliamentary republic with four administrative divisions. The capital Yerevan was part of the Araratian Province. At the time, Yerevan received more than 75,000 refugees from Western Armenia, who escaped the massacres perpetrated by the Ottoman Turks during the Armenian genocide.
On 26 May 1919, the government passed a law to open the Yerevan State University, which was located on the main Astafyan (now Abovyan) street of Yerevan.[citation needed]
After the signing of the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920, Armenia was granted formal international recognition. The United States, as well as many South American countries, officially opened diplomatic channels with the government of independent Armenia. Yerevan had also opened representatives in Great Britain, Italy, Germany, Serbia, Greece, Iran and Japan.[citation needed]
However, after the short period of independence, Yerevan fell to the Bolsheviks, and Armenia was incorporated into Soviet Russia on 2 December 1920. Although nationalist forces managed to retake the city in February 1921 and successfully released all the imprisoned political and military figures, the city's nationalist elite were once again defeated by the Soviet forces on 2 April 1921.[citation needed]
Soviet rule
See also: Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic
The Red Soviet Army invaded Armenia on 29 November 1920 from the northeast. On 2 December 1920, Yerevan along with the other territories of the Republic of Armenia, became part of Soviet Russia, known as the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. However, the Armenian SSR formed the Transcaucasian SFSR (TSFSR) together with the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, between 1922 and 1936.
Under the Soviet rule, Yerevan became the first among the cities in the Soviet Union for which a general plan was developed. The "General Plan of Yerevan" developed by the academician Alexander Tamanian, was approved in 1924. It was initially designed for a population of 150,000.[citation needed] The city was quickly transformed into a modern industrial metropolis of over one million people.[citation needed] New educational, scientific and cultural institutions were founded as well.
Tamanian incorporated national traditions with contemporary urban construction. His design presented a radial-circular arrangement that overlaid the existing city and incorporated much of its existing street plan. As a result, many historic buildings were demolished, including churches, mosques, the Erivan Fortress, baths, bazaars and caravanserais. Many of the districts around central Yerevan were named after former Armenian communities that were destroyed by the Ottoman Turks during the Armenian genocide. The districts of Arabkir, Malatia-Sebastia and Nork Marash, for example, were named after the towns Arabkir, Malatya, Sebastia, and Marash, respectively. After the end of World War II, German POWs were used to help in the construction of new buildings and structures, such as the Kievyan Bridge.[citation needed]
Within the years, the central Kentron district has become the most developed area in Yerevan, something that created a significant gap compared with other districts in the city. Most of the educational, cultural and scientific institutions were centred in the Kentron district.
In 1965, during the commemorations of the fiftieth anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, Yerevan was the location of a demonstration, the first such demonstration in the Soviet Union, to demand recognition of the Genocide by the Soviet authorities.[75] In 1968, the city's 2,750th anniversary was commemorated.
Yerevan played a key role in the Armenian national democratic movement that emerged during the Gorbachev era of the 1980s. The reforms of Glasnost and Perestroika opened questions on issues such as the status of Nagorno-Karabakh, the environment, Russification, corruption, democracy, and eventually independence. At the beginning of 1988, nearly one million Armenians from several regions of Armenia engaged in demonstrations concerning these subjects, centered in the city's Theater Square (currently Freedom Square).[76]
Post-independence
Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Yerevan became the capital of Armenia on 21 September 1991.[77] Maintaining supplies of gas and electricity proved difficult; constant electricity was not restored until 1996 amidst the chaos of the badly instigated and planned transition to a market-based economy.
Since 2000, central Yerevan has been transformed into a vast construction site, with cranes erected all over the Kentron district. Officially, the scores of multi-storied buildings are part of large-scale urban planning projects. Roughly $1.8 billion was spent on such construction in 2006, according to the national statistical service.[citation needed] Prices for downtown apartments have increased by about ten times during the first decade of the 21st century.[citation needed] Many new streets and avenues were opened, such as the Argishti street, Italy street, Saralanj Avenue, Monte Melkonian Avenue, and the Northern Avenue.
However, as a result of this construction boom, the majority of the historic buildings located on the central Aram Street, were either entirely destroyed or transformed into modern residential buildings through the construction of additional floors. Only a few structures were preserved, mainly in the portion that extends between Abovyan Street and Mashtots Avenue.
The first major post-independence protest in Yerevan took place in September 1996, after the announcement of incumbent Levon Ter-Petrosyan's victory in the presidential election. Major opposition parties of the time, consolidated around the former Karabakh Committee member and former Prime Minister Vazgen Manukyan, organized mass demonstrations between 23 and 25 September, claiming electoral fraud by Ter-Petrosyan.[78] An estimated of 200,000 people gathered in the Freedom Square to protest the election results. After a series of riot and violent protests around the Parliament building on 25 September, the government sent tanks and troops to Yerevan to enforce the ban on rallies and demonstrations on the following day.[80] Prime Minister Vazgen Sargsyan and Minister of National Security Serzh Sargsyan announced on the Public Television of Armenia that their respective agencies have prevented an attempted coup d'état.[81]
In February 2008, unrest in the capital between the authorities and opposition demonstrators led by ex-President Levon Ter-Petrosyan took place after the 2008 Armenian presidential election. The events resulted in 10 deaths[82] and a subsequent 20-day state of emergency declared by President Robert Kocharyan.[83]
In July 2016, a group of armed men calling themselves the Daredevils of Sassoun (Armenian: Սասնա Ծռեր Sasna Tsrrer) stormed a police station in Erebuni District of Yerevan, taking several hostages, demanding the release of opposition leader Jirair Sefilian and the resignation of President Serzh Sargsyan. 3 policeman were killed as a result of the attack.[84] Many anti-government protestors held rallies in solidarity with the gunmen.[85] However, after 2 weeks of negotiations, the crisis ended and the gunmen surrendered.
Geography
Topography and cityscape
Yerevan has an average height of 990 m (3,248.03 ft), with a minimum of 865 m (2,837.93 ft) and a maximum of 1,390 m (4,560.37 ft) above sea level in its southwestern and northeastern sections, respectively.[86] It is among the fifty highest cities in the world with over 1 million inhabitants.[87]
Yerevan is located on the banks of the Hrazdan River, northeast of the Ararat Plain, in the central-western part of the country. The upper part of the city is surrounded with mountains on three sides while it descends to the banks of the river Hrazdan at the south. The Hrazdan divides Yerevan into two parts through a picturesque canyon.
The city is situated at the heart of the Armenian Highland.[88] Historically, Yerevan was located in the Kotayk canton (Armenian: Կոտայք գավառ Kotayk gavar, not to be confused with the current Kotayk Province) of the Ayrarat province of historic Armenia Major.
According to the current administrative division of Armenia, Yerevan is not part of any marz ("province") and has special administrative status as the country's capital. It is bordered by Kotayk Province to the north and the east, Ararat Province to the south and the south-west, Armavir Province to the west and Aragatsotn Province to the north-west.
The Erebuni State Reserve, formed in 1981, is located around 8 km southeast of the city centre within the Erebuni District of the city. At a height between 1300 and 1450 meters above sea level, the reserve occupies an area of 120 hectares, mainly consisting of semi-deserted mountain-steppes.[89]
Climate
Yerevan features a continental influenced steppe climate (Köppen climate classification: BSk or "cold semi-arid climate"), with long, hot, dry summers and short, but cold and snowy winters. This is attributed to Yerevan being on a plain surrounded by mountains and to its distance from the sea and its moderating effects. The summers are usually very hot with the temperature in August reaching up to 40 °C (104 °F), and winters generally carry snowfall and freezing temperatures with January often being as cold as −15 °C (5 °F) and lower. The amount of precipitation is small, amounting annually to about 318 millimetres (12.5 in). Yerevan experiences an average of 2,700 sunshine hours per year.[86] On 12 July 2018, Yerevan recorded a temperature of 43.7 °C (110.7 °F), which is the joint highest temperature to have ever been recorded in Armenia.[90]
Architecture
The Yerevan TV Tower is the tallest structure in the city and one of the tallest structures in the South Caucasus.
The Republic Square, the Yerevan Opera Theatre, and the Yerevan Cascade are among the main landmarks at the centre of Yerevan, mainly developed based on the original design of architect Alexander Tamanian, and the revised plan of architect Jim Torosyan.
A major redevelopment process has been launched in Yerevan since 2000. As a result, many historic structures have been demolished and replaced with new buildings. This urban renewal plan has been met with opposition[93] and criticism from some residents, as the projects destroy historic buildings dating back to the period of the Russian Empire, and often leave residents homeless.[94][95][96] Downtown houses deemed too small are increasingly demolished and replaced by high-rise buildings.
The Saint Gregory Cathedral, the new building of Yerevan City Council, the new section of Matenadaran institute, the new terminal of Zvartnots International Airport, the Cafesjian Center for the Arts at the Cascade, the Northern Avenue, and the new government complex of ministries are among the major construction projects fulfilled during the first two decades of the 21st century.
Aram Street of old Yerevan and the newly built Northern Avenue are respectively among the notable examples featuring the traditional and modern architectural characteristics of Yerevan.
As of May 2017, Yerevan is home to 4,883 residential apartment buildings, and 65,199 street lamps installed on 39,799 street light posts, covering a total length of 1,514 km. The city has 1,080 streets with a total length of 750 km.[97]
Parks
Yerevan is a densely built city but still offers several public parks throughout its districts, graced with mid-sized green gardens. The public park of Erebuni District along with its artificial lake is the oldest garden in the city. Occupying an area of 17 hectares, the origins of the park and the artificial lake date back to the period of king Argishti I of Urartu during the 8th century BCE. In 2011, the garden was entirely remodelled and named as Lyon Park, to become a symbol of the partnership between the cities of Lyon and Yerevan.[98]
The Lovers' Park on Marshal Baghramyan Avenue and the English Park at the centre of the city, dating back to the 18th and 19th centuries respectively, are among the most popular parks in Yerevan. The Yerevan Botanical Garden (opened in 1935), the Victory Park (opened in the 1950s) and the Circular Park are among the largest green spaces of the city.
Opened in the 1960s, the Yerevan Opera Theatre Park along with its artificial Swan Lake is also among the favourite green spaces of the city. In 2019 some of the public space of the park leased to restaurants was reclaimed allowing for improved landscape design.[99] A public ice-skating arena is operated in the park's lake area during winters.
The Yerevan Lake is an artificial reservoir opened in 1967 on Hrazdan riverbed at the south of the city centre, with a surface of 0.65 km2 (0.25 sq mi).
Each administrative district of Yerevan has its own public park, such as the Buenos Aires Park and Tumanyan Park in Ajapnyak, Komitas Park in Shengavit, Vahan Zatikian Park in Malatia-Sebastia, David Anhaght Park in Kanaker-Zeytun, the Family Park in Avan, and Fridtjof Nansen Park in Nor Nork.
Politics and government
Capital
Yerevan has been the capital of Armenia since the independence of the First Republic in 1918. Situated in the Ararat Plain, the historic lands of Armenia, it served as the best logical choice for capital of the young republic at the time.
When Armenia became a republic of the Soviet Union, Yerevan remained as capital and accommodated all the political and diplomatic institutions in the republic. In 1991 with the independence of Armenia, Yerevan continued with its status as the political and cultural centre of the country, being home to all the national institutions: the Government House, the National Assembly, the Presidential Palace, the Central Bank, the Constitutional Court, all ministries, judicial bodies and other government organizations.
Municipality
Yerevan received the status of a city on 1 October 1879, upon a decree issued by Tsar Alexander II of Russia. The first city council formed was headed by Hovhannes Ghorghanyan, who became the first mayor of Yerevan.
The Constitution of the Republic of Armenia adopted on 5 July 1995, granted Yerevan the status of a marz (մարզ, province).[100] Therefore, Yerevan functions similarly to the provinces of Armenia with a few specifications.[101] The administrative authority of Yerevan is thus represented by:
the mayor, appointed by the President (who can remove him at any moment) upon the recommendation of the Prime Minister,[100] alongside a group of four deputy mayors heading eleven ministries (of which financial, transport, urban development etc.),[102]
the Yerevan City Council, regrouping the Heads of community districts under the authority of the mayor,[103]
twelve "community districts", with each having its own leader and their elected councils.[104] Yerevan has a principal city hall and twelve deputy mayors of districts.
In the modified Constitution of 27 November 2005, Yerevan city was turned into a "community" (համայնք, hamaynk); since, the Constitution declares that this community has to be led by a mayor, elected directly or indirectly, and that the city needs to be governed by a specific law.[105] The first election of the Yerevan City Council took place in 2009 and won by the ruling Republican Party of Armenia.[106][107]
In addition to the national police and road police, Yerevan has its own municipal police. All three bodies cooperate to maintain law in the city.
Administrative districts
Main article: Districts of Yerevan
Yerevan is divided into twelve "administrative districts" (վարչական շրջան, varčakan šrĵan)[108] each with an elected leader. The total area of the 12 districts of Yerevan is 223 square kilometres (86 square miles).[109][110][111]
District Armenian Population
(2011 census) Population
(2016 estimate) Area (km2) Ajapnyak Աջափնյակ 108,282 109,100 25.82 Arabkir Արաբկիր 117,704 115,800 13.29 Avan Ավան 53,231 53,100 7.26 Davtashen Դավթաշեն 42,380 42,500 6.47 Erebuni Էրեբունի 123,092 126,500 47.49 Kanaker-Zeytun Քանաքեր-Զեյթուն 73,886 74,100 7.73 Kentron Կենտրոն 125,453 125,700 13.35 Malatia-Sebastia Մալաթիա-Սեբաստիա 132,900 135,900 25.16 Nork-Marash Նորք-Մարաշ 12,049 11,800 4.76 Nor Nork Նոր Նորք 126,065 130,300 14.11 Nubarashen Նուբարաշեն 9,561 9,800 17.24 Shengavit Շենգավիթ 135,535 139,100 40.6
Demographics
Historical ethnic composition of Yerevan
(excluding the Erivan Fortress)[112] Year Armenians Azerbaijanis Russians Others Total c. 1650[112] absolute majority — — — — c. 1725[113] absolute majority — — — 20,000 1830[114] 4,132 35.7% 7,331 64.3% 195 1.7% 11,463 1831[115] 4,484 37.6% 7,331 61.5% 105 0.9% 11,920 1873[116] 5,900 50.1% 5,800 48.7% 150 1.3% 24 0.2% 11,938 1886[115] 7,142 48.5% 7,228 49.0% 368 2.5% 14,738 1897[117] 12,523 43.2% 12,359 42.6% 2,765 9.5% 1,359 4.7% 29,006 1908[115] 30,670 1914[118] 15,531 52.9% 11,496 39.1% 1,628 5.5% 711 2.4% 29,366[e] 1916[119] 37,223 72.6% 12,557 24.5% 1,059 2.1% 447 0.9% 51,286 1919[115] 48,000 1922[115] 40,396 86.6% 5,124 11.0% 1,122 2.4% 46,642 1926[120] 59,838 89.2% 5,216 7.8% 1,401 2.1% 666 1% 67,121 1931[115] 80,327 90.4% 5,620 6.3% 2,957 3.3% 88,904 1939[120] 174,484 87.1% 6,569 3.3% 15,043 7.5% 4,300 2.1% 200,396 1959[120] 473,742 93.0% 3,413 0.7% 22,572 4.4% 9,613 1.9% 509,340 1970[121] 738,045 95.2% 2,721 0.4% 21,802 2.8% 12,460 1.6% 775,028 1979[120] 974,126 95.8% 2,341 0.2% 26,141 2.6% 14,681 1.4% 1,017,289 1989[122][123] 1,100,372 96.5% 897 0.0% 22,216 2.0% 17,507 1.5% 1,201,539 2001[124] 1,088,389 98.6% — 6,684 0.61% 8,415 0.76% 1,103,488 2011[125] 1,048,940 98.9% — 4,940 0.5% 6,258 0.6% 1,060,138 ^a Called Tatars prior to 1918
Originally a small town, Yerevan became the capital of Armenia and a large city with over one million inhabitants.[citation needed] Until the fall of the Soviet Union, the majority of the population of Yerevan were Armenians with minorities of Russians, Kurds, Azerbaijanis and Iranians present as well. However, with the breakout of the First Nagorno-Karabakh War from 1988 to 1994, the Azerbaijani minority diminished in the country in what was part of population exchanges between Armenia and Azerbaijan. A big part of the Russian minority also fled the country during the 1990s economic crisis in the country.[citation needed] Today, the population of Yerevan is overwhelmingly Armenian.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, due to economic crises, thousands fled Armenia, mostly to Russia, North America and Europe. The population of Yerevan fell from 1,250,000 in 1989[86] to 1,103,488 in 2001[126] and to 1,091,235 in 2003.[127] However, the population of Yerevan has been increasing since. In 2007, the capital had 1,107,800 inhabitants.
Yerevantsis in general use the Yerevan dialect, an Eastern Armenian dialect most probably formed during the 13th century. It is currently spoken in and around Yerevan, including the towns of Vagharshapat and Ashtarak. Classical Armenian (Grabar) words compose a significant part of the dialect's vocabulary.[128] Throughout the history, it was influenced by several languages, especially Russian and Persian and loan words have significant presence in it today. It is currently the most widespread Armenian dialect.[129]
Ethnic groups
Yerevan was inhabited first by Armenians and remained homogeneous until the 15th century.[112][113][130][better source needed] The population of the Erivan Fortress, founded in the 1580s, was mainly composed of Muslim soldiers, estimated two to three thousand.[112] The city itself was mainly populated by Armenians. French traveler Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, who visited Yerevan possibly up to six times between 1631 and 1668, states that the city is exclusively populated by Armenians.[131] Although much of the Armenian population of the city was deported during the 17th century,[61] the city remained Armenian-majority during the Ottoman–Hotaki War (1722–1727).[113] The demographics of the region changed because of a series of wars between the Ottoman Empire, Iran and Russia. In the early 19th century Yerevan had a Muslim majority, mainly with an Armenian and "Caucasian Tatar" population.[133] According to the traveler H. F. B. Lynch, the city was about 50% Armenian and 50% Muslim (Azerbaijanis and Persians) in the early 1890s
After the Armenian genocide, many refugees from what Armenians call Western Armenia (nowadays Turkey, then Ottoman Empire) escaped to Eastern Armenia. In 1919, about 75,000 Armenian refugees from the Ottoman Empire arrived in Yerevan, mostly from the Vaspurakan region (city of Van and surroundings). A significant part of these refugees died of typhus and other diseases.[135]
From 1921 to 1936, about 42,000 ethnic Armenians from Iraq, Turkey, Iran, Greece, Syria, France, Bulgaria etc. went to Soviet Armenia, with most of them settling in Yerevan. The second wave of repatriation occurred from 1946 to 1948, when about 100,000 ethnic Armenians from Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus, Palestine, Iraq, Egypt, France, United States etc. moved to Soviet Armenia, again most of whom settled in Yerevan. Thus, the ethnic makeup of Yerevan became more monoethnic during the first 3 decades in the Soviet Union. The Azerbaijani population of Yerevan, who made up 43% of the population of the city prior to the October Revolution, dropped to 0.7% by 1959 and further to 0.1% by 1989, during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.[136]
There is an Indian population in Armenia, with over 22,000 residents recorded in the country. Much of this population resides in Yerevan, where a large proportion run businesses, Indian restaurants, and study in Yerevan universities.[137][138]
Religion
Armenian Apostolic Church
Armenian Apostolic Christianity is the predominant religion in Armenia. The 5th-century Saint Paul and Peter Church demolished in November 1930 by the Soviets, was among the earliest churches ever built in Erebuni-Yerevan. Many of the ancient Armenian and medieval churches of the city were destroyed by the Soviets in the 1930s during the Great Purge.
The regulating body of the Armenian Church in Yerevan is the Araratian Pontifical Diocese, with the Surp Sarkis Cathedral being the seat of the diocese. It is the largest diocese of the Armenian Church and one of the oldest dioceses in the world, covering the city of Yerevan and the Ararat Province of Armenia.[29]
Yerevan is currently home to the largest Armenian church in the world, the Cathedral of Saint Gregory the Illuminator. It was consecrated in 2001, during the 1700th anniversary of the establishment of the Armenian Church and the adoption of Christianity as the national religion in Armenia.
As of 2017, Yerevan has 17 active Armenian churches as well as four chapels.
Russian Orthodox Church
After the capture of Yerevan by the Russians as a result of the Russo-Persian War of 1826–28, many Russian Orthodox churches were built in the city under the orders of the Russian commander General Ivan Paskevich. The Saint Nikolai Cathedral opened during the second half of the 19th century, was the largest Russian church in the city. The Church of the Intercession of the Holy Mother of God was opened in 1916 in Kanaker-Zeytun.[139]
However, most of the churches were either closed or demolished by the Soviets during the 1930s. The Saint Nikolai Cathedral was entirely destroyed in 1931, while the Church of the Intercession of the Holy Mother of God was closed and converted first into a warehouse and later into a club for the military personnel. Religious services resumed in the church in 1991, and in 2004 a cupola and a belfry were added to the building.[140] In 2010, the groundbreaking ceremony of the new Holy Cross Russian Orthodox church took place with the presence of Patriarch Kirill I of Moscow. The church was eventually consecrated on 7 October 2017, with the presence of Catholicos Karekin II, Russian bishops and the church benefactor Ara Abramyan.
Other religions
According to Ivan Chopin, there were eight mosques in Yerevan in the middle of the 19th century.[141][142] The 18th-century Blue Mosque of Yerevan was restored and reopened in the 1990s, with Iranian funding,[143] and is currently the only active mosque in Armenia, mainly serving Iranian Shia visitors.
Yerevan is home to tiny Yezidi, Molokan, Neopagan, Baháʼí and Jewish communities, with the Jewish community being represented by the Jewish Council of Armenia. A variety of nontrinitarian communities, considered dangerous sects by the Armenian Apostolic Church,[144] are also found in the city, including Jehovah's Witnesses, Mormons, Seventh-day Adventists and Word of Life.[145]
Health and medical care
Yerevan is a major healthcare and medical service centre in the region. Several hospitals of Yerevan, refurbished with modern technologies, provide healthcare and conduct medical research, such as Shengavit Medical Center, Erebouni Medical Center, Izmirlian Medical Center, Saint Gregory the Illuminator Medical Center, Nork-Marash Medical Center, Armenia Republican Medical Center, Astghik Medical Center, Armenian American Wellness Center, and Mkhitar Heratsi Hospital Complex of the Yerevan State Medical University. The municipality runs 39 polyclinics/medical centers throughout the city.
The Research Center of Maternal and Child Health Protection has operated in Yerevan since 1937, while the Armenicum Clinical Center was opened in 1999,[146] where research is conducted mainly related to infectious diseases, including HIV, immunodeficiency disorders and hepatitis.
The Liqvor Pharmaceuticals Factory, operating in Yerevan since 1991, is currently the largest medicine manufacturer of Armenia.[147]
Culture
Yerevan is Armenia's principal cultural, artistic, and industrial center, with a large number of museums, important monuments and the national public library. It also hosts Vardavar, the most widely celebrated festival among Armenians, and is one of the historic centres of traditional Armenian carpet weaving.
Museums
Yerevan is home to a large number of museums, art galleries and libraries. The most prominent of these are the National Gallery of Armenia, the History Museum of Armenia, the Cafesjian Museum of Art, the Matenadaran library of ancient manuscripts, and the Armenian Genocide Museum at the Tsitsernakaberd Armenian Genocide Memorial Complex.
Founded in 1921, the National Gallery of Armenia and the History Museum of Armenia are the principal museums of the city. In addition to having a permanent exposition of works by Armenian painters, the gallery houses a collection of paintings, drawings and sculptures by German, American, Austrian, Belgian, Spanish, French, Hungarian, Italian, Dutch, Russian and Swiss artists.[148] It usually hosts temporary expositions.
The Armenian Genocide Museum is located at the foot of the Tsitsernakaberd Armenian Genocide Memorial Complex and features numerous eyewitness accounts, texts and photographs from the time. It comprises a memorial stone made of three parts, the latter of which is dedicated to the intellectual and political figures who, as the museum's site says, "raised their protest against the Genocide committed against the Armenians by the Turks," such as Armin T. Wegner, Hedvig Büll, Henry Morgenthau Sr., Franz Werfel, Johannes Lepsius, James Bryce, Anatole France, Giacomo Gorrini, Benedict XV, Fridtjof Nansen, and others.
Cafesjian Museum of Art within the Yerevan Cascade is an art centre opened on 7 November 2009. It showcases a massive collection of glass artwork, particularly the works of the Czech artists Stanislav Libenský and Jaroslava Brychtová. The front gardens showcase sculptures from Gerard L. Cafesjian's collection.
The Erebuni Museum founded in 1968, is an archaeological museum housing Urartian artifacts found during excavations at the Erebuni Fortress. The Yerevan History Museum and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation History Museum are among the prominent museums that feature the history of Yerevan and the First Republic of Armenia respectively. The Military Museum within the Mother Armenia complex is about the participation of Armenian soldiers in World War II and the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
The city is also home to a large number of art museums. Sergei Parajanov Museum opened in 1988 is dedicated to Sergei Parajanov's art works in cinema and painting.[149] Komitas Museum opened in 2015, is a musical art museum devoted to the renowned Armenian composer Komitas. Charents Museum of Literature and Arts opened in 1921, Modern Art Museum of Yerevan opened in 1972, and the Middle East Art Museum opened in 1993, are also among the notable art museums of the city.[150]
Biographical museums are also common in Yerevan. Many renowned Armenian poets, painters and musicians are honored with house-museums in their memory, such as poet Hovhannes Tumanyan, composer Aram Khachaturian, painter Martiros Saryan, novelist Khachatur Abovian, and French-Armenian singer Charles Aznavour.
Many museums of science and technology have opened in Yerevan, such as the Museum of Armenian Medicine (1999), the Space Museum of Yerevan (2001), Museum of Science and Technology (2008), Museum of Communications (2012) and the Little Einstein Interactive Science Museum (2016).
Libraries
The National Library of Armenia located on Teryan Street is the chief public library of the city and the entire republic. It was founded in 1832 and is operating in its current building since 1939. Another national library of Yerevan is the Khnko Aper Children's Library, founded in 1933. Other major public libraries include the Avetik Isahakyan Central Library founded in 1935, the Republican Library of Medical Sciences founded in 1939, the Library of Science and Technology founded in 1957, and the Musical Library founded in 1965. In addition, each administrative district of Yerevan has its own public library (usually more than one library).
The Matenadaran is a library-museum and a research centre, regrouping 17,000 ancient manuscripts and several bibles from the Middle Ages. Its archives hold a rich collection of valuable ancient Armenian, Ancient Greek, Aramaic, Assyrian, Hebrew, Latin, Middle and Modern Persian manuscripts. It is located on Mashtots Avenue at central Yerevan.
On 6 June 2010, Yerevan was named as the 2012 World Book Capital by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The Armenian capital was chosen for the quality and variety of the programme it presented to the selection committee, which met at UNESCO's headquarters in Paris on 2 July 2010.
The National Archives of Armenia founded in 1923, is a scientific research centre and depositary, with a collection of around 3.5 million units of valuable documents.
Art
Main article: Armenian art
Yerevan is one of the historic centres of traditional Armenian carpet. Various rug fragments have been excavated in areas around Yerevan dating back to the 7th century BC or earlier. The tradition was further developed from the 16th century when Yerevan became the central city of Persian Armenia. However, carpet manufacturing in the city was greatly enriched with the flock of Western Armenian migrants from the Ottoman Empire throughout the 19th century, and the arrival of Armenian refugees escaping the genocide in the early 20th century. Currently, the city is home to the Arm Carpet factory opened in 1924, as well as the Tufenkian handmade carpets (since 1994), and Megerian handmade carpets (since 2000).
The Yerevan Vernissage open-air exhibition-market formed in the late 1980s on Aram Street, features a large collection of different types of traditional Armenian hand-made art works, especially woodwork sculptures, rugs and carpets. On the other hand, the Saryan park located near the opera house, is famous for being a permanent venue where artists exhibit their paintings.
The Armenian Center for Contemporary Experimental Art founded in 1992 in Yerevan,[151] is a creativity centre helping to exchange experience between professional artists in an appropriate atmosphere.[152]
Music
Main article: Music of Armenia
Jazz, classical, folk and traditional music are among several genres that are popular in the city of Yerevan. A large number of ensembles, orchestras and choirs of different types of Armenian and international music are active in the city.
The Armenian Philharmonic Orchestra founded in 1925, is one of the oldest musical groups in Yerevan and modern Armenia. The Armenian National Radio Chamber Choir founded in 1929, won the First Prize of the Soviet Union in the 1931 competition of choirs among the republics of the Soviet Union. Folk and classical music of Armenia was taught in state-sponsored conservatoires during the Soviet days. The Sayat-Nova Armenian Folk Song Ensemble was founded in Yerevan in 1938. Currently directed by Tovmas Poghosyan, the ensemble performs the works of prominent Armenian gusans such as Sayat-Nova, Jivani, and Sheram.
In 1939, the Armenian National Academic Theatre of Opera and Ballet was opened. It is home to the Aram Khatchaturian concert hall and the Alexander Spendiarian auditorium of the National Theatre of Opera and Ballet.
The Komitas Chamber Music House opened in 1977, is the home of chamber music performers and lovers in Armenia. In 1983, the Karen Demirchyan Sports and Concerts Complex was opened. It is currently the largest indoor venue in Armenia.
The National Chamber Orchestra of Armenia (founded in 1961), Yerevan State Brass Band (1964), Folk Instruments Orchestra of Armenia (1977), Gusan and Folk Song Ensemble of Armenia (1983), Hover Chamber Choir (1992), Shoghaken Folk Ensemble (1995), Yerevan State Chamber Choir (1996), State Orchestra of Armenian National Instruments (2004), and the Youth State Orchestra of Armenia (2005), are also among the famous musical ensembles of the city of Yerevan. The Ars lunga piano-cello duo achieved international fame since its foundation in 2009 in Yerevan.[citation needed]
Armenian religious music remained liturgical until Komitas introduced polyphony by the end of the 19th century. Starting from the late 1950s, religious music became widely spread when Armenian chants (also known as sharakans) were performed by the soprano Lusine Zakaryan.[citation needed]The state-run Tagharan Ensemble of Yerevan founded in 1981 and currently directed by Sedrak Yerkanian, also performs ritual and ancient Armenian music.[citation needed]
Jazz is also among the popular genres in Yerevan. The first jazz band in Yerevan was founded in 1936. Currently, many jazz and ethno jazz bands are active in Yerevan such as Time Report, Art Voices, and Nuance Jazz Band. The Malkhas jazz club founded by renowned artist Levon Malkhasian, is among the most popular clubs in the city. The Yerevan Jazz Fest is an annual jazz festival taking place every autumn since 2015, organized by the Armenian Jazz Association with the support of the Yerevan Municipality.[153]
Armenian rock has been originated in Yerevan in the mid-1960s, mainly through Arthur Meschian and his band Arakyalner (Disciples). In the early 1970s, there were a range of professional bands in Yerevan strong enough to compete with their Soviet counterparts. In post-Soviet Armenia, an Armenian progressive rock scene has been developed in Yerevan, mainly through Vahan Artsruni, the Oaksenham rock band, and the Dorians band. The Armenian Navy Band founded by Arto Tunçboyacıyan in 1998 is also famous for jazz, avant-garde and folk music. Reggae is also becoming popular in Yerevan mainly through the Reincarnation musical band.
The Cafesjian Center for the Arts is known for its regularly programmed events including the "Cafesjian Classical Music Series" on the first Wednesday of each month, and the "Music Cascade" series of jazz, pop and rock music live concerts performed every Friday and Saturday.
Open-air concerts are frequently held in curtain location in Yerevan during summer, such as the Cafesjian Sculpture Garden on Tamanyan Street, the Freedom Square near the Opera House, the Republic Square, etc. The famous KOHAR Symphony Orchestra and Choir occasionally performs open-air concerts in the city.
Dance
Traditional dancing is very popular among Armenians. During the cool summertime of the Yerevan city, it is very common to find people dancing in groups at the Northern Avenue or the Tamanyan Street near the cascade.
Professional dance groups were formed in Yerevan during the Soviet days. The first group was the Armenian Folk Music and Dance Ensemble founded in 1938 by Tatul Altunyan. It was followed by the State Dance Ensemble of Armenia in 1958. In 1963, the Berd Dance Ensemble was formed. The Barekamutyun State Dance Ensemble of Armenia was founded in 1987 by Norayr Mehrabyan.
The Karin Traditional Song and Dance Ensemble founded in 2001 by Gagik Ginosyan is known for revitalizing and performing the ancient Armenian dances of the historical regions of the Armenian Highlands,[154] such as Hamshen, Mush, Sasun, Karin, etc.
Theatre
Yerevan is home to many theatre groups, mainly operating under the support of the ministry of culture. Theatre halls in the city organize several shows and performances throughout the year. Most prominent state-run theatres of Yerevan are the Sundukyan State Academic Theatre, Paronyan Musical Comedy Theatre, Stanislavski Russian Theatre, Hrachya Ghaplanyan Drama Theatre, and the Sos Sargsyan Hamazgayin State Theatre. The Edgar Elbakyan Theatre of Drama and Comedy is among the prominent theatres run by the private sector.
Yerevan is also home to several specialized theatres such as the Tumanyan Puppet Theatre, Yerevan State Pantomime Theatre, and the Yerevan State Marionettes Theatre.
Cinema
Main article: Cinema of Armenia
Cinema in Armenia was born on 16 April 1923, when the Armenian State Committee of Cinema was established upon a decree issued by the Soviet Armenian government.
In March 1924, the first Armenian film studio; Armenfilm (Armenian: Հայֆիլմ "Hayfilm", Russian: Арменкино "Armenkino") was opened in Yerevan, starting with a documentary film called Soviet Armenia. Namus was the first Armenian silent black and white film, directed by Hamo Beknazarian in 1925, based on a play of Alexander Shirvanzade, describing the ill fate of two lovers, who were engaged by their families to each other since childhood, but because of violations of namus (a tradition of honor), the girl was married by her father to another person. The first produced sound film was Pepo directed by Hamo Beknazarian in 1935.
Yerevan is home to many movie theatres including the Moscow Cinema, Nairi Cinema, Hayastan Cinema, Cinema Star multiplex cinemas of the Dalma Garden Mall, and the KinoPark multiplex cinemas of Yerevan Mall. The city also hosts a number of film festivals:
The Golden Apricot Yerevan International Film Festival has been hosted by the Moscow Cinema annually since 2004.[155]
The ReAnimania International Animation Film & Comics Art Festival of Yerevan launched in 2005, is also among the popular annual events in the city.[156]
The Sose International Film Festival has been held annually by the Zis Center of Culture since 2014.[157]
Festivals
In addition to the film and other arts festivals, the city organizes many public celebrations that greatly attract the locals as well as the visitors. Vardavar is the most widely celebrated festival among Armenians, having it roots back to the pagan history of Armenia. It is celebrated 98 days (14 weeks) after Easter. During the day of Vardavar, people from a wide array of ages are allowed to douse strangers with water. It is common to see people pouring buckets of water from balconies on unsuspecting people walking below them. The Swan Lake of the Yerevan Opera is the most popular venue for the Vardavar celebrations.
In August 2015, Teryan Cultural Centre supported by the Yerevan Municipality has launched its first Armenian traditional clothing festival known as the Yerevan Taraz Fest.[158]
As one of the ancient winemaking regions, many wine festivals are celebrated in Armenia. Yerevan launched its first annual wine festivals known as the Yerevan Wine Days in May 2016.[159] The Watermelon Fest launched in 2013 is also becoming a popular event in the city. The Yerevan Beer Fest is held annually during the month of August. It was first organized in 2014.[160]
Media
Many public and private TV and radio channels operate in Yerevan. The Public TV of Armenia has been in service since 1956. It became a satellite television in 1996. Other satellite TVs include the Armenia TV owned by the Pan-Armenian Media Group, Kentron TV owned by Gagik Tsarukyan, Shant TV and Shant TV premium. On the other hand, Yerkir Media, Armenia 2, Shoghakat TV, Yerevan TV, 21TV and the TV channels of the Pan-Armenian Media Group are among the most notable local televisions of Yerevan.
Notable newspapers published in Yerevan include the daily newspapers of Aravot, Azg, Golos Armenii and Hayastani Hanrapetutyun.
Monuments
Historic
Many of the structures of Yerevan had been destroyed either during foreign invasions or as a result of the devastating earthquake in 1679. However, some structures have remained moderately intact and were renovated during the following years.
Erebuni Fortress, also known as Arin Berd, is the hill where the city of Yerevan was founded in 782 BC by King Argishti I. The remains of other structures from earlier periods are also found in Shengavit.
The 4th-century chapel of the Holy Mother of God and the 6th-century Tsiranavor Church both located in Avan District at the north of Yerevan, are among the oldest surviving Christian structures of the city. Originally a suburb at the north of Yerevan, Avan was eventually absorbed by the city's gradual expansion. The district is also home to the remains of Surp Hovhannes Chapel dating back to the 12–13th centuries.
Katoghike Church; a medieval chapel (a section of once much larger basilica) in the centre of Yerevan, built in 1264, is one of the best preserved churches of the city.[161] Zoravor Surp Astvatsatsin Church is also among the best surviving churches of Yerevan, built 1693–94 right after the devastating earthquake, on the ruins of a medieval church. Saint Sarkis Cathedral rebuilt in 1835–42, is the seat of Araratian Pontifical Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church.
The Blue Mosque or "Gök Jami", built between 1764 and 1768 at the centre of the city, is currently the only operating mosque in Armenia.
The Red Bridge of Hrazdan River is a 17th-century structure, built after the 1679 earthquake and later reconstructed in 1830.
Contemporary
Yerevan Opera Theater or the Armenian National Academic Opera and Ballet Theatre opened in 1933, is a major landmark in the city along with the Mesrop Mashtots Matenadaran opened in 1959, and Tsitsernakaberd monument of the Armenian genocide opened in 1967.
Moscow Cinema, opened in 1937 on the site of Saint Paul and Peter Church of the 5th century, is an important example of the Soviet-era architecture. In 1959, a monument was erected near the Yerevan Railway Station dedicated to the legendary Armenian hero David of Sassoun. The monumental statue of Mother Armenia is a female personification of the Armenian nation, erected in 1967, replacing the huge statue of Joseph Stalin in the Victory park.
Komitas Pantheon is a cemetery opened in 1936 where many famous Armenians are buried, while the Yerablur Pantheon, is a military cemetery where over 1,000 Armenian martyrs of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict are buried since 1990.
Many new notable buildings were constructed after the independence of Armenia such as the Yerevan Cascade, and the Saint Gregory Cathedral opened in 2001 to commemorate the 1700th anniversary of Christianity in Armenia. In May 2016, a monumental statue of the prominent Armenian statesman and military leader Garegin Nzhdeh was erected at the centre of Yerevan.
Transportation
Air
Yerevan is served by the Zvartnots International Airport, located 12 kilometres (7 miles) west of the city center.
A second airport, Erebuni Airport, is located just south of the city. Since the independence, "Erebuni" is mainly used for military or private flights. The Armenian Air Force has equally installed its base there and there are several MiG-29s stationed on Erebuni's tarmac.
City buses, public vans and trolleybuses
Main article: Trolleybuses in Yerevan
Public transport in Yerevan is heavily privatized and mostly handled by around 60 private operators. As of May 2017, 39 city bus lines are being operated throughout Yerevan.[162] These lines mostly consist of about 425 Bogdan, Higer City Bus and Hyundai County buses. However, the market share these buses in public transit is only about 39.1%.
But the 50.4% of public transit is still served by "public vans", locally known as marshrutka. These are about 1210 Russian-made GAZelle vans with 13 seats, that operate same way as buses, having 79 different lines with certain routes and same stops. According to Yerevan Municipality office, in future, marshrutkas should be replaced by ordinary larger buses. Despite having about 13 seats, the limit of passengers is not controlled, so usually these vans carry many more people who stand inside.
The Yerevan trolleybus system has been operating since 1949. Some old Soviet-era trolleybuses have been replaced with comparably new ones. As of May 2017, only 5 trolleybus lines are in operation (2.6% share), with around 45 units in service. The trolleybus system is owned and operated by the municipality.
The tram network that operated in Yerevan since 1906 was decommissioned in January 2004. Its operation had a cost 2.4 times higher than the generated profits, which pushed the municipality to shut down the network,[163] despite a last-ditch effort to save it towards the end of 2003. Since the closure, the rails have been dismantled and sold.
Due to being dispersed among dozens of private operators, the transportation is barely regulated, with only trip fee is being a subject of regulation. Thus, the quality of vehicles is often inadequate, with no certain regulations for safety. Unlike the majority of world capitals, there is no established ticketing system in Yerevan's public transportation. Passengers need to pay the money directly to the driver when getting out of the vehicle. The fare -being one of the few things that is regulated- is fixed and controlled by authorities.
The central station in Nor Kilikia neighbourhood serves as bus terminal for inter-city transport, serving outbound routes towards practically all the cities of Armenia as well as abroad, notably Tbilisi and Tabriz.
Underground
Main article: Yerevan Metro
The Yerevan Metro named after Karen Demirchyan, (Armenian: Կարեն Դեմիրճյանի անվան Երեւանի մետրոպոլիտեն կայարան (Karen Dyemirchyani anvan Yerevani metropoliten kayaran)) is a rapid transit system that serves the capital city since 1981. It has a single line of 12.1 km (7.5 mi) length with 10 active stations and 45 units in service. The interiors of the stations resemble that of the former western Soviet nations, with chandeliers hanging from the corridors. The metro stations had most of their names changed after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of the Republic of Armenia.
A northeastern extension of the line with two new stations is currently being developed. The construction of the first station (Ajapnyak) and of the one-kilometre (0.62-mile) tunnel linking it to the rest of the network will cost US$18 million.[164] The time of the end of the project has not yet been defined. Another long-term project is the construction of two new lines, but these have been suspended due to lack of finance.
The system transports more than 60,000 people on a daily basis.[citation needed]
Railway
Main article: Armenian Railway
Yerevan has a single central railway station (several railway stations of suburbs have not been used since 1990) that is connected to the metro via the Sasuntsi Davit station. The railway station is made in Soviet-style architecture with its long point on the building roof, representing the symbols of communism: red star, hammer and sickle. Due to the Turkish and Azerbaijani blockades of Armenia, there is only one international train that passes by once every two days, with neighboring Georgia being its destination. For a sum of 9 000 to 18 000 dram, it is possible to take the night train to the Georgian capital, Tbilisi.[165] This train then continues to its destination of Batumi, on the shores of the Black sea in the summer season.
The only railway that goes to Iran to the south passes by the closed border of Nakhchivan. For this reason, there are no trains that go south from Yerevan.
During the first decade of the 21st century, the South Caucasus Railway CJSC — which is the current operator of the railway system in Armenia—announced its readiness to put the Yerevan-Gyumri-Kars railway line in service in case the Armenian-Turkish protocols are ratified and the opening of the borders between the two countries is achieved.
As of July 2017, the following railway trips are scheduled from and to Yerevan:
Yerevan-Tbilisi-Batumi-Yerevan, with a daily trip operating since 15 June 2017, in coordination with the Georgian Railways.[166]
Yerevan-Gyumri-Yerevan, with 3 daily trips operating since 15 June 2017.[167]
Yerevan-Yeraskh-Yerevan, with a daily trip operating since 12 July 2014.[168]
Yerevan-Araks-Yerevan, with a daily trip.[169]
Yerevan-Shorzha-Yerevan, with weekend trips.
The Yerevan-Ararat-Yerevan route is temporarily not in operation, while the Yerevan-Tbilisi-Yerevan route will operate starting from 2 October 2017.
Taxi
Yerevan prides itself on having connections 24/7 as taxis are available at any time of the day or night.[170] Taxicab service companies cover the entire city in addition to many online taxi service providers, including GG Taxi, Utaxi and Yandex.Taxi.
Economy and services
Industry
As of 2013 , the share of Yerevan in the annual total industrial product of Armenia is 41%.[171] The industry of Yerevan is quite diversified including chemicals, primary metals and steel products, machinery, rubber products, plastics, rugs and carpets, textiles, clothing and footwear, jewellery, wood products and furniture, building materials and stone-processing, alcoholic beverages, mineral water, dairy product and processed food. Even though the economic crisis of the '90s ravaged the industry of the country, several factories remain always in service, notably in the petrochemical and the aluminium sectors.
Armenian beverages, especially Armenian cognac and beer, have a worldwide fame. Hence, Yerevan is home to many leading enterprises of Armenia and the Caucasus for the production of alcoholic beverages, such as the Yerevan Ararat Brandy Factory, Yerevan Brandy Company, Yerevan Champagne Wines Factory, "Beer of Yerevan" (Kilikia Beer) brewery, Armco Brandy Factory, Proshyan Brandy Factory and Astafian Wine-Brandy Factory. The 2 tobacco producers in Yerevan are the "Cigaronne" and "Grand Tabak" companies.
Carpet industry in Armenia has a deeply rooted history with ancient traditions, therefore, carpet production is rather developed in Yerevan with three major factories that also produce hand-made rugs.[172][173][174] The "Megerian Carpet" factory is the leading in this sector.
Other major plants in the city include the "Nairit" chemical and rubber plant, Rusal Armenal aluminum foil mill, "Grand Candy" Armenian-Canadian confectionery manufacturers, "Arcolad" chocolate factory, "Marianna" factory for dairy products, "Talgrig Group" for wheat and flour products, "Shant" ice cream factory, "Crown Chemicals" for paints, "ATMC" travertine mining company, Yerevan Watch Factory "AWI watches", Yerevan Jewellery Plant, and the mineral water factories of "Arzni", "Sil", and "Dilijan Frolova".
Food products include processed meat, all types of canneries, wheat and flour, sweets and chocolate, dried fruits, soft drinks and beverages. Building materials mainly include travertine, crushed stones, asphalt and asphalt concrete.
Finance and banking
As an attractive outsourcing location for Western European, Russian and American multinationals, Yerevan headquarters many international companies. It is Armenia's financial hub, being home to the Central Bank of Armenia, the Armenian Stock Exchange (NASDAQ OMX Armenia), as well as the majority of the country's largest commercial banks.[175] As of 2013 , the city dominates over 85% of the annual total services in Armenia, as well as over 84% of the annual total retail trade.
Many subsidiaries of Russian service companies and banks operate in Yerevan, including Gazprom, Ingo Armenia, Rosgosstrakh and VTB Bank. The ACBA-Credit Agricole is a subsidiary of the French Crédit Agricole, while the HSBC Bank Armenia is also operating in Yerevan.
Construction
The construction sector has experienced a significant growth during the 1st decade of the 21st century.[176] Starting from 2000, Yerevan has witnessed a massive construction boom, funded mostly by Armenian millionaires from Russia and the United States, with an extensive and controversial redevelopment process in which many 18th and 19th-century buildings have been demolished and replaced with new buildings. This growth was coupled with a significant increase in real estate prices.[177]
Many major construction projects has been conducted in Yerevan, such as the Northern Avenue and the rehabilitation of Old Yerevan on Aram Street. The Northern Avenue is completed and was opened in 2007, while the Old Yerevan project is still under development. In the past few years, the city centre has also witnessed major road reconstruction, as well as the renovation of the Republic square, funded by the American-Armenian billionaire Kirk Kerkorian. On the other hand, the Argentina-based Armenian businessman Eduardo Eurnekian took over the airport, while the cascade development project was funded by the US based Armenian millionaire Gerard L. Cafesjian.
However, the sector has significantly dropped by the end of the 1st decade of the 21st century, as a result of the global real estate crisis in 2007–09. In 2013, Yerevan dominated over 58% of the annual total construction sector of Armenia.[citation needed]
In February 2017, the urban development committee of the government revealed its plans for the upcoming major construction projects in the city. With a total cost of US$300 million, a new business district will rise at the centre of the city, to replace the current Firdowsi shopping area.[178] The committee has also announced the construction of Noy (Noah) ethnographic residential district at the western vicinity of Kentron District, with an approximate cost of US$100 million.[179]
Energy
The location of the city on the shores of Hrazdan river has enabled the production of hydroelectricity. As part of the Sevan–Hrazdan Cascade, three hydroelectric power plants are established within the administrative territory of Yerevan: Kanaker HPP,[180] Yerevan-1 HPP,[181] and Yerevan-3 HPP.[182] The entire plant was privatized in 2003, and is currently owned by RusHydro.[183][184]
The city is also home to the Yerevan Thermal Power Plant, a unique facility in the region for its quality and high technology, situated in the southern part of the city. Originally opened in 1961, a modern plant was built in 2007, furnished with a new gas-steam combined cycled turbine, to generate electric power.[185][186] In March 2017, the construction of a new thermal power plant was launched with an initial investment of US$258 million and an envisaged capacity of 250 megawatts. The power station will be in service in 2019.[187]
Tourism and nightlife
Tourism in Armenia is developing year by year and the capital city of Yerevan is one of the major tourist destinations.[188] The city has a majority of luxury hotels, modern restaurants, bars, pubs and nightclubs. Zvartnots airport has also conducted renovation projects with the growing number of tourists visiting the country. Numerous places in Yerevan are attractive for tourists, such as the dancing fountains of the Republic Square, the State Opera House, the Cascade complex, the ruins of the Urartian city of Erebuni (Arin Berd), the historical site of Karmir Blur (Teishebaini), etc. The largest hotel of the city is the Ani Plaza Hotel. The Armenia Marriott Hotel is located at the Republic Square at the centre of Yerevan, while the Radisson Blu Hotel is located near the Victory Park. Other major chains operating in central Yerevan include the Grand Hotel Yerevan of the Small Luxury Hotels of the World,[189] the Best Western Congress Hotel, the DoubleTree by Hilton, the Hyatt Place, the Ibis Yerevan Center, and The Alexander, a Luxury Collection Hotel of Marriott International.[190]
The location of Yerevan itself, is an inspiring factor for the foreigners to visit the city in order to enjoy the view of the biblical mount of Ararat, as the city lies on the feet of the mountain forming the shape of a Roman amphitheatre.
There are many historical sites, churches and citadels in areas and regions surrounding the city of Yerevan, such as Garni Temple, Zvartnots Cathedral, the monasteries of Khor Virap and Geghard, etc.
Being among the top 10 safest cities in the world, Yerevan has an extensive nightlife scene with a variety of nightclubs,[191] live venues, pedestrian zones, street cafés, jazz cafés, tea houses, casinos, pubs, karaoke clubs and restaurants. Casino Shangri La and Pharaon Complex are among the largest leisure and entertainment centres of the city.
Many world-famous music stars, Russian music celebrities, as well as Armenian singers from diaspora, occasionally perform in concerts in Yerevan.
The Yerevan Zoo founded in 1940, the Yerevan Circus opened in 1956, and the Yerevan Water World opened in 2001, are among the popular entertaining centres in the city.
The Northern Avenue that connects the Opera House with Abovyan street is a popular pedestrian zone in Yerevan with modern residential buildings, business centres, restaurants, bars and cafés. Another popular landmarks is the Yerevan Cascade and the "Cafesjian Sculpture Garden" on Tamanyan Street with its pedestrian zone, featuring many coffee shops, bars, restaurants, and pubs at the sidewalks. The "Cafesjian Center for the Arts" regularly organizes art events throughout the year, including classical music series, traditional folk dance events, and live concerts of jazz, pop and rock music.[192]
As of 2017, Yerevan has three shopping malls: Dalma Garden Mall opened in October 2012, followed by Yerevan Mall in February 2014, and Rossia Mall in March 2016.
International study conducted by Mercer and published in 2019 identified Yerevan to offer higher quality of living, than other capital cities of Transcaucasia.[193][194]
Education
Yerevan is a major educational centre in the region. As of 2017 , the city is home to more than 250 schools, of which about 210 are state-owned, with 3/4 of them run by the municipality and the rest run by the ministry of education. The rest of the schools (about 40) are privately owned. The municipality also runs 160 kindergartens throughout the city.[195]
The QSI International School, École Française Internationale en Arménie, Ayb School, Mkhitar Sebastatsi Educational Complex and Khoren and Shooshanig Avedisian School are among the prominent international or private schools in Yerevan.
As of 2018 , around 60 higher education institutions are accredited and licensed to operate in the Republic of Armenia. Yerevan is home to about 50 universities, nearly half of which are public. Yerevan State University, American University of Armenia, Russian-Armenian (Slavonic) University, Yerevan State Medical University and Armenian State Pedagogical University are the top rated universities of Armenia and among the top rated in the region.[196]
Science and research
Under the Soviet rule, Yerevan has turned into a major centre for science and research. The Armenian National Academy of Sciences is the pioneer of scientific research in Armenia. It was founded in 1943 as the Armenian Branch of the Soviet Academy of Sciences to become the primary body that conducts research and coordinates activities in the fields of science in Armenia. It has many divisions, including Mathematical and Technical Sciences, Physics and Astrophysics, Natural Sciences, Chemistry and Earth Sciences, Armenology and Social Sciences.[197]
After the independence, many new research centres were opened in the city, such as the CANDLE Synchrotron Research Institute (2010),[198] Tumo Center for Creative Technologies (2011),[199] and Nerses Mets Medical Research and Education Center (2013).[200]
After the Russian invasion of Ukraine in March 2022, over 40,000 Russian professionals and programmers arrived in Yerevan. Half stayed briefly and then moved on while the rest reestablished themselves using internet connections that kept Armenia connected to the world while Russia was increasingly cut off. In addition to IT experts the exodus included many bloggers, journalists and activists who faced arrest for criticizing the war in Ukraine. Interviews indicated that none of the exiles encountered hostility in Yerevan. They can enter Armenia without visas or passports and remain six months; Russian is widely spoken.[201]
Sport
Football is the most played and popular sport in Yerevan and the entire country. Yerevan city is home to about a dozen of football clubs competing in the Armenian Premier League and the Armenian First League, with the most successful clubs being Pyunik, Alashkert, Ararat Yerevan, Ararat-Armenia, Urartu and Yerevan.
Hrazdan Stadium in Yerevan is the largest sports venue of Armenia. The 2nd-largest stadium in the city is the Vazgen Sargsyan Republican Stadium which currently serves as the primary home ground of the Armenia national football team.[203]
The Football Academy of Yerevan operated by the Football Federation of Armenia is an up-to-date training academy complex, opened in 2010.[204]
As of 2017, there are around 130 mini-football pitches among the courtyards of the Yerevan neighborhoods, built by the municipal authorities.[205]
Chess
Armenia has always excelled in chess with its players being very often among the highest ranked and decorated. The headquarters of the Chess Federation of Armenia is located in the Tigran Petrosian Chess House of Yerevan.[206] Already in primary school, chess education is offered. The city is home to a large number of chess teams and training schools. In 1996, despite the severe economic conditions in the country, Yerevan hosted the 32nd Chess Olympiad.[207] In 2006, the four members from Yerevan of the Armenian chess team won the 37th Chess Olympiad in Turin and repeated the feat at the 38th Chess Olympiad in Dresden. Armenian won the chess Olympiad for the 3rd time in 2012 in Istanbul. The Yerevan-born leader of the chess national team; Levon Aronian, is one of the top chess players in the world.
Basketball
The first ever season of the professional domestic basketball competition of Armenia, known as Armenia Basketball League A, was launched in October 2017 with 7 participating teams. Yerevan is represented by 4 clubs: Engineer Yerevan, FIMA Basketball, BC Grand Sport and BC Urartu.[208]
Tennis
Tennis is also among the popular sports in Yerevan. Several tennis clubs operate in the city, with many of them founded during the Soviet days. Incourt Tennis Club –founded in 1974– is the largest in the city, with many indoor and outdoor courts.[209] Ararat Tennis Club founded in 1990, is also among the prominent clubs in the city.[210] Tennis clubs are also found within the Yerevan State Sports College of Olympic Reserve since 1971, and the Yerevan Football Academy since 2010.
Sargis Sargsian and Ani Amiraghyan are the most successful tennis players of Armenia and are from Yerevan.
Artistic gymnastics
Armenia has produced many Olympic champions in artistic gymnastics during the Soviet days, such as Hrant Shahinyan, Albert Azaryan and Eduard Azaryan. The success of the Armenian gymnasts in the Olympic competitions has greatly contributed in the popularity of the sport. Thus, many prominent competitors represent the country in the European and World championships, including Artur Davtyan and Harutyun Merdinyan.
Yerevan has many state-owned schools of artistic gymnastics, including the Albert Azaryan School opened in 1964 and the Hrant Shahinyan School opened in 1965.
Other sports
Karen Demirchyan Sports and Concerts Complex[211] is the largest indoor arena in the city and the entire country. It is mostly used for indoor sport events, including ice hockey and figure skating shows. On the other hand, Dinamo and Mika indoor arenas are the regular venues for domestic and regional competitions of basketball, volleyball, handball and futsal.[212]
Armenia Sports Union (Spartak Sports Union between 1935 and 1999) is a sports society mainly involved in individual Olympic sports, including boxing, weightlifting, athletics, wrestling, taekwondo, table tennis, etc.[213]
The "Yerevan State Sports College of Olympic Reserve" is a large sports and educational complex located in the Malatia-Sebastia District of the city. It was founded in 1971, and is home to individual as well as team sport schools, such as wrestling, boxing, weightlifting, judo, athletics, acrobatic gymnastics, artistic gymnastics, swimming, table tennis, cycling, basketball, volleyball and handball.[214]
In September 2015, the new Olympic Training Complex of Yerevan, locally known as Olympavan, was opened in Davtashen District. It is a state of the art sports complex, with training facilities for most Olympic individual and team sports, as well as water sports. It is also home to the anti-doping medical centre and a hotel designated to accommodate more than 300 athletes.[215]
Equestrian sport was introduced to Armenia in 1953. The Hovik Hayrapetyan Equestrian Centre opened in 2001, occupies an area of 85 hectares at the southern Shengavit District of Yerevan. It is the centre of equestrian sport and horse racing in Armenia.[216]
Golf has been introduced to the citizens of Yerevan in 1999, with the foundation of the Ararat Valley Country Club in the Vahakni neighbourhood of Ajapnyak District. It is the first-ever golf course opened in Armenia as well as the Transcaucasian region.[217]
Arena Bowling and Billiards Club is an up-to-date sports and leisure centre opened in 2004 and located on Mashtots Avenue in central Yerevan.[218]
Cycling as a sport is becoming popular among the young generation. The Yerevan Velodrome is an outdoor track cycling venue with international standard, opened in 2011 to replace the old venue of the Soviet days.[219] Edgar Stepanyan of Armenia became champion of the scratch race in the 2015 junior UEC European Track Championships.[220]
In an attempt to promote figure skating and ice hockey in Armenia, the Irina Rodnina Figure Skating Centre was opened in Yerevan, in December 2015.[221]
Futsal is also among the popular sports in Armenia. Many companies as well as universities have their own teams who participate in the Armenian Futsal Premier League. Currently, Futsal Club Leo based in Yerevan, is considered as the most successful team in the Armenian Futsal Premier League.
Recently, MMA has gained massive popularity in Armenia, being promoted by Armfighting Professional Federation based in Yerevan. It was founded in 2005 by Hayk Ghukasyan and currently runs several branches throughout the provinces of Armenia and Artsakh with more than 2,000 athletes.[222]
With the increased interest in healthy lifestyle and fitness, many large and modern training complexes with indoor and outdoor swimming pools have recently been opened in the city such as the Davit Hambardzumyan Swimming and Diving Olympic School, Orange Fitness Premium Club, DDD Sports Complex, Aqua Land Sports Complex, Gold's Gym, Grand Sport Complex, Reebok Sports Club, and Multi Wellness Sport and Health Center.
International relations
The city of Yerevan is member of many international organizations: the International Assembly of CIS Countries' Capitals and Big Cities (MAG), the Black Sea Capitals' Association (BSCA), the International Association of Francophone Mayors (AIMF),[223] the Organization of World Heritage Cities (OWHC), the International Association of Large-scale Communities, and the International Urban Community Lighting Association (LUCI).
Twin towns – sister cities
Yerevan is twinned with:[224]
Partnerships
Yerevan also cooperates with:[226]
Notable people
See also: Category:People from Yerevan
Notes
References
Bibliography
Bournoutian, George (2018). Armenia and Imperial Decline: The Yerevan Province, 1900-1914. Routledge.
Bournoutian, George A. (1980). "The Population of Persian Armenia Prior to and Immediately Following its Annexation to the Russian Empire: 1826-1832" (PDF). The Wilson Center, Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies.
Hakopian, T. Kh. "The History of Yerevan." Old Yerevan (2003): 10–39.
Kettenhofen, Erich; Bournoutian, George A.; Hewsen, Robert H. (1998). "EREVAN". Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. VIII, Fasc. 5. pp. 542–551.
Lindsay, Ian, and Adam T. Smith. "A History of Archaeology in the Republic of Armenia." Journal of field archaeology 31.2 (2006): 165–184. online[dead link]
Vardanyan, Sergey. "The capitals of Armenia", Apolo 1995. ISBN 5-8079-0778-7
G. Zakoyan, M. Sivaslian, V. Navasardian. "My Yerevan," Acnalis 2001. ISBN 99930-902-0-4
Yerevan at GEOnet Names Server
Evliya Çelebi (1834). "Description of the Town of Erivan". Narrative of Travels in Europe, Asia, and Africa, in the Seventeenth Century. Vol. 2. Translated by Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall. London: Oriental Translation Fund. | ||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 1 | 49 | https://www.macrotrends.net/global-metrics/countries/RUS/russia/population-density | en | Russia Population Density 1950-2024 | https://www.macrotrends.net/assets/images/icons/FAVICON/macrotrends-favicon.ico | https://www.macrotrends.net/assets/images/icons/FAVICON/macrotrends-favicon.ico | [
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6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 50 | https://www.soar-us.org/luxembourg/ | en | Society for Orphaned Armenian Relief (SOAR) | [
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] | null | [] | 2019-05-16T00:42:21+00:00 | en | Society for Orphaned Armenian Relief (SOAR) | https://www.soar-us.org/luxembourg/ | SOAR-Luxembourg joined the SOAR family in July 2014. Luxembourg is a landlocked country in Western Europe. Bordered by Belgium to the west and north, Germany to the east, and France to the south, Luxembourg comprises two principal regions: the Oesling in the north as part of the Ardennes massif, and the Gutland (“good country”) in the south. Luxembourg has a population of approximately 525,000 and an area of 2,586 square kilometers (998 square miles), making it one of the smallest sovereign nations in Europe. There is a small but growing Armenian population in Luxembourg.
Meri Mkhitaryan
President
Meri was born in Yerevan. She attended Beijing Language & Culture University (BLCU), Beijing China from 2014 to 2019 earning her bachelor’s degree in International Relations.
While attending BLCU, Meri participated in the Youth UNESCO forum, later becoming the President of BLCU MUN forum. Meri was also the representative of Armenia in the World Culture Festival at BLCU.
From March to August of 2020, Meri worked at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Armenia as an assistant to the Deputy Minister. In September of 2020 she began working on her master’s degree majoring in Legislative Studies at the University of Luxembourg. During this time Meri also worked as a Client Service Officer at Vauban&Fort.
Meri speaks Armenian, English, Russian, Chinese and French.
Ani Babayan
Ani is a financial auditor at EY Luxembourg. She holds a Bachelor’s degree in Theory of Economics and a Master’s degree in Accounting and Audit from Yerevan State University (Yerevan, Armenia) and a Master’s degree in Enterprise Engineering from University of Bordeaux (Bordeaux, France).
In 2017, she left Armenia to pursue her second master in France. After having graduated from the University, she moved to Luxembourg to work in the international and multicultural society.
Ani is fluent in Armenian and English, and also speaks French and Russian.
Sevan Gharabeiki
Sevan was born in Tehran, Iran. He earned his Bachelor’s degree in Laser Physics from the University of Kharazmi. In 2021, he completed his Master’s degree in Physics at Sharif University of Technology. Currently, Sevan is a first-year PhD student at the University of Luxembourg. His research is mainly focused on thin-film solar cells.
Sevan is also a professional swimmer. He has attended many swimming competitions including Panarmenian 2011, 2015, and Homentmen 2017.
Sevan is fluent in Armenian, Persian, and English, and also speaks a little German.
Amalya Khurshudyan
Amalya Khurshudyan was born in 1988 in Yerevan Armenia. She holds a Bachelor in Mechanics and Pedogogics and a Master of Science in Mechanics and Mathematics from Yerevan State University. In parallel with her Master study, she worked as an aerospace engineer at the Armenian branch of Russian engineering company, ProgressTech, in cooperation with the Russian company GSS- Civil aircrafts of Sukhoi. Amalya is currently working on her MBA at Luxembourg School of Business.
In 2012 Amayla moved to Luxembourg to work on her PhD and earned her degree in civil and computational engineering in 2017. She currently works as the Branch Manager – Business Development Director at Mesolt Inspect Sarl, the Luxembourgish branch of Mesolt Engineering.
In October of 2020 Amayla was granted Luxembourgish citizenship. She speaks seven languages: Armenain, Russian, Ukrainian, English, German, French, and Luxembourgish. Amayla is married and has a 5-year-old son. | ||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 0 | 44 | https://www.academia.edu/25827829/The_Struggle_For_The_Levant_Geopolitical_Battles_and_the_Quest_for_Stability | en | The Struggle For The Levant: Geopolitical Battles and the Quest for Stability | http://a.academia-assets.com/images/open-graph-icons/fb-paper.gif | http://a.academia-assets.com/images/open-graph-icons/fb-paper.gif | [
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] | null | [
"Aram Nerguizian",
"georgetown.academia.edu"
] | 2016-06-03T00:00:00 | This report addresses core aspects of US and Iranian competition by looking at six key arenas: Syria, Israel, the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon. With the exception of Iraq – which is covered separately – these countries | https://www.academia.edu/25827829/The_Struggle_For_The_Levant_Geopolitical_Battles_and_the_Quest_for_Stability | Hamas's al-Aqsa Flood operation, Israel's brutal response, and the regional escalation of the conflict, including Iran's and Israel's unprecedented strikes on each other's territory, mark a critical juncture for the Middle East. These events have brought a renewed focus on the Levant as a key area of Iranian geopolitical interest and rivalry with Israel. Syria and the broader subregion are viewed by Tehran as vital for its national security and that of its alliance network, the Axis of Resistance, and for the survival of the regime.
The Levant has constituted one of the core areas of interest for US foreign policy since the Second World War. The aim of this article is to shed light on the US policies towards the Levant, mostly during the last two American administrations, to understand how the vicissitudes of the region and of American politics made Washington’s policy towards the Levant look biased, at times incompetent, and most importantly inconsistent. This article examines the changes in approach to the region as a whole from one administration to the next on issues such as the protection of Israel’s sovereignty, supporting friendly regimes, fighting terrorism, and containing Iran. The hesitations and shifts in policy towards Syria are given a longer treatment as they speak both to the yet not finalized American policy towards the Levant but also to show how the US has shifted track and moved away from unseating President Assad to focus more on containing and if possible rolling over Iran.
With the re-establishment of Bashar al-Assad’s power in Syria, the strengthening of Hezbollah in Lebanon, and finally the political and military victory of pro-Iranian forces in Iraq, it is clear that an Iranian axis now prevails in the Levant. The strength of this geopolitical axis is reinforced by the territorial continuity between Tehran and Beirut via Damascus and Baghdad: “the Iranian land bridge” or “Iranian corridor,” controlled by Iranian troops directly and by proxies.
This paper discusses the significance of the cooperation between the United States and Iran for the Middle East region. It will be argued that despite the political and ideological conflicts between the U.S. and Iran, reaching a " point by point " agreement would best help to resolve Middle East predicaments, especially the Islamic terrorism. To achieve this, the following pages examine the historical background of issues such as terrorism in the Middle East. This paper also focuses on two main paths to support the better U.S.-Iran cooperation, if not talking about relations at all. First, the theory of " point by point " approach helps both countries to tackle tough agendas and overcome the predicaments in the Middle East. Second, to reach the desired cooperation between these two countries, both the U.S. and Iran need to overcome their own internal constraints as well as the external constrains imposed by other countries. This paper takes an historical and theoretical approach to reveal the two countries' common interests in the Middle East. The general thesis argues that the Middle East's security requires the United States and Iran to develop a diplomatic and military cooperation.
As more than a decade of direct U.S. involvement in the Greater Middle East draws to a close, we have reached a strategic inflection point that demands we carefully assess our own national interests in the region, and craft a careful and pragmatic strategy for the future. No strategy can be created without understanding the region in which leaders wish to employ that strategy – and perhaps no region of the world is as chaotic and complex as the Middle East. Rather than shrug, resign and walk away, or declare that every problem in the modern Middle East stems from 1948 (or some other arbitrary date) strategic thinkers must carefully assess the full spectrum of factors in the Middle East, and from that, distill key interests and core policies to attain our strategic objectives. This short paper addresses those cure issue of geography, culture, religion and politics to provide a more complete understanding of the Middle East for prospective leaders and policy makers. | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 0 | https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/EN.POP.DNST%3Flocations%3DAM | en | [
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6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 66 | https://www.nytimes.com/2015/04/12/travel/a-warm-welcome-in-the-caucasus-mountains.html | en | A Warm Welcome in the Caucasus Mountains | [
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"Seth Kugel",
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] | 2015-04-12T00:00:00 | In the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, a self-declared but largely unrecognized country between Armenia and Azerbaijan, conversation and vodka flow freely. | en | /vi-assets/static-assets/favicon-d2483f10ef688e6f89e23806b9700298.ico | https://www.nytimes.com/2015/04/12/travel/a-warm-welcome-in-the-caucasus-mountains.html | The clotheslines that extended from balconies in Stepanakert showed an extraordinary degree of precision, if not obsession. In this city of 50,000, families had ordered the clothes from smallest to biggest: pink toddler socks gave way to slightly larger red and black ones for children and adults, then underwear (sorted by color), and finally a sequence of ever-larger shirts, hung upside down with sleeves outstretched, like an army of invisible superheroes swooping down from the sky.
Could it be that living in the limbo of a self-declared but largely unrecognized country drives people to seek order in other ways? It was a thought that occurred to me after a weekend in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, where about 150,000 Armenians (and a smattering of others) live over 1,700 square miles of mountains, rivers and valleys in the Caucasus Mountains. To the west is an easygoing border with Armenia; to the east is a disputed boundary with Azerbaijan, which sees regular sniper attacks and, last year, a downed helicopter incident.
The area’s complicated history goes back centuries. Most recently, a bitter war in the early 1990s, in which the Armenian-majority enclave declared independence from Azerbaijan (which months earlier had declared independence from the Soviet Union), drove out the minority Azeris, and sucked in ethnic Armenians fleeing the rest of Azerbaijan. A new constitution in 2006 declared it a sovereign state.
Yet today, the de facto Nagorno-Karabakh Republic is not recognized by any member of the United Nations; most sources, including Google Maps, place it squarely in Azerbaijan. And though it has its own flag and government, it is deeply connected with and dependent on Armenia, which supplies its currency and military, among other things.
The area’s tourism options, though, are rough-edged but spirited, and the region is generally considered safe for travelers — who, of course, should steer clear of that tense eastern border. And most significantly for me, during a recent off-season trip to the area, it turned out to be excellent for travelers on a tight budget.
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6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 89 | https://repatarmenia.org/article/my-road/back-to-the-basics-in-the-motherland-my-armenia | en | Back to the Basics in the Motherland; my Armenia | [
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] | null | [] | null | Live your life to the fullest and make every day count | en | Repat Armenia | https://www.repatarmenia.org/article/my-road/back-to-the-basics-in-the-motherland-my-armenia | Yerevan- As thousands of Diaspora visitors flock to Armenia to celebrate the 100th anniversary of the independence of the first republic, I am pleased to share my story which will hopefully inspire many to return to Armenia.
On a cold November night in 2012, sitting on the terrace of a lavish house in Kabul, Afghanistan, a light went off in my head signaling that I no longer desired to live in the U.S. but rather, would like to take a leap of faith and expand my horizon and move away from a country that I loved and adored for over 40 years. I was born and raised in Iran and left the country before the revolution (date) to settle in the U.S. Two kids, and two dogs later, I am proud to call myself a U.S. citizen, yet, there seemed to be a gap, a missing component, that I had to fill.
The factors driving my decision were mainly due to the absence of human touch; the lack of cordial friendship and kinship and the stress imposed on people to consistently work and lead a meaningless life only to be part of a constant rat race with no time to enjoy simple things in life. What made me decide to leave the most powerful nation in the world was the fact that I could no longer deal with stress and ongoing drama in the country. Having seen misery, hunger, the poverty of developing nations and how people struggle simply to make ends meet, I could no longer comprehend why Americans make such a fuss over simple things. As I was pursuing my doctoral degree and needed to take a two-year sabbatical to conduct research and write my dissertation, I came to the realization that living in the most expensive state like California would not have allowed me to accomplish my lifelong goal.
In a matter of 6 months, I decided to pack and store my belongings, rent out my condo and move to the homeland in July of 2013. By that time, I had already been traveling to the country for over ten years and had established a good network of friends who greeted me with open arms. My life transformed from a more than adequate 1500 square foot lavish condo to a mere 300 square foot, one-bedroom, simple apartment on the fourth floor of a soviet built building with no elevator. It was then I realized that all I need is a comfortable bed, a clean shower and nothing more. Living and working in Afghanistan for almost seven years taught me the important lesson that “less is more”.
I didn't face many challenges as I already knew the language and was familiar with the culture; however, my American lifestyle varied from a native Armenian. While I had a structured and routine lifestyle, it was not strange to receive a phone call from a friend, offering a midnight stroll in Yerevan, a concept foreign to my American lifestyle. Or, my next door and across the hall neighbors knocking at my door to make sure I was okay or if I needed anything. God forbid if I was sick, a big bowl of soup and medicine would be waiting for me at my doorsteps. While living in the U.S. for 41 years, I don't ever recall my neighbors being as caring or considerate.
I loved the fact that I could walk in the streets comfortably, at any time of the night with no worries. I liked the fact that children were so free-spirited and enjoyed their childhood. I loved hearing the sounds of my neighborhood kids playing soccer in our local yard, and listening to their giggles which made me giggle. These innocent, playful sounds sent me traveling down memory lane as I remembed my brothers playing soccer in our Tehran neighborhood. Not surprisingly, my neighborhood kids in Yerevan were always ready to extend a helping hand, to carry grocery bags, and to be happily compensated with candy or ice cream. I like the fact that neighbors sometimes become more important than blood family. I can't help but smile while walking around and greeting everyone and in return helping elders with their bags. The fact that children have no fear of kidnapping, being hurt, raped or becoming a victim of a school shooting is an undeniable weight taken off parents’ shoulders.
Ever since my repatriation in 2013, I have been traveling to the U.S. every six months to visit my adult children, family and friends. Sadly, now when I visit, I feel out of place, and often change my return ticket to an earlier date. I feel like a stranger, a fish out of water, with much difficulty to integrate comfortably into a society where I lived for over 40 years. I don't see children playing out in the alleys nor hear sounds of innocent past times. Instead, I sense a great deal of stress and sadness among people as the nation becomes more and more divided with families and friends who are separated and fragmented due to political views. I barely manage to visit friends who live a few miles away, as they are over consumed with work and other activities and seem unable to allocate a few hours to rekindle a relationship. I often wonder what happened to friendship and human values? After all, am I not the one who traveled thousands of miles to reconnect with them?
All in all, it seems to me that America has lost most of its core principals and integrity. There seems to be LITTLE QUALITY LIFE remaining as people are programmed to be robots, their daily lives consisting of constant rushing around to make a living to pay for expensive homes and cars or merely to make ends meet. People in America no longer work to live, they live to work, or only to survive. Kids are no longer kids having lost touch with the enjoyment of outdoor activities only to be continuously glued to their electronics. Parents are burdened with worries about their children’s physical and mental well-being and the reality that there is no guarantee that their child will return home at the end of a school day. There is much stress and negative energy in the air which is suffocating. I pray to God to stay healthy during my annual visits; otherwise, I would have to spend my entire life saving to seek medical treatment. (not sure if this last sentence fits)
Positive energy has evaporated, and mental disorder has immensely exacerbated the reality because of constant pressure and stress to survive in the U.S. A black aurora hovering around the nation seems to have cast a dark, ominous shadow. Neighbors have become self-absorbent avoiding socialization, and a family dining set has shrunk to a round table with four chairs, versus a long table with 12 chairs in Armenia. Life is superficial, and people are judged based on the size of their home and the model of the car.
I am blessed and privileged to live in my motherland and mostly overjoyed to have a magnificent view of Mt. Ararat from my balcony. I am delighted to walk the ground of a country that offers me nothing but a quality life, good friends, joy, and happiness.
I am not suggesting that people who are fed up with the government or the system should pack up and move to another country. But I am encouraging everyone who no longer is happy with their current lifestyle to take steps and seek a quality lifestyle, wherever that may be. It takes courage and bravery to make a significant change, but let's remember that we only live once, and this is not a dress rehearsal.
Live your life to the fullest and make every day count.
Dr. Hilda Grigorian | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 84 | https://president.az/en/pages/view/azerbaijan/karabakh | en | Azerbaijan conflict » AZERBAIJAN » Official web | [
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] | null | [] | null | en | /favicon.ico | null | The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict had gone down in the history of the 20th century as one of the most tragic conflicts, as its implications seriously affected the fates of millions of Azerbaijanis.
The conflict, which began with Armenia’s overt territorial claims to Azerbaijan’s historical lands, provocations on ethnic grounds and acts of terror in the late 1980s, resulted in military aggression against Azerbaijan.
The Armenians represented in the government of the Soviet Union, the leaders of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR) and the Armenian diaspora abroad took advantage of the weakening of the central government of the USSR in the late 1980s and switched to deliberate actions to secede the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region (NKAR), which was established as part of the Azerbaijani SSR in 1923, from Azerbaijan and annex it to the Armenian SSR.
The process of brutal deportation of Azerbaijanis from their historical lands in the Gafan region of the Armenian SSR began in late 1987. The Azerbaijanis living in different cities and regions of Armenia faced the same fate in 1988-1989. More than 250,000 Azerbaijanis living in Armenia were forcibly expelled from their historical lands, 216 of them were mercilessly killed and 1,154 were injured. In an effort to save their lives from Armenian violence, they were forced to seek refuge in Azerbaijan.
Until 1988, the Azerbaijanis lived compactly across Armenia. However, in contrast to the Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh, the Soviet government did not grant the status of autonomy to the territories within the Armenian SSR densely populated by Azerbaijanis.
The Beginning
The Azerbaijanis were deliberately expelled and deported from the territory of the present-day Armenia in 1905-1906, 1918-1920 and 1948- 1953. In 1948-1953 alone, more than 150,000 Azerbaijanis were deported en masse from their historical lands in the territory of the Armenian SSR. Some of them, especially the elderly and infants, died due to severe resettlement conditions, unfavorable climate, physical deprivation and mental suffering.
On 13 February 1988, the first Armenian rally on the Karabakh issue was held in Khankendi (then Stepanakert), the center of NKAR. Various rallies were organized in Nagorno-Karabakh from 16 February to 2 March. On 20 February, deputies of Armenian origin from the NagornoKarabakh Council of People’s Deputies voted in favor of the proposal to have the region joined with the Armenian SSR (Azerbaijani deputies and those of other nationalities did not attend the session). On 21 February, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union issued a resolution “On the events in Nagorno-Karabakh”, which described the Council’s decision as one “provoked by nationalist elements”. However, on 22 February, Armenians opened fire on peaceful Azerbaijanis as they were protesting against the above-mentioned decision of the Council of People’s Deputies of Nagorno-Karabakh near the settlement of Asgaran on the Khankendi-Aghdam highway. As a result, two young Azerbaijanis were killed. In early March, two organizations, “Karabakh” and “Krunk”, started to freely operate in Yerevan and Khankendi respectively with the aim of annexing Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia.
On 14 June, the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR decided to “incorporate” the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region in the Armenian SSR. In protest, the Supreme Council of the Azerbaijani SSR reaffirmed on 17 June that NKAR was a part of the Azerbaijani SSR. On 18 July, the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the USSR decided that it was impossible to change the national-territorial division of the Azerbaijani SSR and the Armenian SSR. Thus, the Supreme Council of the USSR, guided by a relevant provision of the USSR Constitution (Article 78), defended the principle of territorial integrity of the republics.
As the overall state structure of the USSR weakened, the situation in the region continued to deteriorate. Armed groups and terrorists, mainly from Armenia, were involved in acts of sabotage in Nagorno-Karabakh. Under such circumstances, the activities of the Special Governance Committee (SGC, 12 January – 28 November 1989), established by a decision of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Council of the USSR, ended in a failure.
On 1 December 1989, the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR adopted a decision “On the unification of the Armenian SSR and Nagorno-Karabakh”. On 9 January 1990, the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR included a plan on the socioeconomic development of the NKAR into the plan of the Armenian SSR for 1990. On 20 May 1990, elections of deputies of the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR from NagornoKarabakh were held in Nagorno-Karabakh.
The decisions of the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR clearly exposed the Armenia’s aggressive nature. Territorial claims against Azerbaijan were made not only by nationalist groups, but also by Armenian government bodies. Armenia wanted to occupy a part of the territory of Azerbaijan at whatever cost.
As a result of the victory of the Armenian National Movement in the parliamentary elections in Armenia in May 1990, extremist nationalist and chauvinist forces advocating for war ascended to power in the republic. This, in turn, accelerated their preparations for the war of aggression. Yerevan focused all its efforts on creating and arming informal military units, preferring to solve the problem by force in accordance with its goals. This is exactly why Armenia never took the process of negotiation seriously and only tried to create a semblance of it in international public opinion.
Both in the run-up to the war and in the post-war period, Azerbaijan’s position was fully justified in terms of the USSR Constitution and international law. However, the inaction by Azerbaijan’s political elite at the time and the lack of a political leader in the republic further aggravated the situation. Heydar Aliyev, a far-sighted politician, prominent statesman, the national leader of the Azerbaijani people who was capable of thoroughly analyzing the process, seeing the determined and principled position of the people and mobilizing the nation for a common goal had been forced to resign from all of his government posts at the time. His alienation from politics had a direct impact on the deepening of the conflict based on the wishes of the Armenians.
Extreme Pressure Campaign
After the invasion of Baku by Soviet troops on 20 January 1990 and the Bloody January tragedy, the Kremlin and personally President Mikhail Gorbachev completely discredited themselves. After Baku, Soviet troops killed civilians in Neftchala and Lankaran. All in all, 150 people were killed across the country during the January events. The tragedy of 20 January played a critical part in completely changing the attitude of the Azerbaijani people to the USSR and realizing the ideas of national independence. While Azerbaijani communist leaders continued to turn a blind eye to the profound changes in the national consciousness of the people, the national leader Heydar Aliyev visited the permanent representative office of Azerbaijan in Moscow on 21 January to voice his protest at the biased policy of the USSR leadership against the Azerbaijani people. He then gave up his membership of the party.
According to the decision of the Supreme Council of the USSR “On measures to normalize the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh” from 8 November 1989, the Special Governance Committee of Nagorno-Karabakh was abolished, the local Council of People’s Deputies was re-established and the Organizing Committee for the NKAR was set up. However, the Committee was doomed to failure from the very outset, as it relied on the dwindling capabilities of the all-Union system and was only interested in preserving it. After the events of August 1991, which significantly undermined the foundations of the Soviet Union, the activities of this Committee became meaningless. The new political reality showed that the power of the USSR was only nominal in nature and had actually come to an end.
In addition to influencing the course of the conflict, the Armenian diaspora and lobbying organizations were conducting propaganda in their respective countries using fabricated allegations and trying to channel them into a resolution that would meet their interests only.
On 2 September 1991, a self-styled “Nagorno-Karabakh Republic” (“NKR”) was proclaimed in the territory of NKAR and the Shaumyan (rural) district of the Azerbaijan SSR, while a “referendum” was held on 10 December. It was obvious that given the prospect of the collapse of the USSR, Armenia was pretending not to be a party to the conflict, acting upon a special plan in an effort to mislead the international community. In response, on 23 November 1991, the Supreme Council of the Republic of Azerbaijan abolished the status of autonomy for Nagorno-Karabakh.
Armenia, which had been openly voicing its territorial claims to Azerbaijan, now switched to military operations against Azerbaijan without declaring war. This is how the conflict entered the “active phase”.
Large-scale Massacres, Acts of Genocide
During the military campaign, the Armenian armed forces brutally killed Azerbaijanis in the occupied districts and cities without making any distinction between servicemen and the civilian population. The Azerbaijanis were subjected to ethnic cleansing and acts of genocide. The Armenian military-political leadership pursued the goal of annihilation of a part of the Azerbaijani civilian population of Nagorno-Karabakh and breaking the resistance will of the rest to clear the region of them by committing systematic and large-scale massacres of civilians in Meshali village of Asgaran, Malibeyli and Gushchular villages of Shusha, Garadaghli village of Khojavand, Khojaly city, Aghdaban village of Kalbadjar and other places.
In the early hours of 26 February 1992, Armenia committed an act of genocide against the Azerbaijani population of Khojaly. As a result, 613 civilians were killed, including 106 women and 63 children. As part of the “Justice for Khojaly!” campaign, the Khojaly massacre was recognized as an act of genocide by 23 US states, the Scottish Parliament of Great Britain, the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the National Assembly of Djibouti, the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Czech Parliament, the Upper House of the National Assembly of Afghanistan, the National Congress of Honduras, the First Commission of the House of Representatives of Indonesia, the Senate of the Jordanian National Assembly, the Second Constitutional Committee and the Foreign Relations Commission of the Colombian Senate, the Second Commission of the House of Representatives, the Guatemalan Congress, the Mexican General Assembly Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the Senate of Pakistan, the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs of the National Assembly, the National Assembly of Panama, the Chamber of Deputies of the National Congress of Paraguay, the Congress of Peru, the National Council of Slovenia and the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the National Assembly of Sudan.
In addition, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and the Turkic Council have recognized the tragedy as an act of genocide.
Armenia’s escalating military aggression in 1993, as well as the threat of civil war in Azerbaijan, the chaos, economic turmoil and paralyzed public institutions, put the country on the verge of elimination. It was at this critical moment that the people of Azerbaijan saw salvation in its great son, wise statesman and national leader Heydar Aliyev, and entrusted the future of the country to him.
National Leader Heydar Aliyev’s Salvation Mission
When national leader Heydar Aliyev returned to power at the insistence of the people on 15 June 1993, the situation in the country was extremely complicated. The great leader came to the conclusion that the settlement of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict required a comprehensive approach that would take into account crucial domestic and foreign policy factors. These included the establishment of the public and political stability, the creation a regular combat-ready army, the re-establishment and effective operation of public institutions, the economic recovery and the implementation of drastic governance reforms, the signing of strategic oil contracts that would secure the country’s development for decades to come, and the pursuit of the ideology of Azerbaijanism as a common cause for the nation.
A ceasefire agreement was reached on 12 May 1994. Up to that moment, as a result of Armenia’s military aggression, 20 percent of the territory of the Republic of Azerbaijan, including Khankendi, Khojaly, Shusha, Lachin, Khojavand, Kalbadjar, Aghdam, Fuzuli, Jabrayil, Gubadli, Zangilan districts, as well as 13 villages of Tartar district, seven villages of Gazakh district and one village of Sadarak district of Nakhchivan, were occupied by the Armenian army.
As a result of Armenian aggression, more than 1 million Azerbaijanis became refugees and internally displaced persons, more than 20,000 Azerbaijanis were killed during the military operations, and more than 50,000 were disabled.
As a result of the first Karabakh war, the whereabouts of 3,890 Azerbaijanis, including 71 children, 267 women and 326 elderly people, as well as 872 people who were taken hostage or prisoner (according to data as of 1 December 2020), are unknown.
A total of 900 settlements, 150,000 houses, 7,000 public buildings, 693 schools, 855 kindergartens, 695 medical institutions, 927 libraries, 44 temples, nine mosques, 473 historical sites, palaces and museums, 40,000 museum exhibits, 6,000 industrial and agricultural enterprises, 160 bridges and other infrastructure facilities were razed to the ground in Karabakh in 1988-1993.
Conflict in International Documents
The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, which had become a grave threat to international peace and security due to its interstate nature, caused a heated debate within international organizations, paving the way for the adoption of a number of important documents on the issue.
On 30 April 1993, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 822, which demanded the immediate withdrawal of Armenian troops from Kalbadjar district and other occupied territories of Azerbaijan.
On 29 July 1993, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 853, which demanded the full, immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Armenian troops from Aghdam district and other occupied territories of Azerbaijan.
On 14 October 1993, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 874, which demanded the withdrawal of Armenian troops from the latest occupied territories in accordance with the timetable for the settlement of the CSCE Minsk Group.
On 11 November 1993, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 884. The resolution condemned the occupation of Zangilan district and Horadiz settlement, the attack on civilians and the bombing of the territory of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and demanded the withdrawal of the occupying forces from Zangilan district and Horadiz settlement and other recently occupied territories of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
The resolutions adopted in connection with the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict of the UN Security Council, which acts as the primary guarantor of international peace and security, have defined the legal groundwork of the political process for resolving the conflict on the basis of norms and principles of international law. The resolutions condemned the occupation of Azerbaijan’s territories, stressed the inadmissibility of the occupation of territories by force, reaffirmed the territorial integrity, sovereignty and inviolability of Azerbaijan’s borders, the fact that NagornoKarabakh is an integral part of Azerbaijan, and demanded an immediate, complete and unconditional withdrawal of occupying forces from Azerbaijan’s territory.
The documents adopted within the framework of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) established the legal basis and mechanisms for the process of negotiations based on the norms of international law, as well as UN Security Council resolutions. After Azerbaijan and Armenia became members of the CSCE at a meeting of the Council of Ministers in Prague on 30-31 January 1992, the CSCE began to deal closely with the conflict. Following the sending of a mission of rapporteurs to Armenia and Azerbaijan in February, the organization’s Committee of Senior Officials adopted a resolution calling on the parties to declare peace, including a ceasefire, and to give up territorial claims against neighboring countries. An additional meeting of the CSCE Council of Ministers, held at the initiative of the Committee of Senior Officials in Helsinki on 24 March 1992, stated that the CSCE should play a key role in resolving the conflict, and a decision was made to call a special conference in the capital city of Belarus – Minsk to serve as a permanent framework for negotiations.
The 1994 Summit of the organization in Budapest agreed to intensify efforts to coordinate efforts to resolve the conflict and to send multinational forces to the conflict zone to maintain peace. The CSCE Chairman-in-Office was tasked with appointing co-chairs of the Minsk Conference.
Despite Armenia’s attempts to obstruct the OSCE summit in Lisbon on 2-3 December 1996, the principles of conflict resolution were discussed and were eventually reflected in the statement of the OSCE Chairman-in-Office attached to the final document. These principles, to which all OSCE participating states acceded, are as follows:
1. Territorial integrity of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia;
2. The legal status of Nagorno-Karabakh, including the highest self-government within Azerbaijan;
3. Guarantees for the security of Nagorno-Karabakh and its entire population, including mutual obligations to comply with the provisions of the settlement.
The approval of the above principles at the Lisbon summit, the establishment of a new co-chairing institution in the Minsk Group in early 1997 and the appointment of Russia, the United States and France as co-chair countries gave an impetus to the process of negotiations. The cochairs started making written proposals on how to resolve the conflict. In the summer of 1997, a draft of a comprehensive peace agreement was submitted to the parties. Despite Azerbaijan’s constructive position, Armenia turned it down. During the visit of the co-chairs to the region in the fall of 1997, the parties were presented with a “step-by-step solution” plan. The plan envisaged the withdrawal of Armenian troops from the occupied territories, the return of IDPs to their homes, the restoration of communications, the deployment of the OSCE peacekeeping mission in the region, and then the consideration of a status of Nagorno-Karabakh. However, Armenia demonstrated an obstructive position in the negotiations yet again.
Azerbaijan’s Peace Policy, Armenia’s Destructive Position
In November 2007, the Minsk Group prepared proposals for a peaceful solution to the conflict, the so-called Madrid Principles, and submitted the initial version of the document to the parties. At the end of 2009, an updated draft of the Madrid document was prepared and re-submitted to the parties. However, due to Armenia’s destructive position, the expected progress was not achieved. Both documents provided for a step-by-step settlement of the conflict, including the withdrawal of Armenian forces from the occupied territories of Azerbaijan, the return of IDPs to their native lands, the restoration of communication lines and other issues.
At subsequent meetings, the heads of state agreed to continue talks on a peaceful solution to the conflict and paid special attention to humanitarian aspects of the problem. However, seeing that the negotiations had intensified and was not going in the direction it would have preferred, Armenia tried to disrupt the talks by resorting to a series of military provocations. Thus, instead of addressing the specific issues on the table after the meeting of the presidents held at the initiative of France in Paris on 27 October 2014, Armenia conducted a large-scale military exercise in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan deploying more than 40,000 personnel. The intensity of negotiations dropped after the Armenian armed forces had provoked Azerbaijan’s Armed Forces on the line of contact by conducting offensive over flights, and the next meeting between the presidents of the two countries was held in Bern, Switzerland only on 19 December 2015.
April 2016 Battles
In early 2016, when tangible plans on resolving the conflict were being discussed, Armenia resorted to yet another military provocation on 2 April by firing at densely populated areas along the line of contact, including schools, hospitals and places of worship.
As a result of Armenian attacks, six people, including children, were killed and 33 were seriously injured. Azerbaijan’s Armed Forces, in turn, gave the enemy a fitting rebuff. As a result of the counterattack, more than 2,000 hectares of the occupied territory in Fuzuli, Jabrayil and the former Aghdara district were liberated. On the one hand, the April events showed the strength of the Azerbaijan’s Army, but, on the other, they demonstrated that the preservation of the status quo and the continued presence of Armenian troops in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan were the primary cause of tensions in the conflict zone and that Azerbaijan would never come to terms with the occupation of its lands.
At the end of the meeting between the Presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia in Moscow on 2 November 2008, the Presidents of Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia signed the Moscow Declaration. The declaration states that the conflict must be resolved through political means on the basis of the norms and principles of international law and the documents and decisions adopted in this framework, which, in turn, created environment for comprehensive cooperation in the region.
During 2016, substantive discussions were held between the Presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia in Vienna and St. Petersburg, but due to Armenia’s obstructive position, there was no headway in resolving the conflict.
Armenia continued its political and military provocations in 2017. In June and July, as OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs stepped up their efforts to resolve the conflict, Armenia sought to escalate the situation along the line of contact amid persistent calls for substantive talks from the international community. Armenian military units continued their aggressive actions and fired heavy artillery shells at frontline positions of Azerbaijan’s Armed Forces and residential settlements. As a result, on 4 July, civilians Sahiba Allahverdiyeva, born in 1966, and her granddaughter, Zahra Guliyeva, born in 2016, were killed in the village of Alkhanli of Fuzuli district. Armenia’s deliberate targeting of civilians and facilities was strongly condemned by the international community, which was further convinced of the fact that Armenia was not interested in a political resolution to the conflict.
Other international organizations also adopted numerous documents supporting Azerbaijan’s fair position on the conflict based on international law and historical justice.
Offensive Diplomacy
The UN General Assembly’s resolution on the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, adopted on 7 September 2006 and entitled “Situation in the Occupied Territories of Azerbaijan”, condemned the fires committed by Armenia in the occupied territories. The resolution of the same name adopted by the UN General Assembly on 14 March 2008 covered the legal, political and humanitarian aspects of the conflict and reaffirmed the principles of its settlement. Those principles included respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, the immediate, complete and unconditional withdrawal of Armenian troops from the occupied territories of Azerbaijan, the right of IDPs to return to their native lands, the coexistence of both communities within Azerbaijan and the unlawful nature of the situation resulting from the occupation of another country’s territory.
The conflict was repeatedly discussed within the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). The organization, guided by the principles and norms of international law, declared that Azerbaijan was subjected to military aggression. The resolution adopted at the 21st meeting of the organization’s foreign ministers in Karachi, Pakistan, in 1993 condemned the Armenian aggression against Azerbaijan, demanded the immediate withdrawal of Armenian troops from all occupied territories and called on Armenia to respect Azerbaijan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
In 1994, another resolution on Nagorno-Karabakh was adopted at the Seventh Summit of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation’s Heads of State and Government in Casablanca, Morocco. The resolution strongly condemned the occupation of 20 percent of Azerbaijan’s territory by Armenia and expressed concern over the fact that more than one million Azerbaijanis have become refugees and internally displaced persons. The document called for the immediate withdrawal of Armenian forces from all occupied territories of Azerbaijan, citing four well-known UN Security Council resolutions, and described the actions targeting civilians as a result of Armenia’s aggression against Azerbaijan as a crime against humanity.
The Summit of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation held in Istanbul in 2016 established a “Contact Group on the aggression of the Republic of Armenia against Azerbaijan”. The Contact Group included nine countries: Azerbaijan, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Malaysia, Morocco, Djibouti, Gambia and Somalia.
The declaration of the Summit of the Cooperation Council of Turkic Speaking States held in Baku on 15 October 2019 expressed support for the settlement of the conflict on the basis of the principles of territorial integrity, sovereignty and inviolability of the borders of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
The Final Document adopted at the 16th Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Movement in Tehran in 2012 stressed the importance of resolving the conflict within the framework of the territorial integrity, sovereignty and internationally recognized borders of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The Final Document adopted at the 17th Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Movement in 2016 on the island of Margarita in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela expressed regret that despite relevant UN Security Council resolutions, the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan remained unresolved. The document also expressed support for the solution of the conflict within the framework of the territorial integrity of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
A new paragraph was included in the Final Document of the 18th Non-Aligned Movement Summit held in Baku on 25-26 October 2019. According to this paragraph, the heads of state and government stressed the inadmissibility of the occupation of territories by force. In addition, the Final Document stated that no state would recognize the legitimacy of the situation created as a result of the occupation of Azerbaijani territories and would not provide any support for maintaining the situation in the occupied territories, including economic activity. The “Document of Appreciation and Solidarity with the People and Government of Azerbaijan” adopted at the summit expressed solidarity with Azerbaijan’s efforts to restore its territorial integrity.
Resolution No. 1416 of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) “On the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group” dated 25 January 2005 confirmed the occupation of Azerbaijani territories and expressed concern over the ethnic cleansing conducted in these territories. It called for the compliance with Resolutions 822, 853, 874 and 884 of the UN Security Council and for the withdrawal of troops from the occupied territories. The organization also reaffirmed the right of IDPs to return to their lands and stressed the inadmissibility of occupation of the territory of a member state by another member state.
The resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe entitled “Deliberate deprivation of the residents of border regions of Azerbaijan of water”, adopted on 26 January 2016, stated that the Sarsang Reservoir, built on the Tartar River in 1976 to provide irrigation water to about 100,000 hectares of land in six districts of Azerbaijan, fell into disrepair as a result of the occupation, depriving residents of irrigation water. It called for the withdrawal of Armenian troops from the said region, described their actions as “ecological terror” and reaffirmed the occupation of a part of Azerbaijan’s territory by Armenia.
The European Court of Human Rights ruled on 16 June 2015 in the case of “Chiragov and Others vs. Armenia” that Armenia had occupied Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding districts.
In a statement issued on 9 November 1993, the European Union called for the withdrawal of troops from the occupied territories of Azerbaijan and expressed support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
In a Joint Declaration adopted at the EU Eastern Partnership Summit in Brussels on 24 November 2017, the EU expressed its support for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of all partners.
The “Partnership Priorities” document initialed between Azerbaijan and the European Union in 2018 also expressed support for Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, independence, sovereignty and inviolability of its internationally recognized borders.
The final documents of the NATO Summits, including the Chicago Declaration of 2012, the Cardiff Declaration of 2014, the Warsaw Declaration of 2016 and the Brussels Declaration of 2018, express support for Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence.
In addition, when the heads of the CIS member states signed a memorandum on maintaining peace and stability in the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1995, Armenia refused to accept paragraphs 7 and 8 of the document. The said paragraphs stated that “Member States ... shall take measures to prevent any manifestation of separatism, nationalism, chauvinism and fascism in their territories ... and undertake not to provide economic, financial, military or other assistance to such manifestations.”
Thus, throughout the said period, Azerbaijan pursued a resolute and principled policy, succeeded in establishing the legal groundwork for resolving the conflict on the basis of norms and principles of international law, neutralizing Armenia’s information provocations and attempts of the Armenian lobby to mislead the international community. Despite the historical reality, the fact that international law has created a solid foundation for a just settlement of the conflict, as well as Azerbaijan’s obvious superiority over Armenia in terms of economic potential, human resources and military power, Baku has demonstrated its commitment to peace talks. That is why President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev said: “Our biggest compromise is the fact that we are still committed to peace talks.”
However, Azerbaijan’s consistent efforts to resolve the conflict through negotiations were not appreciated by Armenia at all. On the contrary, the military-political leadership of Armenia began to threaten Azerbaijan with a new war and launched endeavors to expand the occupation. Due to Armenia’s hypocritical and obstructive policy, the talks became a virtually meaningless process and were therefore impossible to continue.
“Karabakh is Azerbaijan!”
On 5 August 2019, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan made a statement in Khankendi that “Karabakh is a part of Armenia and full stop”. Up until then, Armenia, aware of the international political, legal and moral implications of its policy of military occupation and annexation, tried to disguise its aggression by portraying it as the right of the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh to self-determination. That statement by Nikol Pashinyan explicitly showed that Armenia’s actual goal was aggression. By calling for the annexation of the occupied territories of Azerbaijan, Armenia violated the norms and principles of international law, the UN Charter, the Helsinki Final Act, and showed its disregard for the international community, in particular the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs tasked with resolving the conflict through negotiations. Addressing the 16th annual meeting of the Valdai International Discussion Club on 3 October 2019, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev responded to Pashinyan’s statement: “... the statement says that ‘Karabakh is a part of Armenia and full stop’. First, this is a lie, to put it mildly. Both Lower and Upper Karabakh are recognized by the world as an integral part of Azerbaijan. Armenia does not recognize this illegal entity itself. Karabakh is historical and ancient land of Azerbaijan. So Karabakh is Azerbaijan and an exclamation mark.”
Also, on 15 February 2020, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev and Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan held panel discussions within the framework of the Munich Security Conference. During the discussions, the President of Azerbaijan once again communicated Azerbaijan’s rightful position on the conflict to the attention of the international community, exposed Armenia’s policy of aggression and shattered false claims using arguments based on historical facts and international law.
The so-called “elections” organized in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan in March 2020 was yet another act of provocation. As was the case with previous “elections”, these were not recognized by the international community, any international organization or state either. On the contrary, they were strongly condemned and denounced.
Armenia deliberately attempted to disrupt the format and nature of the process of negotiations to derail the peace process mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs, maintain the status quo in relation to the occupation and achieve the annexation of the occupied territories. In July 2020, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan put forward the unacceptable “seven conditions” for the settlement of the conflict, which clearly demonstrated the true colors of the occupying state. In this regard, President Ilham Aliyev said, “We have the only condition for peace. Armenian armed forces must withdraw from the occupied territories of Azerbaijan. The whole world recognizes Nagorno-Karabakh as an integral part of Azerbaijan.”
Provocations in July-August 2020
In July 2020, Armenia committed yet another military provocation in the direction of Tovuz on the state border with Azerbaijan. The objective of the provocation was to create a new source of tension in the region, to put the issue of occupation of Azerbaijani territories by Armenia on the backburner, to involve third countries in the conflict and to cause damage to Azerbaijan’s strategic infrastructure. As a result, a group of Azerbaijani servicemen and a civilian, including high-ranking military officers, were killed. The Azerbaijani Army responded with a crushing blow to the enemy. Armenia conceded defeat by appealing to the Collective Security Treaty Organization for military support.v
In August 2020, Armenia resorted to another military provocation by sending a sabotage group to Azerbaijan to commit acts of terror. However, on 23 August 2020, the group was neutralized and its leader was detained. Thus, this provocation of Armenia was also thwarted.
Armenia’s adoption of an aggressive and belligerent military doctrine and national security strategy, the creation of armed groups of civilian volunteers to take part in military operations against Azerbaijan, the Armenian defense minister’s call for a “new war for new territories”, the threats by Armenia’s senior government officials to deal a blow to Azerbaijan’s critical civilian infrastructure, Armenia’s involvement of mercenaries and terrorists from various countries, acquisition of large quantities of weapons, etc. openly demonstrated that Armenia was preparing for a new war against Azerbaijan.
Armenia’s new war plan
On 21 September 2020, President of Azerbaijan and Chairman of the Non-Aligned Movement Ilham Aliyev said in his remarks at the High-Level Meeting dedicated to the 75th anniversary of the UN within the framework of the 75th Session of the UN General Assembly that the aggressive rhetoric and provocations were evidence of the fact that Armenia was preparing for renewed aggression against Azerbaijan. “We call on the United Nations and the international community to deter Armenia from further military aggression. Responsibility for the provocations and the escalation of tensions lies squarely with the military-political leadership of Armenia. The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict must be resolved within the framework of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and on the basis of UN Security Council resolutions.”
On 24 September 2020, in his remarks during the general debate of the 75th session of the UN General Assembly, President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev once again stated that Armenia was preparing for a new war against Azerbaijan.
Receiving the EU Special Representative for the South Caucasus on 25 September 2020, the President of Azerbaijan reiterated that the intelligence data of the Azerbaijani side show that Armenia was making very serious military preparations for war against Azerbaijan, that its armed forces were concentrated on the line of contact, on the state border. “If they attack us, they will regret it. I simply want you to know that and convey this message to the European Commission and see what the European Commission can do to stop the new provocations of the aggressor.”
Unfortunately, no tangible steps were taken by the international community to put an end to Armenia’s successive provocations and new war plans. Emboldened by this, on 27 September 2020, Armenia attacked the positions of the Azerbaijan’s Army from several directions. It used heavy artillery to fire at Azerbaijani residential settlements.
Patriotic war – Operation Iron Fist
In response to yet another attempt at military aggression by Armenia, Azerbaijan’s Army launched a counterattack and, as a result of the 44-day Patriotic War, managed to crush the Armenian army, bring it to its knees and liberate the occupied territories. Operation Iron Fist carried out by the victorious Azerbaijani Army under the leadership of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, President Ilham Aliyev is inscribed in the history of the Azerbaijani people in golden letters as it led to Armenia’s capitulation, a country that glorified occupation and Nazism and turned it into a state policy.
On 10 November 2020, the “Statement of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia and the President of the Russian Federation” was adopted and Armenia signed an act of capitulation. This put an end to the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict and Azerbaijan restored its territorial integrity. The President of Azerbaijan said on that occasion, “The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been resolved, Azerbaijan has resolved this conflict alone, both on the battlefield and then at the table. Victory on the battlefield forced the enemy to wave the white flag, surrender and sign an act of capitulation. The document signed on 10 November is an act of capitulation signed by Armenia. Thus, according to this document, Aghdam, Kalbadjar and Lachin districts were liberated without a single martyr. The establishment of the Zangazur corridor has become a historical necessity.
Complete Restoration of Sovereignty
After the Patriotic War, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev put forward the initiative to prepare a peace treaty with Armenia on the basis of five fundamental principles, which envisage mutual recognition of each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty.
During a four-sided meeting held on the sidelines of the European Political Community Summit in Prague on October 6, 2022, Armenia declared that it recognized the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Azerbaijan.
In protest against Armenia’s illegal exploitation of Azerbaijan’s natural resources in the territories of the Republic of Azerbaijan, where the Russian peacekeeping contingent is temporarily stationed, on December 12, 2022, representatives of non-governmental organizations and environmental activists started a peaceful action on the section of the Lachin-Khankendi road passing through Shusha. The protest action lasted for a total of 138 days.
Another historic event took place on April 23, 2023. A border checkpoint was established on the Azerbaijan-Armenia border in the Lachin district. This completed the process of restoration of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and put an end to Armenia's abuse of the Lachin road, transportation of weaponry and ammunition along it, and other illegal acts.
However, the provocations staged by Armenia and the remaining elements of the self-styled regime did not stop at that. On September 2, 2023, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan sent a congratulatory message to the junta leaders on the anniversary of the so-called “Declaration of independence of Nagorno-Karabakh”. On September 9, the so-called “presidential election” was held in the Karabakh region of Azerbaijan.
On September 19, 2023, in an effort to secure the implementation of provisions of the Trilateral Statement, prevent large-scale provocations committed in the Karabakh economic region, disarm and withdraw units of the Armenian armed forces from Azerbaijani territories, neutralize their military infrastructure, ensure the safety of the civilian population returning to the liberated territories, as well as construction personnel engaged in reconstruction activities and military personnel, and restore the Republic of Azerbaijan’s constitutional structure, Azerbaijan launched an anti-terrorism operation in the region.
As a result of the anti-terrorism operation which lasted less than one day, the remaining Armenian armed forces in the region were completely disarmed and withdrawn from the territory of Azerbaijan and the remnants of the so-called regime announced its dissolution. Azerbaijan thus eliminated the separatism and a “gray zone” from its territory. The state sovereignty of the Republic of Azerbaijan was fully restored.
On October 15, 2023, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief Ilham Aliyev raised the National Flag of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the city of Khankendi, in the town of Khojaly, in the Asgaran settlement of the Khojaly district, in the towns of Khojavand and Aghdara.
On November 8, 2023, a military parade dedicated to the third anniversary of the Victory in the Patriotic War was held in the city of Khankendi. President of the Republic of Azerbaijan and Commander-in-Chief Ilham Aliyev said in remarks at the parade: “Our victorious Armed Forces have gifted us this day and driven the enemy out of our ancient lands by demonstrating courage, heroism and selflessness on the battlefield. This is an immensely historic event.”
Conflict Consigned to History and New Reality
During the occupation, Armenia looted and destroyed the national and cultural heritage of Azerbaijan (culturcide), destroyed cities (urbicide) and other settlements, and caused severe ecological damage to the region (ecocide). Hundreds of thousands of mines and booby traps have been planted across Azerbaijan’s territory.
Armenia will not evade legal responsibility for the numerous war crimes, massacres and genocides it committed against Azerbaijan during the conflict, for its acts of terror and vandalism, and will be forced to pay reparations for the immense socioeconomic damage caused to Azerbaijan.
Azerbaijan is currently implementing large-scale restoration and reconstruction work in Karabakh and East Zangezur economic regions at its own expense. As part of the Great Return program, thousands of former IDPs have already returned to their native lands. By 2026, some 140,000 former IDPs are expected to return to their homeland. President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev said: “We will turn this region, we will turn Karabakh into a paradise. We will forever live in these lands. No one can ever move us from these lands. Karabakh is ours! Karabakh is Azerbaijan!” | ||||||
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6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 10 | http://ayrarattour.com/englisharmenia/329-population-of-armenia.html | en | Population of Armenia | http://ayrarattour.com/uploads/posts/2017-08/1501776365_naselenie_.jpg | http://ayrarattour.com/uploads/posts/2017-08/1501776365_naselenie_.jpg | [
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] | null | [] | null | Population of the Republic of ArmeniaThe population of Armenia is 3 mln. people. The total number of Armenians in the world is 11-12 mln people. It is one of the most densely populated of the former | http://ayrarattour.com/templates/englisharm/images/logo.png | AYRARAT TOUR | https://ayrarattour.com/englisharmenia/329-population-of-armenia.html | The population of Armenia is 3 mln. people. The total number of Armenians in the world is 11-12 mln people. It is one of the most densely populated of the former Soviet republics. It is the unions most ethnically homogeneous country, the 95,66 percent of the population comprises Armenians. However, in the republic, there are sizeable Russian, Kurdish, Ukrainian, Greek, Assyrian populations.
Armenians are inhabited in more than 60 countries of the world – CIS countries, the USA, France, Greece, Germany, Italy, Sweden, Spain, Lebanon, Iran, Turkey and other countries.
Armenians belong to a large Europeoid racial group in the part of southern Europeoid and in the borders of southern part belong to the Balkan-Caucasian race. Within the Balkan-Caucasian race, the Armenoid type is characterized by medium to dark brown or black hair, light to medium skin colour by large round eyes that were usually dark, hazel-grey or sometimes azure by high cheekbones and non-prominent chins. Lips are thin or medium-thick and the noses are aquiline. | |||
6007 | dbpedia | 1 | 12 | https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_and_dependencies_by_population_density | en | List of countries and dependencies by population density | [
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] | 2019-05-22T11:25:42+00:00 | en | /static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png | https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_and_dependencies_by_population_density | This is a list of countries and dependencies ranked by human population density, and measured by the number of human inhabitants per square kilometer or square mile. The list includes sovereign states and self-governing dependent territories based upon the ISO standard ISO 3166-1. The list also includes but does not rank unrecognized but de facto independent countries. The figures in the following table are based on areas including inland water bodies (lakes, reservoirs, rivers). Data estimates for July 2005, taken from the United Nations World Prospects Report (2004 revision), unless stated differently.
The names of dependent territories are shown in italics.
Area figures provided here have been obtained from the main articles of the respective countries and territories.
Macau (China) has c. 21 thousand or 21,158 people per square kilometer
Monaco has c. 19 thousand or 18,960 people per square kilometer
Singapore, c. 8 thousand or 7,894 people per square kilometer
Rank Country (or dependent territory) Area Population Density Date Population source km2 mi2 pop./km2 pop./mi2 – Macau (China) 32.9 13 696,100 21,158.05 54,799 September 30, 2019 Official quarterly estimate 1 Monaco 2.02 0.78 38,300 18,960.4 49,107 December 31, 2018 Official estimate 2 Singapore 722.5 279 5,703,600 7,894.26 20,446 July 1, 2019 Official estimate – Hong Kong (China) 1,106 427 7,500,700 6,781.83 17,565 December 31, 2019 Official estimate – Gibraltar (United Kingdom) 6.8 2.6 33,701 4,956.03 12,836 July 1, 2019 UN projection 3 Bahrain 778 300 1,543,300 1,982.91 5,136 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 4 Malta 315 122 514,564 1,633.54 4,231 July 10, 2020 Official estimate Archived 2020-07-10 at the Wayback Machine 5 Maldives 298 115 374,775 1,257.63 3,257 December 31, 2018 Official estimate – Bermuda (United Kingdom) 52 20 64,027 1,226.52 3,177 July 1, 2019 Official Projection – Sint Maarten (Netherlands) 34 13 42,876 1,261 3,266 January 1, 2019 Official estimate Archived 2016-09-30 at the Wayback Machine 6 Bangladesh 143,998 55,598 177,424,154 1,232 3,191 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 7 Vatican City[note 1] 0.49 0.19 453 924.49 2,394 February 1, 2019 Official estimate – Jersey (United Kingdom) 116 45 104,200 898.28 2,327 December 31, 2016 Official estimate 8 Palestine 6,020 2,324 4,976,684 826.69 2,141 July 1, 2019 Official projection – Guernsey (United Kingdom) 78 30 62,723 804.14 2,083 March 31, 2016 Official estimate – Mayotte (France) 374 144 256,518 685.88 1,776 September 5, 2017 2017 census result 9 Lebanon 10,452 4,036 6,855,713 672.06 1,741 July 1, 2019 UN projection 10 Barbados 430 166 287,025 667.5 1,729 July 1, 2019 UN projection – Saint Martin (France) 53.2 21 35,107 659.91 1,709 January 1, 2014 Official estimate – Taiwan 36,197 13,976 23,604,265 652.11 1,689 January 31, 2020 Monthly official estimate 11 Mauritius 2,040 788 1,265,577 620.38 1,607 July 1, 2018 Official estimate – Aruba (Netherlands) 180 69 112,309 624 1,616 January 1, 2019 Official estimate 12 San Marino 61 24 34,641 567.89 1,471 April 30, 2019 Official monthly estimate Archived 2020-03-26 at the Wayback Machine 13 Nauru 21 8 11,200 533.33 1,381 July 1, 2020 Annual projection 14 South Korea 100,210 38,691 51,780,579 516.72 1,338 July 1, 2020 Official annual projection 15 Rwanda 26,338 10,169 12,374,397 469.83 1,217 July 1, 2019 Official projection 16 Comoros 1,861 719 873,724 469.49 1,216 July 1, 2019 Official projection – Saint Barthélemy (France) 21 8 9,427 448.9 1,163 January 1, 2014 Official estimate 17 Netherlands 41,526 16,033 17,743,248 427 1,107 August 28, 2024 Official population clock Archived 2018-10-09 at the Wayback Machine 18 Israel 22,072 8,522 9,908,235 449 1,163 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 19 Haiti 27,065 10,450 11,263,077 416.15 1,078 July 1, 2019 UN projection 20 India 3,287,263 1,269,219 1,407,563,842 411.48 1,066 January 1, 2019 UN estimate [3][4] 21 Burundi 27,816 10,740 11,215,578 403.21 1,044 July 1, 2020 Official annual projection Archived 2019-04-03 at the Wayback Machine 22 Tuvalu 26 10 10,300 396.15 1,026 July 1, 2020 Annual projection 23 Belgium 30,689 11,849 11,524,454 375.52 973 January 1, 2020 Official monthly estimate 24 Philippines 300,000 115,831 115,475,214 385 997 August 28, 2024 Official population clock Archived 2019-04-03 at the Wayback Machine – Curaçao (Netherlands) 444 171 158,665 357.35 926 January 1, 2019 Official Estimate – Puerto Rico (United States) 9,104 3,515 3,195,153 350.96 909 July 1, 2018 Official estimate – Réunion (France) 2,503.7 967 850,996 339.89 880 January 1, 2016 Official estimate Archived 2019-04-03 at the Wayback Machine 25 Japan 377,975 145,937 126,010,000 333.38 863 February 1, 2020 Monthly official estimate 26 Sri Lanka 65,610 25,332 21,803,000 332.31 861 July 1, 2019 Official estimate Archived 2017-11-17 at the Wayback Machine – Martinique (France) 1,128 436 371,246 329.12 852 January 1, 2018 Official estimate – Guam (United States) 541 209 175,200 323.84 839 July 1, 2019 Annual projection 27 El Salvador 21,040 8,124 6,704,864 318.67 825 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 28 Grenada 344 133 108,825 316.35 819 July 1, 2019 UN projection 29 Marshall Islands 181 70 55,900 308.84 800 July 1, 2020 Annual projection – United States Virgin Islands (United States) 352 136 104,909 298.04 772 July 1, 2019 UN projection 30 Saint Lucia 617 238 180,454 292.47 757 July 1, 2019 UN projection 31 Vietnam 331,212 127,882 96,208,984 290.48 752 April 1, 2019 Official annual projection – American Samoa (United States) 197 76 57,100 289.85 751 July 1, 2020 Annual projection 32 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 389 150 110,520 284.11 736 July 1, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2021-02-24 at the Wayback Machine 33 United Kingdom 242,495 93,628 67,886,004 279.95 725 May 11, 2020 Population Division UN 34 Pakistan 803,940 310,403 225,918,217 281 728 August 28, 2024 Pakistan Bureau of Statistics 35 Trinidad and Tobago 5,155 1,990 1,363,985 264.59 685 July 1, 2019 Official annual estimate – Cayman Islands (United Kingdom) 259 100 65,813 254.1 658 December 31, 2018 Official estimate 36 Jamaica 10,991 4,244 2,726,667 248.08 643 December 31, 2018 Official estimate 37 Kuwait 17,818 6,880 4,420,110 248.07 642 January 1, 2019 Official estimate – Guadeloupe (France) 1,628.4 629 395,725 243.01 629 January 1, 2016 Official estimate Archived 2019-04-03 at the Wayback Machine 38 Liechtenstein 160 62 38,380 239.88 621 December 31, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2018-12-15 at the Wayback Machine 39 Luxembourg 2,586 998 613,894 237.39 615 January 1, 2019 Official estimate Archived 2021-02-26 at the Wayback Machine 40 Qatar 11,571 4,468 2,740,479 236.84 613 May 31, 2019 Official monthly estimate Archived 2020-08-03 at the Wayback Machine 41 Antigua and Barbuda 442 171 104,084 235.48 610 July 1, 2019 UN projection 42 Germany 357,168 137,903 83,149,300 232.8 603 September 30, 2019 Official quarterly estimate Archived 2019-08-23 at the Wayback Machine 43 Nigeria 923,768 356,669 200,962,000 217.55 563 July 1, 2019 UN projection 44 Dominican Republic 47,875 18,485 10,358,320 216.36 560 July 1, 2019 Official projection Archived 2017-05-25 at the Wayback Machine – British Virgin Islands (United Kingdom) 151 58 32,206 213.28 552 July 1, 2019 UN projection 45 Seychelles 455 176 96,762 212.66 551 June 30, 2018 Official estimate 46 North Korea 120,540 46,541 25,549,604 211.96 549 January 1, 2019 UN projection 47 Saint Kitts and Nevis 270 104 56,345 208.69 541 July 1, 2019 UN projection 48 Gambia 10,690 4,127 2,228,075 208.43 540 July 1, 2019 UN projection 49 Switzerland 41,285 15,940 8,586,550 207.98 539 September 30, 2019 Official provisional figure 50 São Tomé and Príncipe 1,001 386 201,784 201.58 522 July 1, 2018 Official Estimate 51 Nepal 147,516 56,956 29,609,623 200.72 520 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection Archived 2019-04-01 at the Wayback Machine 52 Italy 301,308 116,336 60,252,824 199.97 518 August 31, 2019 Monthly official estimate Archived 2019-07-24 at the Wayback Machine 53 Uganda 241,551 93,263 40,006,700 165.62 429 July 1, 2019 Annual official estimate – Kosovo[note 2] 10,910 4,212 1,795,666 164.59 426 December 31, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2021-02-24 at the Wayback Machine 54 Andorra 464 179 76,177 164.17 425 December 31, 2018 Official estimate 55 Guatemala 108,889 42,042 17,679,735 162.36 421 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 56 Kiribati 811 313 125,000 154.13 399 July 1, 2020 Annual projection – Sint Eustatius (Netherlands) 21 8 3,193 152.05 394 July 1, 2015 57 Federated States of Micronesia 701 271 105,600 150.64 390 July 1, 2020 Annual projection – Saba (Netherlands) 13 5 1,947 149.77 388 January 1, 2016 58 Cyprus 5,896 2,276 875,900 148.56 385 December 31, 2018 Official estimate 59 Malawi 118,484 45,747 17,563,749 148.24 384 September 3, 2018 2018 Census Result Archived 2021-02-25 at the Wayback Machine – Isle of Man (United Kingdom) 572 221 83,314 145.65 377 April 24, 2016 2016 census result 60 China 9,640,821 3,722,342 1,425,392,840 148 383 August 28, 2024 Official estimate 61 Indonesia 1,904,569 735,358 268,074,600 140.75 365 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection – Tokelau (New Zealand) 10 4 1,400 140 363 July 1, 2020 Annual projection – Anguilla (United Kingdom) 96 37 13,452 140.13 363 May 11, 2011 Preliminary 2011 census result 62 Tonga 720 278 100,000 138.89 360 July 1, 2020 Annual projection 63 Cape Verde 4,033 1,557 550,483 136.49 354 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 64 Czech Republic 78,867 30,451 10,681,161 135.43 351 September 30, 2019 Official quarterly estimate 65 Denmark 43,098 16,640 5,814,461 134.91 349 July 1, 2019 Official quarterly estimate 66 Togo 56,600 21,853 7,538,000 133.18 345 July 1, 2019 Official estimate 67 Thailand 513,120 198,117 67,112,092 131 339 August 28, 2024 Official population clock Archived 2016-01-31 at the Wayback Machine 68 Ghana 238,533 92,098 30,280,811 126.95 329 July 1, 2019 Official projection – Northern Mariana Islands (United States) 457 176 56,600 123.85 321 July 1, 2020 Annual projection 69 France 543,965 210,026 67,060,000 123.28 319 December 1, 2019 Monthly official estimate 70 Poland 312,685 120,728 38,386,000 122.76 318 June 30, 2019 Official estimate 71 Jordan 89,342 34,495 11,814,312 132 342 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 72 United Arab Emirates 83,600 32,278 9,770,529 116.87 303 July 1, 2019 UN projection 73 Azerbaijan 86,600 33,436 10,067,108 116.25 301 January 1, 2020 Official publication – Transnistria[note 3] 4,163 1,607 469,000 112.66 292 January 1, 2018 Official estimate 74 Portugal 92,090 35,556 10,276,617 111.59 289 December 31, 2018 Official estimate 75 Slovakia 49,036 18,933 5,450,421 111.15 288 December 31, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2017-02-02 at the Wayback Machine 76 Sierra Leone 71,740 27,699 7,901,454 110.14 285 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 77 Austria 83,879 32,386 8,902,600 106.14 275 January 1, 2020 Official quarterly estimate 78 Turkey 783,562 302,535 83,154,997 106.12 275 December 31, 2019 Annual official estimate Archived 2017-11-08 at the Wayback Machine 79 Hungary 93,029 35,919 9,764,000 104.96 272 January 1, 2019 Annual official estimate – Northern Cyprus[note 4] 3,355 1,295 351,965 104.91 272 December 31, 2017 Official estimate Archived 2019-04-12 at the Wayback Machine 80 Benin 112,622 43,484 11,733,059 104.18 270 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 81 Slovenia 20,273 7,827 2,084,301 102.81 266 January 1, 2019 Official quarterly estimate Archived 2021-02-25 at the Wayback Machine 82 Cuba 109,884 42,426 11,193,470 101.87 264 December 31, 2019 Official population estimate Archived 2020-06-10 at the Wayback Machine 83 Ethiopia 1,063,652 410,678 107,534,882 101.1 262 July 1, 2018 UN projection 84 Egypt 1,002,450 387,048 108,518,616 108 280 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 85 Albania 28,703 11,082 2,862,427 99.73 258 January 1, 2019 Official annual estimate Archived 2019-04-12 at the Wayback Machine 86 Armenia 29,743 11,484 2,957,500 99.44 258 September 30, 2019 Official quarterly estimate 87 Malaysia 330,803 127,724 35,140,454 106 275 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 88 Costa Rica 51,100 19,730 5,058,007 98.98 256 June 30, 2019 Official estimate 89 Dominica 739 285 71,808 97.17 252 July 1, 2019 UN projection 90 Spain 505,990 195,364 46,934,632 92.76 240 July 1, 2019 Official estimate 91 Syria 185,180 71,498 17,070,135 92.18 239 July 1, 2019 UN projection 92 Cambodia 181,035 69,898 16,289,270 89.98 233 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 93 Iraq 438,317 169,235 39,309,783 89.68 232 July 1, 2019 UN projection- 94 Serbia 77,474 29,913 6,901,188 89.08 231 July 1, 2019 Official estimate 95 Senegal 196,722 75,955 16,209,125 82.4 213 July 1, 2019 Official projection 96 Kenya 581,834 224,647 47,564,296 81.75 212 August 31, 2019 2019 census result – Wallis & Futuna (France) 142 55 11,600 81.69 212 July 1, 2020 Annual projection 97 Honduras 112,492 43,433 9,158,345 81.41 211 July 1, 2019 Official projection 98 Romania 238,391 92,043 19,405,156 81.4 211 January 1, 2019 Official annual estimate 99 Greece 131,957 50,949 10,724,599 81.27 210 January 1, 2019 Official estimate Archived 2021-01-10 at the Wayback Machine 100 North Macedonia 25,713 9,928 2,077,132 80.78 209 December 31, 2018 Official estimate 101 Myanmar 676,577 261,228 54,339,766 80.32 208 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 102 Morocco 446,550 172,414 36,882,517 83 214 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 103 Ivory Coast 322,921 124,680 25,823,071 79.97 207 January 1, 2019 Official projection – French Polynesia (France) 3,521 1,359 280,600 79.69 206 July 1, 2020 Annual projection 104 Moldova 33,843 13,067 2,681,735 79.24 205 January 1, 2019 Official estimate 105 Timor-Leste 14,919 5,760 1,167,242 78.24 203 July 11, 2015 Preliminary 2015 census result Archived 2021-02-25 at the Wayback Machine – Turks and Caicos Islands (United Kingdom) 497 192 37,910 76.28 198 July 1, 2016 Official estimate 106 Burkina Faso 270,764 104,543 20,244,080 74.77 194 July 1, 2018 Annual official projection 107 Lesotho 30,355 11,720 2,263,010 74.55 193 July 1, 2018 UN projection 108 Brunei 5,765 2,226 421,300 73.08 189 July 1, 2017 Official estimate Archived 2016-11-11 at the Wayback Machine 109 Uzbekistan 447,400 172,742 32,653,900 72.99 189 January 1, 2018 Official estimate 110 Croatia 56,542 21,831 4,087,843 72.3 187 July 1, 2018 Annual official estimate 111 Tunisia 163,610 63,170 11,722,038 71.65 186 July 1, 2019 Official estimate Archived 2019-11-28 at the Wayback Machine 112 Samoa 2,831 1,093 199,300 70.4 182 July 1, 2020 Annual projection 113 Ireland 70,273 27,133 4,921,500 70.03 181 April 1, 2019 Official annual estimate 114 Ukraine [note 5] 603,000 232,820 41,902,416 69.49 180 January 1, 2020 Official monthly estimate Archived 2016-08-08 at the Wayback Machine 115 Bosnia and Herzegovina 51,209 19,772 3,511,372 68.57 178 July 1, 2016 Official estimate 116 Eswatini (Swaziland) 17,364 6,704 1,159,250 66.76 173 July 1, 2018 Official projection – Bonaire (Netherlands) 288 111 18,905 65.64 170 December 31, 2014 117 Yemen 455,000 175,676 28,915,284 63.55 165 July 1, 2018 UN projection 118 Mexico 1,967,138 759,516 126,577,691 64.35 167 July 1, 2019 Official estimate Archived 2019-01-03 at the Wayback Machine – Cook Islands (New Zealand) 237 92 15,250 64.35 167 July 1, 2020 Annual projection 119 Tajikistan 143,100 55,251 9,127,000 63.78 165 January 1, 2019 Official estimate 120 Ecuador 276,841 106,889 18,544,408 67 173 August 28, 2024 Official projection 121 Bulgaria 111,002 42,858 6,951,482 62.62 162 December 31, 2019 Official annual estimate Archived 2020-06-18 at the Wayback Machine 122 Tanzania 945,087 364,900 55,890,747 59.14 153 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection • World (land only, excluding Antarctica) 134,940,000 52,100,000 7,984,533,000 59.17 153 August 28, 2024 USCB's world population clock 123 Panama 74,177 28,640 4,158,783 56.07 145 July 1, 2018 Official projection 124 Georgia 69,700 26,911 3,729,600 53.51 139 January 1, 2018 Official estimate 125 Nicaragua 121,428 46,884 6,393,824 52.66 136 July 1, 2017 Official estimate • World (land only) 148,940,000 57,510,000 7,984,533,000 53.61 139 August 28, 2024 USCB's World population clock 126 Cameroon 466,050 179,943 24,348,251 52.24 135 July 1, 2019 Official projection Archived 2021-02-24 at the Wayback Machine 127 Iran 1,648,195 636,372 87,720,737 53 138 August 28, 2024 Official population clock – Norfolk Island (Australia) 35 14 1,748 49.94 129 August 9, 2016 census result Archived 2021-02-25 at the Wayback Machine 128 Guinea 245,857 94,926 12,218,357 49.7 129 July 1, 2019 official projection Archived 2012-07-12 at the Wayback Machine 129 Afghanistan 645,807 249,347 31,575,018 48.89 127 July 1, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2019-06-06 at the Wayback Machine 130 Fiji 18,333 7,078 884,887 48.27 125 September 17, 2017 Official census result – Montserrat (United Kingdom) 102 39 4,922 48.25 125 May 12, 2011 2011 census result Archived 2019-04-03 at the Wayback Machine 131 Equatorial Guinea 28,051 10,831 1,358,276 48.42 125 July 1, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2017-04-20 at the Wayback Machine 132 South Africa 1,220,813 471,359 58,775,022 48.14 125 July 1, 2019 Official estimate 133 Djibouti 23,000 8,880 1,078,373 46.89 121 July 1, 2019 Official projection Archived 2021-02-25 at the Wayback Machine 134 Liberia 97,036 37,466 4,475,353 46.12 119 July 1, 2019 Official projection Archived 2016-08-18 at the Wayback Machine 135 Belarus 207,600 80,155 9,397,800 45.59 118 April 1, 2020 Quarterly official estimate Archived 2019-11-01 at the Wayback Machine 136 Montenegro 13,812 5,333 622,182 45.05 117 January 1, 2019 Official estimate 137 Guinea-Bissau 36,125 13,948 1,604,528 44.42 115 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection Archived 2017-02-02 at the Wayback Machine 138 Madagascar 587,041 226,658 25,680,342 43.75 113 May 18, 2018 Official Census Archived 2021-02-26 at the Wayback Machine 139 Lithuania 65,300 25,212 2,793,466 42.78 111 November 1, 2019 Monthly official estimate 140 Colombia 1,141,748 440,831 48,476,400 42 110 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 141 Palau 444 171 17,900 40.32 104 July 1, 2018 Official estimate[permanent dead link] – Cocos (Keeling) Islands (Australia) 14 5 544 38.86 101 August 9, 2016 census result Archived 2021-02-25 at the Wayback Machine 142 Zimbabwe 390,757 150,872 15,159,624 38.8 100 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 143 Democratic Republic of the Congo 2,345,095 905,446 86,790,567 37.01 96 July 1, 2019 UN projection 144 Mozambique 799,380 308,642 28,571,310 35.74 93 July 1, 2019 Official projection 145 Venezuela 916,445 353,841 32,219,521 35.16 91 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection Archived 2019-04-03 at the Wayback Machine – Faroe Islands (Denmark) 1,399 540 50,844 34.48 89 May 1, 2018 Official monthly estimate 146 United States 9,833,517 3,796,742 340,147,887 35 90 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 147 Kyrgyzstan 199,945 77,199 6,309,300 31.56 82 June 1, 2018 Official estimate 148 Latvia 64,562 24,928 1,910,400 29.59 77 October 1, 2019 Official monthly estimate Archived 2021-02-25 at the Wayback Machine 149 Estonia 45,339 17,505 1,324,820 29.22 76 January 1, 2019 Official estimate Archived 2012-11-23 at the Wayback Machine 150 Eritrea 121,100 46,757 3,497,117 28.88 75 July 1, 2019 UN projection – Abkhazia[note 6] 8,660 3,344 243,206 28.08 73 April 27, 2018 151 Bahamas 13,940 5,382 386,870 27.75 72 July 1, 2018 Official projection 152 Laos 236,800 91,429 6,492,400 27.42 71 March 1, 2015 Preliminary 2015 census result Archived 2020-03-18 at the Wayback Machine – Saint Pierre and Miquelon (France) 242 2,605 6,081 25.13 65 January 1, 2010 Official estimate 153 Peru 1,285,216 496,225 32,162,184 25.02 65 July 1, 2018 Official estimate 154 Brazil 8,515,767 3,287,956 218,305,134 26 66 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 155 Vanuatu 12,281 4,742 304,500 24.79 64 July 1, 2018 Official estimate[permanent dead link] 156 Solomon Islands 28,370 10,954 682,500 24.06 62 July 1, 2018 Official estimate[permanent dead link] 157 Somalia 637,657 246,201 15,181,925 23.81 62 July 1, 2018 UN projection 158 Angola 1,246,700 481,354 29,250,009 23.46 61 January 1, 2018 Official estimate 159 Chile 756,096 291,930 17,373,831 22.98 60 August 31, 2017 Preliminary 2017 census result 160 Sweden 450,295 173,860 10,343,403 22.97 59 April 1, 2020 Official quarterly estimate 161 Sudan 1,839,542 710,251 40,782,742 22.17 57 July 1, 2017 Official annual projection 162 Zambia 752,612 290,585 16,405,229 21.8 56 July 1, 2017 Official annual projection Archived 2021-02-26 at the Wayback Machine 163 Bhutan 38,394 14,824 882,612 22.99 59.54 August 28, 2024 Official population clock[permanent dead link][not in the source given] 164 Uruguay[needs to be explained] 176,215 68,037 3,518,553 19.97 52 June 30, 2019 Official annual projection 165 South Sudan 644,329 248,777 12,778,250 19.83 51 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection – Åland Islands (Finland) 1,552 599 29,789 19.19 50 December 31, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2016-11-15 at the Wayback Machine 166 Papua New Guinea 462,840 178,704 8,935,000 19.3 50 July 1, 2020 Annual official estimate 167 New Zealand 270,467 104,428 5,496,971 20 53 August 28, 2024 Official population clock Archived 2017-11-24 at the Wayback Machine 168 Niger 1,186,408 458,075 22,314,743 18.81 49 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 169 Algeria 2,381,741 919,595 43,000,000 18.05 47 January 1, 2019 Official projection Archived 2012-03-06 at the Wayback Machine 170 Belize 22,965 8,867 408,487 17.79 46 August 1, 2019 Official annual estimate 171 Paraguay 406,752 157,048 7,052,983 17.1 44 July 1, 2018 Official projection 172 Norway 323,808 125,023 5,367,580 16.58 43 January 1, 2020 Official quarterly estimate 173 Finland 338,424 130,666 5,527,405 16.33 42 December 20, 2019 Official monthly estimate 174 Argentina 2,780,400 1,073,518 44,938,712 16.16 42 July 1, 2019 Annual official estimate 175 Saudi Arabia 2,149,690 830,000 34,218,169 15.92 41 January 1, 2019 Annual official estimate Archived 2020-08-03 at the Wayback Machine 176 Republic of the Congo 342,000 132,047 5,399,895 15.79 41 July 1, 2018 UN projection 177 Mali 1,248,574 482,077 19,107,706 15.3 40 July 1, 2018 UN projection – Christmas Island (Australia) 137 53 2,072 15.12 39 August 9, 2011 2011 census result 178 Oman 309,500 119,499 4,645,249 15.01 39 April 1, 2020 Official quarterly estimate Archived 2021-01-28 at the Wayback Machine – Saint Helena, Ascension and Tristan da Cunha (United Kingdom) 394 152 5,633 14.3 37 February 7, 2016 2016 census result – New Caledonia (France) 18,575 7,172 258,958 13.94 36 July 1, 2013 Official estimate – South Ossetia[note 7] 3,900 1,506 53,532 13.73 36 August 11, 2016 – Artsakh[note 8] 11,458 4,424 150,932 13.17 34 October 14, 2015 179 Chad 1,284,000 495,755 15,353,184 11.96 31 July 1, 2018 UN projection 180 Turkmenistan 491,210 189,657 5,851,466 11.91 31 July 1, 2018 UN projection 181 Bolivia 1,098,581 424,164 11,307,314 10.29 27 July 1, 2018 Official projection 182 Russia[note 9] 17,125,242 6,612,093 146,877,088 8.58 22 January 1, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2018-06-15 at the Wayback Machine 183 Gabon 267,667 103,347 2,067,561 7.72 20 July 1, 2018 UN projection 184 Central African Republic 622,436 240,324 4,737,423 7.61 20 July 1, 2018 UN projection 185 Kazakhstan 2,724,900 1,052,090 18,592,700 6.69 17 January 4, 2020 Official monthly estimate Archived 2014-09-06 at the Wayback Machine – Niue (New Zealand) 261 101 1,613 6.18 16 September 10, 2011 Final 2011 census result 186 Canada 9,984,670 3,855,103 39,861,141 4 10 August 28, 2024 Official estimate 187 Botswana 581,730 224,607 2,302,878 3.96 10.3 July 1, 2018 Official projection 188 Mauritania 1,030,700 397,955 3,984,233 3.87 10.0 July 1, 2018 Official projection Archived 2021-02-25 at the Wayback Machine 189 Libya 1,770,060 683,424 6,470,956 3.66 9.5 July 1, 2018 UN projection 190 Guyana 214,999 83,012 782,225 3.64 9.4 July 1, 2018 UN projection 191 Iceland 102,775 39,682 366,130 3.56 9.2 March 31, 2020 Official quarterly estimate 192 Suriname 163,820 63,251 568,301 3.47 9.0 July 1, 2018 UN projection 193 Australia 7,692,024 2,969,907 27,585,816 4 9 August 28, 2024 Official estimate 194 Namibia 825,118 318,580 2,413,643 2.93 7.6 July 1, 2018 Official projection – French Guiana (France) 86,504 33,399 244,118 2.82 7.3 July 1, 2013 Official estimate – Western Sahara[note 10] 252,120 97,344 567,421 2.25 5.8 July 1, 2018 UN projection 195 Mongolia 1,564,100 603,902 3,238,479 2.07 5.4 December 31, 2018 Official estimate – Pitcairn Islands (United Kingdom) 47.3 18 56 1.19 3.1 September 20, 2016 2013 census result – Falkland Islands (United Kingdom) 12,173 4,700 2,563 0.21 0.54 April 15, 2012 2012 census result – Svalbard and Jan Mayen (Norway) 61,399 23,706 2,655 0.04 0.10 September 1, 2012 Official estimate – Greenland (Denmark) 2,166,000 836,297 55,877 0.03 0.08 January 1, 2018 Official estimate Rank Country (or dependent territory) km2 mi2 Population pop./km2 pop./mi2 Date Population source Area Density
This list consists of the top 100 most populous countries (see also List of countries and dependencies by population).
Pos. Country (or dependent territory) Area (km2) Area (mi2) Population Density
(pop./km2) Density
(pop./mi2) Date Population source 1 Official population clock 2 South Korea 100,210 38,691 51,811,167 517 1,339 July 1, 2019 Official Annual projection 3 Rwanda 26,338 10,169 12,374,397 470 1,217 July 1, 2019 Official projection 4 Netherlands 41,526 16,033 17,743,248 427 1,107 August 28, 2024 Official population clock Archived 2018-10-09 at the Wayback Machine 5 Haiti 27,065 10,450 11,263,077 416 1,077 July 1, 2019 UN projection 6 Israel 22,072 8,522 9,908,235 449 1,163 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 7 India 3,287,240 1,269,211 1,427,299,250 434 1,125 August 28, 2024 [5][6] 8 Burundi 27,816 10,740 10,953,317 394 1,020 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection Archived 2019-04-03 at the Wayback Machine 9 Belgium 30,528 11,787 11,505,732 377 976 October 1, 2019 Official monthly estimate 10 Philippines 300,000 115,831 115,475,214 385 997 August 28, 2024 Official population clock Archived 2019-04-03 at the Wayback Machine 11 Japan 377,944 145,925 126,140,000 334 865 October 1, 2019 Official monthly estimate 12 Sri Lanka 65,610 25,332 21,803,000 332 860 July 1, 2019 Official estimate Archived 2017-11-17 at the Wayback Machine 13 Vietnam 331,212 127,882 96,208,984 290 751 April 1, 2019 Official annual projection 14 United Kingdom 242,910 93,788 66,435,600 274 710 July 1, 2018 Official estimate 15 Pakistan 803,940 310,403 225,918,217 281 728 August 28, 2024 Official population clock Archived 2019-05-02 at the Wayback Machine 16 Germany 357,168 137,903 83,073,100 233 603 June 30, 2019 Official quarterly estimate Archived 2019-08-23 at the Wayback Machine 17 Nigeria 923,768 356,669 200,962,000 218 565 July 1, 2019 UN projection 18 Dominican Republic 47,875 18,485 10,358,320 216 559 July 1, 2019 Official projection Archived 2017-05-25 at the Wayback Machine 19 North Korea 122,762 47,399 25,450,000 211 546 July 1, 2019 UN projection 20 Switzerland 41,285 15,940 8,570,146 208 539 June 30, 2019 Official provisional figure 21 Nepal 147,181 56,827 29,609,623 201 521 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection Archived 2019-04-01 at the Wayback Machine 22 Italy 301,308 116,336 60,278,616 200 518 May 31, 2019 Monthly official estimate Archived 2019-07-24 at the Wayback Machine 23 Uganda 241,551 93,263 40,006,700 166 430 July 1, 2019 Annual official estimate 24 Guatemala 108,889 42,042 17,679,735 162 420 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 25 Malawi 118,484 45,747 17,563,749 148 383 September 3, 2018 2018 Census Result Archived 2021-02-25 at the Wayback Machine 26 China 9,640,821 3,722,342 1,425,392,840 148 383 August 28, 2024 Official estimate 27 Indonesia 1,904,569 735,358 268,074,600 141 365 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 28 Czech Republic 78,867 30,451 10,668,641 135 350 June 30, 2019 Official quarterly estimate 29 Togo 56,600 21,853 7,538,000 133 344 July 1, 2019 Official estimate Archived 2018-08-27 at the Wayback Machine 30 Thailand 513,120 198,117 67,112,092 131 339 August 28, 2024 Official population clock Archived 2016-01-31 at the Wayback Machine 31 Ghana 238,533 92,098 30,280,811 127 329 July 1, 2019 Official projection 32 France 543,965 210,026 67,022,000 123 319 July 1, 2019 Monthly official estimate 33 Poland 312,685 120,728 38,386,000 123 319 June 30, 2019 Official estimate 34 Jordan 89,342 34,495 11,814,312 132 342 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 35 United Arab Emirates 83,600 32,278 9,770,529 117 303 July 1, 2019 UN projection 36 Azerbaijan 86,600 33,436 10,027,874 116 300 August 1, 2019 Official publication 37 Portugal 92,090 35,556 10,276,617 112 290 December 31, 2018 Official estimate 38 Austria 83,879 32,386 8,877,036 106 275 July 1, 2019 Official quarterly estimate 39 Turkey 783,562 302,535 82,003,882 105 272 December 31, 2018 Annual official estimate Archived 2017-11-08 at the Wayback Machine 40 Hungary 93,029 35,919 9,764,000 105 272 January 1, 2019 Annual official estimate 41 Cuba 109,886 42,427 11,209,628 102 264 December 31, 2018 Official annual estimate Archived 2019-12-18 at the Wayback Machine 42 Ethiopia 1,063,652 410,678 107,534,882 101 262 July 1, 2018 UN projection 43 Benin 112,622 43,484 11,362,269 101 262 July 1, 2018 Official projection 44 Malaysia 330,803 127,724 35,140,454 106 275 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 45 Egypt 1,002,450 387,048 108,518,616 108 280 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 46 Spain 503,783 194,512 46,934,632 93 241 July 1, 2019 Official estimate 47 Syria 185,180 71,498 17,070,135 92 238 July 1, 2019 UN estimate 48 Cambodia 181,035 69,898 16,289,270 90 233 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 49 Iraq 438,317 169,235 39,309,783 90 233 July 1, 2019 UN projection 50 Kenya 581,834 224,647 47,564,296 82 212 August 31, 2019 2019 census result 51 Senegal 196,722 75,955 16,209,125 82 212 July 1, 2019 Official estimate 52 Romania 238,391 92,043 19,405,156 81 210 January 1, 2019 Official annual estimate 53 Greece 131,957 50,949 10,741,165 81 210 January 1, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2021-01-10 at the Wayback Machine 54 Honduras 112,088 43,277 9,158,345 81 210 July 1, 2019 Official projection 55 Myanmar 676,577 261,228 54,339,766 80 207 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection Archived 2017-06-23 at the Wayback Machine 56 Ivory Coast 322,921 124,680 25,823,071 80 207 January 1, 2019 Official projection 57 Morocco 446,550 172,414 36,882,517 83 214 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 58 Burkina Faso 270,764 104,543 19,632,147 73 189 July 1, 2017 Annual official projection Archived 2016-12-21 at the Wayback Machine 59 Uzbekistan 447,400 172,742 32,653,900 73 189 January 1, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2017-07-14 at the Wayback Machine 60 Tunisia 163,610 63,170 11,551,448 71 184 July 1, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2019-11-28 at the Wayback Machine 61 Ukraine[note 11] 603,000 232,820 41,990,278 70 181 August 1, 2019 Official monthly estimate Archived 2016-08-08 at the Wayback Machine 62 Yemen 455,000 175,676 28,915,284 64 166 July 1, 2018 UN projection 63 Mexico 1,967,138 759,516 126,577,691 64 166 July 1, 2019 Official estimate Archived 2019-01-03 at the Wayback Machine 64 Tajikistan 143,100 55,251 9,127,000 64 166 January 1, 2019 Official estimate Archived 2012-03-06 at the Wayback Machine 65 Ecuador 276,841 106,889 18,544,408 67 173 August 28, 2024 Official projection 66 Tanzania 945,087 364,900 55,890,747 59 153 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection 67 Cameroon 466,050 179,943 24,348,251 52 135 July 1, 2019 Official projection Archived 2021-02-24 at the Wayback Machine 68 Iran 1,648,195 636,372 87,720,737 53 138 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 69 Guinea 245,857 94,926 12,218,357 50 129 July 1, 2019 official projection Archived 2012-07-12 at the Wayback Machine 70 Afghanistan 645,807 249,347 31,575,018 49 127 July 1, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2019-06-06 at the Wayback Machine 71 South Africa 1,220,813 471,359 58,775,022 48 124 July 1, 2019 Official estimate 72 Belarus 207,600 80,155 9,465,300 46 119 April 1, 2019 Quarterly official estimate Archived 2019-11-01 at the Wayback Machine 73 Madagascar 587,041 226,658 25,680,342 44 114 May 18, 2018 Official Census Archived 2021-02-26 at the Wayback Machine 74 Colombia 1,141,748 440,831 48,476,400 42 110 August 28, 2024 Official population clock Archived 2016-10-28 at the Wayback Machine 75 Zimbabwe 390,757 150,872 15,159,624 39 101 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection Archived 2016-04-28 at the Wayback Machine 76 Democratic Republic of the Congo 2,345,095 905,446 86,790,567 37 96 July 1, 2019 UN projection 77 Mozambique 799,380 308,642 28,571,310 36 93 July 1, 2019 Official projection 78 Venezuela 916,445 353,841 32,219,521 35 91 July 1, 2019 Official annual projection Archived 2019-04-03 at the Wayback Machine 79 United States 9,833,517 3,796,742 340,147,887 35 90 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 80 Peru 1,285,216 496,225 32,162,184 25 65 July 1, 2018 Official estimate 81 Brazil 8,515,767 3,287,956 218,305,134 26 66 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 82 Somalia 637,657 246,201 15,181,925 24 62 July 1, 2018 UN projection 83 Angola 1,246,700 481,354 29,250,009 23 60 January 1, 2018 Official estimate 84 Chile 756,096 291,930 17,373,831 23 60 August 31, 2017 Preliminary 2017 census result 85 Sweden 450,295 173,860 10,852,905 24 62 August 28, 2024 Official population clock 86 Zambia 752,612 290,585 16,405,229 22 57 July 1, 2017 Official annual projection Archived 2021-02-26 at the Wayback Machine 87 Sudan 1,839,542 710,251 40,782,742 22 57 July 1, 2017 Official annual projection Archived 2017-10-20 at the Wayback Machine 88 South Sudan 644,329 248,777 12,575,714 20 52 July 1, 2017 UN Projection 89 Algeria 2,381,741 919,595 42,545,964 18 47 July 1, 2018 Official projection 90 Niger 1,186,408 458,075 21,466,863 18 47 July 1, 2018 Official annual projection 91 Papua New Guinea 462,840 178,704 8,558,800 18 47 July 1, 2018 Annual official estimate[permanent dead link] 92 Argentina 2,780,400 1,073,518 44,938,712 16 41 July 1, 2019 Annual official estimate 93 Saudi Arabia 2,149,690 830,000 34,218,169 16 41 January 1, 2019 Annual official estimate Archived 2020-08-03 at the Wayback Machine 94 Mali 1,248,574 482,077 19,107,706 15 39 July 1, 2018 UN projection 95 Chad 1,284,000 495,755 15,353,184 12 31 July 1, 2018 UN projection 96 Bolivia 1,098,581 424,164 11,307,314 10 26 July 1, 2018 Official projection 97 Russia[note 12] 17,125,242 6,612,093 146,877,088 9 23 January 1, 2018 Official estimate Archived 2018-06-15 at the Wayback Machine 98 Kazakhstan 2,724,900 1,052,090 18,232,000 7 18 May 1, 2018 Official monthly estimate Archived 2014-09-06 at the Wayback Machine 99 Canada 9,984,670 3,855,103 39,861,141 4 10 August 28, 2024 Official estimate 100 Australia 7,692,024 2,969,907 27,585,816 4 9 August 28, 2024 Official estimate Pos. Country (or dependent territory) Area (km2) Area (mi2) Population Density
(pop./km2) Density
(pop./mi2) Date Population source
--> | ||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 0 | 48 | https://was-pywb-prod.stanford.edu/was/20150412184012mp_/http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brussels | en | Wikipedia | [
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"Contributors to Wikimedia projects"
] | 2001-10-27T14:13:08+00:00 | en | /was/20150412184012oe_/http://en.wikipedia.org/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png | https://was-pywb-prod.stanford.edu/was/20150412184012oe_/https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brussels | Capital region of Belgium
This article is about the Brussels-Capital Region. For the municipality within it, see City of Brussels. For other places, see Brussels (disambiguation).
Region of Belgium with 19 municipalities, including Brussels City
Brussels (French: Bruxelles [bʁysɛl] ( ) or [bʁyksɛl]; Dutch: Brussel [ˈbrʏsəl] ( )), officially the Brussels-Capital Region[7][8] (French: Région de Bruxelles-Capitale;[a] Dutch: Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest),[b] is a region of Belgium comprising 19 municipalities, including the City of Brussels, which is the capital of Belgium.[9] The Brussels-Capital Region is located in the central portion of the country and is a part of both the French Community of Belgium[10] and the Flemish Community,[11] but is separate from the Flemish Region (within which it forms an enclave) and the Walloon Region.[12][13] Brussels is the most densely populated and the richest region in Belgium in terms of GDP per capita.[14] It covers 162 km2 (63 sq mi), a relatively small area compared to the two other regions, and has a population of over 1.2 million.[15] The five times larger metropolitan area of Brussels comprises over 2.5 million people, which makes it the largest in Belgium.[16][17][18] It is also part of a large conurbation extending towards Ghent, Antwerp, Leuven and Walloon Brabant, home to over 5 million people.[19]
Brussels grew from a small rural settlement on the river Senne to become an important city-region in Europe. Since the end of the Second World War, it has been a major centre for international politics and home to numerous international organisations, politicians, diplomats and civil servants.[20] Brussels is the de facto capital of the European Union, as it hosts a number of principal EU institutions, including its administrative-legislative, executive-political, and legislative branches (though the judicial branch is located in Luxembourg, and the European Parliament meets for a minority of the year in Strasbourg)[21][22][c]. Its name is sometimes used metonymically to describe the EU and its institutions.[23][24] The secretariat of the Benelux and headquarters of NATO are also located in Brussels.[25][26] As the economic capital of Belgium and one of the top financial centres of Western Europe with Euronext Brussels, it is classified as an Alpha global city.[27] Brussels is a hub for rail, road and air traffic,[28] sometimes earning the moniker "Crossroads of Europe".[29] The Brussels metro is the only rapid transit system in Belgium. In addition, both its airport and railway stations are the largest and busiest in the country.[30][31]
Historically Dutch-speaking, Brussels saw a language shift to French from the late 19th century.[32] The Brussels-Capital Region is officially bilingual in French and Dutch,[33][34] even though French is now the lingua franca with over 90% of the inhabitants being able to speak it.[35][36] Brussels is also increasingly becoming multilingual. English is spoken as a second language by nearly a third of the population and many migrants and expatriates speak other languages as well.[35][37]
Brussels is known for its cuisine and gastronomy,[38] as well as its historical and architectural landmarks; some of them are registered as UNESCO World Heritage sites.[39] Main attractions include its historic Grand Place, Manneken Pis, Atomium, and cultural institutions such as La Monnaie/De Munt and the Museums of Art and History. Due to its long tradition of Belgian comics, Brussels is also hailed as a capital of the comic strip.[2][40]
Toponymy[edit]
See also Other names of Brussels
Etymology[edit]
The most common theory of the origin of the name Brussels is that it derives from the Old Dutch Bruocsella, Broekzele or Broeksel, meaning "marsh" (bruoc / broek) and "home" (sella / zele / sel) or "home in the marsh".[41] Saint Vindicianus, the Bishop of Cambrai, made the first recorded reference to the place Brosella in 695,[42] when it was still a hamlet. The names of all the municipalities in the Brussels-Capital Region are also of Dutch origin, except for Evere, which is Celtic.
Pronunciation[edit]
In French, Bruxelles is pronounced [bʁysɛl] (the x is pronounced , like in English, and the final s is silent) and in Dutch, Brussel is pronounced [ˈbrʏsəl]. Inhabitants of Brussels are known in French as Bruxellois and in Dutch as Brusselaars. In the Brabantian dialect of Brussels, they are called Brusseleers or Brusseleirs.
Originally, the written x noted the group . In the Belgian French pronunciation as well as in Dutch, the k eventually disappeared and z became s, as reflected in the current Dutch spelling, whereas in the more conservative French form, the spelling remained. The pronunciation in French only dates from the 18th century, but this modification did not affect the traditional Brussels usage. In France, the pronunciations [bʁyksɛl] and [bʁyksɛlwa] (for bruxellois) are often heard, but are rather rare in Belgium.
History[edit]
See also: History of Brussels (in French)
Early history[edit]
The history of Brussels is closely linked to that of Western Europe. Traces of human settlement go back to the Stone Age, with vestiges and place-names related to the civilisation of megaliths, dolmens and standing stones (Plattesteen in the City of Brussels and Tomberg in Woluwe-Saint-Lambert, for example). During late antiquity, the region was home to Roman occupation, as attested by archaeological evidence discovered on the current site of Tour & Taxis.[43][44] Following the decline of the Western Roman Empire, it was incorporated into the Frankish Empire.
The origin of the settlement which was to become Brussels lies in Saint Gaugericus' construction of a chapel on an island in the river Senne around 580.[45] The official founding of Brussels is usually situated around 979, when Duke Charles of Lower Lotharingia transferred the relics of Saint Gudula from Moorsel (located in today's province of East Flanders) to Saint Gaugericus' chapel. Charles would construct the first permanent fortification in the city, doing so on that same island.
Middle Ages[edit]
Lambert I of Leuven, Count of Leuven, gained the County of Brussels around 1000, by marrying Charles' daughter. Because of its location on the shores of the Senne, on an important trade route between Bruges and Ghent, and Cologne, Brussels became a commercial centre specialised in the textile trade. The town grew quite rapidly and extended towards the upper town (Treurenberg, Coudenberg and Sablon/Zavel areas), where there was a smaller risk of floods. As it grew to a population of around 30,000, the surrounding marshes were drained to allow for further expansion. Around this time, work began on what is now the Cathedral of St. Michael and St. Gudula (1225), replacing an older Romanesque church. In 1183, the Counts of Leuven became Dukes of Brabant. Brabant, unlike the county of Flanders, was not fief of the king of France but was incorporated into the Holy Roman Empire. In the early 13th century, the first Fortifications of Brussels were built,[46] and after this, the city grew significantly. To let the city expand, a second set of walls was erected between 1356 and 1383. Traces of these walls can still be seen, although the small ring, a series of roadways bounding the historic city centre, follows their former course.
Early modern[edit]
In the 15th century, the marriage between heiress Margaret III of Flanders and Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, produced a new Duke of Brabant of the House of Valois (namely Antoine, their son). In 1477, the Burgundian duke Charles the Bold perished in the Battle of Nancy. Through the marriage of his daughter Mary of Burgundy (who was born in Brussels) to Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I, the Low Countries fell under Habsburg sovereignty. Brabant was integrated into this composite state, and Brussels flourished as the Princely Capital of the prosperous Burgundian Netherlands, also known as the Seventeen Provinces. After the death of Mary in 1482, her son Philip the Handsome succeeded as Duke of Burgundy and Brabant.
Philip died in 1506, and he was succeeded by his son Charles V who then also became King of Spain (crowned in the Cathedral of St. Michael and St. Gudula) and even Holy Roman Emperor at the death of his grandfather Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor in 1519. Charles was now the ruler of a Habsburg Empire "on which the sun never sets" with Brussels serving as his main capital.[47][48] It was in the Palace complex at Coudenberg that Charles V was declared of age in 1515, and it was there that he abdicated all of his possessions and passed the Habsburg Netherlands to Philip II of Spain. This impressive palace, famous all over Europe, had greatly expanded since it had first become the seat of the Dukes of Brabant, but it was destroyed by fire in 1731.
In the 17th century, Brussels was a centre for the lace industry. In 1695, during the Nine Years' War, King Louis XIV of France sent troops to bombard Brussels with artillery. Together with the resulting fire, it was the most destructive event in the entire history of Brussels. The Grand Place was destroyed, along with 4,000 buildings—a third of all the buildings in the city. The reconstruction of the city centre, effected during subsequent years, profoundly changed its appearance and left numerous traces still visible today.
Following the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, Spanish sovereignty over the Southern Netherlands was transferred to the Austrian branch of the House of Habsburg. This event started the era of the Austrian Netherlands. Brussels was captured by France in 1746, during the War of the Austrian Succession, but was handed back to Austria three years later. It remained with Austria until 1795, when the Southern Netherlands were captured and annexed by France, and the city became the capital of the department of the Dyle. The French rule ended in 1815, with the defeat of Napoleon on the battlefield of Waterloo, located south of today's Brussels-Capital Region. With the Congress of Vienna, the Southern Netherlands joined the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, under William I of Orange. The former Dyle department became the province of South Brabant, with Brussels as its capital.
Late modern[edit]
In 1830, the Belgian revolution began in Brussels, after a performance of Auber's opera La Muette de Portici at the Royal Theatre of La Monnaie.[49] The city became the capital and seat of government of the new nation. South Brabant was renamed simply Brabant, with Brussels as its administrative centre. On 21 July 1831, Leopold I, the first King of the Belgians, ascended the throne, undertaking the destruction of the city walls and the construction of many buildings.
Following independence, Brussels underwent many more changes. It became a financial centre, thanks to the dozens of companies launched by the Société Générale de Belgique. The Industrial Revolution and the building of the Brussels-Charleroi Canal brought prosperity to the city through commerce and manufacturing. The Free University of Brussels was established in 1834 and Saint-Louis University in 1858. In 1835, the first passenger railway built outside England linked the municipality of Molenbeek with Mechelen.[51]
During the 19th century, the population of Brussels grew considerably; from about 80,000 to more than 625,000 people for the city and its surroundings. The Senne had become a serious health hazard, and from 1867 to 1871, under the tenure of the city's then-mayor, Jules Anspach, its entire course through the urban area was completely covered over. This allowed urban renewal and the construction of modern buildings of hausmannien style along central boulevards, characteristic of downtown Brussels today. Buildings such as the Brussels Stock Exchange (1873), the Palace of Justice (1883) and Saint Mary's Royal Church (1885) date from this period. This development continued throughout the reign of King Leopold II. The International Exposition of 1897 contributed to the promotion of the infrastructure. Among other things, the Colonial Palace (today's Royal Museum for Central Africa), in the suburb of Tervuren, was connected to the capital by the construction of an 11-km long grand alley.
20th century[edit]
During the 20th century, the city hosted various fairs and conferences, including the Solvay Conference on Physics and on Chemistry, and three world fairs: the Brussels International Exposition of 1910, the Brussels International Exposition of 1935 and the 1958 Brussels World's Fair (Expo '58). During World War I, Brussels was an occupied city, but German troops did not cause much damage. During World War II, it was again occupied by German forces, and spared major damage, before it was liberated by the British Guards Armoured Division on 3 September 1944. The Brussels Airport, in the suburb of Zaventem, dates from the occupation.
After the war, Brussels underwent extensive modernisation. The construction of the North–South connection, linking the main railway stations in the city, was completed in 1952, while the first premetro (underground tram) was finished in 1969,[52] and the first line of the metro was opened in 1976.[53] Starting from the early 1960s, Brussels became the de facto capital of what would become the European Union, and many modern offices were built. Development was allowed to proceed with little regard to the aesthetics of newer buildings, and numerous architectural landmarks were demolished to make way for newer buildings that often clashed with their surroundings, giving name to the process of Brusselisation.
Contemporary[edit]
The Brussels-Capital Region was formed on 18 June 1989, after a constitutional reform in 1988.[54] It is one of the three federal regions of Belgium, along with Flanders and Wallonia, and has bilingual status.[7][8] The yellow iris is the emblem of the region (referring to the presence of these flowers on the city's original site) and a stylised version is featured on its official flag.[55]
In recent years, Brussels has become an important venue for international events. In 2000, it and eight other European cities were named European Capital of Culture.[56] In 2014, the city hosted the 40th G7 summit.[57]
On 22 March 2016, three coordinated nail bombings were detonated by ISIL in Brussels—two at Brussels Airport in Zaventem and one at Maalbeek/Maelbeek metro station—resulting in 32 victims and three suicide bombers killed, and 330 people were injured. It was the deadliest act of terrorism in Belgium.
Geography[edit]
Location and topography[edit]
Further information: Geography of Belgium
Brussels lies in the north-central part of Belgium, about 110 kilometres (68 miles) from the Belgian coast and about 180 km (110 mi) from Belgium's southern tip. It is located in the heartland of the Brabantian Plateau, about 45 km (28 mi) south of Antwerp (Flanders), and 50 km (31 mi) north of Charleroi (Wallonia). Its average elevation is 57 metres (187 feet) above sea level, varying from a low point in the valley of the almost completely covered Senne, which cuts the region from east to west, up to high points in the Sonian Forest, on its southeastern side. In addition to the Senne, tributary streams such as the Maalbeek and the Woluwe, to the east of the region, account for significant elevation differences. Brussels' central boulevards are 15 metres (49 feet) above sea level.[58] The highest point lies at a height of about 108 metres (354 feet), near the Place de l'Altitude Cent/Hoogte Honderdplein, in Forest.
Climate[edit]
Brussels experiences an oceanic climate (Köppen: Cfb) with warm summers and cool winters.[59] Proximity to coastal areas influences the area's climate by sending marine air masses from the Atlantic Ocean. Nearby wetlands also ensure a maritime temperate climate. On average (based on measurements over the last 100 years), there are approximately 200 days of rain per year in the Brussels-Capital Region, one of the highest totals for any European capital.[60] Snowfall is infrequent, averaging 24 days per year. The city also often experiences violent thunderstorms in summer months.
Brussels as a capital[edit]
Despite its name, the Brussels-Capital Region is not the capital of Belgium. Article 194 of the Belgian Constitution establishes that the capital of Belgium is the City of Brussels, the municipality in the region that is the city's core.[9]
The City of Brussels is the location of many national institutions. The Royal Palace, where the King of the Belgians exercises his prerogatives as head of state, is situated alongside Brussels' Park (not to be confused with the Royal Castle of Laeken, the official home of the Belgian Royal Family). The Palace of the Nation is located on the opposite side of this park, and is the seat of the Belgian Federal Parliament. The office of the Prime Minister of Belgium, colloquially called Law Street 16 (French: 16, rue de la Loi, Dutch: Wetstraat 16), is located adjacent to this building. It is also where the Council of Ministers holds its meetings. The Court of Cassation, Belgium's main court, has its seat in the Palace of Justice. Other important institutions in the City of Brussels are the Constitutional Court, the Council of State, the Court of Audit, the Royal Belgian Mint and the National Bank of Belgium.
The City of Brussels is also the capital of both the French Community of Belgium[10] and the Flemish Community.[12] The Flemish Parliament and Flemish Government have their seats in Brussels,[64] and so do the Parliament of the French Community and the Government of the French Community.
Municipalities[edit]
French name Dutch name Anderlecht Anderlecht Auderghem Oudergem Berchem-Sainte-Agathe Sint-Agatha-Berchem Bruxelles-Ville Stad Brussel Etterbeek Etterbeek Evere Evere Forest Vorst Ganshoren Ganshoren Ixelles Elsene Jette Jette Koekelberg Koekelberg Molenbeek-Saint-Jean Sint-Jans-Molenbeek Saint-Gilles Sint-Gillis Saint-Josse-ten-Noode Sint-Joost-ten-Node Schaerbeek Schaarbeek Uccle Ukkel Watermael-Boitsfort Watermaal-Bosvoorde Woluwe-Saint-Lambert Sint-Lambrechts-Woluwe Woluwe-Saint-Pierre Sint-Pieters-Woluwe
The 19 municipalities (French: communes, Dutch: gemeenten) of the Brussels-Capital Region are political subdivisions with individual responsibilities for the handling of local level duties, such as law enforcement and the upkeep of schools and roads within its borders.[65][66] Municipal administration is also conducted by a mayor, a council, and an executive.[66]
In 1831, Belgium was divided into 2,739 municipalities, including the 19 in the Brussels-Capital Region.[67] Unlike most of the municipalities in Belgium, the ones located in the Brussels-Capital Region were not merged with others during mergers occurring in 1964, 1970, and 1975.[67] However, several municipalities outside the Brussels-Capital Region have been merged with the City of Brussels throughout its history, including Laeken, Haren and Neder-Over-Heembeek in 1921.[68]
The largest municipality in area and population is the City of Brussels, covering 32.6 square kilometres (12.6 sq mi) and with 145,917 inhabitants; the least populous is Koekelberg with 18,541 inhabitants. The smallest in area is Saint-Josse-ten-Noode, which is only 1.1 square kilometres (0.4 sq mi), but still has the highest population density in the region, with 20,822 inhabitants per square kilometre (53,930/sq mi). Watermael-Boitsfort has the lowest population density in the region, with 1,928 inhabitants per square kilometre (4,990/sq mi).
There is much controversy on the division of 19 municipalities for a highly urbanised region, which is considered as (half of) one city by most people. Some politicians mock the "19 baronies" and want to merge the municipalities under one city council and one mayor.[69][70] That would lower the number of politicians needed to govern Brussels, and centralise the power over the city to make decisions easier, thus reduce the overall running costs. The current municipalities could be transformed into districts with limited responsibilities, similar to the current structure of Antwerp or to structures of other capitals like the boroughs in London or arrondissements in Paris, to keep politics close enough to the citizen.[71]
In early 2016, Molenbeek-Saint-Jean held a reputation as a safe haven for jihadists in relation to the support shown by some residents towards the bombers who carried out the Paris and Brussels attacks.[72][73][74][75][76]
Municipalities of Brussels
Anderlecht
Auderghem / Oudergem
Berchem-Sainte-Agathe / Sint-Agatha-Berchem
Bruxelles-Ville / Stad Brussel
Etterbeek
Evere
Forest / Vorst
Ganshoren
Ixelles / Elsene
Jette
Koekelberg
Molenbeek-Saint-Jean / Sint-Jans-Molenbeek
Saint-Gilles / Sint-Gillis
Saint-Josse-ten-Noode / Sint-Joost-ten-Node
Schaerbeek / Schaarbeek
Uccle / Ukkel
Watermael-Boitsfort / Watermaal-Bosvoorde
Woluwe-Saint-Lambert / Sint-Lambrechts-Woluwe
Woluwe Saint-Pierre / Sint-Pieters-Woluwe
Brussels-Capital Region[edit]
Political status[edit]
The Brussels-Capital Region is one of the three federated regions of Belgium, alongside the Walloon Region and the Flemish Region. Geographically and linguistically, it is a bilingual enclave in the monolingual Flemish Region. Regions are one component of Belgium's institutions; the three communities being the other component. Brussels' inhabitants deal with either the French Community or the Flemish Community for matters such as culture and education, as well as a Common Community for competencies which do not belong exclusively to either Community, such as healthcare and social welfare.
Since the split of Brabant in 1995, the Brussels Region does not belong to any of the provinces of Belgium, nor is it subdivided into provinces itself. Within the Region, 99% of the areas of provincial jurisdiction are assumed by the Brussels regional institutions and community commissions. Remaining is only the governor of Brussels-Capital and some aides, analogously to provinces. Its status is roughly akin to that of a federal district.
Institutions[edit]
The Brussels-Capital Region is governed by a parliament of 89 members (72 French-speaking, 17 Dutch-speaking—parties are organised on a linguistic basis) and an eight-member regional cabinet consisting of a minister-president, four ministers and three state secretaries. By law, the cabinet must comprise two French-speaking and two Dutch-speaking ministers, one Dutch-speaking secretary of state and two French-speaking secretaries of state. The minister-president does not count against the language quota, but in practice every minister-president has been a bilingual francophone. The regional parliament can enact ordinances (French: ordonnances, Dutch: ordonnanties), which have equal status as a national legislative act.
19 of the 72 French-speaking members of the Brussels Parliament are also members of the Parliament of the French Community of Belgium, and, until 2004, this was also the case for six Dutch-speaking members, who were at the same time members of the Flemish Parliament. Now, people voting for a Flemish party have to vote separately for 6 directly elected members of the Flemish Parliament.
Agglomeration of Brussels[edit]
Before the creation of the Brussels-Capital Region, regional competences in the 19 municipalities were performed by the Brussels Agglomeration. The Brussels Agglomeration was an administrative division established in 1971. This decentralised administrative public body also assumed jurisdiction over areas which, elsewhere in Belgium, were exercised by municipalities or provinces.[77]
The Brussels Agglomeration had a separate legislative council, but the by-laws enacted by it did not have the status of a legislative act. The only election of the council took place on 21 November 1971. The working of the council was subject to many difficulties caused by the linguistic and socio-economic tensions between the two communities.
After the creation of the Brussels-Capital Region, the Brussels Agglomeration was never formally abolished, although it no longer has a purpose.
French and Flemish communities[edit]
Main articles: French Community Commission and Flemish Community Commission
The French Community and the Flemish Community exercise their powers in Brussels through two community-specific public authorities: the French Community Commission (French: Commission communautaire française or COCOF) and the Flemish Community Commission (Dutch: Vlaamse Gemeenschapscommissie or VGC). These two bodies each have an assembly composed of the members of each linguistic group of the Parliament of the Brussels-Capital Region. They also have a board composed of the ministers and secretaries of state of each linguistic group in the Government of the Brussels-Capital Region.
The French Community Commission has also another capacity: some legislative powers of the French Community have been devolved to the Walloon Region (for the French language area of Belgium) and to the French Community Commission (for the bilingual language area).[78] The Flemish Community, however, did the opposite; it merged the Flemish Region into the Flemish Community.[79] This is related to different conceptions in the two communities, one focusing more on the Communities and the other more on the Regions, causing an asymmetrical federalism. Because of this devolution, the French Community Commission can enact decrees, which are legislative acts.
Common Community Commission[edit]
A bi-communitarian public authority, the Common Community Commission (French: Commission communautaire commune, COCOM, Dutch: Gemeenschappelijke Gemeenschapscommissie, GGC) also exists. Its assembly is composed of the members of the regional parliament, and its board are the ministers—not the secretaries of state—of the region, with the minister-president not having the right to vote. This commission has two capacities: it is a decentralised administrative public body, responsible for implementing cultural policies of common interest. It can give subsidies and enact by-laws. In another capacity, it can also enact ordinances, which have equal status as a national legislative act, in the field of the welfare powers of the communities: in the Brussels-Capital Region, both the French Community and the Flemish Community can exercise powers in the field of welfare, but only in regard to institutions that are unilingual (for example, a private French-speaking retirement home or the Dutch-speaking hospital of the Vrije Universiteit Brussel). The Common Community Commission is responsible for policies aiming directly at private persons or at bilingual institutions (for example, the centres for social welfare of the 19 municipalities). Its ordinances have to be enacted with a majority in both linguistic groups. Failing such a majority, a new vote can be held, where a majority of at least one third in each linguistic group is sufficient.
International institutions[edit]
Brussels has, since World War II, become the administrative centre of many international organisations. The European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) have their main institutions in the city, along with many other international organisations such as the World Customs Organization and EUROCONTROL, as well as international corporations. Brussels is third in the number of international conferences it hosts,[80] also becoming one of the largest convention centres in the world.[81] The presence of the EU and the other international bodies has, for example, led to there being more ambassadors and journalists in Brussels than in Washington D.C.[82] International schools have also been established to serve this presence.[81] The "international community" in Brussels numbers at least 70,000 people.[83] In 2009, there were an estimated 286 lobbying consultancies known to work in Brussels.[84]
European Union[edit]
Brussels serves as de facto capital of the European Union, hosting the major political institutions of the Union.[21] The EU has not declared a capital formally, though the Treaty of Amsterdam formally gives Brussels the seat of the European Commission (the executive branch of government) and the Council of the European Union (a legislative institution made up from executives of member states).[85][full citation needed][86][full citation needed] It locates the formal seat of European Parliament in Strasbourg, where votes take place, with the council, on the proposals made by the commission. However, meetings of political groups and committee groups are formally given to Brussels, along with a set number of plenary sessions. Three quarters of Parliament sessions now take place at its Brussels hemicycle.[87] Between 2002 and 2004, the European Council also fixed its seat in the city.[88] In 2014, the Union hosted a G7 summit in the city.[57]
Brussels, along with Luxembourg and Strasbourg, began to host European institutions in 1957, soon becoming the centre of activities, as the Commission and Council based their activities in what has become the European Quarter, in the east of the city.[85] Early building in Brussels was sporadic and uncontrolled, with little planning. The current major buildings are the Berlaymont building of the commission, symbolic of the quarter as a whole, the Justus Lipsius building of the Council and the Espace Léopold of the Parliament.[86] Today, the presence has increased considerably, with the Commission alone occupying 865,000 m2 (9,310,000 sq ft) within the European Quarter (a quarter of the total office space in Brussels[21]). The concentration and density has caused concern that the presence of the institutions has created a ghetto effect in that part of the city.[89] However, the European presence has contributed significantly to the importance of Brussels as an international centre.[82]
Eurocontrol[edit]
Main article: Eurocontrol
The European Organisation for the Safety of Air Navigation, commonly known as Eurocontrol, is an international organisation which coordinates and plans air traffic control across European airspace. The corporation was founded in 1960 and has 41 member states. Its headquarters are located in Haren, on the northeast perimeter of the City of Brussels.
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation[edit]
Main article: NATO headquarters
The Treaty of Brussels, which was signed on 17 March 1948 between Belgium, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, was a prelude to the establishment of the intergovernmental military alliance which later became the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).[90] Today, the alliance consists of 29 independent member countries across North America and Europe. Several countries also have diplomatic missions to NATO through embassies in Belgium. Since 1949, a number of NATO Summits have been held in Brussels,[91] the most recent taking place in May 2017.[92] The organisation's political and administrative headquarters are located on Boulevard Léopold III/Leopold III-laan in Haren, Brussels.[93] A new €750 million headquarters building begun in 2010 and was completed in 2017.[94]
Demographics[edit]
Population[edit]
Brussels is located in one of the most urbanised regions of Europe, between Paris, London, the Rhine-Ruhr (Germany), and the Randstad (Netherlands). The Brussels-Capital Region has a population of around 1.2 million and has witnessed, in recent years, a remarkable increase in its population. In general, the population of Brussels is younger than the national average, and the gap between rich and poor is wider.[95]
Brussels and its suburbs, taking into account its outer commuter zone (Brussels Regional Express Network (RER/GEN) area), have a population of about 2.6 million and extend over a large part of the two Brabant provinces.[17][18] Brussels is also part of a wider diamond-shaped conurbation, with Ghent, Antwerp and Leuven, which has about 4.4 million inhabitants (a little more than 40% of the Belgium's total population).[19][96]
[verification needed] 01-07-2004[97] 01-07-2005[97] 01-07-2006[97] 01-01-2008[97] 01-01-2015[97] 01-01-2019[97] Brussels-Capital Region[97][verification needed] 1.004.239 1.012.258 1.024.492 1.048.491 1.181.272 1.208.542 -- of which legal immigrants[97][verification needed] 262.943 268.009 277.682 295.043 385.381 450.000
Nationalities[edit]
Largest groups of foreign residents (2019)[98]
Brussels is home to a large number of immigrants. At the last Belgian census in 1991, 63.7% of inhabitants in Brussels-Capital Region answered that they were Belgian citizens, born as such in Belgium. However, there have been numerous individual or familial migrations towards Brussels since the end of the 18th century, including political refugees (Karl Marx, Victor Hugo, Pierre Joseph Proudhon, Léon Daudet, for example), from neighbouring or more distant countries, as well as labour migrants, former foreign students or expatriates, and many Belgian families in Brussels can claim at least one foreign grandparent.
Brussels has a large concentration of immigrants from other countries, and their children, including many of Moroccan (mainly Riffian and Berber) and Turkish ancestry, together with French-speaking black Africans from former Belgian colonies, such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda and Burundi.
People of foreign origin make up nearly 70%[99] of the population of Brussels, most of whom have been naturalised following the great 1991 reform of the naturalisation process. About 32% of city residents are of non-Belgian European origin (mainly expatriates from France, Romania, Italy, Spain, Poland, and Portugal) and 36% are of another background, mostly from Morocco, Turkey and Sub-Saharan Africa. Among all major migrant groups from outside the EU, a majority of the permanent residents have acquired Belgian nationality.[100]
Languages[edit]
See also: Francization of Brussels
Since the founding of the Kingdom of Belgium in 1830, Brussels has transformed from being almost entirely Dutch-speaking (Brabantian dialect to be exact), to being a multilingual city with French (specifically Belgian French) as the majority language and lingua franca. This language shift, the Francisation of Brussels, is rooted in the 18th century and accelerated after Belgium became independent and Brussels expanded past its original boundaries.[102][103]
French-speaking immigration contributed to the Frenchification of Brussels; both Walloons and expatriates from other countries—mainly France—came to Brussels in great numbers. However, a more important cause for the Frenchification was the language change over several generations from Dutch to French that was carried out by Flemish inhabitants themselves. The main reason for this was a political, administrative and social pressure, partly based on the low social prestige of the Dutch language in Belgium at the time; this made French the only language of administration, law, politics and education in Belgium, and thus necessary for social mobility.[104] From 1880 on, faced with the necessity of using French in dealing with such institutions, more and more Dutch-speakers in Brussels became bilingual, and a rise in the number of monolingual French-speakers was seen after 1910. Halfway through the 20th century, the number of monolingual French-speakers surpassed the number of mostly bilingual Flemish inhabitants.[105]
Only since the 1960s, after the fixation of the Belgian language border, and after the socio-economic development of Flanders was in full effect, could Dutch stem the tide of increasing French use.[106] Through immigration, a further number of formerly Dutch-speaking municipalities surrounding Brussels became majoritively French-speaking in the second half of the 20th century.[107][108][109] This phenomenon is, together with the future of Brussels, one of the most controversial topics in all of Belgian politics.[110][111]
Given its Dutch-speaking origins and the role that the City of Brussels plays as capital in a bilingual country, the administration of the entire Brussels-Capital Region is fully bilingual, including its subdivisions and public services. Nevertheless, some communitarian issues remain. Flemish political parties demanded, for decades, that the Flemish part of Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde arrondissement be separated from the Brussels Region (which made Halle-Vilvoorde a monolingual Flemish arrondissement). BHV was divided mid-2012. The French-speaking population regards the language border as artificial[112] and demands the extension of the bilingual region to at least all six municipalities with language facilities in the surroundings of Brussels.[d] Flemish politicians have strongly rejected these proposals.[113][114][115]
The original Dutch dialect of Brussels (Brussels) is a form of Brabantic (the variant of Dutch spoken in the ancient Duchy of Brabant) with a significant number of loanwords from French, and still survives among a minority of inhabitants called Brusseleers, many of them quite bi- and multilingual, or educated in French and not writing in Dutch. Brussels and its suburbs have evolved from a Dutch-dialect-speaking town to a mainly French-speaking town. The ethnic and national self-identification of the inhabitants is quite different along ethnic lines.
For their French-speaking Bruxellois, it can vary from Belgian, Francophone Belgian, Bruxellois (like the Memellanders in interwar ethnic censuses in Memel), Walloon (for people who migrated from the Walloon Region at an adult age); for Flemings living in Brussels, it is mainly either Flemish or Brusselaar (Dutch for an inhabitant), and often both. For the Brusseleers, many simply consider themselves as belonging to Brussels. For the many rather recent immigrants from other countries, the identification also includes all the national origins: people tend to call themselves Moroccans or Turks rather than an American-style hyphenated version.
The two largest foreign groups come from two francophone countries: France and Morocco.[116] The first language of roughly half of the inhabitants is not an official one of the Capital Region.[117] Nevertheless, about three out of four residents are Belgian nationals.[118][e][119]
In recent decades, owing to migration and the city's international role, Brussels is home to a growing number of foreign language speakers. In 2013, figures cited in the Marnix Plan show that 63.2% of Brussels inhabitants are native speakers of French, while less than 20% are native Dutch speakers. Just 2.5% speak English as their mother tongue, but 29.7% of people living in the city claim to speak English well or very well.[120] Even though some people want English to be used as an unofficial compromise language between Dutch and French, French remains the lingua franca, and laws still require Dutch and French translations in most cases. The acceptance of English as a language for communication with the city's public servants depends entirely on their knowledge of this language, though they must accept questions in French and Dutch.[121]
The migrant communities, as well as rapidly growing communities of EU-nationals from other member states, speak many languages like French, Turkish, Arabic, Berber, Spanish, Italian, Portuguese, Polish, German, Greek, Romanian, Bulgarian, and (increasingly) English. The degree of linguistic integration varies widely within each migrant group.
Religions[edit]
Further information: Religion in Belgium
Historically, Brussels has been predominantly Roman Catholic, especially since the expulsion of Protestants in the 16th century. This is clear from the large number of historical churches in the region, particularly in the City of Brussels. The pre-eminent Catholic cathedral in Brussels is the Cathedral of St. Michael and St. Gudula, serving as the co-cathedral of the Archdiocese of Mechelen–Brussels. On the northwestern side of the region, the National Basilica of the Sacred Heart is a Minor Basilica and parish church and the 14th largest church building in the world. The Church of Our Lady of Laeken holds the tombs of many members of the Belgian royal family, including all the former Belgian monarchs, within the Royal Crypt.
In reflection of its multicultural makeup, Brussels hosts a variety of religious communities, as well as large numbers of atheists and agnostics. Minority faiths include Islam, Anglicanism, Eastern Orthodoxy, Judaism, and Buddhism. According to a 2016 survey, approximately 40% of residents of Brussels declared themselves Catholics (12% were practising Catholics and 28% were non-practising Catholics), 30% were non-religious, 23% were Muslim (19% practising, 4% non-practising), 3% were Protestants and 4% were of another religion.[122]
Recognised religions and laicism enjoy public funding and school courses. It was once the case that every pupil in an official school from 6 years old to 18 had to choose 2 hours per week of compulsory religion—or laicist—inspired morals. However, in 2015, the Belgian Constitutional court ruled religious studies could no longer be required in the primary and secondary education system.[123]
Brussels has a large concentration of Muslims, mostly of Moroccan, Turkish, Syrian and Guinean ancestry. The Great Mosque of Brussels, located in the Parc du Cinquantenaire/Jubelpark, is the oldest mosque in Brussels. Belgium does not collect statistics by ethnic background, so exact figures are unknown. It was estimated that, in 2005, people of Muslim background living in the Brussels Region numbered 256,220 and accounted for 25.5% of the city's population, a much higher concentration than those of the other regions of Belgium.[124]
Regions of Belgium[124] (1 January 2016) Total population People of Muslim origin % of Muslims Belgium 11,371,928 603,642 5.3% Brussels-Capital Region 1,180,531 212,495 18% Wallonia 3,395,942 149,421 4.4% Flanders 6,043,161 241,726 4.0%
Culture[edit]
Further information: Culture of Belgium
Architecture[edit]
The architecture in Brussels is diverse, and spans from the clashing combination of Gothic, Baroque, and Louis XIV styles on the Grand Place to the postmodern buildings of the EU institutions.[125]
Very little medieval architecture is preserved in Brussels. Buildings from that period are mostly found in the historic centre (called Îlot Sacré), Saint Géry/Sint-Goriks and Sainte-Catherine/Sint Katelijne neighbourhoods. The Brabantine Gothic Cathedral of St. Michael and St. Gudula remains a prominent feature in the skyline of downtown Brussels. Isolated portions of the first city walls were saved from destruction and can be seen to this day. One of the only remains of the second walls is the Halle Gate. The Grand Place is the main attraction in the city centre and has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1998.[126] The square is dominated by the 15th century Flamboyant Town Hall, the neo-Gothic Breadhouse and the Baroque guildhalls of the Guilds of Brussels. Manneken Pis, a fountain containing a small bronze sculpture of a urinating youth, is a tourist attraction and symbol of the city.[127]
The neoclassical style of the 18th and 19th centuries is represented in the Royal Quarter/Coudenberg area, around Brussels' Park and the Royal Square. Examples include the Royal Palace, the Church of Saint-Jacques on the Coudenberg, the Palace of the Nation (Parliament building), the Academy Palace, the Palace of Charles of Lorraine, the Palace of the Count of Flanders and the Egmont Palace. Other uniform neoclassical ensembles can be found around Martyrs' Square and Barricades' Square. Some additional landmarks in the centre are the Royal Saint-Hubert Galleries (1847), one of the oldest covered shopping arcades in Europe, the Congress Column (1859), the former Brussels Stock Exchange building (1873) and the Palace of Justice (1883), designed by Joseph Poelaert, in eclectic style, and reputed to be the largest building constructed in the 19th century.[128]
Located outside the centre, in a greener environment, are the Parc du Cinquantenaire/Jubelpark with its triumphal arch and nearby museums, and in Laeken, the Royal Castle of Laeken and the Royal Domain with its large greenhouses, as well as the Museums of the Far East.
Also particularly striking are the buildings in the Art Nouveau style, most famously by the Belgian architects Victor Horta, Paul Hankar and Henry Van de Velde.[129][130] Some of Brussels' municipalities, such as Schaerbeek, Etterbeek, Ixelles, and Saint-Gilles, were developed during the heyday of Art Nouveau and have many buildings in that style. The Major Town Houses of the Architect Victor Horta—Hôtel Tassel (1893), Hôtel Solvay (1894), Hôtel van Eetvelde (1895) and the Horta Museum (1901)—have been listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 2000.[131] Another example of Brussels' Art Nouveau is the Stoclet Palace (1911), by the Viennese architect Josef Hoffmann, designated a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in June 2009.[132]
Art Nouveau in Brussels
Hôtel Tassel by Victor Horta (1893)
Stairway in Hôtel Tassel
Hôtel Ciamberlani by Paul Hankar (1897)
Old England department store by Paul Saintenoy (1899)
Saint Cyr House by Gustave Strauven (1903)
Cauchie House by Paul Cauchie (1905)
Sgraffito panel in the Cauchie House
Stoclet Palace by Josef Hoffmann (1911)
Art Deco structures in Brussels include the Residence Palace (1927) (now part of the Europa building), the Centre for Fine Arts (1928), the Villa Empain (1934), the Town Hall of Forest (1938), and the Flagey Building on Flagey Square (1935–1938) in Ixelles. Some religious buildings from the interwar era were also constructed in that style, such as the Church of St. John the Baptist (1932) in Molenbeek and the Church of St. Augustine (1935) in Forest. Completed only in 1969, and combining Art Deco with neo-Byzantine elements, the Basilica of the Sacred Heart in Koekelberg is one of the largest Roman Catholic basilicas by area in the world, and its cupola provides a panoramic view of Brussels and its outskirts. Another example are the exhibition halls of the Centenary Palace, built for the 1935 World's Fair on the Heysel/Heizel Plateau in northern Brussels, and home to the Brussels Exhibition Centre (Brussels Expo).[133]
The Atomium is a symbolic 103-metre-tall (338 ft) modernist structure, located on the Heysel Plateau, which was originally built for the 1958 World's Fair (Expo '58). It consists of nine steel spheres connected by tubes, and forms a model of an iron crystal (specifically, a unit cell), magnified 165 billion times. The architect A. Waterkeyn devoted the building to science. It is now considered a landmark of Brussels.[134][135] Next to the Atomium, is Mini-Europe miniature park, with 1:25 scale maquettes of famous buildings from across Europe.
Since the second half of the 20th century, modern office towers have been built in Brussels (Madou Tower, Rogier Tower, Proximus Towers, Finance Tower, the World Trade Center, among others). There are some thirty towers, mostly concentrated in the city's main business district: the Northern Quarter (also called Little Manhattan), near Brussels-North railway station. The South Tower, standing adjacent to Brussels-South railway station, is the tallest building in Belgium, at 148 m (486 ft). Along the North–South connection, is the State Administrative City, an administrative complex in the International Style. The postmodern buildings of the Espace Léopold complete the picture.
The city's embrace of modern architecture translated into an ambivalent approach towards historic preservation, leading to the destruction of notable architectural landmarks, most famously the Maison du Peuple/Volkshuis by Victor Horta, a process known as Brusselisation.
Arts[edit]
Brussels contains over 80 museums.[136] The Royal Museums of Fine Arts has an extensive collection of various painters, such as Flemish old masters like Bruegel, Rogier van der Weyden, Robert Campin, Anthony van Dyck, Jacob Jordaens, and Peter Paul Rubens. The Magritte Museum houses the world's largest collection of the works of the surrealist René Magritte. Museums dedicated to the national history of Belgium include the BELvue Museum, the Royal Museums of Art and History, and the Royal Museum of the Armed Forces and Military History. The Musical Instruments Museum (MIM), housed in the Old England building, is part of the Royal Museums of Art and History, and is internationally renowned for its collection of over 8,000 instruments.
The Brussels Museums Council is an independent body for all the museums in the Brussels-Capital Region, covering around 100 federal, private, municipal, and community museums.[137] It promotes member museums through the Brussels Card (giving access to public transport and 30 of the 100 museums), the Brussels Museums Nocturnes (every Thursday from 5 p.m. to 10 p.m. from mid-September to mid-December) and the Museum Night Fever (an event for and by young people on a Saturday night in late February or early March).[138]
Brussels has had a distinguished artist scene for many years. The famous Belgian surrealists René Magritte and Paul Delvaux, for instance, studied and lived there, as did the avant-garde dramatist Michel de Ghelderode. The city was also home of the impressionist painter Anna Boch from the Artist Group Les XX, and includes other famous Belgian painters such as Léon Spilliaert. Brussels is also a capital of the comic strip;[2] some treasured Belgian characters are Tintin, Lucky Luke, The Smurfs, Spirou, Gaston, Marsupilami, Blake and Mortimer, Boule et Bill and Cubitus (see Belgian comics). Throughout the city, walls are painted with large motifs of comic book characters; these murals taken together are known as Brussels' Comic Book Route.[40] Also, the interiors of some metro stations are designed by artists. The Belgian Comic Strip Center combines two artistic leitmotifs of Brussels, being a museum devoted to Belgian comic strips, housed in the former Magasins Waucquez textile department store, designed by Victor Horta in the Art Nouveau style.
Brussels is well known for its performing arts scene, with the Royal Theatre of La Monnaie and the Kaaitheater among the most notable institutions. The Kunstenfestivaldesarts, an international performing arts festival, is organised every year in May in about twenty different cultural houses and theatres throughout the city.[139] The King Baudouin Stadium is a concert and competition facility with a 50,000 seat capacity, the largest in Belgium. The site was formerly occupied by the Heysel Stadium. Furthermore, the Center for Fine Arts (often referred to as BOZAR in French or PSK in Dutch), a multi-purpose centre for theatre, cinema, music, literature and art exhibitions, is home to the National Orchestra of Belgium and to the annual Queen Elisabeth Competition for classical singers and instrumentalists, one of the most challenging and prestigious competitions of the kind. Studio 4 in Le Flagey cultural centre hosts the Brussels Philharmonic.[140][141] Other concert venues include Forest National/Vorst Nationaal, the Ancienne Belgique, the Cirque Royal/Koninklijk Circus, the Botanique and the Palais 12/Paleis 12. The Jazz Station in Saint-Josse-ten-Noode is a museum and archive on jazz, and a venue for jazz concerts.[142]
Folklore[edit]
Brussels' identity owes much to its rich folklore and traditions, among the liveliest in the country.
The Ommegang, a folkloric costumed procession, commemorating the Joyous Entry of Emperor Charles V in the city in 1549, takes place every year in July. The colourful parade includes floats, traditional giant puppets, such as Saint Michael and Saint Gudula, and scores of folkloric groups, either on foot or on horseback, dressed in medieval garb. The parade ends in a pageant on the Grand Place.
The Meyboom, an even older folk tradition of Brussels (1308), celebrating the May tree—in fact, a bad translation of the Dutch tree of joy—takes place paradoxically on 9 August. After parading a young beech in the city, it is planted in a joyful spirit involving lots of music, Brusseleir songs, and giant puppets. It was recognised as an expression of intangible cultural heritage by UNESCO, as part of the bi-national inscription "Processional giants and dragons in Belgium and France".[143][144] The celebration is reminiscent of the town's long-standing (folkloric) feud with Leuven, which dates back to the Middle Ages.
Another good introduction to the Brusseleir local dialect and way of life can be obtained at the Royal Theatre of Toone, a folkloric theatre of marionettes, located a stone throw away from the Grand Place.[145]
The Saint-Verhaegen (often shortened to St V), a folkloric student procession, celebrating the anniversary of the founding of the Université libre de Bruxelles and the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, is held on 20 November.
Cultural events and festivals[edit]
Many events are organised or hosted in Brussels throughout the year. In addition, many festivals animate the Brussels scene.
The Iris Festival is the official festival of the Brussels-Capital Region and is held annually in spring.[146] The International Fantastic Film Festival of Brussels (BIFFF) is organised during the Easter holidays[147] and the Magritte Awards in February. The Festival of Europe, an open day and activities in and around the institutions of the European Union, is held on 9 May. On Belgian National Day, on 21 July, a military parade and celebrations take place on the Place des Palais/Paleizenplein and in Brussels' Park, ending with a display of fireworks in the evening.
Some summer festivities include Couleur Café Festival, a festival of world and urban music, around the end of June or early July, the Brussels Summer Festival (BSF), a music festival in August,[148] the Brussels Fair, the most important yearly fair in Brussels, lasting more than a month, in July and August,[149] and Brussels Beach, when the banks of the canal are turned into a temporary urban beach.[150] Other biennial events are the Zinneke Parade, a colourful, multicultural parade through the city, which has been held since 2000 in May, as well as the popular Flower Carpet at the Grand Place in August. Heritage Days are organised on the third weekend of September (sometimes coinciding with the car-free day) and are a good opportunity to discover the wealth of buildings, institutions and real estate in Brussels. The "Winter Wonders" animate the heart of Brussels in December; these winter activities were launched in Brussels in 2001.[151]
Cuisine[edit]
Brussels is known for its local waffle, its chocolate, its French fries and its numerous types of beers. The Brussels sprout, which has long been popular in Brussels, and may have originated there, is also named after the city.[152]
The gastronomic offer includes approximately 1,800 restaurants, and a number of high quality bars. Belgian cuisine is known among connoisseurs as one of the best in Europe. In addition to the traditional restaurants, there are many cafés, bistros and the usual range of international fast food chains. The cafés are similar to bars, and offer beer and light dishes; coffee houses are called salons de thé. Also widespread are brasseries, which usually offer a variety of beers and typical national dishes.
Belgian cuisine is characterised by the combination of French cuisine with the more hearty Flemish fare. Notable specialities include Brussels waffles (gaufres) and mussels (usually as moules-frites, served with fries). The city is a stronghold of chocolate and pralines manufacturers with renowned companies like Côte d'Or, Neuhaus, Leonidas and Godiva. Pralines were first introduced in 1912, by Jean Neuhaus II, a Belgian chocolatier of Swiss origin, in the Royal Saint-Hubert Galleries.[153] Numerous friteries are spread throughout the city, and in tourist areas, fresh hot waffles are also sold on the street.
As well as other Belgian beers, the spontaneously fermented lambic style, brewed in and around Brussels, is widely available there and in the nearby Senne valley where the wild yeasts which ferment it have their origin. Kriek, a cherry lambic, is available in almost every bar or restaurant in Brussels.
Brussels is known as the birthplace of the Belgian Endive. The technique for growing blanched endives was accidentally discovered in the 1850s at the Botanical Garden of Brussels in Saint-Josse-ten-Noode.[154]
Shopping[edit]
Famous shopping areas in Brussels include the pedestrian-only Rue Neuve/Nieuwstraat, the second busiest shopping street in Belgium (after the Meir, in Antwerp) with a weekly average of 230,000 visitors,[155][156] home to popular international chains (H&M, C&A, Zara, Primark), as well as the City 2 and Anspach galleries.[157] The Royal Saint-Hubert Galleries hold a variety of luxury shops and some six million people stroll through them each year.[158] The neighbourhood around Rue Antoine Dansaert/Antoine Dansaertstraat has become, in recent years, a focal point for fashion and design;[159] this main street and its side streets also feature Belgium's young and most happening artistic talent.[160]
In Ixelles, Avenue de la Toison d'Or/Gulden-Vlieslaan and Namur Gate area offer a blend of luxury shops, fast food restaurants and entertainment venues, and Chaussée d'Ixelles/Elsenesteenweg, in the mainly-Congolese Matongé district, offers a great taste of African fashion and lifestyle. The nearby Avenue Louise is lined with high-end fashion stores and boutiques, making it one of the most expensive streets in Belgium.[161]
There are shopping centres outside the inner ring: Basilix, Woluwe Shopping Center, Westland Shopping Center, and Docks Bruxsel, which opened in October 2017.[157] In addition, Brussels ranks as one of Europe's best capital cities for flea market shopping. The Old Market, on the Place du Jeu de Balle/Vossenplein, in the Marolles/Marollen neighbourhood, is particularly renowned.[162] The nearby Sablon/Zavel area is home to many of Brussels' antique dealers.[163] The Midi Market around Brussels-South station and Boulevard du Midi/Zuidlaan is reputed to be one of the largest markets in Europe.[164]
Sports[edit]
Further information: Sport in Belgium
Sport in Brussels is under the responsibility of the Communities. The Administration de l'Éducation Physique et du Sport (ADEPS) is responsible for recognising the various French-speaking sports federations and also runs three sports centres in the Brussels-Capital Region.[165] Its Dutch-speaking counterpart is Sport Vlaanderen (formerly called BLOSO).[166]
The King Baudouin Stadium (formerly Heysel Stadium) is the largest in the country and home to the national teams in football and rugby union.[167] It hosted the final of the 1972 UEFA European Football Championship, and the opening game of the 2000 edition. Several European club finals have been held at the ground, including the 1985 European Cup Final which saw 39 deaths due to hooliganism and structural collapse.[168] The King Baudouin Stadium is also home of the annual Memorial Van Damme athletics event, Belgium's foremost track and field competition, which is part of the Diamond League. Other important athletics events are the Brussels Marathon and the 20 km of Brussels.
Cycling[edit]
Brussels is home to notable cycling races. The city is the arrival location of the Brussels Cycling Classic, formerly known as Paris–Brussels, which is one of the oldest semi classic bicycle races on the international calendar. From World War I until the early 1970s, the Six Days of Brussels was organised regularly. In the last decades of the 20th century, the Grand Prix Eddy Merckx was also held in Brussels.
[edit]
R.S.C. Anderlecht, based in the Constant Vanden Stock Stadium in Anderlecht, is the most successful Belgian football club in the Belgian Pro League, with 34 titles.[169] It has also won the most major European tournaments for a Belgian side, with 6 European titles.
Brussels is also home to Union Saint-Gilloise, the most successful Belgian club before World War II, with 11 titles[170] The club was founded in Saint-Gilles but is based in nearby Forest, and plays in the Second Division. White Star Bruxelles is another football club that plays in second division. Racing White Daring Molenbeek, based in Molenbeek-Saint-Jean, and often referred to as RWDM, was a very popular football club until it was dissolved in 2002. Since 2015, its reincarnation RWDM47 is back playing in the second division.
Other Brussels clubs that played in the national series over the years were Ixelles SC, Crossing Club de Schaerbeek (born from a merger between RCS de Schaerbeek and Crossing Club Molenbeek), Scup Jette, RUS de Laeken, Racing Jet de Bruxelles, AS Auderghem, KV Wosjot Woluwe and FC Ganshoren.
Economy[edit]
Further information: Economy of Belgium
Serving as the centre of administration for Belgium and Europe, Brussels' economy is largely service-oriented. It is dominated by regional and world headquarters of multinationals, by European institutions, by various local and federal administrations, and by related services companies, though it does have a number of notable craft industries, such as the Cantillon Brewery, a lambic brewery founded in 1900.[171]
Brussels has a robust economy. The region contributes to one fifth of Belgium's GDP, and its 550,000 jobs account for 17.7% of Belgium's employment.[172] Its GDP per capita is nearly double that of Belgium as a whole,[14] and it has the highest GDP per capita of any NUTS 1 region in the EU, at ~$80,000 in 2016.[173] That being said, the GDP is boosted by a massive inflow of commuters from neighbouring regions; over half of those who work in Brussels live in Flanders or Wallonia, with 230,000 and 130,000 commuters per day respectively. Conversely, only 16.0% of people from Brussels work outside Brussels (68,827 (68.5%) of them in Flanders and 21,035 (31.5%) in Wallonia).[174] Not all of the wealth generated in Brussels remains in Brussels itself, and as of December 2013 , the unemployment among residents of Brussels is 20.4%.[175]
There are approximately 50,000 businesses in Brussels, of which around 2,200 are foreign. This number is constantly increasing and can well explain the role of Brussels in Europe. The city's infrastructure is very favourable in terms of starting up a new business. House prices have also increased in recent years, especially with the increase of young professionals settling down in Brussels, making it the most expensive city to live in Belgium.[176] In addition, Brussels holds more than 1,000 business conferences annually, making it the ninth most popular conference city in Europe.[177]
Brussels is rated as the 34th most important financial centre in the world as of 2020, according to the Global Financial Centres Index. The Brussels Stock Exchange, abbreviated to BSE, now called Euronext Brussels, is part of the European stock exchange Euronext N.V., along with Paris Bourse, Lisbon Stock Exchange and Amsterdam Stock Exchange. Its benchmark stock market index is the BEL20.
Media[edit]
Further information: Belgian media
Brussels is a centre of both media and communications in Belgium, with many Belgian television stations, radio stations, newspapers and telephone companies having their headquarters in the region. The Belgian French-language public broadcaster RTBF, the Belgian Dutch-speaking public broadcaster VRT, the two regional channels BX1 (formerly Télé Bruxelles)[178] and Bruzz (formerly TV Brussel),[179] the encrypted BeTV channel and private channels RTL-TVI and VTM are headquartered in Brussels. Some national newspapers such as Le Soir, La Libre, De Morgen and the news agency Belga are based in or around Brussels. The Belgian postal company Bpost, as well as the telecommunication companies and mobile operators Proximus, Orange Belgium and Telenet are all located there.
As English is spoken widely,[35][37] several English media organisations operate in Brussels. The most popular of these are the English-language daily news media platform and bi-monthly magazine The Brussels Times and the quarterly magazine and website The Bulletin. The multilingual pan-European news channel Euronews also maintains an office in Brussels.
Education[edit]
Further information: Education in Belgium
Tertiary education[edit]
There are several universities in Brussels. Except for the Royal Military Academy, a military college established in 1834,[180] all universities in Brussels are private/autonomous.
The Université libre de Bruxelles, a French-speaking university, with about 20,000 students, has three campuses in the city,[181] and the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, a Dutch-speaking university, has about 10,000 students.[182] Both universities originate from a single ancestor university, founded in 1834, namely the Free University of Brussels, which was split in 1970, at about the same time the Flemish and French Communities gained legislative power over the organisation of higher education.[183]
Saint-Louis University, Brussels (also known as UCLouvain Saint-Louis – Bruxelles) was founded in 1858 and is specialised in social and human sciences, with 4,000 students, and located on two campuses in the City of Brussels and Ixelles.[184]
Still other universities have campuses in Brussels, such as the French-speaking University of Louvain (UCLouvain), which has 10,000 students in the city with its medical faculties at UCLouvain Bruxelles Woluwe since 1973,[185] in addition to its Faculty of Architecture, Architectural Engineering and Urban Planning[186] and UCLouvain's Dutch-speaking sister Katholieke Universiteit Leuven[187] (offering bachelor's and master's degrees in economics & business, law, arts, and architecture; 4,400 students). In addition, the University of Kent's Brussels School of International Studies is a specialised postgraduate school offering advanced international studies.
Also a dozen of university colleges are located in Brussels, including two drama schools, founded in 1832: the French-speaking Conservatoire Royal and its Dutch-speaking equivalent, the Koninklijk Conservatorium.[188][189]
Primary and secondary education[edit]
Most of Brussels pupils between the ages of 3 and 18 go to schools organised by the French-speaking Community or the Flemish Community, with close to 80% going to French-speaking schools, and roughly 20% to Dutch-speaking schools. Due to the post-war international presence in the city, there are also a number of international schools, including the International School of Brussels, with 1,450 pupils, between the ages of 21⁄2 and 18,[190] the British School of Brussels, and the four European Schools, which provide free education for the children of those working in the EU institutions. The combined student population of the four European Schools in Brussels is around 10,000.[191]
Libraries[edit]
Brussels has a number of public or private-owned libraries on its territory.[192]
Libraries in Brussels fall under the competence of the Communities and are usually separated between French-speaking and Dutch-speaking institutions, although some are mixed.[verification needed]
Science and technology[edit]
Science and technology in Brussels is well developed with the presence of several universities and research institutes.
The Royal Belgian Institute of Natural Sciences houses the world's largest hall completely dedicated to dinosaurs, with its collection of 30 fossilised Iguanodon skeletons.[193] The Planetarium of the Royal Observatory of Belgium is one of the largest in Europe.[194]
Healthcare[edit]
Brussels is home to a thriving pharmaceutical and health care industry which includes pioneering biotechnology research. The health sector employs 70,000 employees in 30,000 companies. There are 3,000 life sciences researchers in the city and two large science parks: Da Vinci Research Park and Erasmus Research Park. There are five university hospitals, a military hospital and more than 40 general hospitals and specialist clinics.[195]
Transport[edit]
Main article: Transport in Brussels
Air[edit]
The Brussels-Capital Region is served by several airports, all of which are located outside of the administrative territory of the region. The most notable are:
Brussels-National Airport, located in the nearby Flemish municipality of Zaventem, 12 km (10 mi) east of the capital;
Brussels South Charleroi Airport, located in Gosselies, a part of the city of Charleroi (Wallonia), some 50 km (30 mi) south-west of Brussels;
Melsbroek Air Base, located in Steenokkerzeel, is mainly a military airport and is used in a minority way for civilian travelers.
The first two are also the main airports of Belgium.[196]
Water[edit]
Since the 16th century, Brussels has had its own harbour, the port of Brussels. It has been enlarged throughout the centuries to become the second Belgian inland port. Historically situated near the Place Sainte-Catherine/Sint-Katelijneplein, it lies today to the northwest of the region, on the Brussels–Scheldt Maritime Canal (commonly called Willebroek Canal), which connects Brussels to Antwerp via the Scheldt. Ships and large barges up to 4,500 tons can penetrate deep into the country, avoiding break-ups and load transfers between Antwerp and the centre of Brussels, hence reducing the cost for companies using the canal, and thus offering a competitive advantage.
Moreover, the connection of the Willebroek Canal with the Brussels–Charleroi Canal, in the very heart of the capital, creates a north–south link, by means of waterways, between the Netherlands, Flanders and the industrial zone of Hainaut (Wallonia). There, navigation can access the network of French canals, thanks to the important inclined plane of Ronquières and the lifts of Strépy-Bracquegnies.
The importance of river traffic in Brussels makes it possible to avoid the road equivalent of 740,000 trucks per year—almost 2,000 per day—which, in addition to easing traffic problems, represents an estimated carbon dioxide saving of 51,545 tonnes per year.[197]
Train[edit]
The Brussels-Capital Region has three main train stations: Brussels-South, Brussels-Central and Brussels-North, which are also the busiest of the country.[30] Brussels-South is also served by direct high-speed rail links: to London by Eurostar trains via the Channel Tunnel (1hr 51min); to Amsterdam[198] by Thalys and InterCity connections; to Amsterdam, Paris (1hr 50min and 1hr 25min respectively as of 6 April 2015 ), and Cologne by Thalys; and to Cologne (1hr 50min) and Frankfurt (2hr 57min) by the German ICE.
The train rails in Brussels go underground, near the centre, through the North–South connection, with Brussels Central Station also being largely underground. The tunnel itself is only six tracks wide at its narrowest point, which often causes congestion and delays due to heavy use of the route.
The City of Brussels has minor railway stations at Bockstael, Brussels-Chapel, Brussels-Congres, Brussels-Luxembourg, Brussels-Schuman, Brussels-West, Haren, Haren-South and Simonis. In the Brussels Region, there are also railways stations at Berchem-Sainte-Agathe, Boitsfort, Boondael, Bordet (Evere), Etterbeek, Evere, Forest-East, Forest-South, Jette, Meiser (Schaerbeek), Moensberg (Uccle), Saint-Job (Uccle), Schaarbeek, Uccle-Calevoet, Uccle-Stalle, Vivier d'Oie-Diesdelle (Uccle), Merode and Watermael.
City public transport[edit]
The Brussels Intercommunal Transport Company STIB/MIVB is the local public transport operator in Brussels. It covers the 19 municipalities of the Brussels-Capital Region and some surface routes extend to the near suburbs in the other regions.
Metro[edit]
The Brussels metro dates back to 1976,[199] but underground lines known as the premetro have been serviced by tramways since 1968. It is the only rapid transit system in Belgium (Antwerp and Charleroi both having light rail systems). The network consists of four conventional metro lines and three premetro lines. The metro-grade lines are M1, M2, M5, and M6, with some shared sections, covering a total of 40 km (25 mi).[200] As of 2017 , the metro network within the region has a total of 69 metro and premetro stations. The metro is an important means of transport, connecting with six railway stations of the National Railway Company of Belgium (NMBS/SNCB), and many tram and bus stops operated by STIB/MIVB, and with Flemish De Lijn and Walloon TEC bus stops.
Trams and buses[edit]
A comprehensive bus and tram network covers the region. As of 2017 , the Brussels tram system consists of 17 tram lines (three of which – lines T3, T4 and T7 – qualify as premetro lines). The total route length is 139 km (86 mi),[200] making it one of the largest tram networks in Europe. The Brussels bus network is complementary to the rail network. It consists of 50 bus routes and 11 night routes, spanning 445 km (277 mi).[200] Since April 2007, STIB/MIVB has been operating a night bus network called Noctis. On Fridays and Saturdays, 11 bus routes operate from midnight until 3 a.m. They run from the centre of Brussels to the outer reaches of the Brussels-Capital Region.[201]
Ticketing[edit]
An interticketing system means that a STIB/MIVB ticket holder can use the train or long-distance buses inside the region. A single journey can include multiple stages across the different modes of transport. The commuter services operated by De Lijn, TEC and NMBS/SNCB will, in the next few years,[when?] be augmented by the Brussels Regional Express Network (RER/GEN), which will connect the capital and surrounding towns. Since August 2016, paper tickets have been discontinued in favour of electronic MoBIB cards.
Other public transport[edit]
Since 2003, Brussels has had a car-sharing service operated by the Bremen company Cambio, in partnership with the STIB/MIVB and local ridesharing company Taxi Stop. In 2006, a public bicycle-sharing programme was introduced. The scheme was subsequently taken over by Villo!. Since 2008, this night-time public transport service has been supplemented by Collecto, a shared taxi system, which operates on weekdays between 11 p.m. and 6 a.m. In 2012, the Zen Car electric car-sharing scheme was launched in the university and European areas.
Road network[edit]
In medieval times, Brussels stood at the intersection of routes running north–south (the modern Rue Haute/Hoogstraat) and east–west (Chaussée de Gand/Gentsesteenweg-Rue du Marché aux Herbes/Grasmarkt-Rue de Namur/Naamsestraat). The ancient pattern of streets, radiating from the Grand Place, in large part remains, but has been overlaid by boulevards built over the River Senne, over the city walls and over the railway connection between the North and South Stations.
Today, Brussels has the most congested traffic in North America and Europe, according to US traffic information platform INRIX.[202]
Distances to other cities These distances are as the crow flies: City Distance Antwerp 43.3 km (26.9 mi) N Charleroi 47.4 km (29.5 mi) S Ghent 51.0 km (31.7 mi) NW Liège 88.5 km (55.0 mi) E Lille 94.6 km (58.8 mi) SW
Other cities
Rotterdam 121.1 km (75.2 mi) N Amsterdam 174.7 km (108.6 mi) N Cologne 183.0 km (113.7 mi) E Luxembourg City 185.3 km (115.1 mi) SE Paris 262.9 km (163.4 mi) SW Frankfurt am Main 316.2 km (196.5 mi) SE London 320.7 km (199.3 mi) W
Brussels is the hub of a range of old national roads, the main ones being clockwise: the N1 (N to Breda), N2 (E to Maastricht), N3 (E to Aachen), N4 (SE to Luxembourg) N5 (S to Rheims), N6 (S to Maubeuge), N7 (SW to Lille), N8 (W to Koksijde) and N9 (NW to Ostend).[203] Usually named chaussées/steenwegen, these highways normally run in a straight line, but sometimes lose themselves in a maze of narrow shopping streets.
The region is skirted by the European route E19 (N-S) and the E40 (E-W), while the E411 leads away to the SE. Brussels has an orbital motorway, numbered R0 (R-zero) and commonly referred to as the Ring. It is pear-shaped, as the southern side was never built as originally conceived, owing to residents' objections.
The city centre, sometimes known as the Pentagon, is surrounded by an inner ring road, the Small Ring (French: Petite Ceinture, Dutch: Kleine Ring), a sequence of boulevards formally numbered R20 or N0. These were built upon the site of the second set of city walls following their demolition. The metro line 2 runs under much of these. Since June 2015, a number of central boulevards inside the Pentagon have become car-free, limiting transit traffic through the old city.[204]
On the eastern side of the region, the R21 or Greater Ring (French: Grande Ceinture, Dutch: Grote Ring) is formed by a string of boulevards that curves round from Laeken to Uccle. Some premetro stations (see Brussels metro) were built on that route. A little further out, a stretch numbered R22 leads from Zaventem to Saint-Job.
Security and emergency services[edit]
Police[edit]
Further information: Law enforcement in Belgium
The Brussels local police, supported by the federal police, is responsible for law enforcement in Brussels. The 19 municipalities of the Brussels-Capital Region are divided into six police zones,[205] all bilingual (French and Dutch):
5339 Brussels Capital Ixelles: the City of Brussels and Ixelles
5340 Brussels West: Berchem-Sainte-Agathe, Ganshoren, Jette, Koekelberg and Molenbeek-Saint-Jean
5341 South: Anderlecht, Forest and Saint-Gilles
5342 Uccle/Watermael-Boitsfort/Auderghem: Auderghem, Uccle and Watermael-Boitsfort
5343 Montgomery: Etterbeek, Woluwe-Saint-Lambert et Woluwe-Saint-Pierre
5344 Polbruno: Evere, Saint-Josse-ten-Noode et Schaerbeek
Fire department[edit]
The Brussels Fire and Emergency Medical Care Service, commonly known by its acronym SIAMU (DBDMH), operates in the 19 municipalities of Brussels.[206] It is a class X fire department and the largest fire service in Belgium in terms of annual operations, equipment, and personnel. It has 9 fire stations, spread over the entire Brussels-Capital Region, and employs about 1,000 professional firefighters. As well as preventing and fighting fires, SIAMU also provides emergency medical care services in Brussels via its centralised 100 number (and the single 112 emergency number for the 27 countries of the European Union). It is bilingual (French–Dutch).
Parks and green spaces[edit]
Brussels is one of the greenest capitals in Europe, with over 8,000 hectares of green spaces.[207] Vegetation cover and natural areas are higher in the outskirts, where they have limited the peri-urbanisation of the capital, but they decrease sharply towards the centre of Brussels; 10% in the central Pentagon, 30% of the municipalities in the first ring, and 71% of the municipalities in the second ring are occupied by green spaces.
Many parks and gardens, both public and privately owned, are scattered throughout the city. In addition to this, the Sonian Forest is located in its southern part and stretches out over the three Belgian regions. As of 2017 , it has been inscribed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, the only Belgian component to the multinational inscription 'Primeval Beech Forests of the Carpathians and Other Regions of Europe'.
Brussels' Park
Mont des Arts / Kunstberg
Parc du Cinquantenaire / Jubelpark
Bois de la Cambre / Ter Kamerenbos
The Botanical Garden of Brussels
Ixelles Ponds
Forest Park
The Royal Greenhouses of Laeken
Sonian Forest
Notable people[edit]
International relations[edit]
Twin towns and sister cities[edit]
Brussels is twinned with the following cities:
Rankings[edit]
As of 2016 , the Brussels-Capital Region is ranked the 12th largest capital city of the European Union.
See also[edit]
Bourgeois of Brussels
Brussels Regional Investment Company
Outline of Belgium
Seven Noble Houses of Brussels
Statue of Europe
Notes[edit]
References[edit]
Bibliography[edit]
Wolmar, Christian (2010). Blood, Iron & Gold: How the Railways transformed the World. London: Grove Atlantic. ISBN 9781848871717.
[edit] | ||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 1 | 7 | https://database.earth/population/armenia | en | Population of Armenia 1950 | [] | [] | [] | [
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] | null | [] | null | Learn more about the population of Armenia | en | /img/favicon.ico | database.earth | https://database.earth/population/armenia | 🇦🇲 Population of Armenia
2,777,979
Current Population of Armenia
-500
Net population growth this year
97.60
Population Density (people/km²)
As of July 1, 2024 the population of Armenia reached 2,777,979, of which 1,249,926 people are male and 1,528,053 female. The country has a population density of 97.5962 people per square kilometer. With an overall population growth rate of -0.018% for the year. According to the latest data, Armenia is set to increase its population size by -500 people next year. Making the total population count of Armenia 2,777,979 people by 2024.
Historic Population of Armenia (1950 - 2024)
Between 1950 and 2024 the population of Armenia grown from 1,385,041 people to 2,777,979. An increase of the population size by 100.57% in 73 years.
Year Total Male Female People +/- Density (p/km²) Growth Rate 1950 1,385,041 662,972 722,068 37,919 48.6594 2.738% 1951 1,424,000 682,609 741,391 40,000 50.0281 2.809% 1952 1,465,061 703,346 761,715 42,121 51.4706 2.875% 1953 1,508,559 725,338 783,220 44,876 52.9988 2.975% 1954 1,554,921 748,741 806,181 47,849 54.6277 3.078% 1955 1,604,376 773,662 830,713 51,059 56.3651 3.183% 1956 1,657,515 800,420 857,095 55,221 58.232 3.332% 1957 1,714,534 829,135 885,398 58,815 60.2352 3.431% 1958 1,774,816 859,533 915,283 61,750 62.353 3.48% 1959 1,838,234 891,548 946,685 65,084 64.581 3.541% 1960 1,904,148 924,630 979,518 66,744 66.8967 3.506% 1961 1,971,530 958,224 1,013,306 68,020 69.264 3.45% 1962 2,039,346 991,962 1,047,383 67,612 71.6465 3.316% 1963 2,106,142 1,025,194 1,080,947 65,979 73.9932 3.133% 1964 2,171,029 1,057,452 1,113,577 63,796 76.2728 2.939% 1965 2,234,051 1,088,660 1,145,390 62,248 78.4869 2.787% 1966 2,295,496 1,119,026 1,176,470 60,642 80.6456 2.642% 1967 2,355,997 1,148,878 1,207,119 60,360 82.7711 2.562% 1968 2,416,461 1,178,569 1,237,892 60,568 84.8953 2.507% 1969 2,476,359 1,207,871 1,268,487 59,228 86.9997 2.392% 1970 2,534,377 1,236,284 1,298,093 56,808 89.038 2.242% 1971 2,590,923 1,262,636 1,328,287 56,284 91.0246 2.172% 1972 2,648,048 1,287,791 1,360,258 57,967 93.0315 2.189% 1973 2,706,852 1,313,612 1,393,239 59,639 95.0974 2.203% 1974 2,767,646 1,340,314 1,427,332 61,951 97.2332 2.238% 1975 2,830,798 1,368,111 1,462,688 64,352 99.4519 2.273% 1976 2,896,311 1,397,871 1,498,440 66,672 101.7535 2.302% 1977 2,965,523 1,429,977 1,535,546 71,753 104.1851 2.42% 1978 3,038,224 1,463,485 1,574,738 73,647 106.7392 2.424% 1979 3,097,058 1,492,436 1,604,622 44,022 108.8061 1.421% 1980 3,135,123 1,512,273 1,622,850 32,107 110.1434 1.024% 1981 3,167,876 1,528,289 1,639,588 33,399 111.2941 1.054% 1982 3,202,011 1,544,983 1,657,028 34,870 112.4934 1.089% 1983 3,238,291 1,562,763 1,675,528 37,690 113.768 1.164% 1984 3,272,102 1,579,162 1,692,940 29,933 114.9558 0.915% 1985 3,300,896 1,592,778 1,708,118 27,655 115.9674 0.838% 1986 3,327,182 1,604,849 1,722,333 24,917 116.8909 0.749% 1987 3,351,364 1,615,907 1,735,457 23,446 117.7404 0.7% 1988 3,366,838 1,623,229 1,743,608 7,501 118.2841 0.223% 1989 3,448,186 1,664,268 1,783,917 155,195 121.142 4.502% 1990 3,556,539 1,719,168 1,837,371 61,513 124.9487 1.73% 1991 3,617,631 1,750,341 1,867,291 60,670 127.095 1.677% 1992 3,574,556 1,724,306 1,850,249 -146,821 125.5816 -4.108% 1993 3,457,349 1,657,918 1,799,431 -87,591 121.4639 -2.534% 1994 3,373,713 1,610,482 1,763,232 -79,681 118.5256 -2.362% 1995 3,322,782 1,581,494 1,741,289 -22,181 116.7363 -0.668% 1996 3,298,898 1,567,674 1,731,224 -25,589 115.8972 -0.776% 1997 3,271,418 1,552,302 1,719,117 -29,370 114.9318 -0.898% 1998 3,240,550 1,535,416 1,705,134 -32,366 113.8473 -0.999% 1999 3,206,030 1,516,620 1,689,409 -36,675 112.6345 -1.144% 2000 3,168,523 1,496,293 1,672,231 -38,337 111.3169 -1.21% 2001 3,133,134 1,477,059 1,656,074 -32,443 110.0735 -1.035% 2002 3,105,038 1,460,849 1,644,189 -23,749 109.0865 -0.765% 2003 3,084,102 1,447,623 1,636,478 -18,122 108.351 -0.588% 2004 3,065,745 1,435,939 1,629,805 -18,592 107.706 -0.606% 2005 3,047,246 1,424,136 1,623,110 -18,406 107.0561 -0.604% 2006 3,026,486 1,410,916 1,615,571 -23,113 106.3268 -0.764% 2007 3,004,393 1,396,993 1,607,400 -21,074 105.5506 -0.701% 2008 2,983,421 1,383,609 1,599,812 -20,871 104.8138 -0.7% 2009 2,964,296 1,371,050 1,593,247 -17,377 104.142 -0.586% 2010 2,946,293 1,359,071 1,587,223 -18,630 103.5095 -0.632% 2011 2,928,976 1,347,572 1,581,404 -16,005 102.9011 -0.546% 2012 2,914,421 1,337,883 1,576,538 -13,106 102.3897 -0.45% 2013 2,901,384 1,329,192 1,572,193 -12,967 101.9317 -0.447% 2014 2,889,930 1,321,149 1,568,781 -9,943 101.5293 -0.344% 2015 2,878,595 1,313,130 1,565,465 -12,727 101.1311 -0.442% 2016 2,865,835 1,304,368 1,561,467 -12,792 100.6828 -0.446% 2017 2,851,923 1,295,024 1,556,900 -15,032 100.194 -0.527% 2018 2,836,557 1,284,995 1,551,562 -15,700 99.6542 -0.553% 2019 2,820,602 1,274,767 1,545,834 -16,211 99.0936 -0.575% 2020 2,805,608 1,265,512 1,540,097 -13,775 98.5669 -0.491% 2021 2,790,974 1,256,498 1,534,475 -15,495 98.0528 -0.555% 2022 2,780,469 1,250,079 1,530,390 -5,514 97.6837 -0.198% 2023 2,777,970 1,249,091 1,528,880 517 97.5959 0.019% 2024 2,777,979 1,249,926 1,528,053 -500 97.5962 -0.018%
Statements that can be derived from Armenia's population data
Armenia has a population of 2,777,979 people, as of July 1, 2024.
Armenia's population is equivalent to 0.03% of the total world population.
In 2024, Armenia's population will decrease with -500 people.
In 2024, 5,000 more people will emigrate from Armenia than immigrate to the country.
The median age of the population in Armenia is 35.64 years.
In Armenia there are 97.60 people per square kilometers (0.386102 square miles), if spaced out evenly.
8.89 infants die at birth out of a 1000 new born in Armenia.
In Armenia, 1,249,926 of the total population are male, and 1,528,053 are female.
Future Population of Armenia (2024 - 2100)
Armenia's population is set to decrease in the future from 2,777,979 people to 1,598,835 people. A decrease of the population size by 15.44% from 2024 to 2100.
Year Total Male Female People +/- Density (p/km²) Growth Rate 2024 2,777,979 1,249,926 1,528,053 -500 97.5962 -0.018% 2025 2,777,003 1,250,272 1,526,732 -1,451 97.562 -0.052% 2026 2,775,109 1,250,153 1,524,956 -2,338 97.4954 -0.084% 2027 2,772,323 1,249,586 1,522,737 -3,234 97.3975 -0.117% 2028 2,768,742 1,248,621 1,520,121 -3,927 97.2717 -0.142% 2029 2,764,470 1,247,316 1,517,154 -4,618 97.1216 -0.167% 2030 2,759,528 1,245,688 1,513,841 -5,265 96.948 -0.191% 2031 2,753,924 1,243,746 1,510,178 -5,943 96.7511 -0.216% 2032 2,747,753 1,241,555 1,506,198 -6,400 96.5343 -0.233% 2033 2,741,125 1,239,183 1,501,942 -6,856 96.3015 -0.25% 2034 2,734,049 1,236,656 1,497,393 -7,296 96.0529 -0.267% 2035 2,726,573 1,234,012 1,492,561 -7,657 95.7902 -0.281% 2036 2,718,722 1,231,276 1,487,447 -8,043 95.5144 -0.296% 2037 2,710,500 1,228,458 1,482,042 -8,401 95.2256 -0.31% 2038 2,701,923 1,225,586 1,476,336 -8,754 94.9242 -0.324% 2039 2,693,021 1,222,704 1,470,318 -9,049 94.6115 -0.336% 2040 2,683,808 1,219,813 1,463,995 -9,377 94.2878 -0.349% 2041 2,674,265 1,216,908 1,457,357 -9,710 93.9525 -0.363% 2042 2,664,340 1,213,975 1,450,366 -10,139 93.6039 -0.381% 2043 2,654,030 1,211,004 1,443,026 -10,481 93.2417 -0.395% 2044 2,643,414 1,208,031 1,435,383 -10,751 92.8687 -0.407% 2045 2,632,515 1,205,062 1,427,454 -11,048 92.4858 -0.42% 2046 2,621,300 1,202,066 1,419,233 -11,383 92.0917 -0.434% 2047 2,609,802 1,199,050 1,410,753 -11,611 91.6878 -0.445% 2048 2,598,016 1,195,986 1,402,030 -11,962 91.2737 -0.46% 2049 2,585,904 1,192,831 1,393,072 -12,263 90.8482 -0.474% 2050 2,573,465 1,189,562 1,383,903 -12,613 90.4112 -0.49% 2051 2,560,653 1,186,136 1,374,517 -13,012 89.9611 -0.508% 2052 2,547,441 1,182,524 1,364,918 -13,412 89.4969 -0.526% 2053 2,533,858 1,178,726 1,355,132 -13,753 89.0198 -0.543% 2054 2,519,904 1,174,715 1,345,189 -14,155 88.5295 -0.562% 2055 2,505,509 1,170,430 1,335,079 -14,636 88.0238 -0.584% 2056 2,490,682 1,165,866 1,324,816 -15,019 87.5029 -0.603% 2057 2,475,470 1,161,034 1,314,436 -15,405 86.9684 -0.622% 2058 2,459,871 1,155,931 1,303,939 -15,792 86.4204 -0.642% 2059 2,443,880 1,150,543 1,293,337 -16,191 85.8586 -0.662% 2060 2,427,507 1,144,869 1,282,639 -16,556 85.2834 -0.682% 2061 2,410,780 1,138,929 1,271,850 -16,899 84.6957 -0.701% 2062 2,393,659 1,132,714 1,260,945 -17,342 84.0943 -0.725% 2063 2,376,144 1,126,235 1,249,909 -17,688 83.4789 -0.744% 2064 2,358,232 1,119,488 1,238,745 -18,135 82.8497 -0.769% 2065 2,339,842 1,112,436 1,227,406 -18,647 82.2035 -0.797% 2066 2,320,973 1,105,100 1,215,873 -19,090 81.5406 -0.823% 2067 2,301,665 1,097,515 1,204,150 -19,526 80.8623 -0.848% 2068 2,281,874 1,089,668 1,192,207 -20,055 80.167 -0.879% 2069 2,261,571 1,081,547 1,180,024 -20,552 79.4537 -0.909% 2070 2,240,823 1,073,201 1,167,621 -20,944 78.7248 -0.935% 2071 2,219,692 1,064,663 1,155,028 -21,319 77.9824 -0.96% 2072 2,198,247 1,055,976 1,142,271 -21,571 77.229 -0.981% 2073 2,176,488 1,047,144 1,129,344 -21,946 76.4646 -1.008% 2074 2,154,418 1,038,172 1,116,245 -22,195 75.6892 -1.03% 2075 2,132,142 1,029,117 1,103,024 -22,356 74.9066 -1.049% 2076 2,109,673 1,019,978 1,089,696 -22,582 74.1172 -1.07% 2077 2,087,010 1,010,744 1,076,266 -22,743 73.3211 -1.09% 2078 2,064,215 1,001,438 1,062,777 -22,847 72.5202 -1.107% 2079 2,041,384 992,100 1,049,284 -22,816 71.7181 -1.118% 2080 2,018,593 982,756 1,035,837 -22,765 70.9174 -1.128% 2081 1,995,882 973,410 1,022,473 -22,657 70.1195 -1.135% 2082 1,973,264 964,054 1,009,209 -22,581 69.3249 -1.144% 2083 1,950,791 954,708 996,082 -22,365 68.5354 -1.146% 2084 1,928,557 945,398 983,158 -22,102 67.7543 -1.146% 2085 1,906,570 936,108 970,462 -21,872 66.9818 -1.147% 2086 1,884,822 926,812 958,011 -21,623 66.2178 -1.147% 2087 1,863,322 917,502 945,819 -21,379 65.4624 -1.147% 2088 1,842,079 908,180 933,898 -21,107 64.7161 -1.146% 2089 1,821,081 898,824 922,256 -20,889 63.9784 -1.147% 2090 1,800,342 889,431 910,911 -20,588 63.2498 -1.144% 2091 1,779,842 879,992 899,850 -20,412 62.5296 -1.147% 2092 1,759,523 870,476 889,046 -20,227 61.8157 -1.15% 2093 1,739,362 860,894 878,468 -20,094 61.1074 -1.155% 2094 1,719,307 851,228 868,080 -20,015 60.4029 -1.164% 2095 1,699,311 841,450 857,860 -19,979 59.7003 -1.176% 2096 1,679,316 831,560 847,756 -20,010 58.9979 -1.192% 2097 1,659,264 821,554 837,710 -20,093 58.2934 -1.211% 2098 1,639,158 811,446 827,712 -20,120 57.5871 -1.227% 2099 1,619,018 801,260 817,758 -20,160 56.8795 -1.245% 2100 1,598,835 791,014 807,821 -20,206 56.1704 -1.264%
Population Density of Armenia
Today, Armenia has a population density of 97.5962 people per square kilometer. The country has seen a change in density from 48.6594 people/km² since the 1950 to 97.5962 people/km² in 2024. In the future, Armenia is projected to reach a population density of 56.1704 people per square kilometer, by the year 2100.
Population Density of Armenia Between 1950 - 2100
View Detailed Population Density Data for Armenia
Growth Rate of Armenia's Population
The population growth rate of Armenia currently stands at -0.018% as of July 1, 2024. This is a decrease by 0.18 percentage points when compared to data from previous year. By 2024, the population growth rate of Armenia will decrease to -0.018%. If we look further into the future, we can see that Armenia's population growth is projected to land at a negative rate of -1.264% by the year 2100.
Population Growth Rate of Armenia Between 1950 - 2100 (10 Year Increments)
Year Growth Rate 1950 2.738% 1960 3.506% 1970 2.242% 1980 1.024% 1990 1.73% 2000 -1.21% 2010 -0.632% 2020 -0.491%
Year Growth Rate 2030 -0.191% 2040 -0.349% 2050 -0.49% 2060 -0.682% 2070 -0.935% 2080 -1.128% 2090 -1.144% 2100 -1.264%
View Detailed Population Growth Rate Data for Armenia
Life Expectancy of Armenia
Today, Armenia has an average life expectancy of 76.4052 years of age. The country has seen a change in life expectancy from 59.2626 years since the 1950 to 76.4052 years in 2024. In the future, Armenia is projected to reach a population life expectancy of 86.6717 years of age, by the year 2100.
Life Expectancy of Armenia Between 1950 - 2100 (10 Year Increments)
Year Life Expectancy (Age) 1950 59,262 1960 61,431 1970 63,872 1980 66,176 1990 68,820 2000 70,623 2010 73,159 2020 72,173
Year Life Expectancy (Age) 2030 77,421 2040 79,041 2050 80,594 2060 82,013 2070 83,239 2080 84,384 2090 85,521 2100 86,671
View Detailed Life Expectancy Data for Armenia
Migration to and from Armenia
In 2024 Armenia will see net migrations of -5,000 people. This means that 5,000 more people will emigrate from Armenia than immigrate to the country this year. A decrease of net migrations when compared to the previous year of 2022, when the net migrations of Armenia was -5,000.
Net Migration for Armenia Between 1950 - 2100 (10 Year Increments)
Year Net Migration 1950 9,011 1960 12,482 1970 18,405 1980 -22,177 1990 2,119 2000 -51,873 2010 -31,991 2020 -12,825
Year Net Migration 2030 -5,000 2040 -5,000 2050 -5,000 2060 -5,000 2070 -5,000 2080 -5,000 2090 -5,000 2100 -5,000
View Detailed Migration Data for Armenia
Births in Armenia
In 2024, Armenia will see 30,717 babies be born. That is a decrease when compared to the ammount of births recorded by Armenia in 2022, when the country saw 32,555 new borns.
Births Armenia Between 1950 - 2100 (10 Year Increments)
Year Births 1950 48,545 1960 77,424 1970 59,856 1980 78,834 1990 86,145 2000 39,951 2010 41,164 2020 35,016
Year Births 2030 26,888 2040 26,111 2050 24,208 2060 19,435 2070 17,463 2080 16,145 2090 13,260 2100 11,373
View Detailed Birth Data for Armenia
Deaths in Armenia
In 2024, 26,216 people will die in Armenia. That is an increase of Armenia's death count when compared to 2022, when the country recorded 33,059 deaths.
Deaths Armenia Between 1950 - 2100 (10 Year Increments)
Year Deaths 1950 19,638 1960 23,160 1970 21,441 1980 24,554 1990 26,756 2000 26,411 2010 27,794 2020 35,963
Year Births 2030 27,149 2040 30,489 2050 31,824 2060 30,997 2070 33,409 2080 33,903 2090 28,859 2100 26,591
View Detailed Death Data for Armenia
Median Age in Armenia
The median age of Armenia has been on an upward trend since the 1950's and it will continue well into the future. When the median age of Armenia will reach 52.9954 years of age, by the year 2100.
Median Age in Armenia Between 1950 - 2100 (10 Year Increments)
Year Median Age 1950 21.0656 1960 21.8332 1970 19.9502 1980 22.1705 1990 25.6697 2000 28.6889 2010 31.1954 2020 34.0683
Year Median Age 2030 38.6919 2040 42.9067 2050 43.9135 2060 46.3962 2070 49.9491 2080 51.0948 2090 51.3491 2100 52.9954
View Detailed Median Age Data for Armenia
Fertility Rate in Armenia
The fertility rate of Armenia has been on a downward trend since the 1950's and it will continue well into the future. When the total fertility rate of Armenia will reach 1.6168 births per woman, by the year 2100.
Fertility Rate in Armenia Between 1950 - 2100 (10 Year Increments)
Year Total Fertility Rate (births per woman) 1950 4.9045 1960 4.7865 1970 3.4016 1980 2.5051 1990 2.7128 2000 1.6029 2010 1.501 2020 1.575
Year Total Fertility Rate (births per woman) 2030 1.5853 2040 1.5933 2050 1.6034 2060 1.6015 2070 1.5981 2080 1.6107 2090 1.6037 2100 1.6168
View Detailed Fertility Rate Data for Armenia
Infant Mortality Rate in Armenia
The infant mortality rate is recorded as infant deaths under 1 year for every 1,000 live births. It gives us an insight into the maternal and infant health of Armenia while at the same time being an important marker for the overall health of the country. The infant mortality rate of Armenia has been on a positive downward trend since the 1950's when the infant mortality rate of the country was 110.1029. Today, Armenia has a much better infant mortality rate of 8.8865 infant deaths for every 1,000 live births. This is set to improve even further in the future when Armenia is projected to record an infant mortality rate of only 2.3575 infant deaths for every 1,000 live births, by the year 2100.
Infant Mortality Rate in Armenia Between 1950 - 2100 (10 Year Increments)
Year Infant Mortality Rate 1950 110.1029 1960 93.9639 1970 78.3707 1980 61.1176 1990 41.8262 2000 26.8626 2010 16.2929 2020 9.8146
Year Infant Mortality Rate 2030 7.4677 2040 5.6247 2050 4.4729 2060 3.6722 2070 3.1865 2080 2.8559 2090 2.5873 2100 2.3575
View Detailed Infant Mortality Rate Data for Armenia
Data Information
Data found on this page is based on the medium fertility variant of the United Nations Revision of World Population Prospects 2022.
Data Sources
The United Nations - Department of Economic and Social Affairs (Population Division)
UN Revision of World Population Prospects 2022
Data Disclaimer
People at database.earth has not verified data entry and collection processes in person. We take all open data provided by governmental and non-governmental organization at face value.
This data is the foundation for most content and visualization found on this page. If you find errors in the representation of the data, please contact us and we will correct it.
All data from sources are archived for future reference. | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 51 | http://nordost.am/en/content/population/ | en | travel agency | [
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] | null | [] | null | null | Armenia has a population of 3 009 800 (2011) and is the second most densely populated of the former Soviet republics. There has been a problem of population decline due to elevated levels of emigration after the break-up of the USSR. The rates of emigration and population decline, however, have decreased drastically in the recent years, and a moderate influx of Armenians returning to Armenia have been the main reasons for the trend, which is expected to continue.
Ethnic Armenians make up 96 % of the population. Yazidis make up 1.3%, and Russians 0.5%. Other minorities include Assyrians, Ukrainians, Greeks, Kurds, Georgians, and Belarusians. There are also smaller communities of Vlachs, Mordvins, Ossetians, Udis, and Tats. Minorities of Poles and Caucasus Germans also exist though they are heavily Russified. | ||||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 0 | 67 | https://diaocthongthai.com/en/armenia-maps/ | en | Map of Armenia | [
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] | 2024-01-19T16:24:00+07:00 | Armenia covers an area of 29,743 sq. km (11,484 sq mi) in Eurasia's South Caucasus region. It is a landlocked country. | en | /apple-touch-icon.png | Thong Thai Real | https://diaocthongthai.com/en/armenia-maps/ | Armenia covers an area of 29,743 sq. km (11,484 sq mi) in Eurasia’s South Caucasus region. It is a landlocked country.
As observed on the physical map of Armenia above, the topography of the country is very rugged and mountainous. Nearly the entire land is covered by the Lesser (or Little) Caucasus Mountains. The highest point is Mt. Aragats at 13,418 ft. (4,090m). A yellow triangle marks the highest point on the map.
Rivers flow fast down through the mountains, and although much of Armenia’s land remains at or above 6,562 ft (2,000 m) at least 3% form the valleys of the Araks and Debet rivers.
Lake Sevan is the largest lake and it sits 6,000 ft, (2,000 m) above sea level. Significant rivers include the Aras, Debet and Razdan.
Armenia overview: Flag: Legal Name:Republic of Armenia Capital Value:Yerevan Largest City:
Yerevan (1,086,275)
Official languages:Armenian Demonym(s):Armenian Government:Unitary parliamentary republic Legislature:National Assembly Total Area:29,743 km² Land Area:28,203 km² Water Area:1,540 km² Population:2,957,731 Density:101.5/km (262.9/sq mi) GDP:$13.67 Billion GDP Per Capita:$4,622.73 Currency Value:Drams (AMD) Driving side:right Calling code:+374 Internet TLD:
.am
.հայ
Armenia is a country situated in both Europe and Western Asia, known for its mountainous terrain and stunning landscapes. The Lesser Caucasus Mountains, or Armenian Highlands, are particularly prominent, and satellite imagery and elevation maps give us a great insight into the area. This map of Armenia shows cities, towns, rivers, and highways, giving us a detailed overview of the country.
Online Interactive Political Map
Click on to view map in "full screen" mode.
Armenia (officially, the Republic of Armenia) is divided into 11 provinces (marzer, sing. marz). In alphabetical order, these provinces are: Aragatsotn, Ararat, Armavir, Geghark’unik’, Kotayk’, Lorri, Shirak, Syunik’, Tavush, Vayots’Dzor and Yerevan. The Yerevan province has been granted special administrative status. The provinces are further subdivided into municipal communities.
Located at the center –west part of the country, along the Hrazdan River is, Yerevan – the capital and largest city of Armenia. It is also the political, cultural and economic center of Armenia.
Location Maps
Where is Armenia?
Armenia is a landlocked country situated in the Middle East, though it can also be considered part of Europe geopolitically. Yerevan, the largest city and the capital of Armenia, is surrounded by four countries – Turkey to the east, Azerbaijan to the east, Georgia to the north, and Iran to the south. The Armenia boundary line is one of the most complex in the world today.
The Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic is an exclave of Azerbaijan that borders Armenia to the southwest. Armenia claims two other enclaves within Azerbaijan – Artsvashen and Nagorno–Karabakh. On the other hand, Azerbaijan has four enclaves within Armenia, which are Yukhari Askipara, Yaradullu, Barxudarli, and Karki.
High Definition Political Map of Armenia
Physical Map of Armenia
Transportation Map of Armenia
Armenia Satellite Map | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 91 | https://www.euractiv.com/section/armenia/news/report-preventive-communication-needed-to-protect-farmers-on-the-armenia-azerbaijan-border/ | en | Report: Preventive communication needed on Armenia-Azerbaijan border | [
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"Nagorno-Karabakh"
] | 2020-07-30T07:59:38 | A communication channel set up in 2018 to discuss incidents along the front lines could be used for sharing preventative information to protect farmers and minimise risks of escalation on the Armenia-Azerbaijan border, a recent report from the International Crisis Group (ICG) suggests. | en | https://www.euractiv.com/wp-content/themes/euractiv_com/favicon.ico | www.euractiv.com | https://www.euractiv.com/section/armenia/news/report-preventive-communication-needed-to-protect-farmers-on-the-armenia-azerbaijan-border/ | A communication channel set up in 2018 to discuss incidents along the front lines could be used for sharing preventative information to protect farmers and minimise risks of escalation on the Armenia-Azerbaijan border, a recent report from the International Crisis Group (ICG) suggests.
This could also be used to provide updates on planned construction works or other activities along the front lines that could otherwise raise eyebrows of either side, the report said.
It explained that the two sides rarely use the channel – a line operated by the defence ministries, through which communications go directly to the top security services personnel – to relay information on planned activities on the front, such as troop movements or reinforcement of trenches, and thereby minimise risks of misunderstandings.
However, scepticism remains on both sides when it comes to reviving contact, especially when it comes to allowing communication between lower-ranking officers.
“Azerbaijanis and Armenians are emotional people, and given that both sides have mostly young soldiers and officers, today such a hotline is risky”, the report quoted a high-level commander in Baku as saying.
Fighting flared up on 12 July between the ex-Soviet republics, which have been locked for decades in a conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, a region internationally recognised as being part of Azerbaijan but occupied by Armenia.
Unlike the “usual” clashes, this time the incidents were taking place on a northern section of the state border between the two countries, rather than at the border with Nagorno-Karabakh.
The harvest, starting usually earlier on the Azerbaijani side, normally begins in August with the collection of grain, but grape picking goes until the end of September.
With farming the only source of income for many in the area, the region faces demographic challenges as younger people leave to pursue opportunities farther away from the border.
“The schools that used to have 300 kids, now have 30 kids,” Olesya Vartanyan, a senior analyst for the South Caucasus region at the ICG, told EURACTIV.
Vartanyan said that during her travels last year, during a relatively calm period, for the first time she saw people repairing roofs and houses.
According to Vartanyan, who has spoken to people in the area, farmers are now scared but economic necessity pushes some to already venture out in the fields.
One woman told Vartanyan, who tried to warn her about the dangers “What are you talking about, my daughter, how am I going to live if I don’t go and collect this harvest?”
Another threat to farmers in the area comes from the unexploded ordinances left there from the recent clashes, which often took place close to roads and farmland.
A chessboard
Unlike in Nagorno-Karabakh, where the Azerbaijani-controlled territory along the line of contact is more densely inhabited than the Armenian-occupied area, both sides of the border where the new clashes occurred are heavily populated.
“It’s like a chessboard,” Vartanyan said, who was explained by military personnel that the mountainous and hilly terrain discourages the use of heavy weaponry because the other side may return fire from a different location, putting either side’s villages in danger.
The territory around the border area also contains important strategic infrastructure.
For Azerbaijan, the area hosts energy and transport lines such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway connecting Asia and Europe, called the “Iron Silk Road”, the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline, and Azerbaijan’s South Caucasus Pipeline channelling natural gas to the TAP and TANAP supplying Europe with alternative energy resources.
“On the Armenian side, the main highway and a railway connecting the country to Georgia, Russia and other parts of Europe pass through the northern Tavush region, as does a Russian pipeline bearing gas to Armenia,” the report said.
The think tank’s paper suggests that one potential area of cooperation could be technical talks on fixing the war-torn and dilapidated water infrastructure.
According to the report, due to the changing climate, the aggregate river flows in Armenia and Azerbaijan are projected to decrease by 11.9% by 2030 and as much as 37.8% by 2100, with water shortages already chronic in the region.
“A more strategic approach to the water problem in the region would help, but ultimately neither side can resolve the water supply problems without the other,” the report said.
“Such circumscribed technical talks, avoiding discussion of Nagorno-Karabakh, could be possible with the blessing of the leadership in both countries,” it concluded.
[Edited by Zoran Radosavljevic]
Read more with Euractiv | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 65 | https://net.lib.byu.edu/~rdh7/wwi/1915/bryce/a03.htm | en | 20. Bryce. Armenians. II | [
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] | null | [] | null | null | 17. VAN : NARRATIVE BY MR. Y. K. RUSHDOUNI, PUBLISHED SERIALLY IN THE ARMENIAN JOURNAL "GOTCHNAG," OF NEW YORK.
Van is a city built on a level plain, and has at the present time an area of about ten or twelve square miles.
The Old City is small (scarcely a single square mile in area) its centre is the market place and an ancient rock fortress. The real Van is the Aikesdan (the Vineyards), which rises slowly towards the East on an imposing scale. In Aikesdan each house, with few exceptions, has a vineyard and a garden. Its streets are broad and tree-lined. On each side of these trees run small rivulets, which are bordered by rows of willow and poplar trees. Van is in reality a beautiful, extensive and attractive garden. On its western side, about two or three miles distant, there stretches the beautiful blue lake of Van, surrounded by high, snow-clad mountains, the most prominent of which are Sipan, Nimroud, Kerkour and Azadk.
On the eastern side of Van rise the mountains of Varak, on the slopes of which stand the village of Shoushantz (named after Shoushanig, the daughter of Sennacherib), and also the famous monastery of Varak, with its seven altars, where Khrimean Hairik published his "Ardsouig Vaspouragani" ("The Eagle of Vaspouragan"). On the slopes of these mountains are also found the monasteries of Garmeror and St. Gregory, the chapel of St. Lousavorich (The Illuminator), and Gatnaghpur, Khachaghpur, Salnabad and Abaranchan, fountains of historical fame. There are also the Upper Varak villages---the historic summer resorts of Sultan Yailassi and Keshish Göl.
On the north side of Van there is the ancient and famous Toprak-Kalé (Earthen Fort). Again in the same direction are the villages of Shahbagh and Araless, behind which extends the district of Van-Dosb.
On the southern side of the city, beyond the hills of Artamid, one reaches the Valley of Haig; Vostan, the capital of Rushdounik ; and the mountains of Ardosr, with the tomb of Yeghishé on their slopes.
The Armenian and the Turkish quarters in Van were divided, and, except for a few streets, were all at some distance from each other. These two elements in the population had no relations with each other except those of a commercial nature. The Market and the Old City were in the hands of the Armenians, but were surrounded by Turkish quarters. There were Armenian houses which were eight miles away from the market-place, and to go there and back it was necessary to pass through the Turkish quarters. The Armenians covered this distance on foot, horseback or spring-wagons---these being the only means of transportation.
The day after war had been declared by Germany against Russia, Turkey declared a :state of war" in Van, and called all the young men between 21 and 45 to the colours, without distinction of race or religion. For the needs of the Army the Government requisitioned all the goods and provisions in the Market. In some cases they made partial payments, but afterwards they gave promissory notes to all the owners, which were payable after the war. This was a heavy loss to the Armenians, as the whole Market was practically in their hands. They lost all their petroleum, sugar, raisins, soap, copper, European clothing and various other commodities, besides almost half their remaining goods.
Owing to the sudden declaration of war and the requisitioning of the Market, it was impossible for the Armenians to transfer their goods elsewhere or to hide them, especially as the Market was an hour-and-a-half's distance from the Armenian quarters of Aikesdan.
All the tradesmen, shopkeepers, farmers and men of all vocations immediately answered the call to arms. A crowd gathered in front of the Government Building in such a way that it was impossible to keep order. There were some people who waited for three days continuously, from morning till night, and were unable to get a chance to register their names. The Dashnakist party encouraged the Armenians to do their duty faithfully as citizens. Mr. Aram, one of their leaders, collected together 350 to 400 fine young men, and, to the accompaniment of Turkish music, songs and dances, led them to the Government Building to register. The Government officials were considerably surprised at this willingness on the part of the Armenians; they held them up as an example in upbraiding the Turks, and particularly the Kurds, who had answered the call very reluctantly.
The Government treated the Armenians very liberally, exempting all the Gregorian and Protestant teachers of 25 years of age, and allowing them to continue their schools, on the condition that they would all go to the Government Building and register, so that in case of necessity they might be called up as militia for the protection of the City.
During the first two weeks this impartial treatment by the Turkish Government filled the Armenians with gladness and trust, and the Armenian soldiers that had deserted returned and gave themselves up. The only thing which gave rise to anxiety was the financial crisis. Trade and farming had completely stopped. The merchants were robbed, and all the traders were in the hands of the Government. It was the time to prepare for the annual taking of stock, but there were no available means.
Under the pretence of supplying the needs of the Army, the Government confiscated all the provisions. This was the first symptom of injustice and partiality. The understanding was that every man would be entitled to buy a certain amount of food and wood after informing the Government of the number and needs of his family, and after obtaining permission from them, and that every month those families whose men were on active service would receive 30 piastres (5s.) per head.
At this time the Armenians' claims were very often ignored; and because the Government was aware that the Armenians would not, whatever happened, go hungry and without clothing or wood for fuel, it collected from all the Armenian quarters and villages, in the form of a heavy tax, a certain quantity of wheat, wood, sheep, fat, and clothing. In addition the majority of the Armenian and Syrian soldiers were left without arms and clothing, and very often without anything to eat, under the pretence that the clothing and the arms were not yet ready, and that they had no means of transporting food in so short a time. This caused the desertion of many from the Army, and some remained away altogether. Others borrowed money and asked the Government, through influential officials, to be allowed to pay exemption money, and it seems that the Government also was trying to find a means to come to an understanding with the Armenians. It therefore published a special notice announcing that all the non-Moslems above 26 years of age would be exempted from the Army by payment of a special fee. The Armenians sold everything to pay the Government, that they might profit by this occasion. The period of exemption was extended by the Government to the following spring.
It is worth mentioning here that, according to the Turkish officials, there were about the same number of deserters among the Turks and Kurds, but they never paid as much exemption money as the Armenians did.
The Government sided with the Germans even when they were neutral, whereas the Armenians---unfortunately---sympathised with the Allies. But even then no special injustice was done. The Government showed kindness to the Armenians, at least on the surface, while the Governor, Tahsin Pasha, had such close relations with the leaders of the Dashnakist party that people thought he was their special friend. Besides this it was arranged that two Armenian Members of the Ottoman Parliament who were the representatives of Van, Messrs. Vahan Papazian and Vremyan, should stay with the people to keep them and the Government on good terms with one another.
After the entry of the Turks into the war, however, the situation assumed a different aspect. The Government began to adopt a cold and suspicious attitude towards the Armenians, who had performed their duty towards the Government to the best of their ability, and even after the abolition of the "Capitulations" had joined the Turks in their celebrations of the event. In spite of all this, the coolness between them was very marked, and this became especially apparent after it was found that the Armenians had supplied volunteers to the Russians, and that they were the very troops who had occupied Bayazid. It was then reported that all the Kurdish tribes had gone over to the side of the Russians and had caused great prejudice to the Turks. This terrified the Turks to such a degree that many rich women went to the American missionary ladies of Van to ask their protection, saying : "We are not afraid of the Russians as much as we are of the Kurds." But the unfortunate part was that, in Government circles, the dominant topic of conversation was the Armenian Volunteers.
It was before this that Tahsin Bey summoned the heads of the Dashnakists (the heads of the Hunchakists were already in prison) and pointed out to them that the Armenians had begun a volunteer movement, and that this movement would be dangerous to them ; and afterwards in a special letter he suggested to them, and especially to Mr. Vremyan, that they should write to the heads of the Dashnakists of Bayazid and stop this movement. This letter was sent to Mr. Toros, the head of the Dashnakists of Ardjish, but Mr. Toros was killed by a Turkish gendarme. At the same time it was stated that the Turkish Government had made special overtures to the Dashnakists and proposed that they should form bands of chettis composed of Turks and Armenians and raid Caucasia, but I do not know how it happened that this was refused by the Armenians.(38)
A short time after the Turks intervened in the war, all the Armenians in the Turkish Army were disarmed and employed as ordinary labourers. The arms of the Armenian gendarmes in the local districts were taken and given to the Turks, while the latter were left free on the understanding that they would be called up, though this never actually took place. This general disarming filled the Armenians with fear and suspicion. Those of the disarmed Armenians who found means of escape, deserted, and some whom I knew personally were sent back by the officials.
Turkey had not yet declared war, but she was mobilising her forces, when the members of the Armenian Reform Committee came to Van with M. Hoff, the Inspector-General. The Government did not carry out the plan, which was prepared and announced to the Armenians, for receiving the Inspector-General and his party with pomp and ceremony, but they sent them to the beautiful little village of Artamid on the southern side of the city, situated on the shore of Lake Van. After they had stayed there a few days they were sent back again, carrying with them the scheme of Armenian Reforms.
Shortly after Turkey had declared war, Tahsin Pasha was called to Erzeroum, and in his place Djevdet Bey, the brother-in-law of Enver Pasha, was selected as Governor for Van.
About the end of the autumn, when the Russian Army had annihilated the Turkish Army on the Persian border, had taken Bashkalé and Sarai, and was moving towards Van, there was a violent panic among the Turkish officers and general public. Many of the officers sold their property and transferred their families by boats to Bitlis. Other prominent families, like the Hamoud-oglou---who had done great harm to the Armenians---took the same course. Among the rank and file those that were afraid addressed themselves to the Armenians, who received them very kindly. The object of the Armenians was to teach some dangerous officers a good lesson, but they had no intention whatever of harming the innocent officers and the Turkish public.
I met many who said very plainly: "Here is a good opportunity for us to show our Turkish compatriots and neighbours that we Armenians never harboured any bad intentions towards them, but had always demanded simply a state of equality, which would be beneficial to all who wished to live a peaceful life."
At the time when the Turkish army was annihilated on the Persian border, and there was not even the militia in Van and less than 400 gendarmes between Van and Bitlis, it would have been very easy for the Armenians to occupy the greater part of the provinces of Van and Moush, if they had wanted to revolt and masssacre the Turks (who were in fear of their lives) or do what the Turks had done in the past to the "Giaours" ("Infidels").
The Government knew this, and for this reason treated the Armenians very flatteringly. The Armenian people was thankful to be able to live without fear and to have friendly and sincere relations with their Turkish neighbours. The Dashnakist Party also, who had been in close touch with the Government, were content with this situation, and were satisfied now that the Government considered them of importance and asked their advice on the welfare of the "Vatan" (Fatherland).
Unfortunately this state of affairs was of short duration. Suddenly the Russian army retreated. The different fragments of the Turkish Army rallied again, and instead of pursuing the enemy, they exterminated the Armenian and Syrian population of Bashkalé, Sarai and all the surrounding villages. They had massacred all the male population, and in certain places---according to the reports of a Turkish commander who was a Russian subject---had thrown them into wells. The most beautiful of the women had been distributed among the Moslems, and some of them were even sent to Van; the old and weak women who remained were collected together and driven to various places like a herd of cattle. The Armenian Bishop of Van sent a Turco-Armenian delegation to the Government to ask its help for the sufferers, but the Government entirely ignored the request, or postponed it from day to day.
The Governor of Van went to the front, leaving an assistant in his place, and by his patriotic exertions he re-organised the Turkish Army. He succeeded in winning to the side of the Turks the rebellious Kurds and even Smgo the Chief, who lived under Russian protection. This news was immediately telegraphed to Van and Constantinople. Djevdet Bey, the lion general of the Turks, with his reorganised army, followed the Russians up to Tabriz, and occupied it. It is unnecessary to repeat that the Turkish Army, wherever it went, carried with it fire an sword and all kinds of terrible tortures, which were inflicted upon the "Infidels." Regarding this, the American missionaries are the best informed eye-witnesses.
Owing to these Turkish successes on the frontier and the Armenian volunteer movements, the Government and the Turkish public changed their attitude towards the Armenians. The Government was more civil in its demands and asked all the deserters to appear before it, although without actually promising them arms and their restoration to the Army. To all questions concerning this, the answer was: "That is for us to decide." The war taxes were doubled, and to all the petitions and objections regarding this, the answer was: "The Army is more important than the populace."
The Government began now not to attach much importance to their friends the Dashnakists, and there was a time when the Assistant Governor refused even to receive Mr. Vremyan in audience, saying : "I cannot stand his rudeness and blustering."
A little distance from Van all the country places like Nordouz, Hazaren and Boghaz-Kessen were destroyed. Part of the inhabitants were massacred, others found refuge in Van, and the remainder altogether disappeared. The horrors spread to the other districts and villages round Van. Garjgan was evacuated; the village of Pelou, which had 120 houses, and the ten villages of Gargar were sacked.
In a semi-civilised country it is an easy matter for a Government to find pretexts for its acts, when the Governor so desires. For instance, in Pelou a drunken young man had a fight with a gendarme, pulled out his revolver and killed him. In the mountains above the village of Shoushantz, six Kurdish deserters were killed---but none of the authorities ascertained by whom they were killed, or who they were. These and similar events gave cause and pretext to the Turkish Government for censuring the Armenians. But no one was censured for the massacres and general unrest at Sarai, Bashkalé, Nordouz, Hazaren and Boghaz-Kessen. Then new army corps and machine guns were brought up to Van to be transferred to the frontier; all the Turkish and Kurdish citizens from 15 to 60 years of age were armed with these weapons, and when the Armenian Bishop protested to the Government, the answer was: "We are arming them to organise them into militia; after a little while we will collect them all and put them into barracks. If the Armenians are also willing to volunteer and come to the barracks, let them come and we will give them arms."
After the events at Pelou and Gargar, it was reported that a Turkish mob from Bitlis had devastated the district of Garjgan with fire and sword, and was advancing on Kavash and Haiotz-Tzor, and that after destroying these places they would proceed towards Van. Upon the arrival of this report, some Dashnakists went out towards Ankegh. and Antanan in Haiotz-Tzor and destroyed the bridge near Ankegh, to prevent the Turks sending help to the mob which was advancing from Bitlis, and also to stop the mob from marching upon Van. After this the Armenians also killed a few gendarmes and Kurds. Among those killed was reported to be the Judge of Vostan. As far as I remember seven persons were killed at this time. This event caused fear among the Turks and Kurds. The Government therefore sent Mr. Vremyan as a mediator. Mr. Vremyan settled the question, putting the blame on the Kaimakam of Vostan, who had sent for the mob from Bitlis. The Government superseded the Kaimakam of Vostan and promised to find and return the booty from Pelou and to restore the people who were deported to their homes. This was never done. An Armenian proverb says that "A thief is afraid of himself," and the Turks also were afraid of themselves on account of what they had done. While travelling through Haiotz-Tzor and Kavash they assumed Armenian names. Yet the officials, whenever they got a chance, protested to foreigners that the Armenians were ungrateful, that they furnished volunteers to the Russians, and wanted autonomy; "And therefore," they said, "we will not leave this country to them. Let the Russians take the country, but we refuse to let the Armenians rule over our families and our kin." It is unnecessary to add that there were as many Moslem volunteers as Armenian in the Russian forces.
The Turkish Government was very prudent. So long as it was weak it flattered the Armenians and praised them to their faces; the leaders of the Dashnakists. Vremyan, Aram and Ishkhan, were treated as advisers of the Government. The Armenians on their part tried not to be the cause of any disturbance in the country. The only ground for anxiety in the relations between the Government and the Armenians was the question of the Armenian deserters. After the Armenian soldiers were disarmed, they did not dare to remain in their posts, and used to desert. When it was discovered that the Turkish Government had armed all the male Mohammedans from 14 to 60 years of age, they were no longer willing to give themselves up, and decided to die with their wives and children. A few Turkish officials confessed that it was wrong to disarm the Armenians because there were more Kurdish deserters than Armenian, but the Government refrained from attaching as much blame to the Kurds as they did to the Armenians.
To consider all these problems, a meeting was called under the presidency of Yeznig Vartabed, the Assistant of the Bishop, in which all sections of the Armenian population of Van were represented. The meeting was held at the house of Kevork Agha Jidajian, and came to the following conclusions : That the Turkish Government was treating the Armenians with suspicion ; that all work, trade, and farming had stopped ; that certain districts such as Nordouz, Gargar and Garjgan had been cleared of their inhabitants, and that the Armenians of Sarai and Bashkalé had been annihilated when the Russian army retreated ; finally, that in case of a revolution the Armenians at Van would be able to hold out for some time, but that, taking into consideration the whole of Armenia, it was necessary to maintain peace with the Turks at all costs.
As certain deserters could not give themselves up at the .moment for important reasons, they decided to ask the Government to accept exemption money for them. The meeting decided to negotiate on these lines through Mr. Vremyan as their Deputy, with Avedis Effendi Terzibashian as an adviser experienced in Turkish psychology. The meeting also proposed to open negotiations through some merchants on similar lines. A week later the Armenians held a joint conference with the Turks at Jidajian's house. At this conference they decided to live together as neighbours without taking account of any changes of policy in the Government. The Turks promised to ask the Government not to give any cause for revolution.
However, the situation was far from being satisfactory, and unrest was in the air. All the workmen were working for the Government; the tradesmen would go to their shops, bear rumours, and go home again, to stay at home for four or five days; and the attitude of the Government kept changing like a weathercock, in conformity with the successes or failures at the front. Sometimes it was very severe and unreasonable, and sometimes very smooth and peaceful. Everyone was uneasy, as they did not know how long such a situation would last. We were afraid of massacres. We were afraid of the retreating Turkish army, which would undoubtedly devastate everything on its way. We were afraid of famine, as the Government had not given the people a chance of provisioning themselves, and we knew that the villages and farms had been robbed. A part of the working class was in the army. The cattle and sheep belonging to the refugees had been confiscated and sold. Many people confided to me that they wished that whatever was going to happen would happen quickly and relieve them from their suspense. Meanwhile, the people of Van armed themselves, and kept secret watch day and night at different street corners, to be prepared for any eventuality,
About the beginning of spring, rebellion started in the district of Van-Dosb, or Timar, a few hours' distance from Van. The inhabitants of the village of Erer in this district were massacred. When the turn came for the village of Bairak, the local Armenians defended themselves with the help of the Armenians in Van against the Kurds and the gendarmes. When the Government saw that people were getting ready and that things would drift from bad to worse, it went to the Bishop and expressed its regret for the events that had taken place, and asked the Armenians to send their representatives to stop the fighting at Bairak. This was immediately done. Some blamed the Vice-Governor, who had taken Djevdet's place, for these affrays. Mr. Vremyan and the Vice-Governor fell out , the Vice-Governor having refused to receive Mr. Vremyan in audience, but as Mr. Vremyan was a Deputy (Member of the Ottoman Parliament) he was allowed to remain in the district with the sanction of the Government. Mr. Vremyan blamed the Vice-Governor for the situation, and sent a telegram to this effect to the Governor, Djevdet, who was at the front. Djevdet, answered him thanking him, and asking him to preserve peace until his return, when he would put everything in order, "Inshallah" (" God willing ").
It was the last week of Lent when Djevdet Bey reached Van with 400 trained soldiers, called Lez(39), and a few field guns, and was received by the Armenians with royal honours; but while passing through Armenian villages he shut his eyes to the barbarous behaviour of his soldiers towards the Armenian women. In the new village of Upper Haiotz-Tzor a number of women were violated, a man was killed, and others were beaten almost to death, on the pretence of having arms. For this, one of the young men wanted to follow Djevdet and kill him, but the Armenian revolutionists did not allow him to do so. As soon as, Djevdet Bey reached the city, he thanked Vremyan and all those who had done their best for the peace of the city, and started negotiating with the Armenians concerning the deserters. He persuaded the Armenians to give themselves up, or at least a certain part of them, so that he might have less difficulty in getting back the Turkish and Kurdish deserters.
During Passion Week the negotiations with the Government were postponed on account of a terrible snowstorm. At this time there was an army of 4,000 with some artillery in Van. There was no special cause for anxiety, but everybody felt there was something in the air, which turned out to be the case. After Easter, when the negotiations were taken up again with the Government, it was reported that there had been conflicts at Shadakh. The general impression was that the Government was behind it. The Government wanted to arrest a member of the Dashnakist party called Joseph. The Armenians would not allow him to be arrested, and that started the trouble. Shadakh is about 24 hours' journey from Van, towards the south, on one of the tributaries of the Tigris. During the massacres of 1895 and 1896, the Armenians of Shadakh had succeeded in defending themselves with great success and honour. After that, the Government had wanted to trap the Armenians and massacre them, and fill their places with Kurds and Turks, but it was not successful, and now in April the massacres had started from there. The liberty-loving Armenians of this place defended themselves bravely for about two months, until the end of May, when the Volunteers went to their assistance.
Djevdet Bey asked the Dashnakists to send a delegate and put a stop to these occurrences. The members of this deputation were Mr. Ishkhan and three young Armenians, a Turkish Prefect of Police, and a few gendarmes. On the evening of the 16th April, in the Kurdish village of Hirj, the Armenian delegates were all assassinated---a trap laid by the Government. Some trustworthy people from Haiotz-Tzor (Armenian Valley) reported that the very day that Mr. Ishkhan was going to Shadakh .as a peace delegate, the Armenians of Upper Haiotz-Tzor came to him and said: "For how long shall we endure it ? They have not spared anything. There was only Shadakh left, and they massacred even the people of Shadakh." Mr. Ishkhan, who was a fighter by nature, had declared to the Armenian villagers that they must keep the peace at all costs, and had ordered them to give the Government everything that was asked for ; if one village was burnt, they were ordered to escape to another village.
Here I would like to explain in parenthesis the reason why I always mention the Dashnakist party. They were the people who were mixed up with politics; they were the friends and advisers of the Young Turk Party, and, having formed a "bloc" with them, they always sided with the Turks in parliamentary conflicts. The Government on their part wanted to keep them on their side, knowing that they had great influence over the villagers, in the Episcopal Court, and in the Chancery of the Catholics of Aghtainar. The Ramgavars (Democrats) were not mixed up with politics. They had their own paper, "Van-Dosp," and were busy with their own propaganda and their own trade and teaching, only once in a while fighting against the Dashnakists. They did not, like the Dashnakists, have special members who gave all their time to political affairs. The Hunchakists were very few in number, and during mobilisation their leaders, Messrs. Ardashes Solakhian and Proudian, were arrested and afterwards killed.
On Saturday morning, the 17th April, Djevdet Bey asked the following leaders of the Dashnakists---Messrs. Vremyan, Aram. Avedis Effendi Terzibashian. (a merchant), and Kevork Agha Jidajian---to visit him for a conference. Aram could not go, for one reason or another ; the others went and were retained. After that it was reported that all those that went as peace delegates were killed by the Government. This started a panic among the Armenians, and young men under arms took up special positions. Father Nerses of the New Church, Set Effendi Kapamajian and myself went to the American missionaries to ask them to intercede with the Government on our behalf to maintain peace. Before the missionaries had reached the Government Building, Terzibashian and Jidajian were freed, so that they could advise the Armenians to go and surrender, but Vremyan was kept to be sent to Constantinople. Djevdet Bey told the missionaries that he had already sent for them. He also added that, as the peace of the country was disturbed, the American missionaries must make room for 50 soldiers for their own protection. If they could not do that, then they must all go to the Government Building, with their whole households. The missionaries came back with the impression that everything was over, and that Djevdet Bey had changed altogether. The same night the Armenians had a meeting in the New Church, where Terzibashian Effendi told them what Djevdet, Bey had said and communicated to them the result of the negotiations. He said that it was impossible to influence Djevdet; sometimes he was quite reasonable, and at other times he was harsh and immovable and wanted all the deserters to surrender either that day or the following, and all the Armenians to give up their arms. Again it was decided to ask him to accept part of the deserters and receive exemption money for the rest. Signor Sbordone (the agent of the Italian Consul), the American missionaries and the Armenian merchants made proposals to Djevdet Bey to this effect, but they were unable to find out what his intentions were. Sometimes he declared on oath that he would not bring dishonour on his father, Tahir Pasha, who ruled over Van in peace during a time of great disturbances, and sometimes in a fury he would say : "There will either be nothing but Turks or nothing but Armenians left in this city. After I have finished Shadakh I will overthrow Van. I will not leave a single house standing except the house of my father. I will not spare either male or female, youth or old age. The Armenians must give up their arms and their deserters, and they must pass in front of my window to go to the barracks. If I hear the report of a gun or revolver, I will consider that a signal to carry out what I have just told you."
On Monday, the 19th April, Djevdet Bey was in a slightly different mood. He issued an order for everybody to go about their business, saying that nothing would happen. We had been isolated for a whole week from the districts outside the town and were ignorant as to what was going on there, and we did not even know that we were surrounded by Turkish trenches and troops. On the very day that Djevdet Bey told us that "All was well," Agantz, a big town in the district of Van, was sacked and ruined. Prominent inhabitants of Agantz, like Abaghtzian, Housian and Shaljian, were invited to go to the Government Building to receive orders from the Kaimakam. The other Armenians were collected from the streets and from their houses. At night, after dark, they took these men in groups of fifty with their hands tied behind their backs, brought them to the river bank at the back of the city, and there killed them all. Only three were able to unloose their hands and escape at night, after pretending to be dead. One of them went to an Armenian village near by and was the cause of this village's escape ; another of them went to the boats that were on the shore and saw that most of the sailors had been killed, but told the rest about it, who thereupon launched their boats into the open lake and rowed for the Monastery Island. The third disappeared altogether.
Haroutune Agha Housian was wounded in three places, but escaped to his home. When the Turkish officers counted the wounded, however, they found, by their list, that Mr. Housian was missing, and when they found him in his house they killed him. All the male inhabitants of Agantz were killed except these three, and, by the permission of the Government, the Armenian households---that is, the women and children and property---were divided among the Turks. In order to secure their property, the Turks betrothed themselves to Armenian girls and women, with the intention of marrying them.
Djevdet Bey announced to everybody that "Asayish her Kemal der" ("Peace was perfect"), and at the same time he put pressure on the American missionaries either to sign a statement that they had refused the protection of the Government, or agree to accept a guard of 50 soldiers for the missionary compound. He laid more emphasis on this latter proposition, saying that he would send the same number of soldiers to the German missionaries. The American missionaries were so considerate as to ask the advice of the Armenians, and the latter, especially Mr. Armenag Yegarian, saw in the proposal a plot to seize the Armenian quarters and homes. Accordingly they made the missionaries understand that the only thing which would protect them would be the American flag and the order of the Government, and that, even if 5,000 soldiers were there, it would be impossible to be protected against the Government. With this in view, they told the missionaries that, if Djevdet sent more than 10 or 12 soldiers, they would be obliged to open fire on them and would not let one into the Armenian quarters. Taking all these points into consideration, the missionaries informed the Government that they were willing to accept as many soldiers as the Government sent them, but that they would not be responsible for their safe arrival and were very unwilling to start a conflict on that account. "We are not afraid of the Armenians," they said, "and we think that 10 or 12 soldiers and an order from you will be sufficient to protect us."
On Tuesday morning, the 20th April, at six o'clock, some Turkish soldiers saw a few Armenian women coming to the city from the village of Shoushantz , half-an-hour's distance from Van. They attempted to violate them, and when two Armenian young men went to remonstrate with the Turkish soldiers, the latter opened fire on them and killed them. This was not very far from the German Mission, and the Principal of the German missionaries, Herr Spörri, and his wife witnessed this incident. He also was kind enough to write explicitly to Djevdet, stating that it was the Turkish soldiers who attempted to violate the women and then killed the Armenian young men who had tried to save the women's honour.
But Djevdet had received his signal, and as soon as the reports were heard from Ourpat Arou (where the women had been violated), artillery fire was opened upon the Armenian quarters of Aikesdan, and was also turned upon the inhabitants of the Market-place, which was surrounded by Turkish quarters.
Then we understood that we were really surrounded, and so the armed Armenian young men held the street corners and did not allow the Turkish or Kurdish mobs to enter. The Armenian lines protected an area of about two square miles, which was held by 700 Armenians, 300 only of whom had regular arms and a certain amount of military training. The others were simply civilians who had revolvers and a few ordinary weapons. All the fighters had decided to fight to the bitter end in defence of their families.
Even the American missionaries confessed that they could not conceive how a Government could display such meanness and treachery towards citizens who had been so faithful in their duties. It is important to mention that the sympathies of the American missionaries had been with the Armenians at all times. They not only opened the doors of their compounds and houses, but also placed families and property in security, and began to give their personal services to the sick and the children.
All the people of Van, without exception, began to work with one soul. Those who had arms and were able to fight rushed to take their stand and stop the Turks from entering the Armenian quarters, and those who were able to work took spade and shovel to go and strengthen the fighting men's positions by constructing trenches and walls. The little boys worked as scouts, the women and girls undertook the care of the sick and the children. Besides that, the women did all the sewing and cooking for the fighters.
With the object of caring for the wounded, a Red Cross detachment was raised with the assistance of Dr. Sanfani (Khosrov Chetjian) and Dr. Khatchig. To secure law and order, a local Government was formed, with judicial, police and sanitary branches. Its administration was conducted in perfect order the whole month through. The Americans said that Van had never had such a good Government under the Turkish rule. An end was put to revolutionary disputes ; only such expressions as "Armenian soldier," "Armenian Self-defence Committee" and the like were heard; and they named their positions "Dévé Boyi," "Dardanelles," "Sahag Bey's Dug-out," and so on.
For the better organisation of the defending forces they appointed a military council, which was formed of the representatives of the revolutionary parties and the non-party Armenians, and which carried on the work very successfully. This body was in communication with the lines and supplied soldiers wherever and whenever it was necessary. The Supply Committee also did good work in supplying food and beds for those who were working in the different stations. Under the presidency of Bedros Bey Mozian, the ex-Mayor of Van, and with the leadership of Mr. Yarrow, they formed a Relief Society whose object was to collect supplies and provide the necessaries of life for those who were destitute and had lost their homes. This committee was a great assistance to the fighting forces.
One of the local papers began to publish the news of the fighting and distribute it to the people. The Normal School band, under the leadership of Mr. K. Boujikanian, played Armenian military airs, the "Marseillaise," and other tunes, to hearten the fighters. The greater the intensity of the Turkish artillery fire and the louder the roar of the guns, the louder the band played, and this made Djevdet more furious than the bullets of the Armenians ; he did not even restrain himself from expressing his feelings in his bulletins.
During the first days of the fighting, the Military Committee, by special bulletin, made a public appeal to the Turks, reminding them of their pledges to one another, and proclaiming that Governments change but the people always remain neighbours, and that there was no reason why they should be at enmity with one another. By this they put the whole of the blame on Djevdet, who possessed nothing else in Van but a horse, " and he could ride off on that and escape." After making this point, the proclamation suggested to the Turkish inhabitants that they should force Djevdet, to desist from the bloodshed. I do not know the result of this announcement.
The Military Committee also gave orders to the Armenian soldiers not to drink, not to blaspheme the religion of the enemy, to spare women, children and unarmed men, to respect neutrals, and to prevent anyone from entering their compounds under arms. They also ordered that all the wounded should be taken to the American Hospital, and that only true reports should be given.
During these dark days the Armenian people were very full of life. Everybody did his or her best. They all had good hope that Djevdet would not succeed in annihilating the Armenians of Van. The spirit of the fighters was enough to inspire those that were in despair. I have seen young men who had fought the enemy day and night, without sleeping. Their eyesight had been so affected that they were practically blind, and they were transferred to the Red Cross Station to be treated. Even then they were very cheerful. While the shrapnel was raining upon Van, the Armenian children were playing soldiers in the streets.
Armenag Yegarian, with his cool and able leadership; Aram, with his constant presence and advice; P. Terlemezian, with his great heart ; Krikor of Bulgaria, with his indefatigable industry and inventive genius---they were very able leaders. To save their lives and honour all the Armenians of Van had placed their services at the disposal of the Military Council, who awarded crosses and medals to encourage those who were worthy of them. I was present when a little girl received one of these medals. During the retaking of a position in Angous Tzor she bravely went ahead, spied out the ground and brought back news that the Turks had laid no traps for the advancing Armenian soldiers.
From the very first day of the fighting the Turks burned all the Armenian houses that were outside the Armenian fighting zone, but the village of Shoushantz and Varak Monastery were still in the hands of the Armenians. Mr. H. Kouyotunjian was in charge of the entrenchments at Varak, and he came down to Aikesdan once in a while to report everything that was going on there.
After a week all the Armenians in the surrounding country came in to Aikesdan by way of Varak and Shoushantz, bringing with them famine, sickness and terrible news. Those that came from Haiotz-Tzor (Armenian Valley) reported that two Turkish armies had passed through the Armenian villages with artillery. The first army paid for everything that they took, and the people were encouraged by this act to issue from their retreats, but the second army surrounded them and massacred them. The Government carried out its work on such a well-planned system that villages were massacred without having had warning of the fate of their neighbours only a mile away. All the inhabitants of the villages that surrendered were massacred. There were villages that succeeded in removing their people and taking them to the mountains, but in general we must confess that the villagers did not prove very brave. They were not able to co-operate for their common defence, and there were even some who did not like to oppose the Government. In comparison with the city people they were short of ammunition, and they managed to convoy their families into the city by simply firing in the air. which was one of the reasons why the city people rather looked down on them. But the fact is that if they had had enough ammunition and the right leaders, they would have been able very easily to drive the enemy out of Haiotz-Tzor, Kavash and Tamar.
During the first two weeks the Government massacred the men and had all the women kidnapped, and deported the remainder from village to village to give the Turkish population a chance of wreaking their vengeance. But afterwards, in order to strike at the defensive powers of Van and to starve the Armenians into surrender by making them use up their provisions, they collected all the survivors from the villages and sent them to Aikesdan and to the city proper. The people in the city refused to pass anybody through the lines of defence ; the enemy therefore sent them to Aikesdan, telling them that those who returned would be shot. The people of Aikesdan recognised their terrible straits and took them in ; there were a large number of wounded among the women and children. I saw a woman from the village of Eremer, whose husband was serving in the Turkish army and whose twelve-year-old boy was slain before her eyes. She was wounded herself, as well as her two remaining children, one four years and the other eleven months old. I shall never forget the drooping look of the little one and the wounded arm that, hung by his side, nor the woman herself, who was almost mad. All these were given over to Dr. Ussher, who treated them immediately. I also remember a woman who had lost seven of her children and had gone out of her mind. She lay on the ground clutching her hair. She threw dust on her head and cursed the Kaiser all the time.
The American Hospital, which could accommodate only 50 patients, had 150 sick, and they were obliged to fill every available place with the wounded. Scarlet fever, whooping cough and smallpox carried off many of the little ones.
Besides the fighting and working forces, we had to supply food for about 13,000 people. At the beginning it was possible to give one loaf of bread to each individual every day, but afterwards we were obliged to cut it down to half a loaf, supplemented with other food. All the oxen and cows in the city were slaughtered, and when we had lost all hope of procuring cattle from outside there were even people who suggested killing the dogs. The lack of ammunition was also severely felt, so that in Aikesdan for every thousand rounds fired by the Turks the Armenians could only reply with one.
After a few days the Turks occupied the positions of Shoushantz and Varak, and burned the library of old manuscripts at Varak Monastery. All the Armenians and Syrians from these occupied villages came over to the city and consequently increased the famine and plague. Up to this time women between 65 and 70 years old carried letters backwards and forwards between Djevdet and the Austrian banker Aligardi, Signor Sbordone, and the German and American missionaries. These women carried a white flag in one hand and the letter in the other, and passed to and fro in safety, with the exception of one who was shot by the Turks because she was unfortunate enough to fall down and lose the flag, and another one who was wounded by the Turks. Djevdet tried to discourage the Armenians by descriptions of Turkish successes, and also suggested that they should give up their arms and receive a complete amnesty, like the people of Diyarbekir. In a letter addressed to Mr. Aligardi, the Austrian, he wrote: "Dear Aligardi, Ishim yok, keifim tchok" ("I have nothing to do but amuse myself"). In another, addressed to Dr. Ussher, he said : "I will parade the prisoners and guns I have taken from the Russians in front of His Majesty Dr. Ussher's fort, so that he may see and believe."
But the Armenians did not let Djevdet do as he pleased. They severed communications and did not allow any more letters to pass through the lines. Then, under the direction of Professor M. Minassian, they succeeded in making smokeless powder, cartridges and three guns, whose reports were heard with great rejoicings by all the Armenians. They made about 2,000 cartridges a day, and the blacksmiths made spears, so that, if necessary, they could fight with spears when the ammunition was all gone. The Armenians also dug underground passages, through which they blew up certain Turkish barracks and entrenchments.
Thus they burned and destroyed the great stone barracks of Hamoud Agha; the Telegraph and Police Station of Khatch Poghotz (Cross Street) ; half the police station of Arar, and the English Consulate, which was one of the chief Turkish strongholds. This encouraged the Armenians a great deal, so that there was a time when Djevdet was obliged to send 500 soldiers against a position held by only 44 Armenians, who after fighting for three or four hours left 33 dead on the field and retired. A young man called Borouzanjian, the only son of his widowed mother and the support of his orphan sisters, resigned his post as hospital orderly and went to fight in the trenches. He killed four Turkish soldiers and was finally killed himself. He praised God while dying that he had done his duty, and asked his comrades to sell his revolver and other personal belongings and to give the proceeds of them to his mother, so that she could live on them for a little while.
During this time they sent word to the Armenian Volunteers in Russia, asking them to come to their aid.
When the villagers came to Aikesdan and thus increased the number of labourers and fighters, the trenches were elaborated and increased in number, so that they now covered two square miles. When the Turkish artillerymen destroyed one line they found a second fortified line at the back, which was stronger than the first. Besides this, the Armenians had organised a body of cavalry, so that they could send help in all directions. Not only Aikesdan was defended with success, but also the city proper and Shadakh. The Americans, seeing the spirit of the Armenians, declared that it would not be far wrong to say that this beat Marathon.
The Turkish soldiers were good shots, especially the artillerymen, who could direct their shrapnel by accurate sighting upon the desired point. Who could imagine that their commanders were civilised and Christian Germans! This fact became known to the Armenians after the fall of Van.
On the 9th and 10th May we saw the white sails of boats on the Lake of Van. Without heeding the flying bullets, the people flocked on to high ground to watch them. We did not know whether they were some of the Turkish population or officers who were escaping. They continued the shooting until next morning. After the 10th May the fighting became more intense, both during the daytime and at night, and on the 15th and 16th May the guns were directed upon the American Institutions, where all the people were. Although during the whole period of fighting they had fired upon the American compound, the Hospital, the Church and Dr. Ussher's home, and wounded thirteen people, it was only during the last two days that the bombardment was confined to the compound alone. It was then that a bomb struck Dr. Raynold's house and killed Mr. Terzibashian's three-and-a-half-years-old daughter.
On the evening of the 17th May the Armenians succeeded in destroying the upper and lower barracks of Toprak Kalé, which raised their spirits vastly ; but in the evening the joy of the Americans surpassed that of the Armenians. About midnight, in a strong attack, the Armenians seized and burned the largest Turkish barracks, Hadji Bekir's Kushla, which dominated the American compound. At midnight the town criers went through the town crying victory: "We have taken all the Turkish positions; they have run away: come out." On this report the Armenians, especially those who were in a starving condition, came out and attacked the Turkish quarters to rob and burn them. The revenge of centuries was being taken. The Armenian soldiers did not participate in this movement for twenty-four hours, but held their positions so that the enemy might not take them by surprise. The booty that the people took from the Turks consisted mostly of wheat, flour and bread.
I asked one of the villagers to show me her booty. She did so, and I was surprised to see that it consisted of clothing that the Turks had robbed from Armenian women and girls. They found in the house of Mouhib Effendi, a member of the Ottoman Parliament, a chalice and other sacred vessels from an Armenian Church. The Turks were in such a panic that some left their tables laid and took to flight. The hungry women of yesterday were carrying away booty without stopping, with a new strength. It was the story of the seventh chapter of the Fourth Book of Kings that was repeated word for word. The American compound was now deserted except for the boy scouts, who, with the help of one of our teachers and Neville Ussher, remained to look after the sick.
The whole city was in an uproar. Some went to look at the entrenchments; others went to look at the burned Turkish quarters, and others to look at the booty. There were others also who visited the fortress, which was captured that same night, and over which a flag with a Cross on it was waving. No Government was left, no authority. The soldiers had marked out their position from Arark to Khatch Poghotz as a military centre. They took away all the valuable vessels and property from the people. They were afraid that there would be fighting, but fortunately nothing happened. In Aikesdan there were still armed Turks in certain positions, who killed some Armenians, but they were finally found and killed. It was very pitiful to see Armenian soldiers leading Turkish women and children and unarmed men to the American compound for safety, and saying I to them : " Do not cry ; nothing will happen to you ; we are only looking for Djevdet, who destroyed both your homes and ours." Nobody touched these Turkish women, some of whom had from £30 to £95 (Turkish) on their persons. Some of the Armenians went to look for their wounded in the Turkish hospitals, and when they did not find them they were so infuriated that they killed some of the Turkish wounded and burned the building. Mr. Yarrow asked me to go and wait there until he came. I stayed there. The scene was dreadful. For four days the Government had given them no bread and no care, so that many of them had already died from neglect. Interspersed among the dead there were also some still living, but the Armenians did not raise their hands to touch them. Before the arrival of the Americans, many came and helped me to put out the fire and attended to those that were alive. Mr. Yarrow, seeing all this. said: "I am amazed at the self-control of the Armenians, for though the Turks did not spare a single wounded Armenian, the Armenians are helping us to save the Turks---a thing that I do not believe even Europeans would do."
The scene in the prison was dreadful, as all the Armenian prisoners had been massacred. The wife of Mr. Proudian had completely lost her reason, and cried out: "Show me at least the bones of my dear one." The unveiling of these dreadful deeds of the Turks so hardened some of the Armenians that they followed the doctrine of "an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth," to the great sorrow of the others.
18. VAN AFTER THE TURKISH RETREAT : LETTER FROM HERR SPÖRRI, OF THE GERMAN MISSION AT VAN, PUBLISHED IN THE GERMAN JOURNAL "SONNENAUFGANG," OCTOBER, 1915.
There lies Artamid before us, adorned by its delicious gardens ; but how does the village look ? The greater part of it is nothing now but a heap of ruins. We talked there with three of our former orphan protégées, who had had fearful experiences during the recent events. We rode on across the mountain of Artamid. Even in time of peace one crosses the pass with one's heart in one's mouth, because the Kurds ply their robber trade there. Now it is all uncannily still. Our glance swept over the magnificent valley of Haiotz-Tzor. There lay Antananz before us, now utterly destroyed like the rest. We gave shelter, at the time, to the people from Antananz who had managed to escape. Further on in the magnificent green landscape lay Vostan. At first sight one might call it a paradise, but during these latter days it has also been a hell. What rivers of blood must have flowed there ; it was one of the chief strongholds of the armed Kurds. At the foot of the mountain we came to Angegh. There again there were many houses destroyed. We found here a young woman who, after many years of widowhood, had married a native of the village. Things have been going well with her ; now her husband, too, was slaughtered. One hundred and thirty people are said to have been murdered thus. We pitched our camp here in face of the blackened ruins. Straight in front of us stood an "amrodz," a tower built of cakes of manure---a common enough sight in these parts. We were told that the Kurds had burnt the corpses of the slaughtered Armenians in it. Horrible ! And yet that is at least better than if the corpses of the slain, as has happened in other places, are allowed to lie for an indefinite period unburied, so that they are devoured by dogs and poison the air. There we were met by some soldiers; they were Armenian "Volunteers" who had come from Russia and were now fighting on the side of the Russians for the liberation of their Haiasdan. They were coming now from the neighbourhood of Bitlis, where heavy fighting was in progress. They had brought some sick back to the town, and proposed to rest here awhile. After that we rode on to Ten, where people we already knew came out to meet us from the village and informed us of what had happened there. There, too, the scenes of our former activity, the school and the church, lay in ruins, and many dwelling houses as well. The man who used to put us up was also among the slain ; his widow is still quite distraught. Here about 150 are said to have been murdered. There were so many orphans in the place, they said to us---Should we now be inclined to take charge of any again ? We were unable to give them any definite answer. As we rode on and on over the mountains, the splendid air did us much good and we thanked God for it, for little by little we have come to be in sore need of recuperation. We had a wonderful view from the mountain heights, but everywhere in the villages one sees blackened and ruined houses.
19. VAN AFTER THE MASSACRES : NARRATIVE OF MR. A. S. SAFRASTIAN, DATED VAN, 2nd DECEMBER, 1915, AND PUBLISHED IN THE ARMENIAN JOURNAL "ARARAT" OF LONDON, JANUARY, 1916.
"I have seen the ravages of the Crimean war, the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-78, the Armenian massacres of 1894-96, and the reign of terror which then followed until the year 1914 ; but the massacres which have been going on since April of the current year are simply appalling, and by far. the most terrible blow which the Armenian nation has ever been subject to throughout the course of its long history."
So spoke to me Hagop Boghossian, an old Armenian peasant of Van, a sturdy octogenarian who, after three forced flights from his home in the rear of the Russian Army, was once more returning to his home to tide over the winter in his native village north of Lake Van; and as he was walking along the muddy pathway, he was telling me the story of the recent massacres as he knew them, and as he understood them from his own point of view. His account in its main outline corresponds with what has been proved beyond all doubt. Before arousing any suspicion among the Armenians residing in the central provinces of Asiatic Turkey about its intentions, the Turkish Government wanted to dispose of the "rebellious" Armenians of Van, which lay far away from its grip, and the Armenian element of which had generally been considered by the Turks as a doubtful quantity. One Djevdet Bey, a brother-in-law of Enver Pasha, happened to be the governor and the military commander of Van. In February he was routed in the battle of Diliman and Khoi, in Azerbaijan, a battle in which the Armenian volunteers under Andranik played some part. When he returned to Van, he told his friends that while he was at the front he had to battle throughout the time against Armenians, both as regular troops of the Russian army and as volunteers. The report says that Enver Pasha, the Minister of War, expressed almost the same opinion when his army was defeated early in January in the battles of Sarikamysh and Ardahan. However exaggerated these estimates may have been, they seem to have served well the purpose of the Turkish Government in its efforts to destroy the Armenian population within its territory ; and Djevdet Bey was commissioned to begin the massacres at Van, where the best relations existed between the Armenians under Vremyan, the Deputy for Van in the Turkish Chamber, and Djevdet himself, who for years had enjoyed the hospitality of the natives.
On the 15th April the young Armenians of Akantz, north of Lake Van (Ardjish), were mustered by the gendarmes to the sound of the bugle, to hear the recital of an order which had just arrived from the Sultan. At sunset these 500 young men were shot outside the town without any formality. During the following two days the same process was carried out with heartless and cold-blooded thoroughness in the 80 Armenian villages of Ardjish, Adiljevas, and the rest of the district north of Lake Van. In this manner some 24,000 Armenians were killed in three days, their young women carried away and their homes looted. After that, Djevdet Bey immediately proceeded to destroy the able-bodied Armenians on the south side of the Lake in the same way. Kurds were let loose upon the peasants of the Kazas of Moks and Shatakh, but there these hardy mountaineers proved somewhat hard nuts to crack. They put up a stout resistance and frustrated the Turkish plan.
In the town of Van itself the Armenians had already made all the concessions they possibly could to conciliate the Government in the matter of deserters from the army and the military requisitions. Djevdet, however, demanded unconditional surrender ; he treacherously caused the death of four Armenian leaders, and detained Vremyan, who was killed later. These acts, in combination with the massacres of Ardjish, cleared up all doubts. The Turks had made up their minds to annihilate the Armenians by all the means in their power, as they had shown by killing thousands of absolutely innocent peasants in Ardjish. The experience of the past had taught the Armenians of Van that an appeal to arms was the only argument which could save their life, honour and property, and they collected together all the arms they possessed. From the middle of April they were besieged by a Turkish army of about 6,000 men, equipped with artillery and reinforced by numberless Kurds of all types. Twenty-five thousand Armenians of the town, who had only some 400 good rifles and double that number of arms of a medley character, fought for four weeks against great odds. They organised all their resources through an improvised staff and various committees for medical help and distribution of relief. They constructed some mortars and made smokeless powder to repel the furious Turkish attacks. Every man, woman and child did their bit to help in the work of liberation ; they held their positions to the last and captured several enemy positions by blowing up barracks in which the Turks had entrenched themselves in the middle of the Armenian quarters. After seeing something of their positions and walking over the scenes of the fight, one can well understand that it must have been a heroic battle indeed. The Turks under Djevdet despaired of overcoming Van and fled hastily at the approach of the Armenian volunteers followed by the Russian army. Van was captured by the Armenians, who saluted the entry of the Russian army by the booming of the guns they had taken from the Turks.
An Armenian provisional government was established in the town and the province from early June. Excesses of an avenging nature could scarcely be avoided under the circumstances ; yet such excesses by no means overstepped the passion excited at the moment.
During June and July, almost the entire Armenian population of Bitlis, Moush, Diyarbekir, and the remaining provinces of Turkish Armenia was ruthlessly massacred or deported. Of this unparalleled tragedy the later events at Van, which suffered the most lightly of all, may serve as an illustration.
After two months of self-government in Van, the fortunes of war turned against the Armenians. Towards the end of July the Turks took the offensive on the Transcaucasian front. The Russians retreated from the Euphrates and Moush towards their own frontiers in order to counter-attack the enemy under more favourable conditions. But in this game of strategy, the quarter of a million Armenians of Van, Alashkerd, etc., the last remnant of the Armenian element in Eastern Turkey, had also to retreat towards the Russian frontier. Men, women and children, who had bravely defended themselves against the Turks, fled in a panic under the most adverse circumstances. There were no means of transport, except a few ox-carts, horses, donkeys and cows, and the distance to be traversed varied from 100 to 150 miles through a waterless and trackless country ; while only a few hours' notice was given to the unsuspecting people to quit their homes, abandon all they possessed, and walk to Transcaucasia. Every one burdened himself with some clothing and provisions, and, followed by exhausted women and children, walked for 10 days under the burning August sun, smothered in dust and overcome by thirst and fatigue. On the Bergri bridge (north of Lake Van) the rear of the caravan was attacked by mounted Kurds. A frightful panic ensued, in which women and girls threw themselves into the river Beridimahu, while others threw away their infants in the effort to escape, and entire families were precipitated into the waters owing to the rush caused by the panic. The sick, the infirm, and hundreds of children were abandoned on the roadside, where they died in lingering agony or were massacred by the Kurds.
On my way to Van along the north-eastern shore of the Lake, I witnessed revolting evidence of the recent events. Several search parties had already buried the dead and cleared the ground; nevertheless, here and there I saw remains of human bodies, of men and women, under piles of stones or scattered about the roadside. I discovered decomposing and horribly disfigured bodies of children ; and on the shores of the lake and on the banks of streams skeletons, pieces of clothing, bones of human beings and animals lying all around. The stench of putrefaction was simply sickening. The country from lgdir to Van had indeed been a slaughter-house but a few months before. Entire villages had been completely wiped out. Except for some casual travellers, not a single human soul was to be seen there---there were but vultures and howling dogs who fed upon the putrefied human remains.
The town of Van itself is mostly a heap of ruins. Since last August it has changed hands several times ; all churches, schools and the best houses have been burnt down. The pulse of life seemed to have ceased from beating, where a few months ago the natives had turned it into a beehive after capturing it from the Turk. On the other hand, the remnant of the Armenians from Turkey is being greatly diminished owing to destitution and sickness across the borders of Transcaucasia. The whole country is devastated beyond any description. Perhaps nowhere on the European battlefields has the civil population been so sorely tried as in the Armenian highlands, and no race has suffered so much as the Armenians in Asiatic Turkey. At present only some 200,000 of them can be accounted for ; and these are dying by hundreds in Transcaucasia in consequence of the terrible sufferings they have gone through since last spring.
20. VAN : INTERVIEW WITH A REFUGEE, MRS. GAZARIAN, PUBLISHED IN THE "PIONEER PRESS," OF ST. PAUL, MINNESOTA, U.S.A.
A story of the flight of terror-stricken Armenians from the city of Van, from the persecution of the Turks who massacred thousands of Armenian women and children and forced the men into their armies, was told last night by Mrs. Sylvia Gazarian. She has just arrived from Armenia after suffering great hardships and persecution during a journey through Russia, and is with her son, Levon Gazarian, a North St. Paul piano builder.
Mrs. Gazarian during her flight saw her husband die of typhoid fever, and left seven of her grandchildren lying along the roadside, victims of starvation and exhaustion. Her son Edward, a Red Cross surgeon, made the journey with Mrs. Gazarian. He is at his brother's home here.
Mrs. Gazarian founded the Christian school at Van, and devoted many years to educating Armenian children. Her story, which is perhaps the first uncensored news of the cruelties inflicted by the Turks in Armenia, was told through Arsen K. Nakashian, an interpreter :
"I spent a month in Van while our school was the target of the Turks. I saw them kill, burn and persecute," she said. "I saw our town become a part of a barren waste. I saw Turks bury Armenian victims with the dogs, divide the women among them as wives and throw babies into the lake. The school was burned, the missionaries fled, and 35,000 of the 75,000 inhabitants of the Van district were killed or starved to death.
"Djevdet Bey, Governor-General of Van, started the whole trouble when, early in April, 1915, he demanded that the Armenians should support the Turkish army.
"When the Armenians resisted, Djevdet Bey ordered them to be shot. He demanded that we and the American and German missionaries should leave Van and seek protection from the Turkish Government. We all refused. Our valley had been a garden. The Turks did their worst to make it a morgue.
"For miles around the Armenians congregated at Van, drove out the Turks and made trenches. Stones, earth and sand-bags were piled over the school buildings. The Turks attacked, and for more than a month in April and May kept up a steady fire.
"Finally the Russians came. We were under their protection for a month. The Turks, fleeing before the Russians, killed all Armenian prisoners and wounded.
"Russian treachery became evident when they evacuated the town. They pillaged every standing home. When we demanded that they should stay and protect us, the general said: 'If you don't want us to leave you, come along.'
"Only old men and feeble women refused the invitation. Fifteen grandchildren of mine, three daughters and their husbands, my son and myself made up our forlorn party. We travelled towards Russia on foot. There was no other way to go. We walked for twelve days---like dead men and women. As far ahead as we could see, there were women carrying or dragging their babies and wounded men staggering along at their sides. Death was common.
"First one and then another of the children died. Typhoid was doing its work everywhere. We buried the babies where we happened to be. Seven of them in all died on the journey. When we arrived at Tiflis my husband died.
" More than a month ago my son and I started for Northern Russia. Round the Caucasus mountains, across the Russian steppes and into Moscow, where the Russian troops were assembled in thousands, we went by train.
"Every Russian official wanted money, and we paid. We reached Archangel on the Arctic ocean and started for America."
Just as the woman finished her story her son Edward came in.
"Germany is responsible for the cruelty in Armenia," he declared: "She is not a friend but an enemy of Turkey. She covets the Dardanelles. She aims at making Turkey a German province ; but she knows the power of the Armenians, and she wants Turkey without them. That is why she permits the Turks to burn, murder and ravage. The young Turks are educated criminals. They are worse than the older ones. America is beautiful and peaceful. We will always live here." | ||||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 29 | https://www.nature.com/articles/ejhg2015206 | en | Genetic evidence for an origin of the Armenians from Bronze Age mixing of multiple populations | [
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"Tyler-Smith"
] | 2015-10-21T00:00:00 | The Armenians are a culturally isolated population who historically inhabited a region in the Near East bounded by the Mediterranean and Black seas and the Caucasus, but remain under-represented in genetic studies and have a complex history including a major geographic displacement during World War I. Here, we analyse genome-wide variation in 173 Armenians and compare them with 78 other worldwide populations. We find that Armenians form a distinctive cluster linking the Near East, Europe, and the Caucasus. We show that Armenian diversity can be explained by several mixtures of Eurasian populations that occurred between ~3000 and ~2000 bce, a period characterized by major population migrations after the domestication of the horse, appearance of chariots, and the rise of advanced civilizations in the Near East. However, genetic signals of population mixture cease after ~1200 bce when Bronze Age civilizations in the Eastern Mediterranean world suddenly and violently collapsed. Armenians have since remained isolated and genetic structure within the population developed ~500 years ago when Armenia was divided between the Ottomans and the Safavid Empire in Iran. Finally, we show that Armenians have higher genetic affinity to Neolithic Europeans than other present-day Near Easterners, and that 29% of Armenian ancestry may originate from an ancestral population that is best represented by Neolithic Europeans. | en | /static/images/favicons/nature/apple-touch-icon-f39cb19454.png | Nature | https://www.nature.com/articles/ejhg2015206 | Insights into the human past come from diverse areas including history, archaeology, linguistics, and, increasingly, genetics. The observed patterns of present-day genetic diversity can be compared with models that include past population processes such as migration, divergence and admixture, and the best model chosen. These models often require representing ancestral populations and mostly consider present-day populations as direct descendants of the ancient inhabitants of a region. However, archaeological and genetic data reveal that human history has often been shaped by regional or localized population movements that can confound simple demographic models.1, 2 Ancient DNA (aDNA) studies have also shown that the genetic landscape has been continuously shifting,3, 4 possibly triggered by environmental and cultural transitions. aDNA research is useful for understanding past demographic events; however, samples are limited and obtaining aDNA from warm climates remains a challenge. We have previously shown that studying genetic isolates also provides insights into human genetic variation and past demographic events.5 For example, by studying Jews, Druze, and Christians from the Near East, we showed that the region had more genetic affinity to Europe 2000 years ago than at present.5
In the present study, we investigate the Armenians, a population today confined to the Caucasus but who occupied Eastern Turkey, reaching as far as the Mediterranean coast, until the start of the twentieth century (CE; Figure 1). Political turmoil in the region during World War I resulted in the displacement of the Armenian population and its restriction today to an area in the Caucasus between the Black and the Caspian seas. Armenians are an ethno-linguistic-religious group distinct from their surrounding populations. They have their own church, the Armenian Apostolic Church, which was founded in the first CE and became in 301 CE the first branch of Christianity to be adopted as a state religion. They have also their own alphabet and language, which is classified as an independent branch of the Indo-European language family. The Armenian language is a subject of interest and debate among linguists for its distinctive phonological developments within Indo-European languages and for its affinity to Balkan languages such as Greek and Albanian. The historical homeland of the Armenians sits north of the Fertile Crescent, a region of substantial importance to modern human evolution. Genetic and archaeological data suggest that farmers expanding from this region during the Neolithic populated Europe and interacted/admixed with pre-existing hunter-gatherer populations.6 Furthermore, Armenia’s location may have been important for the spread of Indo-European languages, since it is believed to encompass or be close to the Proto-Indo-European homeland (Anatolia or Pontic Steppe) from which the Indo-Europeans and their culture spread to Western Europe, Central Asia, and India.
Previous genetic studies of Armenians are scarce and genome-wide analysis is limited to a few Armenian samples in broad surveys without any detailed analysis. Armenians were found to have genetic affinity to several other populations including the Jews, Druze, and Lebanese Christians, in addition to showing genetic continuity with the Caucasus.5, 7, 8
In this study, we analyse newly generated genome-wide data from Armenians, as well as available data from 78 other worldwide populations. We investigate genetic signatures of past events such as the emergence of Armenians as an ethnic group, the cultural changes in the Near East, and the expansions of ancient populations in this region.
Subjects and the genetic data sets
Armenian samples were collected from Lebanon (n=39) and Armenia: Chambarak (n=30), Dprabak (n=18), Gavar (n=12), Martuni (n=19), Yegvard (n=11), and Yerevan (n=9). Armenian individuals recruited in Lebanon traced their ancestry to East Turkey; they signed informed consent approved by the IRB of the Lebanese American University and were genotyped on Illumina 610 or 660 K bead arrays.
Armenian subjects recruited from present-day republic of Armenia signed consents approved by the ethical committee of the Maternal and Child Health Institute IRCCS-Burlo Garofolo Hospital (Trieste, Italy). Samples were genotyped on Illumina HumanOmniExpress and described previously by Mezzavilla et al.9
Genotype data can be downloaded as VCF files from the European Variation Archive www.ebi.ac.uk/eva under accession number PRJEB9822 or as plink files from ftp://ngs.sanger.ac.uk/scratch/project/team19/Armenian.
In addition, Armenian samples (n=35) were added along with 1509 samples from the literature that represent 78 worldwide populations.5, 7, 8, 10
PLINK11 was used for data management and quality control. The required genotyping success rate was set to 99%, sex-linked and mitochondrial SNPs removed, SNPs with MAF <0.001 and H–W P-value <0.000001 also removed, leaving 300 899 SNPs. Genotypes were phased with SHAPEIT12 using the 1000 Genomes Phase 1 haplotypes.13
Population structure
Principal components were computed with EIGENSOFT v 4.214 using 78 global populations, and the Armenian samples were projected onto the plot. The Bayesian information criterion (BIC) was computed by mclust (http://www.stat.washington.edu/mclust) over the first 10 principal components of the projected Armenian samples on the global PCA. The best model to classify the Armenians according to the BIC values was with three components (clusters; Supplementary Figure S1).
The inference of population relations from haplotypes was assessed using Chromopainter15 with 10 000 000 burn-in and runtime and 10 000 MCMC samples. A bifurcating tree of relationships among these populations was built using fineSTRUCTURE15 (Supplementary Figure S2). We investigated convergence by running fineSTRUCTURE twice with identical parameters but different random seeds and examined the pairwise coincidence matrix visually using the fineSTRUCTURE GUI. The two runs were identical, suggesting good convergence.
The effective population size of the Armenians was estimated from linkage disequilibrium (LD) and the time of divergence between the two major groups was calculated using NeON16 with default parameters. The function uses Ne and the genetic distance (Fst) between populations to estimate their time of divergence. Fst was calculated using the software 4P.17 The generation time used was 28 years.
Admixture analysis
We used f3 statistics18 f3(A; B,C), where a significantly negative statistic provides evidence that A is derived from an admixture of populations related to B and C. We tested all possible f3 statistics in our data set and calculated SE using blocks of 500 SNPs.19 To date the time of admixture, we used ALDER20, which computes the weighted LD statistic to make inferences about population admixture. The reference populations consisted of 1300 samples and 53 populations reduced from the original data set by removing populations that are themselves highly admixed (Supplementary Table 1). We collected results that were significant (z-score >|4|) and summarize the findings in Table 1 after pooling populations into respective geographical groups. Sardinians appear to have a distinctive admixture pattern from other West Europeans and are therefore shown separately. Sardinians have a European component but appear to have been less affected than other Europeans by the post-Neolithic demographic changes in Europe. Consequently, Sardinians retain high affinity to Neolithic European farmers such as the Tyrolean Iceman21 and samples from the Early Neolithic Körös culture.22
For tests of genetic affinity to Neolithic Europeans, we merged our samples with the genome of the Tyrolean Iceman.21 We downloaded the BAM file mapped to hg18 and called all variants using GATK.23 liftOver (http://genome.ucsc.edu) was used to convert the coordinates to hg19; the final data set consisted of 91 115 SNPs.
For tests of genetic affinity to Mesolithic Europeans, we merged our data set with the genome of the La Braña sample.24 We downloaded the BAM file mapped to hg19 and called the variants using GATK. The final data set consisted of 103 627 SNPs.
We applied TreeMix19, rooting the tree with a Denisovan genome, and estimated SEs using blocks of 500 SNPs. We generated 100 bootstrap replicates by resampling blocks of 500 SNPs to assess the stability of the tree topology. We used outgroup f3 statistics3, 18 in the form of f3(Yoruba; Iceman, X) and f3(Yoruba; La Braña, X) to assess the shared genetic history of the ancient Europeans with the modern populations. In the absence of admixture with Yoruba, deviation from 0 will be a function of the shared genetic history of the ancient Europeans and the non-African population.
Armenians’ relationship to world populations
To study the Armenians’ genetic relationship to worldwide populations, we computed principal components using 78 populations (Supplementary Table 1) and projected the Armenians onto the plot in a procedure called ‘PCA projection’14 (Figure 2a), which ensures that the PCA patterns are not affected by the large number of Armenians used in the analysis. We observe that Armenians form a distinctive cluster bounded by Europeans, Near Easterners, and the Caucasus populations. More specifically, Armenians are close to (1) Spaniards, Italians, and Romanians from Europe; (2) Lebanese, Jews, Druze, and Cypriots from the Near East; and (3) Georgians and Abkhazians from the Caucasus (Figure 2b). The position of the Armenians within the global genetic diversity appears to mirror the geographical location of Turkey. Previous genetic studies have generally used Turks as representatives of ancient populations from Turkey. Our results show that Turks are genetically shifted towards Central Asians, a pattern consistent with a history of mixture with populations from this region.
These diversity patterns observed in the PCA motivated formal testing of admixture in Armenians and other regional populations.
Admixture in the Near East
To formally test for population mixture in Armenians, we performed a 3-population test25 in the form of f3(Armenian; A, B), where a significantly negative value of the f3 statistic implies that Armenians descend from a mixture of the populations represented by A and B, chosen from the 78 global populations. We found signals of mixture from several African and Eurasian populations (Table 1, Figure 3). The most significantly negative f3 statistics are from a mixture of populations related to Sardinians and Central Asians, followed by several mixtures of populations from the Caucasus, Arabian Peninsula, the Levant, Europe, and Africa. We sought to date these mixture of events using exponential decay of admixture-induced LD. The oldest mixture events appear to be between populations related to sub-Saharan Africans and West Europeans occurring ~3800 bce, followed closely by a mixture of Sardinian and Caucasus-related populations. Later, several mixture events occurred from 3000 to 1200 bce involving diverse Eurasian populations (Table 1, Figure 3).
We compared the patterns of admixture in Armenians with those of other regional populations and detected signals of recent admixture in most other populations. For example, we find 7.9% (±0.4) East Asian ancestry in Turks from admixture occurring 800 (±170) years ago. We also detect sub-Saharan African gene flow 850 (±85) years ago in Syrians, Palestinians and Jordanians.
Structure of the Armenian population
To investigate the presence of genetic structure within the Armenian population, we performed model-based clustering on the values of the Armenian samples from the global PCA. The BIC computed by MCLUST suggests the best model to classify the Armenians is λkA (diagonal distribution, variable volume, and equal shape) with three components (clusters). We observe the following: (1) Armenians in the diaspora that trace their origin to historical Western Armenia (modern-day East Turkey) form one group (Supplementary Figure S1, Cluster 1). (2) Armenians in modern-day Armenia (historical Eastern Armenia) are split into two major groups: 33% form Cluster 1 and 57% form Cluster 2 (Supplementary Figure S1). This structure could be the result of the Western Armenians’ migration to the East after the events of 1915 CE that displaced the entire Western Armenian population. (3) A few Armenians recruited from Chambarak and Maykop (Republic of Adygea, Russia) form an outlier to the two major Armenian clusters (Supplementary Figure S1, Cluster 3).
We investigated Armenian structure further using a procedure called ‘chromosome painting',15 which reconstructs the haplotype of every individual (receiver) in a data set using the haplotypes of other individuals (donors) in the data set. We then constructed a tree that infers population relationships and similarities (Supplementary Figure S2). We found, similarly to our previous clustering results, a fine genetic structure that splits Armenians into two major groups that are more similar to each other than to any other global population. The node containing most Armenians is deep compared with many other nodes containing several diverse regional populations. This probably reflects a prolonged isolation of the Armenians from their surrounding populations as suggested by the LD-based admixture tests.
We estimate from the LD patterns that divergence between the two major Armenian groups started 450–575 years ago (Figure 3).
Relationship to ancient Europeans
We merged our data set with the genome of the Tyrolean Iceman, a 5300-year-old individual discovered on the Italian part of the Ötztal Alps. We used TreeMix19 to construct a tree of genetic relationships using representative regional populations plus Armenians and Turks from the Near East. TreeMix uses a model that allows for both population splits and gene flow to better capture historical relationships between populations. We obtained a tree that recapitulates the known relationships among population groups. Furthermore, the tree shows that the Iceman shared drift with Sardinians, as previously reported.21 We then ran TreeMix allowing it to infer only one migration event, and revealed gene flow from the Iceman to Armenians, accounting for about 29% of their ancestry. The graph structure appeared robust in 100 bootstrap replicates with the first migration (highest weight and lowest P-value), always leading from the Iceman to Armenians (Figure 4).
This structure was further investigated using outgroup f3 statistics.3, 18 The expected value of f3(Yoruba; Iceman, X) in the absence of admixture with Yoruba will be a function of the shared genetic history of the Iceman and X (non-African populations). Most shared ancestry of the Iceman is with Sardinians and other Europeans (Supplementary Figure S3). This is followed by shared ancestry with some Near Eastern populations: Cypriots, Sephardic Jews, Armenians, and Lebanese Christians. Other Near Easterners such as Turks, Syrians, and Palestinians show less shared ancestry with the Iceman.
To investigate if the affinity of the Near East genetic isolates to Europeans preceded the arrival of the early farmers to Europe (represented by the Iceman), we repeated the outgroup f3 statistics and replaced the Iceman with a 7000-year-old European hunter-gatherer from Spain (La Braña).24 West European hunter-gatherers have previously been shown to have contributed ancestry to all Europeans but not to Near Easterners.6 Consistent with this, we found reduced affinity and no noticeable structure in the Near Easterners in their relation to La Braña (Supplementary Figure S4; compared with the Iceman).
The origins of the Armenians and their cultural uniqueness are poorly understood. Here, we investigate the information that can be obtained by genetic analysis of present-day Armenians and comparisons with other present-day and ancient samples.
The position of the Armenians within global genetic diversity appears to mirror the geographical location of Turkey, which forms a bridge connecting Europe, the Near East, and the Caucasus. Turkey’s location and history have placed it at the centre of several modern human expansions in Eurasia: it has been inhabited continuously since at least the early Upper Palaeolithic,26 and has the oldest known monumental complex built by hunter-gatherers in the tenth millennium bce.27 It is believed to have been the origin and/or route for migrating Near Eastern farmers towards Europe during the Neolithic,28 and has probably also played a major role in the dispersal of the Indo-European languages.29
We investigated Armenians further by inferring their admixture history. The Armenians show signatures of an origin from a mixture of diverse populations occurring from 3000 to 2000 bce. This period spans the Bronze Age, characterized by extensive use of metals in farming tools, chariots, and weapons, accompanied by development of the earliest writing systems and the establishment of trade routes and commerce. Many civilizations such as in ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Indus valley grew to prominence. Major population expansions followed, triggered by advances in transportation technology and the pursuit of resources. Our admixture tests show that Armenian genomes carry signals of an extensive population mixture during this period. We note that these mixture dates also coincide with the legendary establishment of Armenia in 2492 bce. Admixture signals decrease to insignificant levels after 1200 bce, a time when Bronze Age civilizations in the Eastern Mediterranean world suddenly collapsed, with major cities being destroyed or abandoned and most trade routes disrupted. This appears to have caused Armenians’ isolation from their surroundings, subsequently sustained by the cultural/linguistic/religious distinctiveness that persists until today. The genetic landscape in most of the Middle East appears to have been continuously changing since then. For example, we detect East Asian ancestry in Turks from admixture occurring 800 (±170) years ago coinciding with the arrival of the Seljuk Turks to Anatolia from their homelands near the Aral sea. We also detect sub-Saharan African gene flow 850 (±85) years ago in Syrians, Palestinians, and Jordanians consistent with previous reports of recent gene flow from Africans to Levantine populations after the Arab expansions.5, 30
The admixture pattern in Armenians appears similar to patterns we have observed in some other genetic isolates in the region, such as Sephardic Jews and Lebanese Christians, who show limited admixture with culturally different neighbouring populations in the last two millennia.5 Our tests suggest that Armenians had no significant mixture with other populations in their recent history and have thus been genetically isolated since the end of the Bronze Age, 3000 years ago. In recent times, we detect genetic structure within the Armenian population that developed ~500 years ago. The date coincides with the start of the Ottoman–Persian wars and the split of Armenia into West and East between the Ottoman Empire in Turkey and the Safavid Empire in Iran.
One of the most-studied demographic processes in population genetics is the Neolithic expansion of Near Eastern farmers into Europe beginning ~8000 years ago. Armenians’ location at the northern tip of the Near East suggests a possible relationship to the expanding Neolithic farmers. We find in Armenians and other genetic isolates in the Near East high shared ancestry with ancient European farmers, with ancestry proportions being similar to present-day Europeans but not to present-day Near Easterners. These results suggest that genetic isolates in the Near East – Cypriots (an island population), Near Eastern Jews and Christians (religious isolates), and Armenians (Ethno-linguistic isolate) – probably retain the features of an ancient genetic landscape in the Near East that had more affinity to Europe than the present populations do. Our tests show that most of the Near East genetic isolates' ancestry that is shared with Europeans can be attributed to expansion after the Neolithic period.
Armenians’ adoption of a distinctive culture early in their history resulted in their genetic isolation from their surroundings. Their genetic resemblance today to other genetic isolates in the Near East, but not to most other Near Easterners, suggests that recent admixture has changed the genetic landscape in most populations in the region. Armenians’ genetic diversity reveals that the ancient Near East had higher affinity to Neolithic Europe than it does now, and that Bronze Age demographic processes had a major impact on the genetics of populations in this region.
The importance of populations like the Armenians is not limited to the study of past demographic processes; isolated populations are emerging as a powerful tool for many different genetic investigations such as rare variant associations with complex phenotypes and the characterization of gene–environment interactions.31 Armenians’ emergence from founders in the Bronze Age, accompanied by a long period of subsequent isolation, may have enriched rare disease alleles and therefore merits future medical exploration. | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 73 | https://www.osvnews.com/2023/09/12/lawmaker-bishop-urge-action-as-120000-armenians-face-ethnic-cleansing/ | en | Lawmaker, bishop urge action as 120,000 Armenians face ‘ethnic cleansing’ | [
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“It’s now a three-alarm fire that’s getting worse by the moment,” said Republican Rep. Chris Smith of New Jersey, speaking as he chaired a Sept. 6 emergency hearing of the bipartisan Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission. The session followed a similar one led by Smith on June 21.
For the past nine months, Azerbaijan has closed the only road leading from Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh (known in Armenian by its ancient name, Artsakh), a historic Armenian enclave located in southwestern Azerbaijan and internationally recognized as part of that nation.
The blockade of the three-mile (five-kilometer) Lachin Corridor, which connects the roughly 1,970 square mile enclave to Armenia, has deprived residents of food, baby formula, oil, medication, hygienic products and fuel — even as a convoy of trucks with an estimated 400 tons of aid is stalled at the single Azerbaijani checkpoint.
According to BBC News, local journalist Irina Hayrapetyan has reported that some residents have fainted from hunger while waiting in line for subsistence rations. Attempts by the International Red Cross to deliver aid have been rebuffed.
“It is a violation of every kind of law,” Bishop Mikael A. Mouradian of the California-based Armenian Catholic Eparchy of Our Lady of Nareg told OSV News in a recent interview, ahead of a Sept. 1 webinar presentation on the issue for the Institute of Catholic Culture.
That was the consensus among speakers at the Sept. 6 hearing, which was co-hosted by Democratic Rep. James McGovern of Massachusetts and featured expert witnesses Luis Moreno-Ocampo, who served as the first chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Court from 2003-2012; and David L. Phillips, an adjunct professor at Georgetown University and director of Columbia University’s Artsakh Atrocities Project.
Smith blasted U.S. inaction on the Azerbaijani blockade, saying that a “response in bland bureaucratic language does not count, not when people are being subjected to genocide.”
He announced plans to introduce a bill for the “Nagorno-Karabakh Human Rights Act,” and opened the Sept. 6 session by noting his long-running concerns, dating back to at least 2013, about human rights abuses under Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev.
Moreno-Ocampo reiterated his conclusions from his Aug. 7 report, stating that the blockade violated Article II(c) of the 1948 Genocide Convention — to which the U.S. is a signatory — by “creating conditions to destroy people.”
He noted that declarations of genocide are often obscured, as “normally people believe genocide requires many persons dying, killings, gas chambers.”
In contrast, “one form (of genocide) requires zero victims,” said Moreno-Ocampo, since the terms of the Genocide Convention only require that one condition be deliberately violated before the signatories’ duty to prevent and punish genocide is invoked.
At the same time, “the issue, and normally the most difficult issue, is the intentions” of the offending nation, he said.
Moreno-Ocampo noted that President Aliyev’s reinforcement of the blockade after U.S. requests to end it indicated an intent to destroy those trapped in the enclave.
Most urgent is “to prevent the harm for these 120,000 people,” he said.
Echoing his Aug. 7 report, Moreno-Ocampo said that U.S. failure to recognize the situation as genocide and respond accordingly “could be considered complicity.”
“Stop the denial. Recognize the genocide,” he said.
In his testimony, Phillips documented a long list of atrocities by Azerbaijan against the region’s residents, describing them as “actions to erase the Armenian physical, religious and cultural presence in Artsakh and eventually the Republic of Armenia, which has now been whittled down to a fraction of all of its Christian population and churches.”
He pointed to satellite documentation of these efforts, which are chronicled by Cornell University’s Caucasus Heritage Watch initiative.
Phillips said the Artsakh Atrocities Project he leads has collected “information on Azerbaijan’s systematic effort to drive Armenians from their homeland through killings, ethnic cleansing and deportations,” thereby constituting “crimes against humanity.”
He noted the “numerous verified cases of Azeri soldiers mutilating dead bodies, beheading and executing both combatants and civilians, and using banned weapons such as cluster bombs and white phosphorus gas” during a 2020 war launched by Azerbaijan on the enclave.
That war — in which 3,000 Azerbaijani and 4,000 Armenian soldiers were killed — had been preceded by a 1992-1994 struggle between Armenia and Azerbaijan for control of the region, which had declared its independence from the former Soviet Union in 1991. Some 30,000 were killed and more than 1 million displaced in that conflict. Russia brokered a 1994 ceasefire, and in a 2017 referendum, voters approved a new constitution and a change in name to the Republic of Artsakh (although “Nagorno Karabakh Republic” also remains an official name).
Philips said Azerbaijan’s blockade of the Lachin Corridor ultimately “constitutes a second Armenian genocide,” referencing the 1915-1916 slaughter and starvation of up to 1.2 million Armenians under the Ottoman Empire. The atrocities were the basis for lawyer Raphael Lemkin’s development of the term “genocide.”
He also noted Azerbaijan’s refusal to comply with a February 2022 order by the International Court of Justice to ensure “unimpeded movement of persons, vehicles and cargo along the Lachin Corridor in both directions,” as well as calls from “international leaders such as the U.N. Secretary General, the U.S. Secretary of State, and the President of France” to abide by the order.
“History shows that appeasement exacerbates consequences,” he warned. “A world order to which Americans aspire requires a response when crimes against humanity are committed, lest perpetrators conclude that they can escape criminal prosecution, asset freezes and travel bans.”
With the area surrounded by Muslim-majority Azerbaijan, the blockade amounts to “a pure and simple religious (and) ethnic cleansing,” Bishop Mouradian told OSV News in a Sept. 6 text message. “If the Armenians of Artsakh were Muslims, they wouldn’t be treated as they are now.”
Bishop Mouradian (who did not attend the hearing) said Congress “should without any delay put up a bipartisan human rights act … a law that should be put directly in practice to prevent yet another Armenian Genocide.
“That is inevitable if things continue like they are now,” he said. | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 44 | https://un.mfa.am/en/statements/2022/09/15/statement-by-h-e-mr-mher-margaryan-permanent-representative-of-armenia-to-the-united-nations-at-the/10628 | en | Statement by H.E. Mr. Mher Margaryan, Permanent Representative of Armenia to the United Nations, at the 9132nd meeting of the Security Council | [
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] | null | [] | 2022-09-15T00:00:00 | Mr. President,
I would like to express appreciation to the French presidency for convening today’s emergency meeting, upon the request contained in the letter of the Foreign Minister of Armenia. The meeting is taking place at a grave time for my country, as acts of criminal aggression have been perpetrated against the territorial integrity of the Republic of Armenia, in flagrant violation of the international law and the UN Charter.
The perpetrator does, indeed, have a name - Azerbaijan, | hy | /favicon.png | null | Mr. President,
I would like to express appreciation to the French presidency for convening today’s emergency meeting, upon the request contained in the letter of the Foreign Minister of Armenia. The meeting is taking place at a grave time for my country, as acts of criminal aggression have been perpetrated against the territorial integrity of the Republic of Armenia, in flagrant violation of the international law and the UN Charter.
The perpetrator does, indeed, have a name - Azerbaijan, Armenia’s neighbour to the East, who is multiple times larger in territory, population and resources, and whose pervasive record of hostile conduct, rhetoric and unchecked, disproportionate violence demonstrates a most dangerous pattern of utter disregard for every tenet and norm of the international law and reveals a clear intention to instigate wars, destruction and instabilities in the region.
In the early hours of 13 September, Azerbaijan initiated a major military offensive targeting the eastern and south-eastern regions of Armenia with the use of a wide range of weaponry, including artillery and combat UAVs. The offensive took lives of 105 people, left dozens wounded, dozens missing, and inflicted various forms of material damage, including upon the civilian settlements and infrastructure. The scale of destruction and the intensity of shelling is so high, that, at the moment, we have only initial figures. Around 200 homes of civilians have suffered serious damage, with more than 60 of them completely destroyed.
For a few consecutive days, a number of densely populated towns of Armenia, including Goris, Jermuk, Vardenis, Kapan and Sotk came under heavy fire. The latest reports indicate that the offensive has displaced at least 2750 people in Gegharkunik, Vayots Dzor and Syunik Provinces, which include 370 children and 55 persons with disabilities among those displaced. The shelling of the resort town of Jermuk, which has absolutely no military targets is nothing short of war crime, and so are the strikes against the Kechut water reservoir, with potentially catastrophic human toll and environmental impact.
In flagrant violation of the Geneva Conventions and international humanitarian law, at least 7 identified Prisoners of War have been captured, with video evidence suggesting there could be more captives held by Azerbaijan. The offensive targeted journalists, both local and foreign, who were carrying out their work covering the events.
We have often reflected within the United Nations and in this chamber on the challenges for justice and accountability. In doing so, we are constantly reminded that impunity for the past crimes can lead to the most serious violations in the future, the ultimate manifestation of which are genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Advancing early warning and accurate reporting capacities of the United Nations to monitor and respond includes identifying the systematic policies of promulgating hate speech, incitement and glorification of violence on the basis of ethnicity or religion, in particular, when such policies are state led.
Mr. President,
Over the past year, we have repeatedly brought it to the attention of this Council that Azerbaijan has been engaging in the illegal practice of acquisition of territories by force, having duly reported such acts of aggression under Article 51 of the UN Charter.
Through the letters dated 14 May, 29 July and 16 November 2021, Armenia alerted the members of the Council about Azerbaijan’s persistent violations of the norms and principles of the international law, as well as the provisions of the Trilateral Statement of 9 November 2020 on the establishment of ceasefire and cessation of hostilities following the 44-day war in 2020. The latest attacks come to demonstrate that, in the absence of proper accountability measures, policies of aggression are likely to continue and even increase in scope and scale.
It also follows that, emboldened by the results of the use of force in the past, Azerbaijan now seeks to normalize violence and aggression to capture territories by force. During the past two days, Azerbaijan has intruded and then occupied over 10 sq km of the sovereign territories of Armenia. This attack follows the offensives in May and November 2021, when Azerbaijan occupied around 45 sq km of sovereign land of my country.
The actions of Azerbaijan are in blatant violation of the Purposes and Principles of the Charter of the United Nations, in particular Article 2.4 of the Charter, in violation of the OSCE Helsinki Final Act, in violation of the International Humanitarian Law. Moreover, the military aggression of Azerbaijan goes against the letter and spirit of the Trilateral Statements of November 9, 2020, and November 26, 2021. The latter, in particular, stipulates that the sides agreed to “take steps to increase the level of stability and security on the Azerbaijani-Armenian border…”.
I should particularly underline that this act of aggression occurred in the context of peace negotiations conducted in various fora and facilitated by different actors. Armenia has engaged in all these processes in good faith, with the aim of stabilizing the situation in the South Caucasus. Armenia has publicly undertaken to work towards a peaceful region and declared its readiness to launch negotiations towards a peace agreement. This aggression is the answer of Azerbaijan to the mediation efforts of the international community.
Mr. President,
As we speak, we are receiving reports that the fragile ceasefire is under threat. There are credible reports that Azerbaijan is planning yet another military offensive by widening the geography of the aggression, including from the direction of Nakhijevan, to realize the unlawful ambitions of Azerbaijan towards establishing an extraterritorial corridor through the sovereign territory of Armenia.
Mr. President,
The representative of Azerbaijan is here to offer justifications for their country’s predatory conduct. Make no mistake: there is none, at least, not under international law. For all the talk about manufactured pretexts like “Armenia’s provocations”, “occupation” or “Azerbaijan’s right to self-defense” and “counterattacks”, the truth is that no actual armed attack has been initiated by Armenia.
We understand that, for many years, blame game and speculation have been Azerbaijan’s best friends, and that it is precisely for this reason that Azerbaijan has been so vehemently opposing any idea leading to the creation of internationally monitored verification mechanisms to identify ceasefire violations. Such measures, if established, would be instrumental to ending blame game. They would be critical to helping to sustain ceasefire so that peace and diplomacy get a chance.
Today’s acts of aggression are, in reality, nothing short of the product of an intentional decision to walk away from the Nagorno-Karabakh negotiations and to opt for a military solution to the conflict. The very fact that a large-scale military aggression was unleashed amidst an unprecedented pandemic in 2020 is a crime of global proportion in itself and should be evaluated and addressed, on its own merit, or rather the lack of thereof.
It follows that the use of force and threats have become a distinct pattern of behavior of Azerbaijan in all conflict situations. The claims that Azerbaijan resolved Nagorno-Karabakh conflict by force, abolished all collective rights of people of Nagorno-Karabakh and even eliminated the very name of this Armenian populated land are illustrative to this end.
Mr. President,
Armenia is well aware of the challenges and complexities that the present-day international politics has to offer. We are equally cognizant of the growing energy demand in the world. Having said that, we appeal to the Council to stand up to its responsibility, under the UN Charter, for the maintenance of international peace and security. Azerbaijan is yet to abide by its humanitarian obligations vis-à-vis the Armenian POWs, commit, in good faith, to the preservation of the Armenian cultural and religious heritage, as well as address the anti-Armenian rhetoric, including at the level of public officials and institutions, as rendered by the International Court of Justice through the Provisional Measures issued against Azerbaijan under the Convention on Elimination of Racial Discrimination in December 2021.
We strongly urge the members of the Security Council to remain seized of the matter and to come up with tangible outcome after the discussions in this Emergency meeting.
- With strong condemnation of the unprovoked aggression of Azerbaijan against the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia;
- Demanding immediate and unconditional withdrawal of its forces from the sovereign territory of Armenia;
- Demanding to refrain from any future acts of aggression against the territorial integrity of Armenia and fully comply with its international obligations and commitments, including the UN Charter, Helsinki Final Act and Trilateral Statements;
- Urging to engage peacefully in the negotiation process including on issues resulted from and related to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, including that of the status.
- Calling to release and repatriate all Armenian Prisoners of War, indicating that the contrary constitutes a violation of International Humanitarian Law.
I thank you. | |||||
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] | 1999-07-26T00:00:00+00:00 | Armenia, country of Transcaucasia, lying just south of the Caucasus mountain range. To the north and east Armenia is bounded by Georgia and Azerbaijan, while its neighbors to the southeast and west are, respectively, Iran and Turkey. The capital is Yerevan. | en | /favicon.png | Encyclopedia Britannica | https://www.britannica.com/place/Armenia | Armenia
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Armenia, landlocked country of Transcaucasia, lying just south of the great mountain range of the Caucasus and fronting the northwestern extremity of Asia. To the north and east Armenia is bounded by Georgia and Azerbaijan, while its neighbours to the southeast and west are, respectively, Iran and Turkey. Naxçıvan, an exclave of Azerbaijan, borders Armenia to the southwest. The capital is Yerevan (Erevan).
Audio File: National anthem of Armenia
Head Of Government:
Prime Minister: Nikol Pashinyan
Population:
(2024 est.) 3,009,000
Head Of State:
President: Vahagn Kachaturyan
Form Of Government:
unitary multiparty republic with a single legislative body (National Assembly [105])
Modern Armenia comprises only a small portion of ancient Armenia, one of the world’s oldest centres of civilization. At its height, Armenia extended from the south-central Black Sea coast to the Caspian Sea and from the Mediterranean Sea to Lake Urmia in present-day Iran. Ancient Armenia was subjected to constant foreign incursions, finally losing its autonomy in the 14th century ce. The centuries-long rule of Ottoman and Persian conquerors imperiled the very existence of the Armenian people. Eastern Armenia was annexed by Russia during the 19th century, while western Armenia remained under Ottoman rule, and in 1894–96 and 1915 the Ottoman government perpetrated systematic massacres and forced deportations of Armenians.
The portion of Armenia lying within the former Russian Empire declared independence on May 28, 1918, but in 1920 it was invaded by forces from Turkey and Soviet Russia. The Soviet Republic of Armenia was established on November 29, 1920; in 1922 Armenia became part of the Transcaucasian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic; and in 1936 this republic was dissolved and Armenia became a constituent (union) republic of the Soviet Union. Armenia declared sovereignty on August 23, 1990, and independence on September 23, 1991.
The status of Nagorno-Karabakh (also called Artsakh), an enclave of 1,700 square miles (4,400 square km) in southwestern Azerbaijan populated primarily by ethnic Armenians, was from 1988 the source of bitter conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. By the mid-1990s Karabakh Armenian forces had occupied much of southwestern Azerbaijan, but, after a devastating war in 2020, they were compelled to withdraw from most of that area.
Land
Relief
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Armenia is a mountainous country characterized by a great variety of scenery and geologic instability. The average elevation is 5,900 feet (1,800 metres) above sea level. There are no lowlands: half the territory lies at elevations of 3,300 to 6,600 feet; only about one-tenth lies below the 3,300-foot mark.
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The northwestern part of the Armenian Highland—containing Mount Aragats (Alaghez), the highest peak (13,418 feet, or 4,090 metres) in the country—is a combination of lofty mountain ranges, deep river valleys, and lava plateaus dotted with extinct volcanoes. To the north and east, the Somkhet, Bazum, Pambak, Gugark, Areguni, Shakhdag, and Vardenis ranges of the Lesser Caucasus lie across the northern sector of Armenia. Elevated volcanic plateaus (Lory, Shirak, and others), cut by deep river valleys, lie amid these ranges.
In the eastern part of Armenia, the Sevan Basin, containing Lake Sevan (525 square miles) and hemmed in by ranges soaring as high as 11,800 feet, lies at an elevation of about 6,200 feet. In the southwest, a large depression—the Ararat Plain—lies at the foot of Mount Aragats and the Geghama Range; the Aras River cuts this important plain into halves, the northern half lying in Armenia and the southern in Turkey and Iran.
Armenia is subject to damaging earthquakes. On December 7, 1988, an earthquake destroyed the northwestern town of Spitak and caused severe damage to Leninakan (now Gyumri), Armenia’s second most populous city. About 25,000 people were killed.
Drainage
Of the total precipitation, some two-thirds is evaporated, and one-third percolates into the rocks, notably the volcanic rocks, which are porous and fissured. The many rivers in Armenia are short and turbulent with numerous rapids and waterfalls. The water level is highest when the snow melts in the spring and during the autumn rains. As a result of considerable difference in elevation along their length, some rivers have great hydroelectric potential.
Most of the rivers fall into the drainage area of the Aras (itself a tributary of the Kura River of the Caspian Basin), which, for 300 miles (480 kilometres), forms a natural boundary between Armenia and Turkey and Iran.
The Aras’ main left-bank tributaries, the Akhuryan (130 miles), the Hrazdan (90 miles), the Arpa (80 miles), and the Vorotan (Bargyushad; 111 miles), serve to irrigate most of Armenia. The tributaries of the Kura—the Debed (109 miles), the Aghstev (80 miles), and others—pass through Armenia’s northeastern regions. Lake Sevan, with a capacity in excess of 9 cubic miles (39 cubic kilometres) of water, is fed by dozens of rivers, but only the Hrazdan leaves its confines.
Armenia is rich in springs and wells, some of which possess medicinal properties.
Soils
More than 15 soil types occur in Armenia, including light brown alluvial soils found in the Aras River plain and the Ararat Plain, poor in humus but still intensively cultivated; rich brown soils, found at higher elevations in the hill country; and chernozem (black earth) soils, which cover much of the higher steppe region. Much of Armenia’s soil—formed partly by residues of volcanic lava—is rich in nitrogen, potash, and phosphates. The labour required to clear the surface stones and debris from the soil, however, has made farming in Armenia difficult.
Climate
Because of Armenia’s position in the deep interior of the northern part of the subtropical zone, enclosed by lofty ranges, its climate is dry and continental. Regional climatic variation is nevertheless considerable. Intense sunshine occurs on many days of the year. Summer, except in high-elevation areas, is long and hot, the average June and August temperature in the plain being 77° F (25° C); sometimes it rises to uncomfortable levels. Winter is generally not cold; the average January temperature in the plain and foothills is about 23° F (−5° C), whereas in the mountains it drops to 10° F (−12° C). Invasions of Arctic air sometimes cause the temperature to drop sharply: the record low is −51° F (−46° C). Winter is particularly inclement on the elevated, windswept plateaus. Autumn—long, mild, and sunny—is the most pleasant season.
The ranges of the Lesser Caucasus prevent humid air masses from reaching the inner regions of Armenia. On the mountain slopes, at elevations from 4,600 to 6,600 feet, yearly rainfall approaches 32 inches (800 millimetres), while the sheltered inland hollows and plains receive only 8 to 16 inches of rainfall a year.
The climate changes with elevation, ranging from the dry subtropical and dry continental types found in the plain and in the foothills up to a height of 3,000 to 4,600 feet, to the cold type above the 6,600-foot mark.
Plant and animal life
The broken relief of Armenia, together with the fact that its highland lies at the junction of various biogeographic regions, has produced a great variety of landscapes. Though a small country, Armenia boasts more plant species (in excess of 3,000) than the vast Russian Plain. There are five altitudinal vegetation zones: semidesert, steppe, forest, alpine meadow, and high-elevation tundra.
The semidesert landscape, ascending to an elevation of 4,300 to 4,600 feet, consists of a slightly rolling plain covered with scanty vegetation, mostly sagebrush. The vegetation includes drought-resisting plants such as juniper, sloe, dog rose, and honeysuckle. The boar, wildcat, jackal, adder, gurza (a venomous snake), scorpion, and, more rarely, the leopard inhabit this region.
Steppes predominate in Armenia. They start at elevations of 4,300 to 4,600 feet, and in the northeast they ascend to 6,200 to 6,600 feet. In the central region they reach 6,600 to 7,200 feet and in the south are found as high as 7,900 to 8,200 feet. In the lower elevations the steppes are covered with drought-resistant grasses, while the mountain slopes are overgrown with thorny bushes and juniper.
The forest zone lies in the southeast of Armenia, at elevations of 6,200 to 6,600 feet, where the humidity is considerable, and also in the northeast, at elevations of 7,200 to 7,900 feet. Occupying nearly one-tenth of Armenia, the northeastern forests are largely beech. Oak forests predominate in the southeastern regions, where the climate is drier, and in the lower part of the forest zone hackberry, pistachio, honeysuckle, and dogwood grow. The animal kingdom is represented by the Syrian bear, wildcat, lynx, and squirrel. Birds—woodcock, robin, warbler, titmouse, and woodpecker—are numerous.
The alpine zone lies above 6,600 feet, with stunted grass providing good summer pastures. The fauna is rich; the abundant birdlife includes the mountain turkey, horned lark, and bearded vulture, while the mountains also harbour the bezoar goat and the mountain sheep, or mouflon.
Finally, the alpine tundra, with its scant cushion plants, covers only limited mountain areas and solitary peaks.
People
Ethnic groups
Armenians constitute nearly all of the country’s population; they speak Armenian, a distinct branch of the Indo-European language family. The remainder of the population includes Kurds, Russians, and small numbers of Ukrainians, Assyrians, and other groups.
Religion
Armenia was converted to Christianity about 300 ce, becoming the first kingdom to adopt the religion after the Arsacid king Tiridates III was converted by St. Gregory the Illuminator. The Armenians have therefore maintained an ancient and rich liturgical and Christian literary tradition. Believing Armenians today belong mainly to the Armenian Apostolic (Orthodox) Church or the Armenian Catholic Church, in communion with Rome. | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 1 | 50 | https://www.tutorchase.com/answers/ib/geography/how-do-population-density-and-health-indicators-correlate | en | How do population density and health indicators correlate? | [
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] | null | [] | null | Need help understanding the correlation between population density and health indicators? Expert tutors answering your Geography questions! | en | /TutorChase_Favicon.webp | https://www.tutorchase.com/answers/ib/geography/how-do-population-density-and-health-indicators-correlate | Population density can influence health indicators both positively and negatively, depending on various socio-economic and environmental factors.
Population density refers to the number of people living in a particular area, usually per square kilometre or mile. Health indicators, on the other hand, are quantifiable characteristics of a population which researchers use to compare health across different populations. These can include life expectancy, infant mortality rates, prevalence of certain diseases, and access to healthcare services.
In densely populated areas, there can be both positive and negative impacts on health indicators. On the positive side, densely populated areas often have better access to healthcare services. Hospitals, clinics, and other healthcare facilities are usually located in areas where they can serve the most people, which often means urban, densely populated areas. This can lead to better health outcomes, as people can access medical care more easily and quickly.
Moreover, densely populated areas often have more resources for public health initiatives. For example, it may be more cost-effective to implement a vaccination programme in a densely populated city than in a sparsely populated rural area. This can lead to higher vaccination rates and better control of infectious diseases.
However, high population density can also have negative impacts on health. Overcrowding can lead to the rapid spread of infectious diseases. This is particularly a problem in areas with poor sanitation and limited access to clean water. High population density can also lead to increased pollution, which can have a range of negative health effects, from respiratory problems to cardiovascular disease.
Furthermore, high population density can put pressure on healthcare services, leading to longer waiting times and potentially lower quality of care. It can also contribute to higher levels of stress and mental health problems, due to factors such as noise pollution and lack of green space.
In conclusion, the relationship between population density and health indicators is complex and influenced by a range of factors. It is important for geographers, public health professionals, and policymakers to understand this relationship in order to make informed decisions about healthcare provision and public health initiatives. | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 72 | https://internationalpolicy.org/publications/inside-armenias-geopolitical-shift-to-the-west/ | en | Inside Armenia’s geopolitical shift to the West | [
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] | null | [] | 2024-06-13T08:00:32+00:00 | Abandoned by Russia in the defense of Nagorno-Karabakh and struggling to accommodate refugees, Armenia turns West for its security and survival. | en | https://internationalpolicy.org/wp-content/themes/cip/images/favicons/favicon.ico | CIP | https://internationalpolicy.org/publications/inside-armenias-geopolitical-shift-to-the-west/ | Omar Hamed Beato is a visual journalist based in the Middle East covering conflict, climate change, migration, and social issues. You can find him on Instagram and follow his work here.
Protesters march across Yerevan the night before the commemoration of the Armenian genocide on the 23rd of April. Manifestations like this are often used by political parties to foster nationalism. Omar Hamed Beato for Center for International Policy.
As the sun sets over Yerevan –Armenia’s capital– on the verge of the 109th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, thousands of people flock to Republic Square to remember past and current struggles with neighboring Turkey and Azerbaijan. This genocide, often referred to as the first of the 20th century, claimed the lives of as many as 1.2 million Orthodox Armenians in the Anatolian peninsula during World War I. Over one hundred years later, the wounds of war and mass displacement remain wide open in the minds of the Armenian people. Continuous wars with neighboring Azerbaijan over the majority Armenian-populated territory of Nagorno-Karabakh in the 1990s and recent years have only exacerbated militaristic and nationalist sentiments within Armenian society. The territory, known by locals as Artsakh, is a self-proclaimed republic within the borders of internationally recognized Azerbaijan. A mix of anger, sadness, and worry can be felt in the ambient – it’s been only seven months since the latest chapter in the war came to a close. Nagorno-Karabakh was completely taken over by Azeri forces prompting almost its entire population of 120,000 to flee to Armenia.
“In the second decade of the 21st century, the Armenian nation has been subjected to genocide once again,” said a speaker at a political rally in Yerevan the day before the commemoration of the genocide on April 24th –a cry that attracted the attention of attendees. “Genocide is the policy of the Turkish state [referring to Turkey and Azerbaijan], the enemy wants to destroy us. One part of Armenia [from Karabakh] was displaced from its homeland of thousands of years.”
Every year, Turkish and Azerbaijani flags are publicly burned in Republic Square, Yerevan. This is the portrayal of a society that is deeply hurt and humiliated after decades of conflict. Omar Hamed Beato for Center for International Policy.
Yet, despite all the nationalistic sentiment, not everyone at the manifestation agrees on a way forward for Armenia. Mariam, a young Armenian woman who took part in the event, whose real name is being withheld due to the sensitive nature of the topic in the country, sees it as simple rhetoric rather than a realistic possibility. “I think this gathering is quite populist,” she says while crowds prepare to march across the city. “Don’t get me wrong, I would like Armenia to retake Nagorno-Karabakh to allow everyone to go back home but I don’t think it is possible, Azerbaijan has more power,” Mariam says before the interview gets abruptly interrupted by other people overhearing it from the crowd.
Many in Armenia have lost loved ones to the different wars between these two neighbors since the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, a collapse that reignited the dispute over the territory that remained relatively calm when Armenia and Azerbaijan were coexisting within the Soviet umbrella. For a while, Russia, as Armenia’s historical security guarantor and main economic partner, prevented Azerbaijan from escalating the conflict into a full-out war.
During the 2020 war –when Azerbaijan conquered adjacent territories of Nagorno-Karabakh that Armenia took in the 1990s– Russia played an important role in brokering a peace deal between both states. However, things changed in February 2022, when Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Unable to divert resources from the war effort, Russia was in no position to defend Karabakh from any incoming Azeri invasion. This was put to a test when Azerbaijan began the 10-month-long blockade of Artsakh in December 2022, rationing medicine, food, and fuel, practically isolating this territory from the rest of the world.
Russia’s inaction to the blockade triggered the belief in Baku that there would be no Russian intervention if it decided to go ahead with a complete takeover. Almost a year later, in September 2023, Azeri troops began to hit Karabakh with artillery and drone strikes making Armenians lay down arms within the first 24 hours of the incursion. The mass exodus of the population to Armenia began in September 2023, and on January 1st 2024 Azerbaijan forced the dissolution of the self-proclaimed republic.
Coping with a humanitarian crisis on its own
Despite a strong post-pandemic economic recovery, Armenia is still, by many means, a developing economy. According to a 2022 World Food Program report, about one-fourth of Armenians suffers from food insecurity and one in three lives below the poverty line of USD 115 per month.
Hence, since the fall of Karabakh, refugees have been struggling to start anew. The government has promised benefits to the newcomers: a one-off payment of $250 to every adult and a monthly allowance of $125, or about 65 per cent of the minimum wage in Armenia, to cover rent and other basic needs. Yet many refugees complain the much-anticipated money is stuck in bureaucratic backlog. Due to the global focus on the crises in Palestine and Ukraine, only 47 per cent of the $97 million pledged by the United Nations for the emergency phase of the crisis has been raised.
This has affected refugees like Andranik, 47, and his family. Like most displaced from Nagorno-Karabakh, they are living in a small village on the outskirts of Yerevan. He is living with his wife, mother, and three other children –all of whom complain about the lack of aid coming from the government since they arrived in Armenia.
Andranik in front of his house in Yerevan. During the 2020 war –which also claimed the lives of his nephew and younger brother– he was hit by Azeri bullets three times, which has hampered his mobility and consequently, hurt his prospects of finding employment. Omar Hamed Beato for Center for International Policy.
He claims to only be receiving a $50 stipend for his disability –for some reason, he stopped receiving the $125 monthly allowance in February –which is insufficient for a large family like his to survive in Yerevan. “Our economic situation is very bad,” he explains. “We are not expecting any support from the government… [our only hope] is going back to Artsakh one day.”
Due to their economic situation, his family can barely afford any food or essential medicine for his aging mother. They rely on food donations to support their subsistence. “My friends support our family; time to time bring some wood, some food etc. My old friends from Armenia who served in [the military] in Artsakh supported us many times,” Andranik laments while speaking in front of his family. “I am cultivating the land of this rental house to support ourselves [with] some food. We grow some greens, onions, and potatoes. We [are also] keeping some chickens and turkeys as well.”
Andranik’s mother, Nina, 86, shedding tears when talking about her home in Artsakh. Due to the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict, she has been forcibly displaced four times in her life, having to start from zero on every occasion. Humanitarian workers comment refugees haven’t received proper psychological support since they were displaced to Armenia. Omar Hamed Beato for Center for International Policy.
Difficult living conditions and lack of job opportunities across rural areas in Armenia have prompted about three out of four refugees to settle in Yerevan and adjacent provinces.
“The situation for Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians is really bad” says Benyamin Poghosyan, a senior research fellow at the Applied Policy Research Institute of Armenia –an independent Armenian think tank. “They lack housing and many of them have no jobs. What the government is paying is barely enough to rent an apartment, especially in Yerevan.”
Beyond the Armenians displaced from Artsakh, the country has seen a significant influx of Russians opposing the regime since the war in Ukraine broke out. These recent arrivals en masse mean that the Armenian labor market is struggling to absorb all these new workers –especially as the country has historically been characterized by high unemployment amongst the most vulnerable. A December 2023 report by the International Monetary Fund estimates these influxes to account for a 3.5 per cent increase in the labor force relative to 2021. Figures show a grim outlook for Karabakh Armenians –it will take until at least 2028 for them to be fully integrated into the job market.
Adella, 65, and her son Radik, 41, are examples of this. Once considered well-off in Karabakh, now they find themselves living in a warehouse in the town of Masis, some 30 minutes away by car from Yerevan. Since they moved here, they have struggled to find jobs – they are only able to generate some extra income when they sporadically sell on the streets some shipments of perfume sent by their relatives living in the UK and Russia.
“I would like to find a job, any kind of job. I will do heavy jobs if necessary,” explains Radik. “[Unfortunately], there are no jobs here.”
Lack of jobs and aid means mother and son live in an unhygienic house with no running water or electricity. “There’s no furniture inside the house –they just gave me a blanket. It’s just cold at night. [We have a] heater but it is not powerful enough,” says Adella as she gazes at Mount Ararat in the background. Due to inadequate infrastructure at home, Adella and Radik have to visit their relative’s house two to three times a week to shower.
Life on pause. Adella video calling one of her relatives living in Russia inside the warehouse where she lives. Due to her age, she is struggling to find work as employers prefer younger workers. Omar Hamed Beato for Center for International Policy.
To address the housing issue, the government initiated a program aimed at assisting Karabakh refugees in securing permanent housing. However, this initiative has encountered opposition within the refugee community. The government offers up to $13,000 for families to construct or purchase homes in sparsely populated areas, where employment opportunities are scarce, and $5,000 in areas near Yerevan. Benyamin argues that “this scheme only allows Nagorno-Karabakh refugees to buy old Soviet-era houses on the borders of Armenia,” where they do not want to live.
Anna, 45, together with another family from Artsakh, currently rents a house for $390 a month in the surrounding areas of Yerevan. She works at a tobacco factory six days a week, while her husband, Artur, 59, works in the land. They express concern that the government is failing to acknowledge the refugees’ apprehensions about living near Azerbaijan. “We are not prepared to endure another displacement disaster,” Anna laments, humorously remarking that the pledged funds would only enable them to afford “half a house.”
Portrait of Ararat, Anna’s relative who died during the 2020 war against Azerbaijan. Most families from Artsakh and Armenia have relatives who have died fighting in the last few years. Omar Hamed Beato for Center for International Policy.
Greta, Anna’s 80-year-old mother-in-law, adamantly rejects the idea of purchasing a house in Armenia. Her thoughts are fixated on returning to her home in Artsakh –where she lived her entire life until September 2023. “I would love to return if the Azeris were not present. I long to visit the graves of my son and husband, and to see my house and everything again”, Greta emotionally expresses, wiping away tears. “During the day, I am in Armenia, but at night, my heart is in Artsakh.”
Greta next to the window in her rental house. Due to the inability to afford rent individually, many families have joined together, residing in crowded accommodations. Omar Hamed Beato for Center for International Policy.
Is the West the answer to Armenia’s woes?
Unable to handle the humanitarian crisis on its own and with its security constantly under threat of further Azerbaijani attacks, Armenia has –in recent months– begun diversifying its alliances’ portfolio by mainly decoupling from Russia and looking to Western partners for economic aid and security assistance.
Since the fall of Nagorno-Karabakh, repeated meetings have been taking place –in Yerevan and Western capitals alike– between Armenian officials and their Western counterparts looking to establish new economic partnerships. This culminated in a meeting between Ursula Von Der Leyen, Josep Borrell, Anthony Blinken, and Armenia’s Prime Minister, Nikol Pashinyan, in Brussels on April 5th leading to a $293 million aid package from the EU over the next four years and another further $65 million coming from the US.
“This shows that the European Union and Armenia are increasingly aligned in values and interests,” commented Von der Leyen during the press conference that followed the meeting. “The humanitarian situation of refugees in Armenia remains a priority…we’re ready to do more to support the long-term integration of refugees.”
In a recent meeting between US and Armenian officials in Yerevan on June 11th, the US reiterated its commitment to support ongoing efforts to accommodate refugees. “The United States acknowledges the ongoing economic and social challenges Armenia faces in supporting displaced persons and refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh and intends to continue to assist the Government of Armenia’s efforts in this regard,” reads the press release. “The United States praised Armenia’s efforts to shelter displaced persons and refugees, and Armenia offered appreciation for the more than $21 million in humanitarian assistance the United States has provided to support displaced persons and refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh since September 2020.”
To avoid repeating history and the events of the last years and decades, Armenia is not only seeking new economic partnerships and aid, it’s also modernizing its defense capabilities. For instance, since 2020, Armenia has purchased artillery, radar, and missile systems from India and last November, France began supplying precision rifles, radars, and armored vehicles to the Armenian armed forces. “For Armenia, enhancing military capabilities is the least it can do because they can’t trust Russia anymore,” says Marylia Hushcha, a southern Caucasus and eastern Europe researcher at International Institute for Peace, a Vienna-based NGO promoting peaceful conflict resolution across the world.
Praying for a better tomorrow. Armenian youth has embraced Western values more than any other generation in the country. Despite the desire to pivot West, many feel uncertain about how, and if, this will be achieved. Omar Hamed Beato for Center for International Policy.
“There is this fear in Armenia that Azerbaijan may attack again in the future, especially in the south,” she continues, referring to the dispute over the Zangezur corridor, a narrow strip of land connecting Azerbaijan proper to its western region of Nakhchivan and Turkey alongside the Armenian-Iranian border.
“The decision of the Soviet government to separate West Zangezur, our historical land, from Azerbaijan and hand it over to Armenia led to the geographical separation of the Turkic world,” posted Ilham Aliyev, Azerbaijan’s president, on X (formerly known as Twitter). “We will implement the Zangezur corridor, whether Armenia wants it or not,” he threatened back in 2021.
The geographical location of Armenia has made finding security all the more difficult. To the East and West, it is surrounded by adversaries Azerbaijan and Turkey. To the south, it borders Iran –which despite its historically strong ties with Armenia is increasingly cooperating with Azerbaijan on a variety of infrastructure projects like the recently inaugurated Qiz Qalasi dam. “Armenia has no allies in the region whereas Azerbaijan feels secure because it has its own military power but also it has the support of Turkey,” adds Marylia via video call. “Armenia has had a military alliance with Russia which isn’t working and Azerbaijan has an alliance with Turkey that is working”. An example of this close cooperation between Azerbaijan and Turkey, Turkish-made drones supplied to the Azeri armed forces played a major role in the 2020 war and the subsequent takeover of territories surrounding Artsakh, as did the provision of arms by Israel.
“You need two armies with similar power not to start a war. By acquiring more weapons from the West, Armenia is, to some extent, trying to counter Azerbaijan’s military advantage on the battlefield and enhance its security,” Marylia tells the Center for International Policy.
Armenia’s Russia problem
While Armenia has been taking concrete steps to decouple from Russia, the high degree of interconnectedness between them means there is still a long way ahead before the vision of the Armenian government becomes reality.
While former Soviet republics such as Moldova, Ukraine, and Georgia –all of which are now candidates to join the EU– took concrete steps in the 2010s to get closer to the West, Armenia’s government at the time decided to strengthen its cooperation with Russia. In 2013, Armenia announced it would join the Eurasian Customs Union, a free trade zone comprised of Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, and Armenia. To this day, Armenia is officially still part of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a security alliance akin to NATO formed of ex-Soviet states –although the government claims their membership is now on pause.
Graffiti showing resentment towards Russia. Many in Armenia blame Russia for leaving them vulnerable against Azerbaijan. Negative feelings against Russia will likely last for decades if not generations. Omar Hamed Beato for Center for International Policy.
Historically, Russia has been the biggest arms exporter in the region –to both Armenia and Azerbaijan. Given Armenia’s lack of indigenous military Industry, in the 2010s, 94 per cent of all the weapon imports came from Russia. This has served Moscow’s purpose of enhancing profits for its military industry and destabilizing the region. Achieving a quick modernization of its armed forces with Western equipment seems unlikely after decades of investments in Russian-manufactured gear. “The EU is not a military power and the US is unlikely to fill the gap to substitute Russia as a major weapons exporter to Armenia, especially as both are focused on Ukraine and Gaza,” Marylia comments.
Furthermore, Armenia’s former imperial power maintains control over all energy infrastructure in the country, along with key transportation systems like railways, where it continues to maintain approximately 3,000 soldiers until at least 2044. “Russia’s presence in Armenia is very strong”, explains Marylia. “Armenia is trying to reach out and connect with the West but practically it is very difficult –quite impossible I would say. It is unlikely Russia would not intervene if Armenia goes against Russian interests.”
According to Benyamin, the feasibility of this shift depends on the outcome of the war in Ukraine. “If Russia doesn’t lose the war, it will have more resources to look into other neighborhoods like the South Caucasus. Russia will say ‘ok guys, games are over and you were dreaming or making some steps against Russia. I am back and you will do whatever I want’. [This will happen] regardless of who is Prime Minister in Armenia.”
The road towards peace
The Armenian government has been signaling that it is ready to make concessions to Azerbaijan in order to reach a permanent settlement to the conflict. There have been no indications from PM Nikol Pashinyan and his environment suggesting any military action against Azerbaijan.
On the contrary, in January, the Armenian government launched the so-called ‘Crossroads for Peace’ initiative with the intention of enhancing “diplomatic initiatives, dialogue, and cultural exchange” in the South Caucasus. In an article by Armenia’s President Vahagn Khachaturyan published in the World Economic Forum, he wrote “Armenia is committed to turning the aftermath of the crisis into an opportunity for building lasting peace and promoting regional cooperation.”
“There is a belief in the Armenian government that Armenia cannot develop without normal relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey. [They think] Armenia should pay whatever price to get this normalization,” adds Benyamin. Hence, in April, the Armenian government gave up four villages to Azerbaijan in the Tavush region, located in Armenian’s north, villages it had conquered from Azerbaijan during war in the 1990s.
Yerablur military cemetery in Yerevan. Many families visit graveyards of soldiers on a weekly basis –mandatory military service in Armenia means many of these fallen soldiers were 20 years old or younger –a painful reality still highly present for many. Omar Hamed Beato for Center for International Policy.
Yet despite the government’s good intentions, it is unlikely it will sail through smooth waters. The transfer of these border villages has sparked widespread protests around the country demanding the government revert this decision. The fall of Karabakh has created a sense of humiliation in Armenian society. It is unlikely that a peace deal –signed on Azerbaijan’s terms– will provide the much anticipated lasting peace to the region.
“At the end of the day, one day there will be a new government which may want to take some of the losses back. This [one-sided deal] will be the recipe for the next Armenia-Azerbaijan war,” says Benyamin.
Center for International Policy contacted the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan and Armenia requesting comments on their respective views on the peace process. However, no responses have been received by the time of publication.
Armenia is in a weaker position than Azerbaijan militarily and politically speaking. Arguably, it needs the peace treaty more than Azerbaijan. Marylia believes the Armenian government is caught between a rock and a hard place as its approach to peace faces “resistance from the public and Azerbaijan is not the easiest negotiating partner.”
The shift to the West may try to provide the Armenian people with some economic relief and a renewed sense of security. However, it will take many decades until peace can be achieved, not only between governments but between societies, allowing cultural communication, trade, shared infrastructure, etc. “The EU [and the US] don’t have enough leverage over Azerbaijan to make it more accommodating with Armenia,” she adds. The West’s ambition is “to act as a mediator but their attempts have not worked.” | ||||
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Armenia
(updated on May 2010)
1. ENERGY, ECONOMIC AND ELECTRICITY INFORMATION
1.1. General Overview
The Republic of Armenia, the smallest of the three Transcaucasian republics, is a landlocked mountainous country bounded on the north by the Republic of Georgia, on the east and southwest by Azerbaijan, on the south by Iran and on the west by Turkey (FIG 1). The northern border is 196 km long, the border with Azerbaijan is 913 km, the southern border has a length of 42 km and the western - 280 km. The land area of the republic is 29 743 km2. The terrain is defined by the high Armenian Plateau with mountains, little forest and fast flowing rivers. The average height above sea level is about 1800 meters.
FIG. 1. Map of the Republic of Armenia
The climate is highland continental with hot and dry summers and cold winters. Annual average temperature varies from -2.7°C to 13.8°C. The coldest month is January (from 1.2°C to -12.8°C) and the hottest months are July and August (from 25.8°C to 8.7°C). Summer temperatures may rise up to 42°C, winter cold has maximum of 46°C below zero. Summer relative wetness is 32-45% (July-August), winter relative wetness is 80-90%. Annual rainfall varies from 220 mm (in winter) to 900 mm (May- June). The annual maximum sunshine is 2780 hours (Lake Sevan area), and minimum 1930 hours (Idgevan). The average intensity of solar radiation on the aclinic plane on a cloudless day is 700 kcal/m2. The annual average wind velocity varies from 7.7 m/sec to 1.0 m/sec.
1.1.1. Population
The population of Armenia, according to the Country statistical data, is about 3.244 million (as of 01.01.2009), of which 64,0% lives in urban areas. Armenia is a densely populated country with a density of 109 person/km2. The historical population information is shown in Table 1.
TABLE 1: POPULATION INFORMATION Average Annual Growth Rate (%) 1970 1979 1989 2001 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2001 - 2009 Population (Millions) 2.5 3.0 3.4 3.2 3.2 3.2 3.2 3.2 3.2 0.1 Population Density (Inhabitants/km2) 83.8 101.9 116.0 108.1 108.2 108.3 108.5 108.7 109.1 0.1 Urban Population as % of Total 59.5 65.7 68.7 64.4 64.1 64.1 64.1 64.1 64.0 -0.1 Area (1000 km2) 28.2
a Formal data of the census of population. b Country Statistic Information.
Source: IAEA Energy and Economic Database; Data & Statistics/The World Bank; National Statistical Service of RA.
The population average growth rate from 2001 to 2009 is about +0.92%. The concentration of population is not equal in different areas of the republic. The Ararat Valley is the most populated territory of the country with the density of 245 person/km2. Its area makes about 26.7% of the total territory, and its population reaches to 58.8% of the total population. Yerevan, the capital of the Republic of Armenia, lies in the Ararat Valley and is home to 1.1 million people, which is about one third of the total population. The highland areas have much less population with the density of 24 person/km2.
1.1.2. Economic Indicators
After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, an economic crisis broke out, and Armenia suffered from sharp decline in production during the period 1990-1994. The country undertook great efforts to overcome it. Since then, the situation has been gradually stabilized, and the republic is coming out of the crisis following the transition to a market economy. During the period 2000-2009, the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has increased on 347%, and the average growth rate was 20.2 % per year. The historical GDP information is shown in Table 2.
T
TABLE 2: GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT Average Annual Growth Rate (%) 1990 2000 2001 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2000 - 2009 GDP (Millions of Current US$) 4 098.0 1 912.0 2 118.0 4 900.0 6 385.0 9 206.0 11 664.0 8 540.0 38.5 GDP (Millions of Constant 2000 US$) 282.0 191.0 2 095.1 340.0 386.0 440.0 4 676.9 - 293.6 GDP Per Capita (PPP* US$/Capita) - 2 294.1 2 522.9 4 097.8 4 633.4 5 261.3 5 610.6 - 18.1 GDP Per Capita (Current US$/Capita) 1 145.0 515.0 558.0 1 523.0 1 982.0 2 853.0 3 606.0 2 633.0 45.7
(e) Industry includes also construction, transport and communication
(f) Services include trade, net taxes and other
Source: IAEA Energy and Economic Data Base; Data & Statistics/The World Bank; Country Information.
Armenia is not rich in mineral raw materials. There are only a few items of considerable industrial value: copper, bauxite, molybdenum, precious metals, perlite, diatomite and coal. This factor mainly determines the economic structure of the republic. There has traditionally been very little heavy industry. The manufacturing sector has a prevailing share in GDP.
1.1.3. Energy Situation
The main sources of energy, traditionally used in Armenia, are: oil products, natural gas, nuclear energy, hydropower and coal. Hydro and a small amount of brown coal are the only domestic sources of energy, which are exploited. The republic has no oil and some gas reserves (not exploited). The geological forecast says that some quantity of uranium may be in Armenia, thatâs why in July 2008; the Russian â Armenian joint venture was established for uranium geological exploring, mining and processing.
The energy reserves are shown in Table 3. To meet its energy requirements, Armenia has to import gas, oil products and nuclear fuel.
TABLE 3: ESTIMATED AVAILABLE ENERGY RESOURCES Fossil Fuels Nuclear Renewables Solid Liquid Gas Uranium Hydro Other Renewable Total Amount in Specific Units* - - 176.00 - 7.00 -
(*) Sources: 20th WEC Survey of Energy Resources, 2004 and Uranium 2005: Resources, Production and Demand ("Red Book")
(1) Coal including Lignite: proved recoverable reserves, the tonnage within the proved amount in place that can be recovered in the future under present and expected local economic conditions with existing available technology
(2) Crude oil and natural gas liquids (Oil Shale, Natural Bitumen and Extra-Heavy Oil are not included): proved recoverable reserves, the quantity within the proved amount in place that can be recovered in the future under present and expected local economic conditions with existing available technology
(3) Natural gas: proved recoverable reserves, the volume within the proved amount in place that can be recovered in the future under present and expected local economic conditions with existing available technology
(4) Reasonably Assured Resources (RAR) under < USD 130/kgU
(5) Hydropower: technically exploitable capability, the amount of the gross theoretical capability that can be exploited within the limits of current technology
Source: IAEA Energy and Economic Data Base, Country Information.
Hydropower is based on the water resources of the republic, including Lake Sevan, one of the largest highland fresh-water lakes in the world (1900 m above sea level), and the rivers: Arax, Arpa, Hrazdan, Debet and Vorotan. During the last period of time, beginning from 1991, 83 new small hydro power plants with the total capacity of 102 MW (336 millions kWh of electric energy annually) have been built. Hydro power plants of Sevan-Hrazdan cascade are operating at a low level capacity, because, after the intense use of the lake water during the last crisis, the Government of Armenia decided to reduce releases from Lake Sevan to restore its potential. The water from the lake can be taken only for the irrigation needs.
Two HPP cascades and small HPPs have the total installed capacity of 1058 MW, of which:
· Sevan-Hrazdan HPP cascade has the installed capacity of 530 MW;
· Vorotan HPP cascade has the installed capacity of 400 MW;
· Dzora HPP has the installed capacity of 26 MW;
· Small HPPs have installed capacity of 102 MW.
At the same time, Armenia has still an unused hydraulic potential (both small and big rivers) of about 406 MW (or 1782 millions kWh of electric energy), which development is economically reasonable.
The Thermal Power Plants (TPPs) have the installed capacity of 1744 MW, of which:
· Hrazdan TPP has the installed capacity of 1100 MW. Four of the turbines is of condensation type, each - 200 MW, which can be operated, but now only two of them are in operation because of no need for more capacities. Now, the Gas- and Steam Turbines Unit of Hrazdan TPP with the capacity about 440 MW is under construction.
· Yerevan TPP has the installed capacity of 550 MW, including: 2x150 condensation turbines, and 5x50 heating turbines. Now, only 2x50 MW turbines are in operation because there is no need in such quantity of heat consumption. The Gas Turbine Combined Cycle Unit of Yerevan TPP with the capacity about 242 MW electrical and 30 MW thermal is put into operation in April 2010.
· Vanadzor TPP has the installed capacity of 94 MW with different capacity heating turbines. Now, none of them is in operation because there is no need for heat consumption.
The results of asset re-evaluation show that the sectorâs main assets resources have already expired. The equipment is worn out and requires major overhaul, 38% of installed capacities are already over 30 years old. It is necessary to take all due measures to renew the energy sector of Armenia.
Nuclear Power Plant (NPP) has a designed capacity of 815 MW, of which Unit 2 only with 407.5 MW is in operation. Nuclear energy played a crucial role during the period of recovery from the economical crisis. Unit 1 is not operating, and unit 2 has been re-commissioned in 1995, after 6.5 years of outage. The fuel is supplied by the Russian Federation.
The high-voltage transmission network of Armenia consists of 220-110 kV lines. There are 14 substations of 220 kV and 119 substations of 110 kV. The capacity of the existing high voltage network is considered sufficient for the current and forecasted loads. The high-voltage transmission network has the interconnections with all neighbouring countries: Azerbaijan: 330, 220 and 110 kV, Georgia: 220 and 110 kV, Turkey: 220 kV, Iran: 2x220 kV. The high-voltage lines Armenia - Iran and ArmeniaâGeorgia of 400 kV are currently under construction.
Natural gas is the most important primary energy source, and it is imported from Russia. The designed capacity of the high-pressure gas transportation network of Armenia is 17 billions m3/year. In 1980, the maximum demand for natural gas in Armenia was above 5-6 billions m3/year. There have been five main gas pipelines built, which ensured the gas delivery from three sides: Georgia, North and West Azerbaijan. Today, only the first one is operating. In 2009, the natural gas demand was 1.662 billions m3, but the expected demand by the year 2017 will be 5.5 â 6.2 billions m3/year depending on the ANPP status (shut down or in operation). The gas pipeline Iran âArmenia is now fully constructed and ready to put into operation since spring 2009, which will have the capacity of 2.3 billions m3. There are underground storage facilities for natural gas with a maximal gas storage volume of 180 million m3. Nowadays, the available gas storage volume is 130 million m3. Gas distribution in Armenia is performed through high, medium and low-pressure distribution networks.
Oil products are imported from the foreign countries, mostly utilized for transport and industry sector. During the last several years, mazut was imported into the Republic in very small quantities.
As to the renewable sources of energy (geothermal, wind, solar and waste burning), they are under study. Armenia has a considerable potential of geothermal energy, but a programme has to be developed to explore the geothermal resources and to carry out drilling activities.
The most worth-while regions suitable for the construction of wind power plants are: Vanadzor, Aragats, Lake Sevan basin and Sisian, where the wind velocity reaches 7 m/s. In December 2005, the first wind power plant was put into operation in Pushkin pass (Vanadzor region) with the installed capacity of 2.6 MW. The total capacity of the site is estimated to be 20 MW. Now, the investigations are carried out for the construction of wind power plants at other sites, too.
Armenia is a sunny country with a high level of solar radiation. Nevertheless, it is too expensive to utilize the solar energy, and the country, which appears to have very good solar radiation potential, cannot afford using it. A waste burning facility project (the construction of a station with a capacity of 10 MW in Yerevan) is under discussion as well.
The energy statistics and the historical energy consumption data is shown in Table 4.
TABLE 4: ENERGY STATISTICS [EJ] Average Annual Growth Rate (%) ENERGY CONSUMPTION** 1999 2000 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2000 - 2009 TOTAL 0.09 0.09 0.11 0.11 0.12 0.13 0.11 2.50 - Solids 0.01 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 - - Liquids 0.02 0.01 0.02 0.02 0.02 0.02 0.01 0.85 - Gases 0.04 0.05 0.06 0.06 0.07 0.08 0.06 3.31 - Primary Electricity 0.03 0.03 0.04 0.04 0.03 0.03 0.03 3.42 ENERGY PRODUCTION 1999 2000 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2000 - 2009 TOTAL 0.03 0.03 0.04 0.04 0.03 0.03 0.03 1.92 - Solids*** 0.01 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 - - Liquids 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 - - Gases 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 - - Primary Electricity 0.03 0.03 0.04 0.04 0.03 0.03 0.03 3.42 NET IMPORT (IMP - EXP) 1999 2000 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2000 - 2009 TOTAL 0.06 0.06 0.07 0.07 0.08 0.09 0.08 2.78
(1) Energy consumption = Primary energy consumption + Net import (Import - Export) of secondary energy.
(2) Solid fuels include coal, lignite and commercial wood.
(3) Primary electricity = Hydro + Geothermal + Nuclear + Wind.
Source: IAEA Energy and Economic Database and Country Information.
1.2. Energy Policy
Before the disintegration of the USSR, Armenia, as a part of the Soviet Union, was under the unified All-Union energy policy. The electricity generated by Armenian Power Plants joined the Transcaucasien Energy System. After becoming an independent state, Armenia had to meet the open market requirements in all the branches of the industry. The energy sector and the nuclear energy sector in particular, were deeply affected by the economic difficulties during the market transition and were in need of reorganization and de-regulation.
According to the Law âOn Energy of the Republic of Armeniaâ, the main principle of the Government policy in the Energy sector is the separation of functions of economic activity, state management and regulation. According to the main regulating principle, the inequality of conditions between the licensee and consumer is excluded. According to this Law, the functions of regulation were given to the Commission on Public Services. The level of electricity average tariff is 25 drams and since1998, is the same till April 2009, afterwards its value has increased up to 30 drams.
In March 2000, the National Assembly of RA adopted the Law âOn Amendments and Additions to the Law On safe Use of Nuclear Energy for Peaceful Purposesâ. In particular, one of the amendments reads: âThose objects which are of safety importance shall be constructed and decommissioned by the Law, which draft should be submitted to the Governmentâ.
In November 2004, the National Assembly adopted the Law âOn Amendments and Additions to the Law On safe Use of Nuclear Energy for Peaceful Purposesâ according to which the new constructed nuclear power facilities in Armenia can be owned by all kinds of owners. The radioactive waste and spent nuclear fuel remain state owned. The Operators of nuclear facilities cannot be declared bankrupts. The similar amendment was made also to the âLaw on Energyâ.
On 16 of March, 2004, the amendments were made to the âLaw on Licensingâ, according to which it is necessary to have the license for the following activities: design, site selection, construction, operation, decommissioning, etc. of nuclear facilities, radioactive wastes storages and disposals, as well as for nuclear materials and radioactive wastes processing, transportation and other activities. The rules for obtaining licenses on these activities were established with the use of a number of the appropriate Government decrees.
On 8 of December, 2005, the amendment was made to the âLaw on Population Protection in the Emergency Situationsâ according to which, in the case of nuclear or radiation emergency at the nuclear power plant, the functions of all involved responsible organizations shall be determined by the Government decree. On 22 of December, 2005, the Government decree N 2338 âNational Plan for the Population Protection in case of Nuclear and/or Radiation Emergency at the Armenian NPPâ was issued. As a result of the exercises on nuclear or radiation emergency at the nuclear power plant conducted for checking the real possibilities to use that decree, a new edition was done to the âNational Plan for the Population Protection in case of Nuclear and/or Radiation Emergency at the Armenian NPPâ, which was adopted by the Government decree N 194 on 17 of January, 2008.
The radiation safety and protection requirements for the plant workers and population (including critical groups and the population as generally) are stated in Government decree N 1219, âRadiation Safety Normsâ and N 1489 âRadiation Safety Rulesâ, 2006.
By the Government decree N1296 of 1.11.2007, the Armenian Ministry of Energy Action Program was adopted according to the National Security Strategy. By this Program, it was envisaged to put into operation the new nuclear power unit (s) immediately after the shutdown of the existing one to cover the lack of capacity. According to that document, taking into consideration the needs of country energy independence, the preference is given to the 1000 MW nuclear power units.
The Law of the Republic of Armenia âOn Construction of a New NPP in the Republic of Armeniaâ was adopted on 27 October, 2009, which will serve as a legal basis for construction of a new NPP in Armenia.
The Company âWorley Parsonsâ was selected in May 2009 by international tender as a management company for the construction of new nuclear power unit. Currently âWorley Personsâ Company finalizes the development of âAcceptable for Bank Feasibility Studyâ document, which is necessary for involvement of investors.
Results of the comparative analysis made by âWorley Personsâ Company for selection of nuclear technology were submitted to the Prime-Minister of RA in September 2009. As a result, under the Decree N1458 of the Government RA dated 3 December, 2009 for the nuclear island of a new NPP the Russian NPP-92 design (capacity - 1060 MW; operation lifetime - 60 years), which has a European safety certificate, was approved.
Decree âOn Establishment of a Closed Joint-Stock Company Aimed at Construction of a New NPP in the Republic of Armeniaâ was adopted by the Government of Armenia on 3 December, 2009. A joint âMetsamorenergoatomâ CJSC was established with the involvement of RA Government and âAtomstroyexportâ CJSC, which was delegated by âRosatomâ Russian State Corporation. The established, âMetsamorenergoatomâ CJSC is open for other investors as well. On March 26, 2010 the ROSATOM State Corporation and the RA Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources signed an agreement on nuclear island equipment reservation aimed at equipping of the new nuclear unit in the Republic of Armenia. Currently a draft agreement between the RA and RF Governments is being developed to envisage the nuclear island equipment supply provisions. Other nuclear unit components of the project, i.e. Turbine Island, I&C systems are the subject of negotiations with suppliers. Also the activities are implemented for involvement of other investors.
1.3. The Electricity System
1.3.1. Policy and Decision Making Process -Including Planning the Electricity System
A special attention was paid by the Government on restructuring the Electricity sector. A number of Laws in energy were adopted to achieve that target. A program for improvement of metering, billing and collection of payments for electricity, heat and natural gas has been implemented, together with the converse of accounting to international norms and standards and annual auditing of the company's financial reports by independent auditors. A program has been implemented to organize collections through banks. Though there are difficulties in the whole economy of the country, the Government gives priority to budget payments for the electricity provided to budget organizations, as well as compensation for the electricity consumed by irrigation, drinking water, industry and electrical transport companies.
The implementation of a stabilization policy with the crucial role of restarting the ANPP allowed the country to overcome the electric energy crisis of the post-Soviet period. Now Armenia is covering its electricity demand completely and can ensure the export of electric energy to neighbouring countries. In the near future, however, additional energy sources may be required as the economy of the republic is recovering and the living standard is increasing steadily.
For Armenia, it is obligatory to be involved in the regional power market that is currently in the process of formation and foresees the establishment of a circular power system of Black Sea countries, as well as creation of North â South parallel operation relations (Russia â Georgia â Armenia â Iran, and others).
So, in future the leading role in competition for providing services to regional power market will be given to a country which is able to produce base-load electricity from the nuclear unit with the minimal emissions of green-house gases. We are confident that Armenia meets these requirements and is ready to undertake this role at the region.
1.3.2. Structure of Electric Power Sector - Generation, Transmission and Distribution System
In May 2008, the Ministry of Energy of RA was re-named and became the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources of RA. It is responsible for the sustainable electric energy supply to the consumers, earthâs interior economic potential determination and other tasks relevant to those areas. It is also under its responsibility to define the policy for the whole Energy sector development.
The Nuclear Safety Regulation State Committee under the Government of RA duties are: performing the State nuclear energy regulation and supervision over the nuclear power objects, issuing the licenses and controlling the license requirements fulfillment. Its main objective is to secure the protection of the population, the personnel involved into the nuclear industry, and environment.
The Public Services Regulatory Commission of the RA is responsible for the antimonopoly regulation. The key functions of the antimonopoly regulation are tariff regulation and licensing of entities in the energy sector.
The structure of management of the Energy Sector in Armenia is shown in Figure 2.
The Operator of the Electric Energy Network is responsible for the dispatching activity, and Calculation Centre is in charge of calculation of wholesale trade of electric energy. It also approves the balance between the participants of the trade.
1.3.3. Main Indicators of the Electricity Production and Installed Generating Capacity and of the Energy Related Ratios
In 2009, the total installed capacity of the electric energy generating plants in Armenia was 3,050 MW(e). In that year, electricity production was 5.64 billion kWh. Table 5 shows the historical statistics of the electricity production and its distribution by plants types, as well as capacities of those plants. Table 6 - the energy related ratios. In Armenia, the primary energy consumption per capita is around 0.56 toe/capita in 2009.
TABLE 5: ELECTRICITY PRODUCTION, CONSUMPTION & CAPACITY Average Annual Growth Rate (%) Capacity of Electrical Plants [GWe] 1988 2000 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2000 - 2009 TOTAL 3.51 3.05 3.05 3.05 3.06 3.06 3.06 0.04 - Thermal 1.75 1.67 1.67 1.67 1.67 1.67 1.67 0.00 - Hydro 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.01 1.01 1.01 0.11 - Nuclear 0.76 0.38 0.38 0.38 0.38 0.38 0.38 0.00 Electricity Production (TWh) 1988 2000 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2000 - 2009 TOTAL** 15.28 5.96 6.21 5.97 5.81 6.11 5.64 -0.60 - Thermal 8.94 2.69 1.83 1.51 1.49 1.83 1.13 -6.44 - Hydro 1.52 1.26 1.66 1.82 1.77 1.82 2.02 6.70 - Nuclear 4.82 2.01 2.72 2.64 2.55 2.46 2.49 2.65
(1) Electricity losses are not deducted.
Source: IAEA Energy and Economic Database; Country Information.
TABLE 6: Energy Related Ratios 2000 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Energy Consumption Per Capita (GJ/Capita) 24.2 34.0 33.5 36.6 38.9 33.6 Electricity Consumption Per Capita (MWh/Capita) 1.6 1.9 1.9 1.8 1.9 1.8 Electricity Production/Energy Production (%) 81.0 63.0 60.0 61.0 66.0 59.0 Nuclear/Total Electricity (%) 33.7 43.7 44.4 43.3 40.3 43.9 Ratio of External Dependency (%)** 68.0 67.0 68.0 71.0 74.0 69.0
(1) Net import / Total energy consumption.
Source: IAEA Energy and Economic Database; Country Information.
2. NUCLEAR POWER SITUATION
2.1. Historical Development and current nuclear power organizational structure
2.1.1. Overview
A decision to construct a nuclear power plant in Armenia was made by the former USSR Council of Ministers, and the appropriate decree was issued in September 1966. In 1968, the Armenian Branch of ââElectrosetprojectââ Institute completed the pre-feasibility study for constructing the Armenian NPP (ANPP) under the project âThe Scheme of NPP Contribution to Power Gridâ. That document included a schedule to commission Unit 1 in 1973, and Unit 2 â in 1974.
The technical specification to design the ANPP was developed by âTeploelectroprojectâ in 1968 and approved in August 1969 under decree N 1624 R.C. of the former USSR Ministry of Energy.
More than 20 potential sites were considered for the ANPP construction, and finally a site was selected in the western part of Ararat valley, 16 km far from Turkish border, 10 km to the north-east of region centre â Hoktemberyan (Armavir), and 28 km far (to the west) from Yerevan. Location of the ANPP is shown in Figure 3.
In accordance with that specification, the capacity of the ANPP (first stage of construction) with VVER-440 type reactors was to be 815.0 MW, each unit of 407.5 MW. The ANPP design life-time was specified to be 30 years.
The comprehensive studies and analyses showed that seismic conditions of the ANPP site were characterized by the level that corresponded to the eight-point intensity according to MSK-64 scale. That was the first nuclear power plant in the USSR intended to be constructed in the region of high seismicity.
The specific nature of the ANPP site - its seismicity - caused significant changes in VVER-440/230 design, not only in construction but also in design of reactor facility in the whole, and the reactor was assigned with the new identification â V-270. It was based on the project of Unit 3 and 4 of the Novovoronezh NPP.
The reactor building, auxiliary building, air chimney, as well as the buildings and structures containing equipment and instrumentation of safety systems or safety-related on-line systems and communications connecting these structures were assigned with category of High Importance. They were considered to have one point more seismic resistance than that of the ANPP site.
The Armenian Nuclear Power Plant was commissioned in 1976, achieving the initial criticality for Unit 1 on 22 December 1976, and for Unit 2 - on 5 January 1980. The units were put into commercial operation on 6 October 1977 and on 3 May 1980, respectively.
In 1981, the technical-economic background was developed for the further expansion of the ANPP (the second stage of the plant) taking into consideration the needs of Yerevan city in a central heating. The technical-economic background was approved and coordinated with all the relevant organizations. In 1985, the Gorky Department of âAtomteploelectroproectâ Institute prepared a project: âArmenian NPP. Its expansion is taking into consideration the Yerevan city central heatingâ. The excavation work was started. The foundation pits for two new units (Unit 3, Unit 4) were dug through. But it was the Chernobil disaster of 1986 that served a reason for the Government of the Republic to make a decision to refuse further expansion of the ANPP. The work was stopped.
After the 1988 earthquake, though the Power Plant was not damaged, the Council of Ministers of the USSR decreed to shut down the ANPP as a precautionary measure. Unit 1 was shut down on 25 February 1989 and Unit 2 on 18 March 1989. The units were not decommissioned but kept in prolonged shut down condition.
Apart from the short period of regaining independence, there have been no strong antinuclear movements in Armenia. The current sentiment of the public can be explained not by lack of awareness of the risks involved by the utilization of nuclear energy, but, in the face of the difficult economic conditions, by the considerably lower price of ânuclear electricityâ which outweighs its possible risks
In April 1993, the Government of Armenia decided to restart Unit 2 of the ANPP in order to overcome the severe economic crisis taking into account the lack in national energy resources. After 6.5 years of outage, with the technical and financial help of the Russian Federation, Unit 2 of the ANPP was restarted in November 5, 1995. Unit 1 remained in a stand-still regime.
After the ANPP restart, 29.09 billion kWh of electric energy has been generated by January 1, 2010, keeping the load schedule of Armenian power system.
2.1.2. Current Organizational Chart
Following organizations, institutions and state bodies are currently involved in activity related with the operation of ANPP:
The Armenian Nuclear Regulatory Authority (the ANRA) - was established in 1993. The ANRA was authorized to be a regulation body in the area of nuclear and radiation safety, to perform inspection activity and issue the licenses for the appropriate applications (See more detailed information in Section 3.1.).
The Ministry of Energy of RA was established in 1992. During the period of preparation for the ANPP restart (1993-1996), the Armatomenergo was established under the Ministry of Energy. Armatomenergo was authorized with the functions of Operator of the ANPP. On 4 of April 1996, by the Government decree N 98, the operation of the "Armatomenergo" was ceased, and the CJSC "Armenian NPP" was given the functions of Operator. At the same time, the Department of Atomic Energy was established at the Ministry of Energy of RA. The Department participates in the elaboration of Armenian energy and nuclear energy development strategy, organizes the development of list of measures on the ANPP safety upgrading and decommissioning program; collaborates with the IAEA and other international nuclear energy organizations.
The "Armatom" Institute - was established in 1973. Having been providing an engineering support to the ANPP, the Institute includes in its activity such work as: implementation at the ANPP of diagnostic systems; implementation of Safety Parameters Display System (SPDS), development of compact and multi-functional simulators. "Armatom" is participating in development of "Deterministic Analysis of ANPP Unit 2" and "Probabilistic Safety Analysis of ANPP Unit 2" documents.
CJSC "Atomservice" - was established in 1987. The company took active part in the plant systems adjusting and testing programs implementation during the period of preparation for the ANPP Unit 2 restart. It continues to perform the same activity nowadays.
CJSC "Atomenergoseismoproject" - was established in 1983. During the period of preparation of Unit 2 of the ANPP for its restart, a set of works on finishing investigations of the plant seismic conditions was performed by CJSC "Atomenergoseismoproject" for final resolution on all the issues relevant to the plant restart and further operation. One of the major results of conducted investigations was that the ANPP has been erected on a whole (non-destructed) basalt block, i.e. absence of a tectonically active break under the ANPP site was proved.
There are several construction, repair, mounting and other organizations also related with the operation of the ANPP.
2.2. Nuclear Power Plants: Status and Operations
2.2.1. Status of nuclear power plants in operation, under construction, closed down.
The ANPP consists of two nuclear power units of VVER-440 type. Since 1989, Unit 1 is in a state of stand-still. Since its restart (1995), Unit 2 of the ANPP has been in operation. Unit 2 installed gross capacity is 407.5 MW. Table 7 shows the status and some other indicators of the nuclear power units of the ANPP.
TABLE 7: STATUS AND PERFORMANCE OF NUCLEAR POWER PLANTS Station Type Net Capacity Operator Status Reactor Supplier Construction Date+ Criticality Date Grid Date++ Commercial Date Shutdown Date ARMENIA-2 PWR 376 ANPPJSC Operational FAEA 01-07-75 01-01-80 05-01-80 03-05-80 ARMENIA-1 PWR 376 ANPPJSC Permanent FAEA 01-01-73 22-12-76 28-12-76 06-10-79 25-02-89
The activities have been initiated to begin the preparation works on construction of new nuclear unit (s) in Armenia (see 2.2.4).
2.2.2. Performance of NPPs.
In 2005, the ANPP generated 2.72 billion kWh, which is its maximum generation since the ANPP restart.
The main organizations and institutions involved in nuclear energy in Armenia are: the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources, The Nuclear Safety Regulation State Committee under the Government of RA, CJSC âANPPâ, CJSC âArmatomâ, CJSC âAtomserviceâ and CJSC âAtomenergoseismoprojectâ. Besides, some technical support has been providing by such organizations of Russian Federation as: OKB âHydropressâ - main reactor designer; âNIIAEP Nizhnii Novgorodâ - main NPP designer; RNC âKurchatov Instituteâ â scientific management, and others.
The Figure 4 shows the dynamics of the significant safety events based on INES scale.
FIG.4. Significant safety events dynamics based on INES scale
In 1995, Unit 2 of the ANPP had five emergency events of level â0â on the International Nuclear Event Scale (INES) (below scale, deviation). In 1996, there were 8 emergency events occurred at the ANPP, including: 1 â of level â1â (anomaly), 7 of level â0â on the INES scale. In 1997, there were 5 emergency events occurred at the ANPP, including: 2â of level â1â, 3 of level â0â on the INES scale. In 1998, there were 7 emergency events occurred at the ANPP, including: 2â of level â2â, 1â of level â1â and 4 of level â0â on the INES scale. In 1999, had one emergency shutdown and one event of level â1â. In 2000, there were 3 events reported, one event was rated level â1â, and two events were rated level â0â. In 2001, there were 8 emergency events occurred at the ANPP, including: 3 â of level â1â, 5 of level â0â on the INES scale. In 2002, there were 8 emergency events of level â0â on the INES scale occurred at the ANPP. There were 2 emergency shutdowns. In 2003, there were 2 emergency events, 1 of level â0â and 1 of level â1â on the INES scale. There was 1 emergency shutdown in 2003. In 2004, there were 2 emergency events of level â1â on the INES scale. In 2005, 2006 and 2007 no emergency event on the INES scale occurred. In 2008, during the operation of Unit 2 of the ANPP, 1 event of "1" by INES was registered, and the reactor was screamed which was caused by the accident in the grid. In 2009 there were 5 recorded events in the plant operation 4 events were classified according to INES level â0â and one event was classified as safety significant level â1âevent on the INES scale.
2.2.3. Plant Upgrading and Plant Life Management
The issues of the ANPP safety upgrading are of much importance for the Armenian Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources being firstârate priority. The safety level of the ANPP during the times of very limited financial resources was one of the main concerns of the Armenian Government. After numerous consultations with the experts from the USA, Western Europe countries and Russian Federation, being also assisted by the experts from the IAEA, Armenian specialists developed a new programme of the ANPP safety-upgrading. It was called âList of safety upgrading activities for the period of 2009 â 2016 of Unit 2 of the Armenian NPPâ. The safety upgrading process, having been permanently implemented at the ANPP, is being realized according to the provisions of that program. Since the restart of the ANPP, up to 01.01.2010, there have been completed more than 184 engineering activities and 1389 safety improvement measures, so the plant can withstand emergency situations without failures. Historical annual upgrading measures are shown in Figure 5.
FIG.5. Historical annual upgrading measures
In the Summer of 2005, the DG of the IAEA, Mr. El Baradey, came to visit Armenia. During the high-level meeting, he assured the Armenian side that the IAEA will assist to coordinate the activities on the upgrading of the ANPP with the donor countries. In 18-19 May 2010, the 4th IAEA working meeting was held on Coordination of International assistance to the ANPP safety upgrading in Yerevan. The decision was made to review the existing âList of safety upgrading activities for the period of 2009 â 2016 of Unit 2 of the Armenian NPPâ on the base of the documents SAR and PSA.
In May 2011 the plant will be hosting IAEA OSART Mission on integrated assessment of the ANPP operational safety
2.2.4. Nuclear power development projections and plans.
The Energy Policy of Armenia is focused on realization of the strategy program for providing the country with the required quantity of electric energy and gas.
In 2001 - 2002, in the frame of the IAEA Program on Technical Cooperation, there was developed the project titled âEnergy and Nuclear Power Planning study for Armeniaâ which was published in July 2004 as TECDOC -1404. The document included the future energy demand forecast for Armenia and the capacities which will be needed to cover that demand. During the study, two options of the development of the Energy Sector of Armenia were considered:
with the use of the thermal power plants only;
with the use of both the thermal and nuclear power plants.
The second option of the Energy sector development, taking into account the criteria of energy safety and energy independence, ecology, as well as from the social point of view, was preferable. On the base of this study, the âLeast Cost Generation Planâ and âThe Comprehensive National Energy Strategy and Energy Sector Improvement Action Planâ were developed in 2006. Based on these two documents, âThe Armenian Ministry of Energy Action Program According to the National Security Strategyâ was adopted by the Government decree N1296 of 1.11.2007. With this Program, it was envisaged to put into operation the new nuclear power unit (s) immediately after the shutdown of the existing one to cover the lack of capacity. According to that document, taking into consideration the needs of country energy independence, the preference was given to the 1000 MW nuclear power units.
In the frame of USAID assistance, the âFeasibility Study for the construction in Armenia of a new nuclear unitâ and âStudy on assessment of environmental impactâ were developed. The presentation of those two documents took place on 24 of September 2008.
Starting from 2009 activities for implementation of a new nuclear unit construction project was undertaken. An international tender held in 29 May, 2009 for selection of a Managing Company resulted in contracting with âWorley Parsonsâ Company.
âWorley Personsâ Company currently finalizes development of âAcceptable for Bank Feasibility Studyâ document, which is necessary for involvement of investors. At present the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources of the Republic of Armenia assisted by âPA Consultingâ Company, funded by the US Government, is reviewing developed earlier by the same company âDocument on Input Data for Impact of a New NPP in Armenia to Environmentâ aimed at establishment of a new elaborated document â âEnvironmental Impact of a New NPP Construction in Armeniaâ.
âWorley Personsâ Company has analyzed as potential options the following existing reactor prototypes: AP-1000 (USA), WER-1000 (RF) and ATMEA-1 (France-Japan). Results of the comparative analysis made for selection of nuclear technology were submitted in September 2009 to the Prime-Minister of RA. As a result, under the Decree of the government dated 3 December, 2009 for the nuclear isle of a new NPP there was approved the Russian NPP-92 design, which has a European safety certificate.
A Law of the Republic of Armenia was 27 October, 2009 adopted âOn Construction of a New NPP in the Republic of Armeniaâ, which would serve as a legal basis for construction of a new NPP in Armenia, because according to the valid in Armenia law âOn Safe Usage of Nuclear Energy in Peaceful Purposesâ, construction in the republic of a new NPP or decommissioning of the existing NPP are possible only after adoption of a relevant law.
Armenian Government 3 December, 2009 adopted a Decree âOn Establishment of a Closed Joint-Stock Company Aimed at Construction of a New NPP in the Republic of Armeniaâ. A joint âMetsamorenergoatomâ CJSC was established with the involvement of RA Government and âAtomstroyexportâ CJSC, which was delegated by âRosatomâ Russian State Corporation. The established, âMetsamorenergoatomâ CJSC is open for other investors as well.
On March 26, 2010 the ROSATOM State Corporation and the RA Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources signed an agreement on nuclear island equipment reservation aimed at equipping of the new nuclear unit in the Republic of Armenia. Currently a draft agreement between the RA and RF Governments is being developed to envisage the nuclear island equipment supply provisions. Also the activities are implemented for involvement of other investors and suppliers of the rest nuclear unit components, i.e., turbines and control systems, in the project.
The activity on the Armenian NPP site seismic re-evaluation is performed with means of the Republic of Armenia. The Technical Task for seismic re-evaluation of the Armenian NPP has been developed and agreed with IAEA. The results of the site seismic re-evaluation will be submitted for expertise to IAEA in August 2010.
2.2.5. Decommissioning: Information and Plans
A number of Government decrees were adopted with regard to decommissioning of the Armenia NPPs:
Special fund for decommissioning of Armenian NPP was created under the Ministry of Finance of RA, and the Armenian NPP regularly makes allocations to that Fund from the amount included in Armenian NPP electricity tariff. The Armenian NPP Decommissioning Fund is functioning properly;
The Management Board of the Fund was created, the Chairman of the Board was elected - the Vice Prime Minister of RA, the Board includes a number of Government members;
The ANPP Decommissioning Strategy was adopted by the Government of Armenia in November 2007.
Under the framework of Action Plan of EU Neighbourhood Policy, the negotiations are carrying out on the matter of providing technical assistance for development of the ANPP Decommissioning Plan, as well as development of Radioactive Waste Strategy. The further proceedings on this way will mostly depend on ANPP Decommissioning Plan.
2.3. Supply of NPPs.
Both units of the ANPP with the VVER- 440 (V-270) type reactors were designed and constructed by organizations of the former Soviet Union under the supervision of the Ministry of Energy and Electrification of the USSR. The design of the first stage of the plant was developed in 1969-1970. The chief scientific supervisor was Kurchatov Institute of Atomic Energy (Moscow). Now it is called RNC âKurchatov Instituteâ. The chief design organization was Thermoelectroproect (TEP), Gorki. Now it is called NIAEP, Nizhny Novgorod. The main reactor construction organization was OKB âGidropressâ, Podolsk. The âIzhora Factoryâ Leningrad Enterprise was the manufacturer of the reactors and systems. The turbines were manufactured by the Kharkov Turbine Plant (KHTP). The electric generators were supplied by the âElectrosilaâ plant of Leningrad. The building-construction work was performed by the âGidroenergostroyâ, Yerevan.
All the nuclear fuel necessary for the ANPP operation was delivered in the past and has been delivering now by the âTVELâ Concern of Russian Federation.
2.4. Operation of NPPs
In Armenia, the Armenian NPP is under the State ownership according to the Law on "Safe Use of Nuclear Energy for Peaceful Purposes".
According to the Governmental decree N 98, 04.04.1996, the CJSC "Armenian NPP" was created and authorized to be the Operator of nuclear power plant. For other purposes, such as liability to foreign countries, the State is assumed to be the operator.
In the past, the ANPP had debt for the fresh nuclear fuel deliveries from the fuel supplier (Russian Federation). To cover that debt and in order to have the fresh nuclear fuel supply to the ANPP without delays, on 17 of September 2003, the Government decree N 1211 was issued "On Transfer into the Trust Management of the Rights Certified by the Shares". According to this decree, the agreement was signed between the Inter RAO EES and the Ministry of Energy of RA on transfer, for 5 years, of 100 % of shares of the ANPP to the Inter RAO EES of Russia, and the latter is to fulfil the financial management of the ANPP. Inter RAO EES is obliged to deliver fresh nuclear fuel to the ANPP in time. Russian side is responsible for the management of the plant financial flows. The nuclear power plant remains the property of the Republic of Armenia. Currently, the negotiations are under way to prolong the above mentioned agreement. On 04 of December 2008, the Government decree N 1411 was issued "On Transfer into the Trust Management of the Rights Certified by the Shares", according to which the financial management of the ANPP by Inter RAO EES was extended for 5 years.
2.5. Fuel Cycle and Waste Management
Armenia has no nuclear fuel cycle industry and uses open nuclear fuel cycle scheme. Up to now, all the nuclear fuel has been supplied by Russia. Originally, the spent nuclear fuel generated by the ANPP was managed by the Soviet Union central agencies of reprocessing and final disposal of the spent nuclear fuel. The recovered uranium and plutonium were retained by the central agencies in the Soviet Union.
The ANPP is operating with the three-year fuel cycle. The spent nuclear fuel, before its transfer to the dry storage, is being kept within the wet nuclear fuel storages in the reactor building - fuel ponds.
In 2000, the construction of the first stage of spent fuel dry storage was completed. The construction was commissioned by the French firm Framatom and financed by the French Government. The spent fuel dry storage facility has been put into operation, and all the transportations of spent fuel were performed according to the requirements of the license given by the ANRA. Now, all the volume of the storage is filled with the spent fuel.
In 2005, the agreement was signed with French company TN International for construction of additional three stages of the dry storage facility. The financing was allocated from the State budget of RA. The second stage has been already completed, the storage was put into operation in spring 2008, and the first part of the spent nuclear fuel has been transferred into the storage.
The third stage of spent fuel dry storage construction is planned to be started on 2011.
According to the ANPP design, the annual Unit 2 radioactive waste (radwaste) generation is: 308 m3 of solid LLW; 1,5 m3 of solid MLW; 0,3 m3 of solid HLW; 108 m3 of liquid MLW. At the ANPP, there are storages for both solid and liquid radwaste.
High-level waste is stored in a special room of the Reactor building. The storage area consists of 380 cells. The storage capacity is 78.34 m3.
Medium-level radwaste is stored in the Special Building. Storage capacity is 1001,22 m3. Also, the deep evaporating facility containers are stored temporarily on the upper unheated floor of the Special Building. Its effective storage volume is 655 m3 (3000 containers).
Liquid radwaste is stored in the Special Building. Liquid wastes (evaporator residues) generated in the evaporators during drain water reprocessing are collected in the evaporator residue tank.
The storage facility for low-level radwaste consists of two compartments, each measuring 27x36x8.9 m. The total storage volume is about 17050 m3.
In March of 2007, the âRadioactive Waste Decontaminationâ CJSC was transferred under the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources. Currently, the medical and industrial ionizing sources are kept at the facility. The work is under way to modernize the âRadioactive Waste Decontaminationâ CJSC storage facility to keep also the middleâlevel liquid radwaste generated by the ANPP.
The final spent fuel and high-level radwaste treatment and disposal concept will be developed and included into the ANPP Decommissioning Program.
2.6. Research and Development Activities
In 2004, Armenia joined the International Project on Innovative Nuclear Reactors and Fuel Cycles (INPRO), IAEA initiative, in order to address the needs of economic, safety, non-proliferation and waste management aspects of nuclear energy and its fuel cycle with innovative technology. Armenia fulfilled the Collaborative Project (CP) entitled âImplementation Issues for the Use of Nuclear Power in Smaller Countriesâ. The project was supported by a number of countries. The results of this CP are providing the small countries with the opportunity to discover their problems that could arise with the construction of new nuclear units in their countries. Currently, another INPRO âSMALLâ CP is being performed.
2.7. International Co-operative Projects and Initiatives
Armenia has bilateral cooperation, mostly concerning safety of the ANPP, with such countries as Argentina, France, Italy, Russian Federation, UK and USA. Armenia also participates in several international projects developed in framework of co-operation under the aegis of IAEA, TACIS (EC) and USAID.
Very close co-operation is established with the IAEA. Armenia has become a member of this organization since 1993. IAEA experts have been participating in many various assistance projects since then. When in April of 1993 the Government of Armenia made the decision to restart Unit 2 of the ANPP, the IAEA experts participated actively in pre-commissioning investigations and evaluation of the condition of plant equipment. Moreover, they elaborated the whole concept of Unit 2 re-commissioning. Armenia is collaborating with the IAEA in the field of nuclear safety upgrading. At present, several national programmes of the ANPP Unit 2 safety upgrading are in different phases of implementation. In 2011, it is envisaged to conduct an OSART mission at the ANPP. The IAEA is permanently assisting the ANRA providing them with the appropriate support and recommendations.
Since 1996, the US DOE and EC started, within the framework of TACIS Assistance Programs, implementation of projects aiming at technical assistance in upgrading a level of the ANPP operation, as well as modernization of the plant technological equipment.
During the years, some several countries â France, Great Britain, Czech Republic, Italy and Russian Federation (since 2008), have joined the Assistance Programs.
Armenia cooperates with Argentina in the frame of bilateral project "Creation in Armenia of a Center for training and qualification in Non-Destructive Metal Testing Techniques" with the assistance of the IAEA.
There are many joint projects with the Russian Federation within the framework of the Nuclear Safety Assistance Program. In 1996, an agreement was signed between the ANPP and ROSENERGOATOM on industrial and technical-scientific co-operation. In 2000, the agreement was signed between the Governments of RA and RF on "Cooperation in the field of peaceful use of nuclear energy".
In the frame of bilateral cooperation between the two countries, Armenia and USA, in 2001, within the "Armatom" institute of RA, the International Nuclear Safety Center of Armenia was created. The Joint Statement on cooperation between International Nuclear Safety Centers of Armenia and USA was signed on 07.02.2001.
Since 1996, the ANPP is a member of World Association of Nuclear Operators (WANO). The Moscow Centre of WANO has commissioned two inspections relevant to the ANPP operational safety.
The ANRA has agreements for co-operation with Nuclear Regulatory Authorities of the following countries: Russia, USA, Argentina and Ukraine. The ANRA is a member of the FORUM organization, which members are the nuclear regulatory authorities from the countries operating VVERs. The ANRA participates also in the CONCERT Group work.
In 2007, the Government of Armenia made a Decision on the Republic of Armenia to join the Agreement between the Governments of the Republic of Kazakhstan and Russian Federation on establishment in Angarsk of International Uranium Enrichment Center.
Armenia has been invited to join the GNEP. 01.10.2008 the agreement was signed, and Armenia has become a member of the GNEP the participation in which would provide significant benefits to Armeniaâs nuclear program.
2.8. Human resources development
The nuclear energy sector in Armenia is not only an important branch of industry providing the country with the electric energy, but also ensures the employment for the population of the republic. Nowadays, more than 2000 employees are involved into the nuclear energy sector activity being occupied both at the ANPP and in the sphere of nuclear sector supporting services. The majority of them were graduated from the Armenian State Engineering University and Yerevan State University. The above mentioned institutes continue to prepare specialists for the nuclear energy branch.
In the frame of the IAEA ARM0/005 national project, Human Resource Development document was developed for the new nuclear unit construction. This document is a part of the Feasibility Study of the new nuclear unit construction, and with it, the needs in human resources have been determined for the required teaching and training of personnel that will be involved in construction and operation of new unit. Based on those needs in human resources determination, the IAEA has approved the 2009 -2011 project called âDevelopment and Implementation of Integrated Human Resource Management Improvement System in the Armenian Nuclear Power Sectorâ which is to improve the specialists teaching in the nuclear energy field at the State Engineering University of Armenia and Yerevan State University.
3. NATIONAL LAWS AND REGULATIONS
3.1. Safety Authority and the Licensing Process
The state authority for supervision on nuclear and radiation safety was established by the Government decree N573, 16.11.1993. It was called the State Department for Supervision on Nuclear and Radiation Safety of Utilization of Nuclear Energy at the Government of RA. By the same decree, the Department Statute was approved and the authority was charged with the functions of inspections.
By the Government decree N70, 19.02.2000, the Department was authorized to have also the regulating functions, and, according to that decree, it prepared a new Statute which was approved by Governmental decree N385, 22.06.2000. The Department had a new name - Armenian Nuclear Regulatory Authority (ANRA). The ANRA was under a direct subordination of the Armenian Government and independent from those organizations responsible for development and utilization of atomic energy. According to its new Statute, the ANRA was to organize and perform state supervision and inspections over utilization of nuclear energy, as well as its regulation.
On 24 of May, 2001, according to the Government decree N 452, the ANRA was awarded with the authorization of State regulation on protection against the irradiation from ionisation sources and their safety.
The status of the ANRA was changed again on 27 of June 2002 according to the Government decree N 912 in order to respond to the reforming principles implemented into the Armenian System of Government Management. The ANRA was included into the Ministry of Environmental Protection of RA. On 26 December 2002, the new Statute of the ANRA was approved by the Government decree N 2183. The ANRA was re-named to be the Inspection for State Supervision on Nuclear and Radiation Safety of Utilization of Nuclear Energy under the Ministry of Environmental Protection of RA. According to the new Statute, the ANRA was authorized with the following key duties: to perform the State regulation within the field of nuclear energy utilization with the main objective to secure the protection of the population, the personnel involved into the nuclear industry, and environment.
In accordance with the Ordinance of the President of Armenia adopted on 20 May 2008, the ANRA was reorganized into the State Committee under the Government of the RA on Nuclear Safety Regulation. Now, ANRAâs task is the state regulation at atomic energy utilization (safety of nuclear facilities, the safe use of ionizing radiation sources, the safe management of radioactive waste, and the safe transport of radioactive and nuclear materials) aimed to ensure the safety of population and personnel, environmental safety and to defend safety interests of the Republic of Armenia.
Armenia has a single-stage licensing process for NPP, and the licensing authority is the ANRA. The licensee is responsible for the safety of the NPP. The licensee is obliged by the license to:
Guarantee the keeping of principles, criteria and requirements on the nuclear and radiation safety, as well as the conditions or acts of the temporary operation permission;
Inform ANRA on the deviations of the conditions of the temporary operation permission, as well as the incidents and emergencies during NPP Unit operation.
On 25 of April, 2001, according to the Government decree N 342, the Science-Research Centre of Nuclear and Radiation Safety was established at the ANRA with the aim to enable the ANRA to carry out an independent expertise activity.
On the base of the Government decree N 389, 22.08.1994, all the rules and norms applicable to nuclear power in Russia have been accepted in Armenia. The ANRA is aware of the fact that some of those regulations need revision. This process is constantly underway.
3.2. Main National Laws and Regulations in nuclear power
The following laws and Government decrees concerning the activities in the field of nuclear energy use are in use in Armenia:
Law on "Implementation of modifications and additions both in the Code of RA on administrative and criminal legal violations", entered into force on 30 November 1996.
Law on "Energy of the Republic of Armenia", entered into force on 1 July 1997.
The new Law on "Energy of the Republic of Armenia" entered into force in March, 2001, and replaced an old one.
Law on "Safe Use of Nuclear Energy for Peaceful Purposes" entered into force on 1 March 1999. The amendment to the Law on "Safe Use of Nuclear Energy for Peaceful Purposes" entered into force on 21 March 2000.
Law "On the Export Control for the Goods of Dual Purpose and Technologies and their Transit Transportation through the Territory of Armenia". Entered into force in October 2003.
Law "On Amendments and Additions to the Law On safe Use of Nuclear Energy for Peaceful Purposes" entered into force on 9 of November 2004.
The Government Decree N389, 22.08.1994 on the "Implementation in Armenia of Regulations and Standards on Nuclear and Radiation Safety which are in force in the Russian Federation" entered into force.
The Government Decree N401, dated 04.07.1995 on "Introduction of Additions to the Government Decree N161, dated 05.03.1991" (about the types of activities that are subject to licensing).
The Government Decree N331, dated 08.12.1995 on "Restart of the ANPP Unit 2, and the Measures for Ensuring its Further Safe and Uninterrupted Operation".
The Government Decree N465, dated 19.07.1999, approved the list of objects, which are of safety importance in the field of nuclear energy use.
The Government Decree N769, dated 22.12.1999, approved the list of operations and work positions, which are of safety importance in the field of nuclear energy use.
The Government Decree N746, dated 13.12.1999, approved the "Order of Evacuation of Population from the Contaminated Territories".
The Government Decree N679, dated 25.10.2000, approved the "Order of Providing the Population with the Individual Protection Means".
The Government Decree N640, dated 12.07.2001, approved the "Rules for Organizing and Conducting the Safety Expertise in a field of Nuclear Energy Utilization".
The Government Decree N1263, dated 24.12.2001, approved "Special Rules for Nuclear and Radioactive Materials Transportations".
The Government Decree N765, dated 16.08.2001, approved the "Order of State Registration of Ionisation Irradiation Sources".
The Government Protocol Decision N51, dated 13.12.2001, adopted the "Principal Positions on Planning and Realisation Activities for the Nuclear and Radiation Accidents Resistance".
The Government Decree N931, dated 27.06.2002, approved the "Nuclear and Radioactive Materials Safety Transportation Rules".
The Government Decree N2013, dated 21.11.2002, approved the "Requirements to the Volume and Structure of Safety Analysis Report on the ANPP Unit 2".
The Government Decree N121, dated 30.01.2003, approved the "Order of Licensing on the Reprocessing, Purification, Storing, Transportation and Deposing of Dangerous Wastes".
The Government Decree N1231, dated 11.09.2003, approved the "Concept of the Armenian NPP and Nuclear Materials Physical Protection and Security" and the "Rules for Physical Protection of Nuclear Installations and Nuclear Materials".
The Government Decree N1597, dated 21.10.2004, "On Fulfillment of Obligations Taken by the Republic of Armenia in Accordance with the Protocol Additional to the Agreement "Between the International Atomic Energy Agency and the Republic of Armenia Required in Connection with the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapon" signed between the Republic of Armenia and the International Atomic Energy Agency for the Application of Safeguards"
The above mentioned as well as all other legislative and regulative documents are presented in the official web-sites of the National Assembly of RA (www.parliament.am), Government of RA (www.gov.am), Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources of RA (www.minenergy.am) and of ANRA (www.anra.am).
4. CURRENT ISSUES AND DEVELOPMENT IN NUCLEAR POWER
4.1. General
Nuclear power plays a crucial role in a country's electric energy supply. In Armenia, the share of nuclear electricity generation is more than 40 % of all electricity production. Therefore, achieving the top level of safety in operation of the ANPP is the central issue of concern for the Government of Armenia and attracts the attention of all the responsible bodies of the RA.
Since 1996, the Nuclear Energy Safety Council under the President of RA has been acting in Armenia. Its general duty is to report annually to the President on the real situation with the nuclear energy safety at the ANPP. The members of the Council observe thoroughly the relevant documents and appropriate specialists reports before reporting to the President. The Council consists of the internationally acknowledged specialists well known within the world nuclear energy. In April, 2010, the 11th Council Conference has taken place in Yerevan.
The Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources which defines the policy for the whole energy sector is in particular responsible for the development of the ANPP safe operation programs in close cooperation with other responsible bodies.
4.2. Privatization and Deregulation
In June 1999, the Government of Armenia in accordance with the common strategy of transfer of the country to the market economy and law in force (Law "About the Plan of Privatization of State Property of the RA during the years 1999 - 2000" approved by the National Assembly of the RA on 17.01.1999) decided to privatize 4 Electricity Distribution Companies (ESCs). The Midland Resources Holding LTD, was recognized the owner of ArmElNet. In 2005, Midland Resources Holding LTD sold the company to the Inter RAO EES of Russia.
On 5 of November 2002, the protocol was signed on a transfer of the Hrazdan TPP and Sevan â Hrazdan HPP to the Russian Federation ownership.
As to the ANPP, according to the acting laws of the Republic of Armenia - " Law on Energy " and Law on "Safe Use of Nuclear Energy for Peaceful Purposes", the nuclear power plant is not subject to privatization.
4.3. Nuclear Energy and Climate Change
Nuclear power plant in Armenia, like those in other countries using this way of electricity generation, is the most ecologically preferable electric energy generating facility from the view of clean keeping the environment and cleanliness of the natural wealth of the republic. Unlike the most thermal power plants emitting the CO2 gas, the ANPP makes it possible to keep the country's air purity within the limits of the internationally adopted norms and regulations.
Armenia ratified the Convention on Climate change on 8 of May 1993, and the Kyoto Protocol on 26 of December 2002.
The emissions of CO2 by the Armenian side, in 2009, was 4.14 mln ton, which is per capita -1.38 ton.
4.4. Other issues
In Armenia, All-Armenian Atomic Power Engineers Association has been established. The founders of the Association are specialists from such organizations as the Ministry of Energy of RA, Armenian NPP, Armenian Nuclear Regulatory Authority (ANRA), State Engineering University (SEUA), and other nuclear power specialists.
The main objectives of the Association are as follows:
to promote the scientific idea development in nuclear engineering;
to support the nuclear energy propaganda and further development;
to conduct testing in the field of atomic energy according to the established procedures;
to organize public discussions of the problems relevant to nuclear energy
to ensure the propaganda of nuclear energy by:
- publishing articles, magazines, books, dictionaries, reference books;
- organizing scientific seminars;
- creating radio-programs, documental and scientific films, video cassettes devoted to the nuclear energy;
- creating computer training and demonstration programs;
REFERENCES
[1]td> "Armenian Economic Trends" issued by the European Commission, DGIA, NIS/TACIS services. [2] Investment Guide of Armenian Development Agency (1998). [3] Specifics and Phases of the Economic Reforms in Armenia in 1991-1998, Ministry of the State Statistics. [4] Manual on the Climate Data for the Construction Design in Armenia. [5] DaData & Statistics/The World Bank, www.worldbank.org/data. [6]td> IAEA Energy and Economic Database (EEDB). [7] IAEA Power Reactor Information System (PRIS). [8] EC TASIC Project N Europe Aid /112/135/C/SV/Multi " Energy Consumption Forecast" [9] Reports 2000, 2001, 2002, 20003, 2004, 2005,2006 National Statistical service of the RA. [10] Energy balances of non-OECD countries. CO2 e emissions from fuel cumbustion, IEA, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008.
Appendix
DIRECTORY OF THE MAIN ORGANIZATIONS, INSTITUTIONS AND COMPANIES INVOLVED IN NUCLEAR POWER RELATED ACTIVITIES
NATIONAL ATOMIC ENERGY AUTHORITIES Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources
Government House
2, Republic Square
0010 Yerevan, Republic of Armenia Tel: +374 10 52 19 64
Fax: +374 10 52 63 65
E-mail: minenrgy@minenergy.am Atomic Energy Department Tel: +374 10 52 34 47
Fax: +374 10 52 34 47
E-mail: agevorgyan@minenergy.am atomen@freenet.am State Committee under the Government of the RA on Nuclear Safety Regulation (ANRA)
4, Tigran Mets ave.
0010 Yerevan, Republic of Armenia Tel: +374 10; 54 39 95
Fax: +374 10 58 19 62
E-mail: info@anra.am MAIN POWER UTILITY Armenian Nuclear Power Plant
Metsamor, 377766
Armavir region 6
Republic of Armenia Tel: +374 10 28 18 80
Fax: +374 10 28 85 80
E-mail: anpp@anpp.am MANUFACTURES AND SERVICES Armatom
50, Admiral Isakov ave.,
0114 Yerevan, Republic of Armenia Tel: +374 10 73 46 22
Fax: +374 10 74 21 30
E-mail: vpetros@@web.am Atomservice
Metsamor, 377766
Armavir region 6
Republic of Armenia Tel/Fax: +374 10 28 55 32
E-mail: atomservice@anpp.am ENERGY RESEARCH INSTITUTES, UNIVERSITIES AND OTHER ORGANIZATIONS Scientific Research Institute of Energy
5/1 Myasnikyan ave.,
0025 Yerevan, Republic of Armenia Tel/Fax: +374 10 54 24 68
E-mail: official@energinst.am Yerevan Physics Institute http://www.yerphi.am Yerevan State University http://www.ysu.am National Academy of Sciences of Armenia http://www.sci.am
Appendix 2 | |||||||||
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] | null | [] | 2020-10-05T10:36:00+00:00 | Armenia and Azerbaijan accused each other on Monday of attacking civilian areas on a ninth day of fighting, the deadliest in the region for more than 25 years. | en | https://nodeassets.nbcnews.com/cdnassets/projects/ramen/favicon/nbcnews/all-other-sizes-PNG.ico/favicon.ico | NBC News | https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/armenia-azerbaijan-blame-each-other-hitting-civilian-areas-n1242089 | YEREVAN — Armenia and Azerbaijan accused each other on Monday of attacking civilian areas on a ninth day of fighting, the deadliest in the South Caucasus region for more than 25 years.
Hundreds of people have been killed in the latest outbreak of war over Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountain enclave that belongs to Azerbaijan under international law but is populated and governed by ethnic Armenians.
Nagorno-Karabakh said Azeri forces launched rocket strikes on its capital Stepanakert, while Azerbaijan said Armenia fired missiles at several towns outside the breakaway region.
"The enemy is firing rockets at Stepanakert and Shushi. The Defence Army response will not be long in coming," said Vahram Pogosyan, a spokesman for the Nagorno-Karabakh leader.
"Tense fights are in progress," said Armenian defense ministry spokeswoman Shushan Stepanyan.
Azerbaijan said that Armenia had been launching missile attacks against densely populated areas and civilian infrastructure in Azerbaijan, including the cities of Mingachevir and Terter. The Azeri defense ministry said its radar system recorded that launches were made from the territory of Armenia.
The Azeri defense ministry reported that people had been wounded. There were no reports of the attack from the Armenian side.
“Mingachevir hosts water reservoir and key electricity plant. Barbaric expression of desperation,” Azeri presidential aide Hikmet Hajiyev said on Twitter.
Download the NBC News app for breaking news and politics
Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh denied Azeri claims that Armenian armed forces launched a missile attack.
"It is fake and complete misinformation that Armenia opened fire on Azeri strongholds," said Artrsun Hovhannisyan, an Armenian defense ministry official.
The clashes are the worst since the 1990s, when some 30,000 people were killed, and are spreading beyond the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave. They have raised international concern about stability in the South Caucasus, where pipelines carry Azeri oil and gas to world markets.
The conflict threatens to drag in other regional powers as Azerbaijan is supported by Turkey, while Armenia has a defense pact with Russia. | ||||
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] | null | [] | 2017-11-21T13:18:32+00:00 | Learn all the information about Armenia➤ it's cultural➤ business➤geographical➤ and historical background.➤ Explore Armenia with Levon Travel.⚡Find more.⚡ | en | Levontravel.am | https://www.levontravel.am/about-armenia/ | HISTORY OF ARMENIA
Armenia is the geographical region where the Armenian people were shaped as a nation and lived over centuries to the present day, thus creating a vast and rich heritage of unique history and culture. Greek historians named Armenia as such about 3,000 years ago. The year 2013 was the 4120th anniversary of Armenian statehood. According to the History of Armenians by Movses Khorenatsi, the legendary archer Haik defeated the army of the Assyrian king Belus and established the first Armenian kingdom in 2107 BC. The Armenian princedoms became united and powerful in 1824 BC thus giving birth to the geographical and political entity of Armenia.
The first signs of Armenia can be traced in Sumerian cuneiform inscriptions dating back to III millennium BC and the Hittites testify to the existence of a country called Hayasa, which is believed to be the cradle of Armenians. According to Assyria-Babylonian cuneiform inscriptions (13-7 cc. BC) Armenia was also called Nairi (country of rivers) which consisted of kingdoms consisting of over 60 tribes. According to the Bible, Armenia was called the Ararat kingdom.
Kingdom of Urartu
Archeological excavations have revealed a unique and highly developed civilization in the kingdom of Urartu (the same as Ararat). Proof of that civilization is the town-fortress of Erebouni founded in 782 BC on the territory of Armenia’s present capital city of Yerevan. The Armenian kingdom again emerged in the region after the fall of the Urartu kingdom. Armenians are descendants of a branch of Indo-Europeans. According to Strabo, a Greek geographer, and historian, the people living in the Armenian Highland spoke one language: Armenian.
Hellenistic Period
As international trade became more active in the Hellenistic period, Armenia began trading with neighboring and faraway countries and serving as a transit route for those countries. The Hellenic influence was notable also in the social and economical spheres.
Greek became the literary, commercial, and legal medium of communication in the entire region. Many Armenian towns were founded during this period. The country’s ancient capital Artashat (founded in 166 BC) was situated on the main road that bridged the Black Sea ports with India and Central Asia. Plutarch calls Artashat the Armenian Cartagena and mentions that Euripides’s “Bacchae” was performed in Artashat in 53 BC. The first century BC is known as Armenia’s Golden Age with its flourishing towns, art and literature.
Being on the crossroads of East and West, North and South, Armenia has always played the role of a connecting bridge in the region. One of the famous Silk Roads crossed Armenia. This favorable geographic position adversely affected Armenia, making it an apple of discord between competing powers. For this reason, the Armenian people suffered from innumerable tribulations. However, they became stronger in spirit and acquired such traits of national character as bravery and perseverance. They also succeeded through hard work and creative effort in giving birth to magnificent masterpieces of art.
Armenia and the Roman Empire
By all means, the most difficult period for Armenia was the first century AD. The destructive policies of successive Parthian rulers led the country to decline. Beginning from the second half of the first century Rome exerted its influence on Armenia, which threatened the neighboring Parthian state. During this period the Armenian Arshakouni dynasty emerged and ruled until IV c.
After a long struggle against Rome, the Armenian king Trdat I was crowned by Nero in 66 AD and Armenia experienced a revival period. Many fortresses and towns were founded or rebuilt, and a notable advance was made both in art and science. One of the newly emerged cities was Vagharshapat (Echmiadzin) which later became the cradle of Christianity in Armenia. In 301, Armenia adopted Christianity thus becoming the first country in the world to proclaim it as a state religion (note that the Roman Empire legalized Christianity in 313 by the Edict of Milan).
History of Christianity
The history of Christianity in Armenia refers to the time when Noah’s Ark landed on Mt. Ararat. It continued through the times when Christ’s Apostles St. Thaddeus and Bartholomew preached in Armenia around 100 AD and during the era of Illumination with St. Gregory. Grigor Partev (later to be known as Saint Gregory) being of Parthian origin and raised in Caesarea, converted to Christianity to atone for his father’s sins. In attempting to establish Christianity in Armenia, King Trdat, a fervent pagan, tortured and imprisoned Grigor. He spent twelve years in an underground cell at Khor Virap, when the king finally, sick with madness, released him at the request of his sister.
In 301 AD, Grigor, renamed as St. Gregory the Illuminator is said to have cured Trdat of his madness, who in turn converted the country’s religion to Christianity. The Roman Empire did not follow it until 380 AD, making Armenia the first country to adopt Christianity as a state religion. Armenia celebrated the Holy event of the 1700th anniversary of Christianity in Armenia in 2001 AD.
Armenian Alphabet
The invention of the Armenian alphabet in 405 by Mesrop Mashtots is also a landmark in the millennial history of the Armenian people. In 449 there was a rebellion to free the country from foreign rule. This movement divided the country between Byzantine and the Sassanid Persians. In 451, with great heroism and heavy losses, Armenian troops won a victory over a 220,000-strong Persian army in the battle of Avarair.
Later, the Armenians succeeded in further weakening the Persian state through guerilla warfare. In the 7th century, Sassanid Persia collapsed under the invasions of the Arabs. This time Armenia fell under the yoke of the Arab Caliphate. A lengthy national liberation movement ended with the victory of Armenians and in 859 Ashot Bagratouni of the Bagratouni dynasty was recognized Prince of Princes and in 885 he was granted the title of Armenian King by the Caliph.
Cilician Kingdom
From the mid-IX century, the country marked a notable rise in its economic, spiritual, cultural, and political life. The Fortress of Ani, founded in the 5th century, became the nation’s capital in 961 and became known as the town of “thousand and one churches”. However, in XI c. the Armenian kingdom weakened as a result of internal instability and the influence of exterior forces. The Seljuk Turks who had already appeared on the historical scene in the 11th century invaded Northern Armenia in 1064.
While Armenia lost sovereignty, another Armenian kingdom, Cilicia, rose on the southern coasts of the Mediterranean and lasted about 300 years (1080-1375). To explain, Armenians first set foot in Cilicia in 95 BC, and over time they spread on the Mediterranean coast. The Armenian princedom of Cilicia grew so rapidly and became so powerful that in 1198 it was recognized as a sovereign kingdom by Byzantium.
During 300 years of existence, the Cilician kingdom seldom enjoyed peaceful days. Starting from the 20s of the XIV c. the Armenians of Cilicia struggled for their independence against Egyptian Mamelukes and the Sultanate of Iconia. Yet the Cilician kingdom left a rich cultural heritage of architecture, literature, and manuscripts. After the fall of the Tatar Empire, the invasions into Armenia continued. The troops of Lenk Timur (Tamerlane, 1386) and Persian Shah Abbas the Great (1604) invaded Armenia devastating the country. After a long struggle in 1639 Western Armenia succumbed to Turkey and Eastern Armenia to the Persian Empire. As a result, this predicament lasted until the 20s of the XIX century.
Armenia-Russia relations
Armenian-Russian relations evolved from the XII c. In the mid-XIV century, Armenians began migrating to Crimea. Beginning in the 17th century, Armenia’s relations with Russia helped liberate the country from Turkish and Persian dominance. In 1804 war broke out between Russia and Persia, and in 1813 Russia annexed a number of historically Armenian districts by the Gyulistan accord. In 1828 the Turkmenchay agreement finally united Eastern Armenia and the Western Armenian district of Kars to Russia. This was one of the consequences of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878.
Armenian Genocide
At the end of the XIX century, the Ottoman government of Turkey began a premeditated extermination of its Armenian population which culminated in 1915 in the massacre of more than 1.5 million people. This became known as the first Genocide of the 20th century. Genocide survivors were scattered all over the world and part of them found refuge in Eastern Armenia.
On May 28, 1918, Armenia declared its independence. In 1920 Armenia became the Soviet Socialist Republic. In 1991 Armenia regained independence and has been flourishing as an independent state with a democratic form of government.
GEOGRAPHY
Armenia is in the southwestern part of the Caucasus, south of Georgia, West of Azerbaijan, North of Iran, and East of Turkey. Armenia’s territory is 29,800 sq. km (11,490 sq. miles) comparable with the territory of Belgium. It is a mountainous, landlocked country in Southwestern Asia. Most of Armenia’s territory ranges from 1000 to 2500 meters above sea level. Highest point: Mt. Aragats, 13,419 ft (4,090 m); lowest point: along Debed River, 1,280 ft (390 m). The greatest extent is 360 km. Arable land accounts for 17% of land use; forested 12%; meadows and pastures 30%; arid land 18%, with the balance being mountainous terrain.
CLIMATE IN ARMENIA
The climate of Armenia is highland continental, dry with four seasons. Temperatures can vary considerably between seasons. The summer is generally pleasant reaching 25°C, though in the Ararat valley temperatures can climb to 40°C. Winters are cold with temperatures dipping to -5°C in Yerevan, and colder in the Ararat Valley (-30°C) and the Lake Arpi area (-46°C). Annual precipitation for the country as a whole averages 550 millimeters. By all means, the best time to visit Armenia is in spring or autumn.
Monthly average temperatures in Armenia (Celsius/Fahrenheit):
JANUARY-3.7 / 25FEBRUARY-2.3 / 28MARCH4.0 / 39APRIL11.1 / 52MAY15.9 / 61JUNE20.1 / 70JULY24.0 / 75AUGUST24.2 / 76SEPTEMBER20.0 / 68OCTOBER13.9 / 57NOVEMBER6.2 / 43DECEMBER-1.2 / 30
GOVERNMENT
Armenia is a Parliamentary Republican state. The president is elected in national elections to serve a five-year term. Executive power is exercised through a cabinet made up of the prime minister and other ministers. The current PM is Mr. Nikol Pashinyan who was elected in 2018. According to the constitution, legislative power is exercised through the National Assembly, a 131-member body elected to serve a four-year term. Armenia is divided into 11 regions (marz), with Yerevan considered as one independent region. The president is responsible for guaranteeing the independence of the judicial system, which is made up of three levels of general competence courts – primary courts, review courts, and the Court of Appeal. The Constitutional Court decides whether the decisions of the National Assembly, President, and Government are constitutional.
POPULATION
The population of Armenia is about 3.216 million. The capital Yerevan is home to 1.250 million people. The density is 325/sq. miles (126/sq. km), 68% of the population is urban and consists of the following ethnic groups: Armenian 95%, Russian 2%, and others (Kurdish, Yesdi, Jewish, Assyrian, Greeks, Ouds, Gypsy). Life expectancy is 75 for females and 68 for males. Overall, the literacy rate is 98%. Armenians are among Europe’s oldest and most distinct ethnic groups, having inhabited the area east and south of the Black Sea since the seventh century BC. Both the Armenian alphabet and the Armenian Church date back to the fourth century and remain substantially unchanged today.
WORK PERMITS, HEALTH REGULATIONS, LOCAL TIME
No work permit is required for foreign nationals to take up employment in the country. Besides, no mandatory immunizations are required for travelers visiting Armenia. Armenia is four hours ahead of Greenwich Mean Time (GMT + 4).
RELIGION
The majority of Armenians are adherents of Christianity, 93% of whom belong to the Armenian Apostolic Church. Minority Christian denominations in Armenia include Russian Orthodox, Armenian and Latin rite Catholics, Protestants, Greek Orthodox, and Jewish. There is a small community of Muslims. In 2001 Armenia celebrated the 1700th anniversary of the adoption of Christianity as a state religion. Freedom of conscience is guaranteed by the constitution and, in general, Armenians are very tolerant of people of other faiths.
LANGUAGE
Eastern Armenian is the official language of the country and 96% of the population considers it to be their native language. It is distinct within the Indo-European family of languages and has its own unique script re-created in the fifth century AD by Mesrop Mashtots. Ancient Armenian is thought to have originated from Sanskrit and Zend. English poet Byron was one of the few Westerners to master the Armenian language and compile an English-Armenian dictionary. In general, Russian predominates as the second language, although, as a consequence of Armenia’s integration into the world economy, the use of English, French, and German is on the rise. Western Armenian is also spoken. To sum up, Russian and English are the most widely spoken languages following Armenian.
CURRENCY
The national currency is Dram (ISO code – AMD, 1 US$ = 483 AMD, December 2017). Currency exchange offices can be found at hotels, banks, and other places in Yerevan and cities. The Dram is divided into 100 Luma. Notes are issued in denominations of 10, 20, 50, 100, 200, 500, 1.000, 5.000, 20.000, 50.000 and 100.000 drams. Luma is not currently in circulation. The US dollar and Euro as well as other currencies can be exchanged freely at local banks and licensed money exchange offices. In fact, the recent legislation limits the advertising of prices in foreign currencies but only in Armenian Drams.
Another key point is that there are no exchange controls on either local or foreign currency and currency may be freely remitted. Physical cash in excess of the equivalent of US$10,000 requires a document that attests to it having been obtained by legal means. On the positive side, remittances are not restricted. Traveler’s checks may be obtained and cashed in a number of local banks. The credit card market is developing widely in Yerevan. Visa, MasterCard, and Maestro are widely accepted as a form of payment.
ACCESS TO ARMENIA
Air access to Armenia is through the country’s two international airports at Zvartnots, 15 KM outside of Yerevan, and Shirak in Gyumri. The recently opened new terminal in Yerevan meets all European and International standards. Moreover, various national and foreign carriers operate flights to Yerevan and Gyumri including Aeroflot, Air France, Austrian Airlines, Qatar Airways, LOT, Armenia Air, etc. Yerevan has direct air connections with Beirut, Dubai, Istanbul, Kyiv, Rome, Moscow, Paris, Prague, St. Petersburg, Tehran, Vienna, etc.
Overland road routes connect Armenia with each of its neighbors; however, those through Azerbaijan and Turkey remain closed owing to the ongoing blockade of Armenia by these countries. Two routes remain open through Georgia providing access to the Black Sea ports of Batumi and Poti, as well as one route through Iran to the Persian Gulf. The road network is relatively well developed with over 98% of interstate roads paved. However, rail links through Turkey and Azerbaijan are closed. Routes through Georgia and Iran remain open.
LOCAL TRANSPORT
Yerevan has a well-developed public transit system with subway, buses, and minivans operating. Most people in the capital use public transit. Taxis and private cars are available and can be booked through a hotel. The average cost of a taxi from the airport outside the capital to the center of the city is about US$ 10. Several companies are providing “rent-a-car” services without chauffeurs (Hertz, Avis, Europcar, SIXT, etc.).
CUSTOMS
Import. Free import of 400 cigarettes; 2 liters or 1 bottle of alcohol (regardless of how many liters contained); 5 kg perfume or an amount valued up to USD 300; personal goods valued up to USD 300 (for residents and non-residents). The Customs Declaration filled out on arrival must be retained by the passenger. Military arms and ammunition, narcotics, pornographic materials, fruits, and vegetables without proper documents are prohibited.
Live animals must be accompanied by a veterinarian health certificate. Export. Free export of 2,000 cigarettes; and 20 liters of alcohol. The Customs Declaration filled out on arrival must be presented. Military arms and ammunition, narcotics, pornographic materials, fruits, and vegetables without proper documents are prohibited. In addition, pieces of art older than 50 years should be accompanied by a document from the Ministry of Culture authorizing export.
COMMUNICATIONS
The International telephone code for the country is 374 followed by the area code (10 for Yerevan). The postal system is run by Hai Post, a state-owned enterprise. Service is rather regular and reliable. Private courier services, including American Express, DHL, TNT, and Federal Express operate in most major cities. Internet service is available widely at hotels and numerous Internet cafes around Yerevan and other cities.
BUSINESS HOURS AND ETIQUETTE
Office hours are generally from 9:00 AM until 6:00 PM, Monday through Friday. Government offices close at 5:00 PM. Banks operate slightly shorter hours opening at 9:30 AM and closing at 4:30 – 5 PM. Retail shops operate seven days a week and are generally open from 9:00 AM until 7:00 PM, with a few shops open 24 hours a day.
Armenians are well known for their generous and hospitable nature. Socializing over dinner with associates is quite common for most business dealing and lengthy toasts are a common feature. Business cards are presented upon first contact. On the other hand, owing to the state of telecommunications in the country, replies may take what might be considered an unusually long time and should be factored into any negotiation.
ARMENIAN WINES, BRANDY, BEER AND MINERAL WATERS
Winemaking is part of the Armenian culture. Armenian brandy and various wines are of the highest quality. The generous sun of the Ararat Valley, the fertile land, and good quality water give the Armenian brandy its gold color and extraordinary taste. For this reason, Winston Churchill, the ex-prime minister of the United Kingdom, preferred the Armenian brandy “Dvin” to other alcoholic drinks.
The most popular Armenian beers are Kotayk and Kilikia. During your visit to Armenia, you will have a unique chance to taste the famous Armenian wines, beer, and brandy. In addition, Armenia is also famous for its mineral waters. The mineral waters of Jermouk, Bjni, Sevan, Lori, Dilijan, Hankavan, Arzni, etc. are known to be tasty and healthy dinner drinks.
ARMENIAN DIASPORA
Armenians are spread out over the world (mainly due to Genocide of 1915 in Turkey, political and economic reasons, etc.). The main communities include:
Russia (2.200.000 Armenians)
USA (1.200.000)
France (450.000)
Georgia (350.000)
Ukraine (150.000)
Poland (120.000)
Turkey (80.000)
Iran (80.000)
Lebanon (80.000)
Argentina (70.000)
Syria (70.000)
Uzbekistan (70.000)
Canada (65.000)
Bulgaria (50.000)
Greece (45.000)
Australia (40.000)
Brazil (30.000)
Germany (30.000)
Belarus (30.000)
Kazakhstan (25.000)
Turkmenistan (20.000)
UK (16.000)
Israel (16.000)
Uruguay (15.000)
Hungary (15.000)
Iraq (10.000)
Netherlands (7.000)
Belgium (7.000)
Egypt (6.000)
Sweden (6.000)
Kuwait (5.000)
Spain (5.000)
Austria (4.000)
Denmark (3.000)
Italy (3.000), etc.
NATIONAL HOLIDAYS AND MEMORY DAYS
1, 2 January – New Year (non-working days)
6 January – Armenian Christmas (non-working day)
28 January – Day of Armenian Army (non-working day)
7 April – Motherhood and Beauty Day
24 April – 1915 Genocide Memorial Day
9 May – Victory and Peace Day (non-working day)
28 May – Republic Day (non-working day)
5 July – Constitution Day (non-working day)
21 September – Independence Day (non-working day)
7 December – 1988 Earthquake Memorial Day
31 December – New Year’s Eve (non-working day)
ARMENIAN NATIONAL CUISINE
We are proud of Armenia’s brilliant sunshine, perfumed air, glowing rainbows, graceful traditions, and warm smiles. But what really makes us beautiful is our delicious national cuisine. The culinary renaissance now is taking place throughout Armenia, where the food reflects a healthy combination of the ancient and the modern. In fact, Armenian cuisine is far more sophisticated than it used to be. Creative young chefs are adding new chapters to traditional cooking. The best way to explore the various flavors and combinations of the region’s cooking is to begin with its history.
So let’s start… The origin of Armenian cuisine dates back to pagan times. Obviously, it was one of the most ancient agricultural centers. Moreover, the archaeologists found much evidence which allows us to think this way. It is known that in the epoch of Urartu (in 782 BC) the wine-making culture in Armenia had a high quality and had reached a large scale. There were special storehouses named maran for harvested grapes for wine production. The wine was pressed in a huge wooden vat. A very interesting component of old Armenian cuisine is a kind of bread that is called lavash.
From old times it was being prepared in a special cylinder made of clay buried in the ground and called tonir. During our trips to the oldest regions, you’ll have a unique opportunity to get acquainted with this bread-baking ceremony. For example, one of the old characteristics of our national dishes is their spiciness. Pepper, garlic, chaman, and different spicy verdure are largely used. This is caused by certain conditions of the Armenian climate and mountain flora that give a specific flavor to our cuisine.
Armenia – a Tamada’s country
Armenia is also known as Tamada’s country. No Armenian feast is complete without tamadas – toast makers with a rich speech full of philosophy and wisdom. Real Armenian character and traditions are truly expressed in toasts.
Armenia is home to some of the finest recipes of meals you’ll ever find. For example, the peculiarity of Armenian barbecue is in the preparatory marinating. The marinated meat is put on skewers – shampours and roasted over hot coals with no flame. Eating the other national meal – khash is a real ceremony for Armenians, It starts early in the morning and what is really interesting, those present make no toasts while eating khash.
Here is a list of some dishes:
Armenian BBQ
Tolma (vegetable, grape leaves and lentils)
Piti
Spas soup
Ghapama
Ghavourma
Harisa
Lahmaju
Tabule and houmous salads
Iskhan
Siga and other fish dishes
Bastourma and soujoukh sausages
Lavash
Khashlama
Shavourma
Kjufta and so on.
The staff of the finest restaurants in the city and region is waiting to satisfy your appetite and interest in this area. In general, no visit to Armenia is complete without tasting a real Armenian meal called Ghapama (Armenian Pumpkin Stew).
The main ingredients are boiled rice, raisins, apples, honey, and ground cinnamon. All these are mixed and at the end placed inside a pumpkin. One cannot stand back from Ghapama’s final result where the appearance is as impressive as the views…
Armenian Wines
And don’t forget to mention about a dozen Armenian wines, brandy, and vodka made of mulberry and cornel; finally, fruits full of spices and the smell of sun. Many exotic delicacies are prepared out of grape juice. One of them is Sharots (sujukh). First, a savoring dark cherry-colored syrup is cooked which is called doshab. Later a thick floury jelly is made with a variety of spices. Then a picturesque ceremony follows. Pieces of walnut threaded on a string are dipped in the jelly. Subsequently, the strings are hung to dry. Villagers preserve these strings for winter.
We offer meals in the best restaurants and cafes at each exotic destination. Continental breakfast, lunch, and dinner, which are usually a combination of traditional European and local national dishes, will be also available.
Due to the different restaurants like Italian, Chinese, French, Syrian, Lebanese, Indian, Mexican, Russian, etc. in Yerevan, you can feel yourself in each part of the world. Well, if you are one of those people who love to discover culinary adventures, Armenia is just the right place! So, pull up a chair and get ready for a great meal. Bon appetite!
ARMENIAN RUGS AND CARPETS
“I, Gohar, full of sin and weak in the soul, with my newly trained hands, wove this rug in 1149. Whosoever reads this say a word of mercy to God for me”. This is a woven inscription from one of Armenia’s most famous and historic rugs called The Gohar Carpet. The history of rug making in Armenia is as rich and complex as the woven designs on the rugs themselves.
Travelers have long admired the artistry and quality of the craft. While traveling through Cappadocia the famous Italian explorer Marco Polo commentated that “The Armenians and Greeks in the three major towns of Konya (lkonio), Kaiseri (Caesarea) and Sivas (Sebastia) made the most beautiful and finest rugs”. Carpet fragments have been discovered in burial sites and dwellings of the Highlands dating from the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 1st millennium BC.
“Dragon Rug”
While no complete rugs from this period have survived stone carvings and historical documents clearly indicate the importance of this art form during that period. In fact, Armenian rug-making achieved its top glory during the 15th and 17th centuries when skill and craftsmanship reached unprecedented levels in the southern and eastern provinces of Armenia. The vishapagorg or “dragon-rug” from this period includes the swastika symbolizing water and snake. These intricate geometric designs contain both beauty and symbolism and you still can find them in many contemporary designs along with the traditional color combinations of vibrant reds and rich blues.
Historians believe the unique shades of red achieved in these medieval carpets were the result of a dye made from a colorful worm (cochineal) found only in the soil of Armenia. In contrast to years of neglect due to political and economic obstacles, the rug business in Armenia is experiencing a renaissance, thanks to the Megerian family of New York.
The Megerians in Armenia
The Megerians came out with an initiative to rebuild the industrial infrastructure necessary for Armenia to produce top-quality rugs once again. The family emigrated to the U.S. from Armenia and established a successful international rug company bearing the family name. Their skill at repairing the antique rugs handed down from generations earned them a reputation for fine restorations.
Their New York showroom is an essential stop for the most influential interior designers. They expanded their operations to Armenia in 2001. As native Armenians, the Megerians wanted to help restore their country’s broken economy through job creation in the rug industry. Consequently, they acquired Armen Carpet, a leading rug manufacturing firm, and began refurbishing and updating the factories that drastically needed repair.
On the whole today the Megerians own 22 factories employing 2000 weavers throughout Armenia that produce handmade Armenian rugs. Armen Carpet is an example of a business that maintains traditional standards and practices while incorporating contemporary tastes and ideas. Master craftsmen still use individual and characteristic touches to create stunning patterns.
While many patterns echo ancient traditions, today’s interiors incorporate more modern motifs with bolder shapes and more monochromatic palettes. Hand-woven rugs of Armenia bear the name or initials of the weavers, giving each work of art a connection to its Armenian original roots. In general, the Armenian people have played an important role in the creation, development, and perfection of rug making. In particular, the Armenian artists and skilled masters under the Megerian Family’s expertise are the bearers of the centuries-old traditions of Armenian rug making.
ARMENIAN MUSIC
Armenian music has gone a long way from musical folklore to the different genres of contemporary music. We can find the first steps of Ancient Armenian music in the Armenian theatres. Actor groups with many musical instruments, dances, and songs were participating in many feasts. In the 4th century after the adoption of Christianity Armenian sacred music became very popular.
In the earlier Middle Ages Armenian folklore music was also very popular. The songs described the life of common people, their customs, and lifestyle. They called medieval folk singers ashughs and gusans. The most famous of them was Sayat-Nova who lived and created in the 18th century. In the 12th century, Armenians were using khazes (musical signs). Our contemporary Karo Chalikyan deciphered khazes, which helped us to listen again to the medieval Armenian famous music mainly the songs of Grigor Narekatsi, who was the greatest Armenian musician and writer of the Middle Ages.
In the 19th century, the most famous Armenian ashug was Jivan. He wrote more than 800 songs, 550 of which were printed. His songs were the mirror of the Armenian society of his time and chronicler of the difficulties of peasant life. The founder of Armenian opera music was Tigran Chukajyan with his “Arshak The Second” opera.
The main place in Armenian folk music of the 19th century belongs to Komitas. In addition, he gathered more than 3,000 folk songs and purged them from foreign elements. The founder of Armenian symphonic music was Alexander Spendiaryan (1871-1928), whose work was continued by Aram Khachaturyan.
Music in the 20th Century
Aram Khachaturyan was one of the greatest composers of the 20th century. His music has imbibed the tremendous resources of ethnic Armenian music translating them into far-reaching musical pieces which have had powerful effects on foreign nations. Khachaturyan’s world-famous ballets are “Spartacus” and “Gayane”. His creations became the symbols of high art and significant contributions to the world of music. His contemporaries Arno Babajanyan, Edward Mirzoyan, and Edgar Hovanisyan were also very popular in the 20th century. During the Soviet period, the Armenian Republic’s music life had a light up. The best orchestras were the State Choir of Armenia, the Komitas Quartet, the “Tagharan” ancient music orchestra, and the Armenian Folk Song and Dance Ensemble.
Generally speaking, our famous compatriots have done great work for our music life. Even in the hardest winter months of 1991-1993, Loris Tchgnavoryan continued his work with the symphony orchestra of the National Philharmonic. Ohan Duryan is one of our famous conductors and great patriots. Modern Armenian music is very different. Many popular and famous young singers participate in musical contests and win a lot of prizes. One of the modern and well-known composers is Aram Terteryan.
The greatest representative of Armenian folk music is Jivan Gasparyan. Moreover, his uncommon music is very popular not only in our republic but in foreign countries, too. Jazz music has been around in Armenia in recent years, which promoted the formation of many jazz bands, so you can enjoy their music during the tours. LEVON TRAVEL is also organizing choral music performances out in sightseeing destinations. A small choir is performing medieval sacred music or folk songs. | |||
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] | null | [] | 2023-01-25T06:40:00 | The Dominican Republic comprises two-thirds of the island of Hispaniola, one of the few islands in the world shared by two independent nation-states. With a population of over 10 million people, its territory stretches 18,704 square miles.
The Dominican Republic is the region’s largest economy, with an estimated 2018 gross domestic product (GDP) of $81.653 billion. While the country has made significant economic gains and is now a middle income country, more than 30 percent of Dominicans still live in poverty. | en | /themes/custom/uswds_usaid/favicon.ico | U.S. Agency for International Development | https://www.usaid.gov/dominican-republic | The Dominican Republic comprises two-thirds of the island of Hispaniola, one of the few islands in the world shared by two independent nation-states. With a population of over 10 million people, its territory stretches 18,704 square miles.
The Dominican Republic is the region’s largest economy, with an estimated 2018 gross domestic product (GDP) of $81.653 billion. While the country has made significant economic gains and is now a middle income country, more than 30 percent of Dominicans still live in poverty.
Unemployment rates in the Dominican Republic have averaged 5.5 percent for the last decade, however, disaggregation by sex and age reveals significant disparities. According to data from the International Labour Organization, youth registered a 13.5 percent unemployment rate in 2017, and 19.7 percent of female youth were unemployed. Particularly relevant for addressing issues of citizen security in the Dominican Republic, ILO also reports that 18.3 percent of male youth are not employed, attending school, or in a training program.
The 2019 World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Report ranks the Dominican Republic 78 of 141 overall, with particular challenges in the skills sector, where the country ranks 86th. While UNESCO data reports 94 percent literacy rates for both men and women, the Dominican Republic struggles with education quality and the development of workforce skills.
Community security is also seen as an issue, with the Dominican Republic ranking fifth to last on reliability of police services in the 2019 LatinBarometer (LAPOP). Many suffer from stigma and discrimination, including those with lower incomes; people with disabilities; people of Haitian descent; women; and members of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered, and intersexual (LGBTI) community, limiting their access to justice, health, and social services. Rates of human rights abuses, violence, and HIV are also disproportionately higher for the marginalized members of the population.
Disasters pose a significant threat to the Dominican Republic. The 2019 Germanwatch Climate Risk Index currently ranks it 12th in the world for vulnerability to climate shocks. These disasters could also exacerbate existing conditions, as the country also suffers from serious soil and beach erosion threats, deforestation, and water shortages. | ||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 33 | https://www.mapsofworld.com/armenia/armenia-population.html | en | Population of Armenia | [
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] | null | [
"Vishal Kumar"
] | 2021-11-21T11:21:22+00:00 | Armenia Population consists of a heterogeneous mix of natives and immigrants from the neighboring nations. Armenian economy is considered to be one of the primitive civilizations in the world | en | MapsofWorld.com | https://www.mapsofworld.com/armenia/armenia-population.html | 964
Overview of Armenia Population
Armenia Population consists of a heterogeneous mix of natives and immigrants from the neighboring nations. Armenian economy is considered to be one of the primitive civilizations in the world. This Republic of Armenia is a populous nation with an estimated total population of around 2,971,650.
However the nation experienced the problem of population fall immediately after the break down of the former Soviet Union. The decline of Armenia population has been the result of the emigration problem prevalent in the Republic of Armenia.
Features of Armenia Population
Ethnic natives constitute the major part of the population in Armenia . 95 percent of Armenia Population is made up of ethnic Armenians. Besides the indigenous people, Armenia Population also features Kurds, Yezidis, Russian, Assyrians and Greeks. Georgians, Belarusians, Ukrainians are the other minorities living in the Republic of Armenia.
The urban areas of the Armenian Territory are much more populated than its rural part. The capital city of Yerevan is the most densely crowded urban locality in the Armenian Republic. Yerevan city houses a substantial part of Armenia Population.
Armenia Population density per square mile is estimated to be around 258. Infant mortality rate of Armenia Population is about 21.7 per 1000 people, while birth rate varies around 12.3 per 1000 people.
Armenia Population with its huge diaspora has been an important feature of Armenia demography. | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 90 | https://bonanzaroad.com/armenia-visiting-the-motherland/ | en | Armenia: Visiting the Motherland | [
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] | null | [
"Lee Wagner"
] | null | en | Bonanza Road | https://bonanzaroad.com/armenia-visiting-the-motherland/ | (dictionary.com: motherland (origin: 1705-15): 1. one’s native land. 2. the land of one’s ancestors. 3. a country considered as the origin or source of something.)
My mother’s side of the family is 100% Armenian. Both of her parents’ families were from Eastern Turkey, which had been part of Armenia prior to 1555, and my great grandparents were survivors of the Armenian genocide. We always planned on visiting the country of Armenia, but a trip never materialized… until I found myself closer to the country than Denver is to New York City.
I’ve been in Sofia, Bulgaria since early October, but it was the prior month, when I was desperately looking to leave Morocco, that my mom asked me why I hadn’t tried to take a trip to Armenia (I’d be only 1,500 miles away once in Bulgaria). That’s when the idea took shape for my parents to meet me there. My mother had never been, and it was a culturally important step for her to make the trek (as it was for me) for a few reasons, not the least of which was being able to connect the dots of our heritage.
We made the pilgrimage last week to spend 7 days in a little country that we’ve talked about on a regular basis all my life. It’s the size of Maryland, and retains only 2.9 million citizens within its borders, with over 7 million Armenians (otherwise known as diaspora) living outside of the country. The climate is a lot like where I grew up in Colorado: high country (Yerevan’s suburbs are over a mile high at 5,700 ft), snowy jagged peaks (resembling the 14’ers), gorges like the Rio Grand, and potato fields that resemble the fields of the San Louis Valley.
The capital, Yerevan, has been built into a cosmopolitan city thanks to the country’s independence in 1991 and money funneling in from the diaspora. After the earthquake of 1988 leveled much of the countryside in northern Armenia, killing 25,000 and leaving 500,000 homeless; running water, heat, and electricity were virtually non-existent. Most of the trees in the country were burned for fuel and warmth. In major cities like Yerevan, families were allowed only 1 hour a day of running water. The country has replanted its trees, rebuilt its cities, and gotten itself back on its feet, but the years between 1988-94 were brutal.
Yerevan now is beautiful: international restaurants are on every street corner, dancing fountains are choreographed to vastly different music (from pop to classical) every night in the main Republic Square; well-kept parks have live music next to ponds and sculptures, and mountains rise up on 3 sides of the city. Communist administration buildings have been turned into Universities (American University of Armenia) and new buildings have been built to create free (high-tech) after-school learning centers for kids (Tumo). Students even designed a TV tower which resembles the Eiffel tower and changes colors nightly. For the most part, it’s clean and well laid-out. I had expected a more communist vibe in Yerevan than Sofia, Bulgaria, but aside from the Russian cars, there seemed less in comparison.
Thanks to our cousins, who have been involved with rebuilding Armenia since the earthquake (they started Birthright Armenia to bring both diaspora and non-Armenians into the country, have built beautiful gated communities with golf courses in the suburbs of Yerevan, and have funded a lot of the rebuilding of the communities), we were able to see a lot of the country as locals. Not only were we given great directions on where to go, but we toured the countryside with them, were given a private tour of the American University of Armenia and Tumo, were invited to the backstage reception for the cast of Tosca after watching the opera in Yerevan’s beautiful Opera House- and in general, were treated like royalty.
We walked the Cascade, a centerpiece in Yerevan with a cascading stairwell art museum, both inside the mountain and outside, and with fountains and art installations shimmering in the sunlight. The tour group who accompanied Kim Kardashian on her visit, Sima Tours, spent two days driving us through the countryside where we soaked up as much history as we could absorb. We ate Lebanese, Armenian, French, Italian… and more Armenian. We stayed out until 3am one night, closing down a restaurant and walking home through pitch black streets, feeling just as safe as we would back home.
My favorite highlights are shown below: the Cascade; the monasteries: Etchmiadzin: where Christianity’s first Church was built in 303 and where the Armenian Apostolic Church headquarters is located, Noravank Monastery and its 4 churches surrounded by cliffs, Tatev Monastery: the longest gondola ride (4miles) stretches over towns and mountain tops, Sevanavank: on Lake Sevan, the largest, highest lake in the world at 6,234 ft altitude and covering 362 square miles, Geghard: this monastery is built into the mountain and is from the 4th century; and Khor Virap where Gregory the Illuminator was imprisoned in a pit. The first church was built here in 642, and it looks up to Mount Ararat (which, unfortunately, we didn’t see that week due to cloud coverage); and, of course, Carahunge: Armenia’s Stonehenge, from 5,000BC. | ||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 1 | 66 | https://database.earth/population/density/2023 | en | Population Density by Country in 2023 (World Map) | [] | [] | [] | [
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] | null | [] | null | Discover annual population density for the year, by country, visualized on a interactive world map. | en | /img/favicon.ico | database.earth | https://database.earth/population/density/2023 | In the year 2023, the world had a population density of 61.7 (people/km²).
The country with the highest population density was 🇲🇨Monaco with a density of 24360.7 people per square kilometer. Closely followed by 🇲🇴China, Macao SAR with a population density of 22004.7 people/km², and 🇸🇬Singapore with 8806.3 people living per square kilometer, if spread out evenly.
The country with the lowest annual population density was 🇬🇱Greenland with 0.1 people per square kilometer. Followed by 🇫🇰Falkland Islands (Malvinas) with a density of 0.3 people/km², and 🇪🇭Western Sahara with 2.2 people living per square kilometer, if said population is spread out evenly across its land mass.
The geographic region with the highest population density was Asia with a density of 151.5 people per square kilometer. Closely followed by Africa with a population density of 49.4 people/km², and Europe with 33.6 people living per square kilometer.
When devided into sub-subregions we can see that Southern Asia had the highest population density of 316.8 people per square kilometer. Closely followed by Caribbean with a population density of 201.5 people/km², and Western Europe with 179.8 people living per square kilometer. While the sub-region with lowest population density for the year was Australia/New Zealand with only 4.0 people/km². | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 1 | 31 | https://www.citiesabc.com/city/yerevan/ | en | Yerevan | [
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] | null | [] | 2020-05-08T12:34:12+00:00 | Yerevan is the capital and largest city of Armenia as well as one of the world's oldest continuously inhabited cities. | en | citiesabc the digital Magna Carta social impact platform for cities | https://www.citiesabc.com/city/yerevan/ | Introduction
Yerevan is the capital and largest city of Armenia as well as one of the world's oldest continuously inhabited cities. It is situated on the Hrazdan River, 14 miles from the Turkish frontier. Though first historically recorded in 607 ce, Yerevan dates by archaeological evidence to a settlement on the site in the 6th–3rd millennia bce and subsequently to the fortress of Yerbuni in 783 bce. From the 6th century bce it formed part of the Armenian kingdom. Yerevan is the administrative, cultural, and industrial center of the country. It has been the capital since 1918, the fourteenth in the history of Armenia and the seventh located in or around the Ararat plain. The city also serves as the seat of the Araratian Pontifical Diocese; the largest diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church and one of the oldest dioceses in the world.The history of Yerevan dates back to the 8th century BC, with the founding of the fortress of Erebuni in 782 BC by king Argishti I at the western extreme of the Ararat plain. Erebuni was «designed as a great administrative and religious centre, a fully royal capital.» By the late ancient Armenian Kingdom, new capital cities were established and Yerevan declined in importance. Under Iranian and Russian rule, it was the center of the Erivan Khanate from 1736 to 1828 and the Erivan Governorate from 1850 to 1917, respectively. After World War I, Yerevan became the capital of the First Republic of Armenia as thousands of survivors of the Armenian Genocide in the Ottoman Empire arrived in the area.
The city expanded rapidly during the 20th century as Armenia became part of the Soviet Union. In a few decades, Yerevan was transformed from a provincial town within the Russian Empire to Armenia's principal cultural, artistic, and industrial center, as well as becoming the seat of national government. With the growth of the Armenian economy, Yerevan has undergone major transformation. Much construction has been done throughout the city since the early 2000s, and retail outlets such as restaurants, shops, and street cafés, which were rare during Soviet times, have multiplied. As of 2011, the population of Yerevan was 1,060,138, just over 35% of the Republic of Armenia's total population. According to the official estimate of 2016, the current population of the city is 1,073,700.
Yerevan was named the 2012 World Book Capital by UNESCO. Yerevan is an associate member of Eurocities.Of the notable landmarks of Yerevan, Erebuni Fortress is considered to be the birthplace of the city, the Katoghike Tsiranavor church is the oldest surviving church of Yerevan and Saint Gregory Cathedral is the largest Armenian cathedral in the world, Tsitsernakaberd is the official memorial to the victims of the Armenian Genocide, and several opera houses, theatres, museums, libraries, and other cultural institutions. Yerevan Opera Theatre is the main spectacle hall of the Armenian capital, the National Gallery of Armenia is the largest art museum in Armenia and shares a building with the History Museum of Armenia, and the Matenadaran repository contains one of the largest depositories of ancient books and manuscripts in the world.
Data and Facts
The total land area of Yerevan is 86 square miles (223 square kilometres)
Yerevan’s population was 1,075,000 in 2016 which gives it a population density of around 12,400 residents per square mile
It is located 3,246 ft above sea level
It enjoys a semi-arid climate with long, hot summers, followed by short and cold winters, a high temperature range and an average annual temperature of 12.4°C
Yerevan is known as the ‘pink city’. This is due to the wonderful natural colour of the historic buildings which were made from naturally coloured volcanic rock
Armenia welcomed 1,204,000 tourists into the country in 2014, many of whom visited Yerevan for its wonderful mix of tradition and modern prosperity which is evident in every area of life
Administration
Yerevan has been the capital of Armenia since the independence of the First Republic in 1918. Situated in the Ararat plain, the historic lands of Armenia, it served as the best logical choice for capital of the young republic at the time. When Armenia became a republic of the Soviet Union, Yerevan remained as capital and accommodated all the political and diplomatic institutions in the republic. In 1991 with the independence of Armenia, Yerevan continued with its status as the political and cultural centre of the country, being home to all the national institutions: the Government House, the National Assembly, the Presidential Palace, the Central Bank, the Constitutional Court, all ministries, judicial bodies and other government organizations.
The first city council formed was headed by Hovhannes Ghorghanyan, who became the first mayor of Yerevan. The Constitution of the Republic of Armenia adopted on 5 July 1995, granted Yerevan the status of a marz .
Therefore, Yerevan functions similarly to the provinces of Armenia with a few specifications.
The mayor, appointed by the President upon the recommendation of the Prime Minister, alongside a group of four deputy mayors heading eleven ministries , the Yerevan City Council, regrouping the Heads of community districts under the authority of the mayor, twelve “community districts”, with each having its own leader and their elected councils.Yerevan has a principal city hall and twelve deputy mayors of districts.
The first election of the Yerevan City Council took place in 2009 and won by the ruling Republican Party of Armenia.In addition to the national police and road police, Yerevan has its own municipal police. All three bodies cooperate to maintain law in the city. Yerevan is divided into twelve «administrative districts» each with an elected leader.
Economy
As of 2013, the share of Yerevan in the annual total industrial product of Armenia is 41%.The industry of Yerevan is quite diversified including chemicals, primary metals and steel products, machinery, rubber products, plastics, rugs and carpets, textiles, clothing and footwear, jewellery, wood products and furniture, building materials and stone-processing, alcoholic beverages, mineral water, dairy product and processed food. Even though the economic crisis of the '90s ravaged the industry of the country, several factories remain always in service, notably in the petrochemical and the aluminium sectors. Armenian beverages, especially Armenian cognac and beer, have a worldwide fame. Hence, Yerevan is home to many leading enterprises of Armenia and the Caucasus for the production of alcoholic beverages, such as the Yerevan Ararat Brandy Factory, Yerevan Brandy Company, Yerevan Champagne Wines Factory, «Beer of Yerevan» brewery, Armco Brandy Factory, Proshyan Brandy Factory and Astafian Wine-Brandy Factory. The 2 tobacco producers in Yerevan are the «Cigaronne» and «Grand Tabak» companies.Carpet industry in Armenia has a deeply rooted history with ancient traditions, therefore, carpet production is rather developed in Yerevan with three major factories that also produce hand-made rugs.The «Megerian Carpet» factory is the leading in this sector.
Other major plants in the city include the «Nairit» chemical and rubber plant, Rusal Armenal aluminum foil mill, «Grand Candy» Armenian-Canadian confectionery manufacturers, «Arcolad» chocolate factory, «Marianna» factory for dairy products, «Talgrig Group» for wheat and flour products, «Shant» ice cream factory, «Crown Chemicals» for paints, «ATMC» travertine mining company, Yerevan Watch Factory «AWI watches», Yerevan Jewellry Plant, and the mineral water factories of «Arzni», «Sil», and «Dilijan Frolova». As an attractive outsourcing location for Western European, Russian and American multinationals, Yerevan headquarters many international companies. It is Armenia's financial hub, being home to the Central Bank of Armenia, the Armenian Stock Exchange , as well as the majority of the country's largest commercial banks.
As of 2013, the city dominates over 85% of the annual total services in Armenia, as well as over 84% of the annual total retail trade. Many subsidiaries of Russian service companies and banks operate in Yerevan, including Gazprom, Ingo Armenia, Rosgosstrakh and VTB Bank. The ACBA-Credit Agricole is a subsidiary of the French Crédit Agricole, while the HSBC Bank Armenia is also operating in Yerevan.
The construction sector has experienced a significant growth during the 1st decade of the 21st century. Many major construction projects has been conducted in Yerevan, such as the Northern Avenue and the rehabilitation of Old Yerevan on Aram Street. The Northern Avenue is completed and was opened in 2007, while the Old Yerevan project is still under development. In the past few years, the city centre has also witnessed major road reconstruction, as well as the renovation of the Republic square, funded by the American-Armenian billionaire Kirk Kerkorian. On the other hand, the Argentina-based Armenian businessman Eduardo Eurnekian took over the airport, while the cascade development project was funded by the US based Armenian millionaire Gerard L. Cafesjian.
However, the sector has significantly dropped by the end of the 1st decade of the 21st century, as a result of the global real estate crisis in 2007–09. In 2013, Yerevan dominated over 58% of the annual total construction sector of Armenia.
In February 2017, the urban development committee of the government revealed its plans for the upcoming major construction projects in the city.
Business Environment
Situated at the very edge of Europe, the city’s local flavour has been shaped by its traditional role as a cultural crossroads. The list of competing regional empires which have continuously fought over this historic city include the Romans, Arabs, Byzantines, Persians, Mongols, Ottomans, Russians and most recently, the Soviets.While the collapse of the Soviet Union spelt economic uncertainty for Armenia, it also played a hand in reshaping the capital city as a modern startup hub. Ties between the ex-soviet «Silicon Valley», and its Californian namesake were firmly established as ethnic-Armenian executives in Palo Alto helped establish R&D centres for firms such as Oracle, Microsoft, Synopsis, National Instruments, Synergy Systems, Mentor Graphics, Cisco, and more in Yerevan, making good use of the country’s software talent.Currently, this tiny European capital of about a million inhabitants, nestled in the Caucasus Mountains, is witnessing the progression of a very unique and vibrant startup scene, invigorated by extremely low living costs, ease of starting a business, access to resources, and proactive government policies designed to embrace this new movement. Parliament recently passed a tax exemption bill for Armenian newly established technology startups. The cityscape, which has been marked by successive changes in urban planning philosophies is characterised by 19th-century neoclassical structures interspersed between large, modern tree-lined boulevards, while the distant suburbs feature the famously bland Brezhnev-era residential blocks typical of the Comintern.
Though Armenia is quickly building a reputation for itself as an easy place to start a business, thanks in part to the lobbying work done by the Union of Information Technology Enterprises independent resources are also available to make the process as easy as possible. Entrepreneurs can always use the considerable resources of the Small and Medium Entrepreneurship Development National centre at their disposal.
Armenia facilitates the process of doing business through improved e-government programmes. Additional legal help with starting or running a business in Armenia can be provided by the partners at the LegalLab Law Boutique, or the Margarian Law firm. Locals are very proud of the Made in Armenia brand. As such, startups and tech companies with over 50% of their code written in Armenia can be found listed on madeinarmenia.org. The Armenian startup community is globally connected and can count on a number of tech heavyweights the likes of Reddit co-founder Alexis Ohanian to offer mentorship and advice for newly established startups. Yerevan is witnessing an exciting explosion in entrepreneurial activity, with a vibrant startup scene, a lot to do, and many challenges.
Infrastructure
Yerevan is served by the Zvartnots International Airport, located 12 kilometres west of the city center. It is the primary airport of the country. Inaugurated in 1961 during the Soviet era, Zvartnots airport was renovated for the first time in 1985 and a second time in 2002 in order to adapt to international norms. It went through a facelift starting in 2004 with the construction of a new terminal. The first phase of the construction ended in September 2006 with the opening of the arrivals zone. A second section designated for departures was inaugurated in May 2007. The departure terminal is anticipated, October 2011 housing state of the art facilities and technology. This will make Yerevan Zvartnots International Airport, the largest, busiest and most modern airport in the entire Caucasus. Currently there are no national airlines operating in Armenia. The entire project costs more than US$100 million.
A second airport, Erebuni Airport, is located just south of the city. Since the independence, «Erebuni» is mainly used for military or private flights. The Armenian Air Force has equally installed its base there and there are several MiG-29s stationed on Erebuni's tarmac. Public transport in Yerevan is heavily privatized and mostly handled by around 60 private operators. But the 50.4% of public transit is still served by «public vans», locally known as marshrutka. These are about 1210 Russian-made GAZelle vans with 13 seats, that operate same way as buses, having 79 different lines with certain routes and same stops. According to Yerevan Municipality office, in future, marshrutkas should be replaced by ordinary larger buses. Despite having about 13 seats, the limit of passengers is not controlled, so usually these vans carry many more people who stand inside.
The Yerevan trolleybus system has been operating since 1949. Some old Soviet-era trolleybuses have been replaced with comparably new ones. As of May 2017, only 5 trolleybus lines are in operation , with around 45 units in service. The trolleybus system is owned and operated by the municipality.
The tram network that operated in Yerevan since 1906 was decommissioned in January 2004. Its operation had a cost 2.4 times higher than the generated profits, which pushed the municipality to shut down the network, despite a last-ditch effort to save it towards the end of 2003. Since the closure, the rails have been dismantled and sold.
Due to being dispersed among dozens of private operators, the transportation is barely regulated, with only trip fee is being a subject of regulation. Thus, the quality of vehicles is often inadequate, with no certain regulations for safety. Unlike the majority of world capitals, there is no established ticketing system in Yerevan's public transportation. The central station in Nor Kilikia neighborhood serves as bus terminal for inter-city transport, serving outbound routes towards practically all the cities of Armenia as well as abroad, notably Tbilisi and Tabriz.
The Yerevan Metro named after Karen Demirchyan, is a rapid transit system that serves the capital city since 1981. It has a single line of 12.1 km length with 10 active stations and 45 units in service. The interiors of the stations resemble that of the former western Soviet nations, with chandeliers hanging from the corridors. The metro stations had most of their names changed after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of the Republic of Armenia. A northeastern extension of the line with two new stations is currently being developed. The construction of the first station and of the one-kilometre tunnel linking it to the rest of the network will cost US$18 million. The time of the end of the project has not yet been defined. Another long-term project is the construction of two new lines, but these have been suspended due to lack of finance. The system transports more than 60,000 people on a daily basis.
Yerevan has a single central railway station that is connected to the metro via the Sasuntsi Davit station. The railway station is made in Soviet-style architecture with its long point on the building roof, representing the symbols of communism: red star, hammer and sickle. Due to the Turkish and Azerbaijani blockades of Armenia, there is only one international train that passes by once every two days, with neighboring Georgia being its destination. For example, for a sum of 9 000 to 18 000 dram, it is possible to take the night train to the Georgian capital, Tbilisi.
This train then continues to its destination of Batumi, on the shores of the Black sea in the summer season. The only railway that goes to Iran to the south passes by the closed border of Nakhichevan.
Technology
Under the Soviet rule, Yerevan has turned into a major centre for science and research. The Armenian National Academy of Sciences is the pioneer of scientific research in Armenia. It was founded in 1943 as the Armenian Branch of the Soviet Academy of Sciences to become the primary body that conducts research and coordinates activities in the fields of science in Armenia. It has many divisions, including Mathematical and Technical Sciences, Physics and Astrophysics, Natural Sciences, Chemistry and Earth Sciences, Armenology and Social Sciences.After the independence, many new research centres were opened in the city, such as the CANDLE Synchrotron Research Institute , Tumo Center for Creative Technologies , and Nerses Mets Medical Research and Education Center .
The location of the city on the shores of Hrazdan river has enabled the production of hydroelectricity. As part of the Sevan–Hrazdan Cascade, three hydroelectric power plants are established within the administrative territory of Yerevan: Kanaker HPP, Yerevan-1 HPP, and Yerevan-3 HPP. The entire plant was privatized in 2003, and is currently owned by RusHydro.The city is also home to the Yerevan Thermal Power Plant, a unique facility in the region for its quality and high technology, situated in the southern part of the city. Originally opened in 1961, a modern plant was built in 2007, furnished with a new gas-steam combined cycled turbine, to generate electric power. In March 2017, the construction of a new thermal power plant was launched with an initial investment of US$258 million and an envisaged capacity of 250 megawatts. The power station will be in service in 2019.
Armenia was once the center of IT innovation for the USSR. A turbulent history has stifled the economy, but things are starting to look up for the Caucasus republic. Armenia’s tech scene is at a real turning point. The Silicon Valley of the former Soviet Union has morphed into a thriving tech startup hub, attracting global recognition.In the days of the Soviet Union, Armenia designed and manufactured 40 percent of the mainframe computers for the military. The Yerevan Computer Research Institute, a secret building in the capital city, employed 5,000 highly skilled workers, but later fell to ruin. This is just a small portion of the «several hundred thousand specialists» that worked behind the scenes at the heart of IT innovation, according to the Union of Information Technology Enterprises in Yerevan.This history, combined with Soviet academia’s celebration for the sciences and great Armenian determination, have provided the foundation to kick-start a resurgence of tech innovation. As tech revenues continue to rise, the largest foreign investment, according to the Armenian government, is going into «telecommunications, mining, energy, air transportation and financial sectors».
Online gaming and sports betting software company BetConstruct, an investor in my company UCRAFT, launched in Yerevan in 2003 and today has offices worldwide. Many of the largest IT companies operating in Armenia, such as Microsoft, Google and Oracle, are internationally headquartered with development teams based in the country. The government encourages expansion from these corporates with the implementation of its «open door» policy, designed to encourage foreign business owners and investment, with legal regimes that protect foreign capital.
In 2012, Intel announced the launch of a new research center during the ArmTech Congress. US Ambassador to Armenia John Heffern reported the potential for IT growth, «The creative mind is the key to the future of Armenia. The U.S. Department of Commerce has issued a report based on UNESCO data, according to which Armenia is the first among CIS member states with the number of inventions per capita,» he said.Synopsys, the largest global company in electronic design automation , with an annual revenue of over $2 billion USD, launched offices in Armenia in 2004. Today it is one of the largest IT companies in the country, with over 650 employees. It is also heavily involved in schemes to support rising talent. Synopsys collaborates with Armenia’s Polytechnic University to provide educational programs for students, and also hiring a large number of graduates.Recent legislation has made founding, operating and growing a tech startup in Armenia much simpler. Triada Studios launched in 1993 as a computer graphics and animation studio. Cofounder and CEO Ara Aghamyan described the «huge intellectual potential» in Armenia.In April, photo-editing app PicsArt raised an additional $20M in VC, bringing its total funding to $45M and enabling the Armenia-born startup to grow its presence in China and Japan. In 2015, PicsArt’s CEO Hovhannes Avoyan relocated to join the company’s Chief Revenue Officer in San Francisco, helping to further solidify PicsArt’s recognition in the U.S. tech scene. PicsArt was later that year included on Forbes’s list of «Hottest Startups of 2015».Influencers in the tech world are making efforts to strengthen ties between Armenia and the US. In March Triada Studios’ Ara Aghamyan wrote to President Obama explaining the tech community’s role in developing US-Armenian commerce. He drew attention to the issue of double taxation that deters foreign investment and restricts growth for businesses that are based in Armenia.
Armenia’s enormous diaspora means that there are actually more Armenians living outside of the country: There are between seven to 10 million Armenians concentrated in Russia, the US and France, in contrast to just three million within the country. Second generations Armenians today also add to this global network actively working to support Armenia’s future growth. Cofounder of Inet Technologies, Sam Simonian and his wife Sylva founded TUMO Center for Creative Technologies; a free digital learning center in Yerevan, that provides classes for around 5,000 12 to 18 year olds working with new technologies. Armenia boasts a number of innovative centers such as TUMO, launched as a result of international advocates, and big partnerships.
In 2011, Microsoft launched the Microsoft Innovation Center Armenia in partnership with the US Agency for International Development and Enterprise Incubator Foundation . The center aims to enable IT growth by supporting students and startups.
Social Wellness and Human Resources
Originally a small town, Yerevan became the capital of Armenia and a large city with over one million inhabitants. Until the fall of the Soviet Union, the majority of the population of Yerevan were Armenians with minorities of Russians, Kurds, Azerbaijanis and Iranians present as well. However, with the breakout of the Nagorno-Karabakh War from 1988 to 1994, the Azerbaijani minority diminished in the country in what was part of population exchanges between Armenia and Azerbaijan. A big part of the Russian minority also fled the country during the 1990s economic crisis in the country. Today, the population of Yerevan is overwhelmingly Armenian.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, due to economic crises, thousands fled Armenia, mostly to Russia, North America and Europe. The population of Yerevan fell from 1,250,000 in 1989 to 1,103,488 in 2001 and to 1,091,235 in 2003. However, the population of Yerevan has been increasing since. In 2007, the capital had 1,107,800 inhabitants. Yerevantsis in general use the Yerevan dialect, an Eastern Armenian dialect most probably formed during the 13th century. It is currently spoken in and around Yerevan, including the towns of Vagharshapat and Ashtarak. Classical Armenian words compose a significant part of the dialect's vocabulary.
Throughout the history, it was influenced by several languages, especially Russian and Persian and loan words have significant presence in it today. It is currently the most widespread Armenian dialect.
Yerevan was inhabited first by Armenians and remained homogeneous until the 15th century. During the 1720s Ottoman–Persian War] its absolute majority were Armenians. The demographics of the region changed because of a series of wars between the Ottoman Empire, Iran and Russia. By the early 19th century, Yerevan had a Muslim majority.
Until the Sovietization of Armenia, Yerevan was a multicultural city, mainly with an Armenian and «Caucasian Tatar» population. After the Armenian Genocide, many refugees from what Armenians call Western Armenia escaped to Eastern Armenia. In 1919, about 75,000 Armenian refugees from the Ottoman Empire arrived in Yerevan, mostly from the Vaspurakan region . A significant part of these refugees died of typhus and other diseases.
From 1921 to 1936, about 42,000 ethnic Armenians from Iraq, Turkey, Iran, Greece, Syria, France, Bulgaria etc. went to Soviet Armenia, with most of them settling in Yerevan. The second wave of repatriation occurred from 1946 to 1948, when about 100,000 ethnic Armenians from Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Cyprus, Palestine, Iraq, Egypt, France, United States etc. moved to Soviet Armenia, again most of whom settled in Yerevan. Thus, the ethnic makeup of Yerevan became more monoethnic during the first 3 decades in the Soviet Union. In the late 1980s and the early 1990s, the remaining 2,000 Azeris left the city, because of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
Armenian Apostolic Christianity is the predominant religion in Armenia. The 5th-century Saint Paul and Peter Church demolished in November 1930 by the Soviets, was among the earliest churches ever built in Erebuni-Yerevan. Many of the ancient Armenian and medieval churches of the city were destroyed by the Soviets in the 1930s during the Great Purge. The regulating body of the Armenian Church in Yerevan is the Araratian Pontifical Diocese, with the Surp Sarkis Cathedral being the seat of the diocese. As of 2017, Yerevan has 17 active Armenian churches as well as four chapels.
After the capture of Yerevan by the Russians as a result of the Russo-Persian War of 1826–28, many Russian Orthodox churches were built in the city under the orders of the Russian commander General Ivan Paskevich. The Saint Nikolai Cathedral opened during the second half of the 19th century, was the largest Russian church in the city. The Church of the Intercession of the Holy Mother of God was opened in 1916 in Kanaker-Zeytun.However, most of the churches were either closed or demolished by the Soviets during the 1930s. The Saint Nikolai Cathedral was entirely destroyed in 1931, while the Church of the Intercession of the Holy Mother of God was closed and converted first into a warehouse and later into a club for the military personnel. Religious services resumed in the church it in 1991, and in 2004 a cupola and a belfry were added to the building.[115] In 2010, the groundbreaking ceremony of the new Holy Cross Russian Orthodox church took place with the presence of Patriarch Kirill I of Moscow. The church was eventually consecrated on 7 October 2017, with the presence of Catholicos Karekin II, Russian bishops and the church benefactor Ara Abramyan.According to Ivan Chopin, there were eight mosques in Yerevan in the middle of the 19th century.
The 18th-century Blue Mosque of Yerevan was restored and reopened in the 1990s, with Iranian funding,[118] and is currently the only active mosque in Armenia, mainly serving the Iranian Shia visitors. Yerevan is home to tiny Yezidi, Molokan, Neopagan, Bahai and Jewish communities, with the Jewish community being represented by the Jewish Council of Armenia. A variety of nontrinitarian communities, considered dangerous sects by the Armenian Apostolic Church, are also found in the city, including Jehovah's Witnesses, Mormons, Seventh-day Adventists and Word of Life.
Medical services in Armenia – except from maternity – are not subsidized by the government. However, the government annually allocates a certain amount from the state budget for the medical needs of the socially vulnerable groups.
Yerevan is a major healthcare and medical service centre in the region. Several hospitals of Yerevan refurbished with modern technologies, provide healthcare and medical researches, such as Shengavit Medical Center, Erebouni Medical Center, Izmirlian Medical Center, Saint Gregory the Illuminator Medical Center, Nork-Marash Medical Center, Armenia Republican Medical Center, Astghik Medical Centre, Armenian American Wellness Center, and Mkhitar Heratsi Hospital Complex of the Yerevan State Medical University. The municipality runs 39 polyclinics/medical centres throughout the city.
References
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yerevan
https://www.britannica.com/place/Yerevan
https://facts.uk/18-intriguing-facts-about-yerevan/
https://magazine.startus.cc/guide-start-business-yerevan/
http://repatarmenia.org/en/practical-info/business/a/starting-a-business-in-armenia
https://armenianweekly.com/2019/10/11/wcit-2019-positions-yerevan-as-an-emerging-global-tech-hub/ | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 48 | https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/04/24/armenia-azerbaijan-war-nagorno-karabakh-aftermath/ | en | Armenia Is Still Grieving | [
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"Neil Hauer",
"Daniel B. Baer",
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"Linda Sieg",
"Nick Aspinwall",
"Amy Mackinnon",
"Jack Detsch",
"Carl Bildt",
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] | 2021-04-24T00:00:00 | Losing a war has reopened old wounds in a battered nation. | en | Foreign Policy | https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/04/24/armenia-azerbaijan-war-nagorno-karabakh-aftermath/ | “There is no summit as white as Ararat,” wrote the Armenian poet Yeghishe Charents, in his 1915 work “Blue-Eyed Homeland,” about the twin-peaked mountain that is the national symbol of all Armenia. On a clear day in Yerevan, Ararat dominates the landscape, towering over the pink stone buildings and broad avenues of the Armenian capital.
But Ararat is not close. It is impossibly far away—across the long-closed border with Turkey, in the land known to Armenians as Western Armenia. There are no Armenians left there, at least openly. The national symbol of Armenia, the touchstone for the identity of an entire people, is over a hostile neighbor’s border.
The constant reminder of what was lost is, however, just one of many losses that have imprinted themselves on Armenia. The most recent of these was last year from Sept. 27 to Nov. 10, in one of the most brutal wars of the 21st century. For 44 days, Armenian forces clashed with those of neighboring Azerbaijan, in the latest round of war over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, originally a majority ethnic Armenian territory lying within the Soviet-defined borders of Azerbaijan. The war killed at least 6,000 people in six weeks of fighting, including at least 3,300 Armenian soldiers—the equivalent of the United States losing more 350,000 troops—in a month and a half.
It was not Armenians’ first loss.
Armenia would be the first nation of the 20th century born out of genocide. The ragged survivors who escaped would be forever defined by their trauma, the memories of having lost their homes and nearly their lives. The stories of the genocide would be passed down to their descendants, imprinting on each generation the tragedy that had occurred—and the fear of it happening again.
Although suppressed, the memories of the genocide never faded in Soviet Armenia: In 1965, on the 50th anniversary of the slaughter, 100,000 Armenians gathered in front of Yerevan’s opera house to demand that the Soviet government recognize the genocide. Armenian national consciousness reemerged in force in February 1988, as unprecedented mass demonstrations on the streets of Yerevan called for joining the ethnically Armenian Nagorno-Karabakh to Soviet Armenia. Hundreds of thousands of demonstrators came out to support the unification of Karabakh with Armenia, in one of the greatest outpouring of national sentiment the Soviet Union had yet seen.
Their hopes were soon to be replaced with grief. Nationalist forces among the ethnic Azeri population of the neighboring Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic saw this moment as an opportunity to galvanize their own support: through bloody retributions against the Armenian minority of the republic. On Feb. 27, in the town of Sumgait, just north of the Azerbaijani capital, Baku, nationalist mobs gathered in the streets and began to roam from house to house, searching for the town’s Armenian residents. The Sumgait pogrom had begun.
Karine Chakhalyan, 54, was one of those residents. “I remember the pogrom [in Sumgait] like it was yesterday,” she told me on a sunny day in November outside her home in Kalbajar, a town known among Armenians as Karvachar, in the disputed territory. “My parents were killed in front of my eyes. We left with what we had on our backs.” Chakhalyan and as many as 20,000 other Armenians were forced to flee.
And 1988 was not done with Armenia. On Dec. 7, a magnitude 6.8 earthquake ripped through the town of Spitak, in northwestern Armenia. Nearby was the city of Leninakan (now known as Gyumri), Armenia’s second-largest. In an instant, it was decimated. As many as 50,000 people were killed, and several times that made homeless. Three decades years later, at least 10,000 are still homeless as a result, living in temporary shelters for more than a generation.
While the Soviet Union was heading for collapse, the smoldering situation in Nagorno-Karabakh was on the path to war.
As Soviet authority began to wane, political power in Armenia was quickly passing to the Karabakh Committee, the group of Armenian intellectuals who had led the rallies in February 1988 and later. By mid-1990, they would come to exercise effective power in the republic, superseding the increasingly irrelevant communist leadership—in effect, becoming the first Soviet republic to achieve de facto independence, a full 18 months before the Soviet Union’s collapse. Karabakh was not just a movement in Armenia: It was the symbol of everything lost in the past and an overwhelming sense to save another small part of the homeland that was left, in case it slipped away as well.
With the Soviet state, the only force that restrained this movement, rapidly slipping away, and in light of the growing Azerbaijani nationalism built around the exact same issue but from the other side (i.e., retaining Karabakh for Azerbaijan), war was inevitable. As Armenia and Azerbaijan emerged as independent nations, they immediately grappled in a full-scale war over the territory. From 1991 to 1994, the First Nagorno-Karabakh War would grow from clashes between poorly armed ethnic militias to fully outfitted state armies hurling combined-arms offensives at each other. By its end, up to 30,000 people had been killed and a million displaced—and Armenian forces controlled both Karabakh and seven surrounding districts of Azerbaijan, where they had expelled at least 500,000 ethnic Azeri residents.
The war would be the defining event of a new generation. “I remember every day the trucks coming to Yerevan, carrying the bodies of the dead soldiers,” Aleksey, an Armenian who later emigrated to Canada, told me. “We were checking the new lists [of dead] every day, usually by candlelight”—the latter a regular feature as Yerevan was gripped by blackouts owing to the Azerbaijani-Turkish blockade. “Every few days, I’d go stand with my mother in the lines for bread,” said Astghik, a 34-year-old lawyer. “My father and uncles were on the front.”
Like the First Republic of Armenia after the 1915 genocide, the new Republic of Armenia was forged by war. The grief did not stop with the fighting’s end in 1994: In his book Karabakh Diary, the Armenian journalist Tatul Hakobyan describes visiting families in provincial villages in 2005 as they continued desperate attempts to secure the freedom of family members held captive by Azerbaijan for over a decade.
But the war had an indescribable impact on the national psyche. For many, the victory was an indication that Armenians were not forever destined to be victims—a small triumph to somewhat ease the massive losses of three generations earlier. One Western commentator summarized the effect neatly in describing an interaction he witnessed: At a 2005 forum, one native of the Republic of Armenia lambasted a diaspora Armenian by remarking, “you [Western Armenians] always see yourselves as victims! But we know ourselves as conquerors!” With the rush of victory came, too, a callousness toward the suffering of Azeris, themselves displaced from homes in Karabakh and driven into exile.
For a generation, this victorious attitude held and hardened. But it would eventually be shattered.
I visited Nagorno-Karabakh in early October. The capital, Stepanakert, was nearly deserted—the calm broken only by military vehicles heading to the front, the occasional elderly pedestrian, and the regular sound of air sirens warning of impending missile strikes. The Armenian population of Karabakh is one of the most militarized in the world: All men complete two years of mandatory military service in the trenches, and all keep their Kalashnikov rifles at home in case of a call-up.
In one of the city’s shelters, one retiree told me that she had four grandsons on the front; one had already been killed in the fighting. Her own husband died in the first war. Another lamented that this was already the third war that she had seen (referencing the initial conflict and a stretch of fighting in April 2016, often called the “Four-Day War”). In Karabakh, the tragedy of war is just a facet of life.
As the war dragged on, into mid-October, a pall of grief settled over Yerevan. Faces on the street became more somber and downcast. Everyone knew someone on the front lines. Most had already lost somebody.
Upon arriving back in Yerevan from Karabakh, I hailed a taxi from the city’s outskirts. The driver asked how the battle was going in Hadrut, a heavily contested town in Karabakh’s southeast. I told him the fighting is very hard, and he swore under his breath. He told me that his nephew was just killed there and that his son and brother were still fighting on that front. The driver broke down in tears. We finished the drive wordlessly, and he refused to take any money.
The war ended on Nov. 10, after 44 days. With it, the Armenians lost nearly three-quarters of the territory in and around Nagorno-Karabakh that they had held at the start. The death toll, still being updated, stands currently at 4,005.
The immediate aftermath has provided no time for the displace residents, and Armenians as a whole, to come to grips with the new reality. The cease-fire deal not only enshrines Azerbaijan’s gains on the ground but also entails the handover of three Armenian-held districts of Azerbaijan.
The Kalbajar district northwest of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast was captured by ethnic Armenian forces in the first war in 1993. A formerly ethnic Azeri region that was depopulated by the Armenian forces who captured it in the ’90s war, by the 2020 war its 3,500 inhabitants were largely Armenian refugees expelled from Azerbaijan in the bloody reprisals of the Soviet Union’s final years. Now, they are being displaced again. In November 2020, the territory was handed back to Azerbaijan—its residents forced, once again, to find sanctum elsewhere.
Chakhalyan, the Sumgait survivor, is one of these residents. After a few years in shelters in Yerevan, she had resettled in Kalbajar. “We heard there were houses here, but they were almost ruined—we rebuilt this one ourselves,” she said. “My six sons fought in the army, in this war. One of them didn’t come home. And now we all must leave. What are we going to do now?”
Kalbajar itself is perhaps the most poignant symbol of the reversal of fortunes Armenians experienced between the first war and the second. In the first, the district was seized from a demoralized Azerbaijani army in less than a week, in a lightning operation led by Monte Melkonian, then Armenia’s most famous military commander. The illusion of Armenian invincibility that had grown since the first war’s end—reaching a point of hubris that the Armenian American political analyst Richard Giragosian acridly described as “bullshit exceptionalism”—has been thoroughly destroyed.
Leaving Kalbajar, the Karabakh capital of Stepanakert is only a marginally less grievous sight. The remaining road to the city from Armenia goes right past the city of Shusha, known as Shushi in Armenian—held by the Armenians from 1992 until Nov. 8. The Armenian-language sign at the entrance has been replaced by an Azerbaijani one, in the red, green, and blue of the Azerbaijani flag, and a foreboding checkpoint is staffed by masked Azeri soldiers. Russian peacekeepers shepherd the locals past them.
The Karabakh capital itself was once again full of life on November 24-25, barely two weeks after the war’s end, its streets bustling with people. But a brief conversation is all that’s necessary to shatter the illusion of normality.
At the central marketplace, I spoke to Vladimir, 64, a butcher from a village in Martuni province, to the east of the capital. He still has his home. His two brothers, from a neighboring village, do not—their homes were captured by Azerbaijani forces in late October. They milled about as Vladimir cleaved a chicken.
“How should I feel? Do you see what’s happened here?” he said. “Half of the families here have lost their homes—they are just trying to sell some potatoes to have any money at all. They have nothing else left.”
He shook his head. “They should have at least found a way to keep the Armenian villages,” he said, referring to the lost territories of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast that had originally been captured in the ’90s. “But the Azeris took so many of them. This means the conflict will continue.”
The new wave of displacement is one of the human tragedies of the war. According to official statistics from the region’s nominally independent Armenian-backed government, over 40,000 Karabakh Armenians are now permanently displaced, their homes having been captured by Azerbaijan or later handed over to Azerbaijan’s control.
Karine, a 42-year-old salon worker, remembers when an Azeri mob entered her family’s home 30 years prior in Baku. “The Azeris have come for us [Armenians] here, too,” she said. “How could this happen? How could we lose so many lands?”
The grief of this latest loss has torn Armenian society apart. Finger-pointing and accusations of treason have poisoned Armenian social media for months, particularly among the diaspora. Eight million strong, the diaspora is largely made up of descendants of those who survived the genocide, having grown up with stories passed down about how their grandparents and great-grandparents watched their friends and relatives executed by Ottoman soldiers as they fled through the Syrian desert. Now, from half a world away, they have watched helplessly as the calamity of yet another war befalls their people.
Now, little seems certain about the future of Armenia. For this small state, almost surrounded by enemies, its mere existence now feels threatened. Many see their only hope of survival in embarking on a radically successful program of national economic, scientific, and—especially—military development, akin to that of Israel, another small nation of genocide survivors that needed multiple victorious wars against its neighbors to survive. The greatest fear, as one Armenian friend told me, is that the Armenians would suffer the same fate as the Assyrians, their brethren who also suffered an Ottoman-era genocide: an ancient people scattered in foreign lands, with no state to call their own.
Yet despite the catastrophe of the past few months, Armenians look to the defiant words of William Saroyan, one of their greatest writers, in his 1936 work “The Armenian and the Armenian”:“I should like to see any power of the world destroy this race, this small tribe of unimportant people, whose history is ended, whose wars have all been fought and lost, whose structures have crumbled, whose literature is unread, whose music is unheard, whose prayers are no longer uttered. … See if they will not live again.” | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 1 | 8 | https://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/economies/Europe/Armenia.html | en | Armenia | [
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Hayastani Hanrapetut 'Yun
COUNTRY OVERVIEW
MANUFACTURING.
Armenia was the leading chemical producer in the Caucasus in the 1970s, producing synthetic rubber, latex, acids, various glues, and special films mainly for the military sector. In the 1980s the chemical industry employed 24,200 people and accounted for 6.6 percent of the industrial production. The collapse of the Soviet Union, the energy crisis of 1992-93, and the war with Azerbaijan decreased the volume of production by more than 50 percent. In 1999, Armenia imported 6 times as many chemical products and materials as it produced itself. The main chemical export product is rubber, comprising 82 percent of total chemical exports, of which 93 percent went to states of the former Soviet Union. According to expert Jocelyne Decaye, the main weaknesses of Armenia's chemical industry are "high dependence on imported raw materials, obsolete technologies and old production lines, logistical difficulties related to Armenia's location, overstaffing and high costs for transports and electricity."
Armenia's light industry sector was well developed in the 1980s, when it had 115,000 employees and accounted for 25 percent of total industrial production. In the 1990s, however, the share of light industry in the total industrial production declined to under 2 percent. Textile and clothing production make up the most significant activities in this sector.
In 1999, the food processing industry accounted for 39 percent of total industrial output and 61 percent of total manufacturing output. In the 1980s, food processing accounted for only 18 percent of Armenia's total industrial production. The first 5 years of the 1990s saw a rise of nearly 70 percent. The major food products are wine and brandy, with such products as vegetables, fruits, tobacco, potatoes, cotton, grains, and teas making up the rest. Less than 10 percent of the total production is exported (US$16 million in 1999).
TOURISM.
During the first 5 years of independence, the tourist industry declined, but since 1996, this trend has reversed itself. Since 1996, the number of tourists has more than tripled but remains low compared to the 1980s (about 21,000 visitors in 1999, including business tourism). The share of tourism as a percentage of GDP was 1.7 percent in 1999. The tourism infrastructure needs substantial development and modernization to keep this industry growing.
FINANCIAL SERVICES.
During the Soviet period, the State Insurance Company provided mandatory insurance for all citizens. The responsibility to regulate the insurance market now rests in the hands of the Ministry of Finance. The Ministry of Finance provides licenses for insurance companies, and in 2001 some 65 private and state companies were registered. As of 2001, a legal framework concerning the insurance market was still being developed. Domestic and international companies are treated equally under Armenian law.
The banking system accounts for about 10 percent of GDP. In 1999, there were 31 commercial banks. The main foreign banks are Mellat Bank of Iran and Midland Bank of the United Kingdom. Only Midland Bank has established Automated Teller Machines (ATMs), and only a limited number of businesses in the major cities can accept credit cards as a form of payment. The total capital of all commercial banks in Armenia is US$60 million. The largest private bank is HSBC Armenia Bank with assets of US$9 million.
MONEY
The value of the dram has declined significantly since the 1990s. In 1995, 405.91 drams equaled US$1. However, by 2000 it took 539.53 drams to equal US$1. This decline is the result of the continuing weaknesses in the Armenian economy.
In 1993, the Yerevan Stock Exchange (YSE) was established, which was followed by the establishment of 3 smaller exchanges. However, the total value of these 4 exchanges was only US$1.67 million in 1999.
DEPENDENCIES
Armenia has no territories or colonies.
CAPITAL:
Yerevan.
MONETARY UNIT:
Armenian Dram (AMD). One dram equals 100 luma. Coins are in denominations of 1 dram and 50 and 20 luma. Paper currency is printed in denominations of AMD10, 25, 50, 100, 200, 1,000, and 5,000.
CHIEF EXPORTS:
Diamonds, scrap metal, machinery and equipment, cognac, and copper ore. | |||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 12 | https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/azerbaijan/ | en | The World Factbook | [
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] | null | [] | null | /the-world-factbook/favicon-32x32.png?v=c3853bf09f084a8b1f66c6c2685054a1 | null | Introduction
Background
Azerbaijan -- a secular nation with a majority-Turkic and majority-Shia Muslim population -- was briefly independent (from 1918 to 1920) following the collapse of the Russian Empire; it was subsequently incorporated into the Soviet Union for seven decades.
Beginning in 1988, Azerbaijan and Armenia fought over the Nagorno-Karabakh region, which was populated largely by ethnic Armenians but incorporated into Soviet Azerbaijan as an autonomous oblast in the early 1920s. In the late Soviet period, an ethnic-Armenian separatist movement sought to end Azerbaijani control over the region. Fighting over Nagorno-Karabakh escalated after Armenia and Azerbaijan gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. By the time a ceasefire took effect in 1994, separatists with Armenian support controlled NagornoâKarabakh and seven surrounding Azerbaijani territories. After decades of cease-fire violations and sporadic flare-ups, a second sustained conflict began in 2020 when Azerbaijan tried to win back the territories it had lost in the 1990s. After significant Azerbaijani gains, Armenia returned the southern part of Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding territories to Azerbaijan. In September 2023, Azerbaijan took military action to regain the rest of Nagorno-Karabakh; after a conflict that lasted only one day, nearly the entire ethnic Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh fled to Armenia.
Since gaining its independence in 1991, Azerbaijan has significantly reduced the poverty rate and has directed some revenue from its oil and gas production to develop the countryâs infrastructure. However, corruption remains a burden on the economy, and Western observers and members of the countryâs political opposition have accused the government of authoritarianism. The countryâs leadership has remained in the ALIYEV family since Heydar ALIYEV, the most highly ranked Azerbaijani member of the Communist Party during the Soviet period, became president during the first Nagorno-Karabakh War in 1993.Â
People and Society
Population
total: 10,650,239
male: 5,330,233
female: 5,320,006 (2024 est.)
comparison rankings : female 90; male 90; total 88
Nationality
noun: Azerbaijani(s)
adjective: Azerbaijani
Ethnic groups
Azerbaijani 91.6%, Lezghin 2%, Russian 1.3%, Armenian 1.3%, Talysh 1.3%, other 2.4% (2009 est.)
note: Nagorno-Karabakh, which is part of Azerbaijan on the basis of the borders recognized when the Soviet Union dissolved in 1991, was populated almost entirely by ethnic Armenians; Azerbaijan has over 80 ethnic groups
Languages
Azerbaijani (Azeri) (official) 92.5%, Russian 1.4%, Armenian 1.4%, other 4.7% (2009 est.)
major-language sample(s):
Dünya fakt kitabı, Ésas mÉlumatlar üçün ÉvÉz olunmaz mÉnbÉdir (Azerbaijani)
The World Factbook, the indispensable source for basic information.
note: Russian is widely spoken
Religions
Muslim 97.3% (predominantly Shia), Christian 2.6%, other <0.1, unaffiliated <0.1 (2020 est.)
note: religious affiliation for the majority of Azerbaijanis is largely nominal, percentages for actual practicing adherents are probably much lower
Demographic profile
Azerbaijanâs citizenry has over 80 ethnic groups. The far eastern part of the country has the highest population density, particularly in and around Baku. Apart from smaller urbanized areas, the rest of the country has a fairly light and evenly distributed population. Approximately 57% of the countryâs inhabitants lives in urban areas. While the population is continuing to grow, it is in the early stages of aging. The declining fertility rate â which has decreased from about 5.5 children per woman in the 1950s to less than the 2.1 replacement level in 2022 â combined with increasing life expectancy has resulted in the elderly making up a larger share of Azerbaijanâs populace. The percentage of elderly residents and the slowed growth and eventual shrinkage of the working-age population could put pressure on the countryâs pension and healthcare systems.Â
Age structure
0-14 years: 22.3% (male 1,269,241/female 1,104,529)
15-64 years: 68.7% (male 3,659,441/female 3,656,493)
65 years and over: 9% (2024 est.) (male 401,551/female 558,984)
2023 population pyramid :
Dependency ratios
total dependency ratio: 44.2
youth dependency ratio: 34.7
elderly dependency ratio: 9.7
potential support ratio: 10.3 (2021 est.)
Median age
total: 34.3 years (2024 est.)
male: 32.8 years
female: 36 years
comparison ranking : total 104
Population growth rate
0.43% (2024 est.)
comparison ranking : 156
Birth rate
11.2 births/1,000 population (2024 est.)
comparison ranking : 161
Death rate
6.4 deaths/1,000 population (2024 est.)
comparison ranking : 142
Net migration rate
-0.6 migrant(s)/1,000 population (2024 est.)
comparison ranking : 129
Population distribution
highest population density is found in the far eastern area of the country, in and around Baku; apart from smaller urbanized areas, the rest of the country has a fairly light and evenly distributed population
Urbanization
urban population: 57.6% of total population (2023)
rate of urbanization: 1.38% annual rate of change (2020-25 est.)
note: data include Nagorno-Karabakh
total population growth rate v. urban population growth rate, 2000-2030
Major urban areas - population
2.432 million BAKU (capital) (2023)
Sex ratio
at birth: 1.15 male(s)/female
0-14 years: 1.15 male(s)/female
15-64 years: 1 male(s)/female
65 years and over: 0.72 male(s)/female
total population: 1 male(s)/female (2024 est.)
Mother's mean age at first birth
24 years (2019 est.)
Maternal mortality ratio
41 deaths/100,000 live births (2020 est.)
comparison ranking : 102
Infant mortality rate
total: 10.9 deaths/1,000 live births (2024 est.)
male: 12.6 deaths/1,000 live births
female: 9 deaths/1,000 live births
comparison ranking : total 123
Life expectancy at birth
total population: 75.9 years (2024 est.)
male: 73.5 years
female: 78.6 years
comparison ranking : total population 120
Total fertility rate
1.69 children born/woman (2024 est.)
comparison ranking : 167
Gross reproduction rate
0.79 (2024 est.)
Drinking water source
improved: urban: 100% of population
rural: 93.3% of population
total: 97.1% of population
unimproved: urban: 0% of population
rural: 6.7% of population
total: 2.9% of population (2020 est.)
Current health expenditure
4.6% of GDP (2020)
Physician density
3.17 physicians/1,000 population (2019)
Hospital bed density
4.8 beds/1,000 population (2014)
Sanitation facility access
improved: urban: 100% of population
rural: NA
total: NA
unimproved: urban: 0% of population
rural: NA
total: (2020 est.) NA
Obesity - adult prevalence rate
19.9% (2016)
comparison ranking : 107
Alcohol consumption per capita
total: 1.38 liters of pure alcohol (2019 est.)
beer: 0.36 liters of pure alcohol (2019 est.)
wine: 0.06 liters of pure alcohol (2019 est.)
spirits: 0.94 liters of pure alcohol (2019 est.)
other alcohols: 0.01 liters of pure alcohol (2019 est.)
comparison ranking : total 143
Tobacco use
total: 24% (2020 est.)
male: 47.9% (2020 est.)
female: 0.1% (2020 est.)
comparison ranking : total 58
Children under the age of 5 years underweight
4.9% (2013)
comparison ranking : 75
Currently married women (ages 15-49)
62.9% (2023 est.)
Education expenditures
4.3% of GDP (2020 est.)
comparison ranking : 108
Literacy
definition: age 15 and over can read and write
total population: 99.8%
male: 99.9%
female: 99.7% (2019)
School life expectancy (primary to tertiary education)
total: 14 years
male: 13 years
female: 14 years (2021)
Government
Country name
conventional long form: Republic of Azerbaijan
conventional short form: Azerbaijan
local long form: Azarbaycan Respublikasi
local short form: Azarbaycan
former: Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic
etymology: the name translates as "Land of Fire" and refers to naturally occurring surface fires on ancient oil pools or from natural gas discharges
Government type
presidential republic
Capital
name: Baku (Baki, Baky)
geographic coordinates: 40 23 N, 49 52 E
time difference: UTC+4 (9 hours ahead of Washington, DC, during Standard Time)
daylight saving time: does not observe daylight savings time
etymology: the name derives from the Persian designation of the city "bad-kube" meaning "wind-pounded city" and refers to the harsh winds and severe snow storms that can hit the city
note: at approximately 28 m below sea level, Baku's elevation makes it the lowest capital city in the world
Administrative divisions
66 districts (rayonlar; rayon - singular), 11 cities (saharlar; sahar - singular);
rayons: Abseron, Agcabadi, Agdam, Agdas, Agstafa, Agsu, Astara, Babak, Balakan, Barda, Beylaqan, Bilasuvar, Cabrayil, Calilabad, Culfa, Daskasan, Fuzuli, Gadabay, Goranboy, Goycay, Goygol, Haciqabul, Imisli, Ismayilli, Kalbacar, Kangarli, Kurdamir, Lacin, Lankaran, Lerik, Masalli, Neftcala, Oguz, Ordubad, Qabala, Qax, Qazax, Qobustan, Quba, Qubadli, Qusar, Saatli, Sabirabad, Sabran, Sadarak, Sahbuz, Saki, Salyan, Samaxi, Samkir, Samux, Sarur, Siyazan, Susa, Tartar, Tovuz, Ucar, Xacmaz, Xizi, Xocali, Xocavand, Yardimli, Yevlax, Zangilan, Zaqatala, Zardab
cities: Baku, Ganca, Lankaran, Mingacevir, Naftalan, Naxcivan (Nakhichevan), Saki, Sirvan, Sumqayit, Xankandi, Yevlax
Independence
30 August 1991 (declared from the Soviet Union); 18 October 1991 (adopted by the Supreme Council of Azerbaijan)
National holiday
Republic Day (founding of the Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan), 28 May (1918)
Legal system
civil law system
Constitution
history: several previous; latest adopted 12 November 1995
amendments: proposed by the president of the republic or by at least 63 members of the National Assembly; passage requires at least 95 votes of Assembly members in two separate readings of the draft amendment six months apart and requires presidential approval after each of the two Assembly votes, followed by presidential signature; constitutional articles on the authority, sovereignty, and unity of the people cannot be amended; amended 2002, 2009, 2016
International law organization participation
has not submitted an ICJ jurisdiction declaration; non-party state to the ICCt
Citizenship
citizenship by birth: yes
citizenship by descent only: yes
dual citizenship recognized: no
residency requirement for naturalization: 5 years
Suffrage
18 years of age; universal
Executive branch
chief of state: President Ilham ALIYEV (since 31 October 2003)
head of government: Prime Minister Ali ASADOV (since 8 October 2019)
cabinet: Council of Ministers appointed by the president and confirmed by the National Assembly
elections/appointments: president directly elected by absolute majority popular vote in 2 rounds (if needed) for a 7-year term; a single individual is eligible for unlimited terms; election last held on 7 February 2024 (next to be held in 2031); prime minister and first deputy prime minister appointed by the president and confirmed by the National Assembly; note - a constitutional amendment approved in a September 2016 referendum extended the presidential term from 5 to 7 years; a separate constitutional amendment approved in the same referendum also introduced the post of first vice president and additional vice-presidents, who are directly appointed by the president; however, no additional vice presidents have been appointed since the constitutional amendment was passed
election results:
2024: Ilham ALIYEV reelected president; percent of vote - Ilham ALIYEV (YAP) 92.1%, Zahid ORUJ (independent) 2.2%; on 16 February 2024, Ali ASADOV reappointed prime minister by parliamentary vote, 105-1
2018: Ilham ALIYEV reelected president in first round; percent of vote - Ilham ALIYEV (YAP) 86%, Zahid ORUJ (independent) 3.1%, other 10.9%
note: OSCE observers noted shortcomings in the election, including a restrictive political environment, limits on fundamental freedoms, a lack of genuine competition, and ballot box stuffing
Legislative branch
description: unicameral National Assembly or Milli Mejlis (125 seats, current 116; members directly elected in single-seat constituencies by simple majority vote to serve 5-year terms)
elections: last held early on 9 February 2020 (next to be held in 2025)
election results: percent of vote by party - NA; seats by party - YAP 69, CSP 3, AVP 1, CUP 1, ADMP 1, PDR 1, Great Order 1, National Front Party 1, REAL 1, VP 1, Whole Azerbaijan Popular Front 1, party unknown 1, independent 41; composition- men 95, women 21, percentage women 18.1%
Judicial branch
highest court(s): Supreme Court (consists of the chairman, vice chairman, and 23 judges in plenum sessions and organized into civil, economic affairs, criminal, and rights violations chambers); Constitutional Court (consists of 9 judges)
judge selection and term of office: Supreme Court judges nominated by the president and appointed by the Milli Majlis; judges appointed for 10 years; Constitutional Court chairman and deputy chairman appointed by the president; other court judges nominated by the president and appointed by the Milli Majlis to serve single 15-year terms
subordinate courts: Courts of Appeal (replaced the Economic Court in 2002); district and municipal courts
Political parties
Civic Solidarity Party or VHP
Democratic Reforms Party DiP
Great Order Party or BQP
Motherland Party or AVP
Party for Democratic Reforms or DIP
Republican Alternative Party or REAL
Unity Party or VÆHDÆT
Whole Azerbaijan Popular Front Party or BAXCP
New Azerbaijan Party (Yeni AzÉrbaycan Partiyasi) or YAP
International organization participation
ADB, BSEC, CD, CE, CICA, CIS, EAPC, EBRD, ECO, FAO, GCTU, GUAM, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICC (NGOs), ICRM, IDA, IDB, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, ILO, IMF, IMO, Interpol, IOC, IOM, IPU, ISO, ITSO, ITU, ITUC (NGOs), MIGA, NAM, OAS (observer), OIC, OPCW, OSCE, PFP, UN, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNHCR, UNIDO, UNWTO, UPU, WCO, WFTU (NGOs), WHO, WIPO, WMO, WTO (observer)
Diplomatic representation in the US
chief of mission: Ambassador Khazar IBRAHIM (since 15 September 2021)
chancery: 2741 34th Street NW, Washington, DC 20008
telephone: [1] (202) 337-3500
FAX: [1] (202) 337-5911
email address and website:
azerbaijan@azembassy.us
https://washington.mfa.gov.az/en
consulate(s) general: Los Angeles
Diplomatic representation from the US
chief of mission: Ambassador Mark LIBBY (since 18 January 2024)
embassy: 111 Azadlig Avenue, AZ1007 Baku
mailing address: 7050 Baku Place, Washington, DC 20521-7050
telephone: [994] (12) 488-3300
FAX: [994] (12) 488-3330
email address and website:
BakuACS@state.gov
https://az.usembassy.gov/
Flag description
three equal horizontal bands of sky blue (top), red, and green; a vertical crescent moon and an eight-pointed star in white are centered in the red band; the blue band recalls Azerbaijan's Turkic heritage, red stands for modernization and progress, and green refers to Islam; the crescent moon and star are a Turkic insignia; the eight star points represent the eight Turkic peoples of the world
National symbol(s)
flames of fire; national colors: blue, red, green
National anthem
name: "Azerbaijan Marsi" (March of Azerbaijan)
lyrics/music: Ahmed JAVAD/Uzeyir HAJIBEYOV
note: adopted 1992; although originally written in 1919 during a brief period of independence, "Azerbaijan Marsi" did not become the official anthem until after the dissolution of the Soviet Union
National heritage
total World Heritage Sites: 5 (4 cultural, 1 natural)
selected World Heritage Site locales: Walled City of Baku; Gobustan Rock Art Cultural Landscape; Historic Center of Sheki; Cultural Landscape of Khinalig People and "Koc Yolu" Transhumance Route
Economy
Economic overview
oil-based economy; macroeconomic instabilities due to demand shocks; recent state bailout of largest lender; potential economic gains from Nagorno-Karabakh conflict; negatively impacted by COVID-19; investing in human capital to diversify and retain younger generation
Real GDP (purchasing power parity)
$215.896 billion (2023 est.)
$213.497 billion (2022 est.)
$203.884 billion (2021 est.)
note: data in 2021 dollars
comparison ranking : 74
Real GDP growth rate
1.12% (2023 est.)
4.71% (2022 est.)
5.62% (2021 est.)
note: annual GDP % growth based on constant local currency
comparison ranking : 161
Real GDP per capita
$21,300 (2023 est.)
$21,100 (2022 est.)
$20,100 (2021 est.)
note: data in 2021 dollars
comparison ranking : 98
GDP (official exchange rate)
$72.356 billion (2023 est.)
note: data in current dollars at official exchange rate
Inflation rate (consumer prices)
8.79% (2023 est.)
13.85% (2022 est.)
6.65% (2021 est.)
note: annual % change based on consumer prices
comparison ranking : 163
Credit ratings
Fitch rating: BB+ (2016)
Moody's rating: Ba2 (2017)
Standard & Poors rating: BB+ (2016)
note: The year refers to the year in which the current credit rating was first obtained.
GDP - composition, by sector of origin
agriculture: 6.1% (2017 est.)
industry: 53.5% (2017 est.)
services: 40.4% (2017 est.)
comparison rankings : services 211; industry 7; agriculture 119
GDP - composition, by end use
household consumption: 57.6% (2017 est.)
government consumption: 11.5% (2017 est.)
investment in fixed capital: 23.6% (2017 est.)
investment in inventories: 0.5% (2017 est.)
exports of goods and services: 48.7% (2017 est.)
imports of goods and services: -42% (2017 est.)
Agricultural products
milk, wheat, potatoes, barley, tomatoes, watermelons, cotton, apples, onions, maize (2022)
note: top ten agricultural products based on tonnage
Industries
petroleum and petroleum products, natural gas, oilfield equipment; steel, iron ore; cement; chemicals and petrochemicals; textiles
Industrial production growth rate
1.34% (2023 est.)
note: annual % change in industrial value added based on constant local currency
comparison ranking : 132
Labor force
5.473 million (2023 est.)
note: number of people ages 15 or older who are employed or seeking work
comparison ranking : 78
Unemployment rate
5.64% (2023 est.)
5.65% (2022 est.)
6.04% (2021 est.)
note: % of labor force seeking employment
comparison ranking : 111
Youth unemployment rate (ages 15-24)
total: 13.5% (2023 est.)
male: 12% (2023 est.)
female: 15.3% (2023 est.)
note: % of labor force ages 15-24 seeking employment
comparison ranking : total 104
Population below poverty line
4.9% (2015 est.)
Average household expenditures
on food: 43.6% of household expenditures (2021 est.)
on alcohol and tobacco: 2% of household expenditures (2021 est.)
Remittances
3.87% of GDP (2023 est.)
5.01% of GDP (2022 est.)
2.78% of GDP (2021 est.)
note: personal transfers and compensation between resident and non-resident individuals/households/entities
Budget
revenues: $19.95 billion (2019 est.)
expenditures: $16.001 billion (2019 est.)
Public debt
16.82% of GDP (2021 est.)
note: central government debt as a % of GDP
comparison ranking : 192
Taxes and other revenues
13.42% (of GDP) (2021 est.)
note: central government tax revenue as a % of GDP
comparison ranking : 152
Current account balance
$8.329 billion (2023 est.)
$23.478 billion (2022 est.)
$8.203 billion (2021 est.)
note: balance of payments - net trade and primary/secondary income in current dollars
comparison ranking : 29
Exports
$35.487 billion (2023 est.)
$47.274 billion (2022 est.)
$25.494 billion (2021 est.)
note: balance of payments - exports of goods and services in current dollars
comparison ranking : 75
Exports - partners
Italy 47%, Turkey 9%, Israel 4%, India 4%, Greece 4% (2022)
note: top five export partners based on percentage share of exports
Exports - commodities
crude petroleum, natural gas, refined petroleum, fertilizers, aluminum (2022)
note: top five export commodities based on value in dollars
Imports
$25.016 billion (2023 est.)
$21.274 billion (2022 est.)
$16.432 billion (2021 est.)
note: balance of payments - imports of goods and services in current dollars
comparison ranking : 86
Imports - partners
Russia 17%, Turkey 17%, China 10%, UAE 5%, Georgia 5% (2022)
note: top five import partners based on percentage share of imports
Imports - commodities
cars, refined petroleum, crude petroleum, wheat, packaged medicine (2022)
note: top five import commodities based on value in dollars
Reserves of foreign exchange and gold
$13.749 billion (2023 est.)
$11.338 billion (2022 est.)
$8.29 billion (2021 est.)
note: holdings of gold (year-end prices)/foreign exchange/special drawing rights in current dollars
comparison ranking : 89
Debt - external
$17.41 billion (31 December 2017 est.)
$13.83 billion (31 December 2016 est.)
comparison ranking : 99
Exchange rates
Azerbaijani manats (AZN) per US dollar -
Exchange rates:
1.7 (2023 est.)
1.7 (2022 est.)
1.7 (2021 est.)
1.7 (2020 est.)
1.7 (2019 est.)
Communications
Telephones - fixed lines
total subscriptions: 1.641 million (2022 est.)
subscriptions per 100 inhabitants: 16 (2022 est.)
comparison ranking : total subscriptions 58
Telephones - mobile cellular
total subscriptions: 11.068 million (2022 est.)
subscriptions per 100 inhabitants: 107 (2022 est.)
comparison ranking : total subscriptions 89
Telecommunication systems
general assessment:
the telecom sector was one of the major contributors to Azerbaijanâs non-oil GDP, overall development, growth, and investment; mobile usage rates reached 100% as far back as 2011, but have largely stagnated since then; the Mobile Network Operators (MNOs) are slowly extending the reach of their long-term evolution (LTE) networks around the country, and this increased coverage (along with access to faster data-based services) is expected to produce a moderate resurgence for both mobile and mobile broadband over the next few years as customers migrate from 3G to 4G. 5G services are still some ways off, as the demand for high-speed data and fast broadband can easily be met by existing capacity on LTE networks; fixed-line tele density continues to drop down each year as customers consolidate their telecommunications services around the mobile platform; yet the rate of decline is comparatively slow to other countries, since Azerbaijan has a relatively high proportion of (87%) of fixed-line broadband customers still on DSL; Fiber (12% of fixed broadband connections) is gradually being rolled out in urban areas, and this makes up the bulk of the (limited) growth being seen in the overall fixed broadband market; DSLâs predominance, however, will serve to keep Azerbaijanâs average access speeds in the sub-10Mbps range for the foreseeable future
(2024)
domestic: 16 fixed-lines subscriptions per 100 persons; mobile-cellular subscriptions of 107 telephones per 100 persons (2022)
international: country code - 994; Azerbaijanâs largest mobile network operator (MNO)Â launched trial 5G mobile services in Baku on 27 December 2022 (2023)
Broadcast media
3 state-run and 1 public TV channels; 4 domestic commercial TV stations and about 15 regional TV stations; cable TV services are available in Baku; 1 state-run and 1 public radio network operating; a small number of private commercial radio stations broadcasting; local FM relays of Baku commercial stations are available in many localities; note - all broadcast media is pro-government, and most private broadcast media outlets are owned by entities directly linked to the government
Internet users
total: 8.6 million (2021 est.)
percent of population: 86% (2021 est.)
comparison ranking : total 68
Broadband - fixed subscriptions
total: 1,995,474 (2020 est.)
subscriptions per 100 inhabitants: 20 (2020 est.)
comparison ranking : total 58 | |||||||
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"Hayastan" redirects here. For other uses, see Armenia (disambiguation) and Hayastan (disambiguation).
Armenia ( ar-MEE-nee-ə),[14][a] officially the Republic of Armenia,[b] is a landlocked country in the Armenian Highlands of West Asia.[15][16] It is a part of the Caucasus region and is bordered by Turkey to the west, Georgia to the north and Azerbaijan to the east, and Iran and the Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhchivan to the south.[17] Yerevan is the capital, largest city and financial center.
Armenia is a unitary, multi-party, democratic nation-state with an ancient cultural heritage. The Armenian Highlands has been home to the Hayasa-Azzi, Shupria and Nairi. By at least 600 BC, an archaic form of Proto-Armenian, an Indo-European language, had diffused into the Armenian Highlands.[18][19] The first Armenian state of Urartu was established in 860 BC, and by the 6th century BC it was replaced by the Satrapy of Armenia. The Kingdom of Armenia reached its height under Tigranes the Great in the 1st century BC and in the year 301 became the first state in the world to adopt Christianity as its official religion.[20][21][22][c] Armenia still recognises the Armenian Apostolic Church, the world's oldest national church, as the country's primary religious establishment.[23][d] The ancient Armenian kingdom was split between the Byzantine and Sasanian Empires around the early 5th century. Under the Bagratuni dynasty, the Bagratid Kingdom of Armenia was restored in the 9th century before falling in 1045. Cilician Armenia, an Armenian principality and later a kingdom, was located on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea between the 11th and 14th centuries.
Between the 16th and 19th centuries, the traditional Armenian homeland composed of Eastern Armenia and Western Armenia came under the rule of the Ottoman and Persian empires, repeatedly ruled by either of the two over the centuries. By the 19th century, Eastern Armenia had been conquered by the Russian Empire, while most of the western parts of the traditional Armenian homeland remained under Ottoman rule. During World War I, up to 1.5 million Armenians living in their ancestral lands in the Ottoman Empire were systematically exterminated in the Armenian genocide. In 1918, following the Russian Revolution, all non-Russian countries declared their independence after the Russian Empire ceased to exist, leading to the establishment of the First Republic of Armenia. By 1920, the state was incorporated into the Soviet Union as the Armenian SSR. The modern Republic of Armenia became independent in 1991 during the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
Armenia is a developing country and ranks 85th on the Human Development Index (2021).[13] Its economy is primarily based on industrial output and mineral extraction. While Armenia is geographically located in the South Caucasus, it is generally considered geopolitically European. Since Armenia aligns itself in many respects geopolitically with Europe, the country is a member of numerous European organizations including the Organization for Security and Co-Operation in Europe, the Council of Europe, the Eastern Partnership, Eurocontrol, the Assembly of European Regions, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Armenia is also a member of certain regional groups throughout Eurasia, including the Asian Development Bank, the Collective Security Treaty Organization,[e] the Eurasian Economic Union, and the Eurasian Development Bank. Armenia supported the once de facto independent Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), which was proclaimed in 1991 on territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, until the republic's dissolution in September 2023.
Etymology
Main article: Name of Armenia
The original native Armenian name for the country was Հայք (Hayk’); however, it is currently rarely used. The contemporary name Հայաստան (Hayastan) became popular in the Middle Ages by addition of the Persian suffix -stan (place).[24] However the origins of the name Hayastan trace back to much earlier dates and were first attested in c. 5th century in the works of Agathangelos,[25][26] Faustus of Byzantium,[27][28] Ghazar Parpetsi,[29] Koryun,[30] and Sebeos.[31]
The name has traditionally been derived from Hayk (Հայկ), the legendary patriarch of the Armenians and a great-great-grandson of Noah, who, according to the 5th-century AD author Moses of Chorene (Movsis Khorenatsi), defeated the Babylonian king Bel in 2492 BC and established his nation in the Ararat region.[32] The further origin of the name is uncertain. It is also further postulated[33][34] that the name Hay comes from one of the two confederated, Hittite vassal states – the Ḫayaša-Azzi (1600–1200 BC).
The exonym Armenia is attested in the Old Persian Behistun Inscription (515 BC) as Armina (𐎠𐎼𐎷𐎡𐎴). The Ancient Greek terms Ἀρμενία (Armenía) and Ἀρμένιοι (Arménioi, "Armenians") are first mentioned by Hecataeus of Miletus (c. 550 BC – c. 476 BC).[35] Xenophon, a Greek general serving in some of the Persian expeditions, describes many aspects of Armenian village life and hospitality in around 401 BC.[36]
Some scholars have linked the name Armenia with the Early Bronze Age state of Armani (Armanum, Armi) or the Late Bronze Age state of Arme (Shupria).[37] These connections are inconclusive as it is not known what languages were spoken in these kingdoms. Additionally, while it is agreed that Arme was located to the immediate west of Lake Van (probably in the vicinity of Sason, and therefore in the greater Armenia region), the location of the older site of Armani is a matter of debate. Some modern researchers have placed it near modern Samsat,[38] and have suggested it was populated, at least partially, by an early Indo-European-speaking people.[39] It is possible that the name Armenia originates in Armini, Urartian for "inhabitant of Arme" or "Armean country".[40] The Arme tribe of Urartian texts may have been the Urumu, who in the 12th century BC attempted to invade Assyria from the north with their allies the Mushki and the Kaskians. The Urumu apparently settled in the vicinity of Sason, lending their name to the regions of Arme and the nearby lands of Urme and Inner Urumu.[41] Given that this was an exonym, it may have meant "wasteland, dense forest", cf. armutu (wasteland), armaḫḫu (thicket, thick woods), armāniš (tree). The southerners considered the northern forests to be the abode of dangerous beasts.
According to the histories of both Moses of Chorene and Michael Chamchian, Armenia derives from the name of Aram, a lineal descendant of Hayk.[42][43] In the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, the Table of Nations lists Aram as the son of Shem, to whom the Book of Jubilees attests,
And for Aram there came forth the fourth portion, all the land of Mesopotamia between the Tigris and the Euphrates to the north of the Chaldees to the border of the mountains of Asshur and the land of 'Arara'.[44][45]
Jubilees 8:21 also apportions the Mountains of Ararat to Shem, which Jubilees 9:5 expounds to be apportioned to Aram.[44][45]
The historian Flavius Josephus also states in his Antiquities of the Jews,
Aram had the Aramites, which the Greeks called Syrians;... Of the four sons of Aram, Uz founded Trachonitis and Damascus: this country lies between Palestine and Celesyria. Ul founded Armenia; and Gather the Bactrians; and Mesa the Mesaneans; it is now called Charax Spasini.[46]
History
Main article: History of Armenia
Prehistoric
The first human traces are supported by the presence of Acheulean tools, generally close to the obsidian outcrops more than 1 million years ago.[47]
The most recent and important excavation is at the Nor Geghi 1 Stone Age site in the Hrazdan river valley.[48] Thousands of 325,000 year-old artifacts may indicate that this stage of human technological innovation occurred intermittently throughout the Old World, rather than spreading from a single point of origin (usually hypothesized to be Africa), as was previously thought.[49]
Many early Bronze Age settlements were built in Armenia (Valley of Ararat, Shengavit, Harich, Karaz, Amiranisgora, Margahovit, Garni, etc.). One of the important sites of the Early Bronze Age is Shengavit Settlement,[50] It was located on the site of today's capital of Armenia, Yerevan.
Antiquity
Armenia lies in the highlands surrounding the mountains of Ararat. There is evidence of an early civilisation in Armenia in the Bronze Age and earlier, dating to about 4000 BC. Archaeological surveys in 2010 and 2011 at the Areni-1 cave complex have resulted in the discovery of the world's earliest known leather shoe,[51] skirt,[52] and wine-producing facility.[53]
Several Bronze Age cultures and states flourished in the area of Greater Armenia, including the Trialeti-Vanadzor culture, Hayasa-Azzi, and Mitanni (located in southwestern historical Armenia), all of which are believed to have had Indo-European populations.[54][55][56][57][58][59] The Nairi confederation and its successor, Urartu, successively established their sovereignty over the Armenian Highlands. Each of the aforementioned nations and confederacies participated in the ethnogenesis of the Armenians.[60][61][62][63] A large cuneiform lapidary inscription found in Yerevan established that the modern capital of Armenia was founded in the summer of 782 BC by King Argishti I. Yerevan is one of the world's oldest continuously inhabited cities.[64]
After the fall of the state of Urartu at the beginning of the 6th century BC, the Armenian Highlands were for some time under the hegemony of the Medes, and after that they were part of the Achaemenid Empire. Armenia was part of the Achaemenid state from the second half of the 6th century BC until the second half of the 4th century BC divided into two satrapies - XIII (western part, with the capital in Melitene) and XVIII (northeastern part).[65]
During the late 6th century BC, the first geographical entity that was called Armenia by neighbouring populations was established under the Orontid Dynasty within the Achaemenid Empire, as part of the latter's territories.[66]
The kingdom became fully sovereign from the sphere of influence of the Seleucid Empire in 190 BC under King Artaxias I and begun the rule of the Artaxiad dynasty. Armenia reached its height between 95 and 66 BC under Tigranes the Great, becoming the most powerful kingdom of its time east of the Roman Republic.[67] In the next centuries, Armenia was in the Persian Empire's sphere of influence during the reign of Tiridates I, the founder of the Arsacid dynasty of Armenia, which itself was a branch of the Parthian Empire. Throughout its history, the kingdom of Armenia enjoyed both periods of independence and periods of autonomy subject to contemporary empires. Its strategic location between two continents has subjected it to invasions by many peoples, including Assyria (under Ashurbanipal, at around 669–627 BC, the boundaries of Assyria reached as far as Armenia and the Caucasus Mountains),[68] Medes, Achaemenid Empire, Greeks, Parthians, Romans, Sasanian Empire, Byzantine Empire, Arabs, Seljuk Empire, Mongols, Ottoman Empire, the successive Safavid, Afsharid, and Qajar dynasties of Iran, and the Russians.
Religion in ancient Armenia was historically related to a set of beliefs that, in Persia, led to the emergence of Zoroastrianism. It particularly focused on the worship of Mithra and also included a pantheon of gods such as Aramazd, Vahagn, Anahit, and Astghik. The country used the solar Armenian calendar, which consisted of 12 months.[70]
Christianity spread into the country in the early 4th century AD.[71] Tiridates III of Armenia (238–314) made Christianity the state religion in 301,[71][72] partly, in defiance of the Sasanian Empire, it seems,[73] becoming the first officially Christian state, ten years before the Roman Empire granted Christianity an official toleration under Galerius, and 36 years before Constantine the Great was baptised. Prior to this, during the latter part of the Parthian period, Armenia was a predominantly Zoroastrian country.[73]
After the fall of the Kingdom of Armenia in 428, most of Armenia was incorporated as a marzpanate within the Sasanian Empire.[74] Following the Battle of Avarayr in 451, Christian Armenians maintained their religion and Armenia gained autonomy.[75]
Middle Ages
Main article: Medieval Armenia
The Sassanid Empire was conquered by the Rashidun Caliphate in the mid 7th century, reuniting Armenian lands previously taken by the Byzantine Empire, and Armenia subsequently emerged as Arminiya, an autonomous principality under the Umayyad Caliphate. The principality was ruled by the Prince of Armenia, and recognised by the Caliph and the Byzantine Emperor. It was part of the administrative division/emirate Arminiya created by the Arabs, which also included parts of Georgia and Caucasian Albania, and had its centre in the Armenian city, Dvin. Arminiya lasted until 884, when it regained its independence from the weakened Abbasid Caliphate under Ashot I of Armenia.
The reemergent Armenian kingdom was ruled by the Bagratuni dynasty and lasted until 1045. In time, several areas of the Bagratid Armenia separated as independent kingdoms and principalities such as the Kingdom of Vaspurakan ruled by the House of Artsruni in the south, Kingdom of Syunik in the east, or Kingdom of Artsakh on the territory of modern Nagorno-Karabakh, while still recognising the supremacy of the Bagratid kings.[80]
In 1045, the Byzantine Empire conquered Bagratid Armenia. Soon, the other Armenian states fell under Byzantine control as well. The Byzantine rule was short-lived, as in 1071 the Seljuk Empire defeated the Byzantines and conquered Armenia at the Battle of Manzikert, establishing the Seljuk Empire.[81] To escape death or servitude at the hands of those who had assassinated his relative, Gagik II of Armenia, King of Ani, an Armenian named Ruben I, Prince of Armenia, went with some of his countrymen into the gorges of the Taurus Mountains and then into Tarsus of Cilicia. The Byzantine governor of the palace gave them shelter where the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia was eventually established on 6 January 1198 under Leo I, King of Armenia, a descendant of Prince Ruben.[82]
Cilicia was a strong ally of the European Crusaders, and saw itself as a bastion of Christendom in the East. Cilicia's significance in Armenian history and statehood is also attested by the transfer of the seat of the Catholicos of the Armenian Apostolic Church, the spiritual leader of the Armenian people, to the region.[83]
The Seljuk Empire soon started to collapse. In the early 12th century, Armenian princes of the Zakarid family drove out the Seljuk Turks and established a semi-independent principality in northern and eastern Armenia known as Zakarid Armenia, which lasted under the patronage of the Georgian Kingdom. The Orbelian Dynasty shared control with the Zakarids in various parts of the country, especially in Syunik and Vayots Dzor, while the House of Hasan-Jalalyan controlled provinces of Artsakh and Utik as the Kingdom of Artsakh.[84]
Early Modern era
During the 1230s, the Mongol Empire conquered Zakarid Armenia and then the remainder of Armenia. The Mongolian invasions were soon followed by those of other Central Asian tribes, such as the Kara Koyunlu, Timurid dynasty and Ağ Qoyunlu, which continued from the 13th century until the 15th century. After incessant invasions, each bringing destruction to the country, with time Armenia became weakened.[85]
In the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire and the Safavid dynasty of Iran divided Armenia. From the early 16th century, both Western Armenia and Eastern Armenia fell to the Safavid Empire.[86][87] Owing to the century long Turco-Iranian geopolitical rivalry that would last in West Asia, significant parts of the region were frequently fought over between the two rivalling empires during the Ottoman–Persian Wars. From the mid 16th century with the Peace of Amasya, and decisively from the first half of the 17th century with the Treaty of Zuhab until the first half of the 19th century,[88] Eastern Armenia was ruled by the successive Safavid, Afsharid and Qajar empires, while Western Armenia remained under Ottoman rule.
From 1604, Abbas I of Iran implemented a "scorched earth" policy in the region to protect his north-western frontier against any invading Ottoman forces, a policy that involved a forced resettlement of masses of Armenians outside of their homelands.[89]
In the 1813 Treaty of Gulistan and the 1828 Treaty of Turkmenchay, following the Russo-Persian War (1804–13) and the Russo-Persian War (1826–28), respectively, the Qajar dynasty of Iran was forced to irrevocably cede Eastern Armenia, consisting of the Erivan and Karabakh Khanates, to Imperial Russia.[90][91] This period is known as Russian Armenia.
While Western Armenia still remained under Ottoman rule, the Armenians were granted considerable autonomy within their own enclaves and lived in relative harmony with other groups in the empire (including the ruling Turks). However, as Christians under a strict Muslim social structure, Armenians faced pervasive discrimination. In response to 1894 Sasun rebellion, Sultan Abdul Hamid II organised state-sponsored massacres against the Armenians between 1894 and 1896, resulting in an estimated death toll of 80,000 to 300,000 people. The Hamidian massacres, as they came to be known, gave Hamid international infamy as the "Red Sultan" or "Bloody Sultan".[92]
During the 1890s, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, commonly known as Dashnaktsutyun, became active within the Ottoman Empire with the aim of unifying the various small groups in the empire that were advocating for reform and defending Armenian villages from massacres that were widespread in some of the Armenian-populated areas of the empire. Dashnaktsutyun members also formed Armenian fedayi groups that defended Armenian civilians through armed resistance. The Dashnaks also worked for the wider goal of creating a "free, independent and unified" Armenia, although they sometimes set aside this goal in favour of a more realistic approach, such as advocating autonomy.
The Ottoman Empire began to collapse, and in 1908, the Young Turk Revolution overthrew the government of Sultan Hamid. In April 1909, the Adana massacre occurred in the Adana Vilayet of the Ottoman Empire resulting in the deaths of as many as 20,000–30,000 Armenians. The Armenians living in the empire hoped that the Committee of Union and Progress would change their second-class status. The Armenian reform package (1914) was presented as a solution by appointing an inspector general over Armenian issues.[93]
World War I and the Armenian genocide
Main article: Armenian genocide
The outbreak of World War I led to confrontation between the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire in the Caucasus and Persian campaigns. The new government in Istanbul began to look on the Armenians with distrust and suspicion because the Imperial Russian Army contained a contingent of Armenian volunteers. On 24 April 1915, Armenian intellectuals were arrested by Ottoman authorities and, with the Tehcir Law (29 May 1915), eventually a large proportion of Armenians living in Anatolia perished in what has become known as the Armenian genocide.[94][95]
The genocide was implemented in two phases: the wholesale killing of the able-bodied male population through massacre and subjection of army conscripts to forced labour, followed by the deportation of women, children, the elderly and infirm on death marches leading to the Syrian desert. Driven forward by military escorts, the deportees were deprived of food and water and subjected to periodic robbery, rape, and massacre.[96][97] There was local Armenian resistance in the region, developed against the activities of the Ottoman Empire. The events of 1915 to 1917 are regarded by Armenians and the vast majority of Western historians to have been state-sponsored mass killings, or genocide.[98]
Turkish authorities deny the genocide took place to this day. The Armenian Genocide is acknowledged to have been one of the first modern genocides.[99][100] According to the research conducted by Arnold J. Toynbee, an estimated 600,000 Armenians died during deportation from 1915 to 1916. This figure, however, accounts for solely the first year of the Genocide and does not take into account those who died or were killed after the report was compiled on 24 May 1916.[101] The International Association of Genocide Scholars places the death toll at "more than a million".[102] The total number of people killed has been most widely estimated at between 1 and 1.5 million.[103]
Armenia and the Armenian diaspora have been campaigning for official recognition of the events as genocide for over 30 years. These events are traditionally commemorated yearly on 24 April, the Armenian Martyr Day, or the Day of the Armenian genocide.[104]
First Republic of Armenia
Main article: First Republic of Armenia
Although the Russian Caucasus Army of Imperial forces commanded by Nikolai Yudenich and Armenians in volunteer units and Armenian militia led by Andranik Ozanian and Tovmas Nazarbekian succeeded in gaining most of Western Armenia during World War I, their gains were lost with the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917.[106] At the time, Russian-controlled Eastern Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan attempted to bond together in the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic. This federation, however, lasted from only February to May 1918, when all three parties decided to dissolve it. As a result, the Dashnaktsutyun government of Eastern Armenia declared its independence on 28 May as the First Republic of Armenia under the leadership of Aram Manukian.[107]
The First Republic's short-lived independence was fraught with war, territorial disputes, large-scale rebellions, and a mass influx of refugees from Western Armenia, bringing with them disease and starvation. The Entente Powers sought to help the newly founded Armenian state through relief funds and other forms of support.[108]
At the end of the war, the victorious powers sought to divide up the Ottoman Empire. Signed between the Allied and Associated Powers and Ottoman Empire at Sèvres on 10 August 1920, the Treaty of Sèvres promised to maintain the existence of the Armenian republic and to attach the former territories of Western Armenia to it.[109] Because the new borders of Armenia were to be drawn by United States President Woodrow Wilson, Western Armenia was also referred to as "Wilsonian Armenia". In addition, just days prior, on 5 August 1920, Mihran Damadian of the Armenian National Union, the de facto Armenian administration in Cilicia, declared the independence of Cilicia as an Armenian autonomous republic under French protectorate.[110]
There was even consideration of making Armenia a mandate under the protection of the United States. The treaty, however, was rejected by the Turkish National Movement, and never came into effect.[111] The movement used the treaty as the occasion to declare itself the rightful government of Turkey, replacing the monarchy based in Istanbul with a republic based in Ankara.
In 1920, Turkish nationalist forces invaded the fledgling Armenian republic from the east. Turkish forces under the command of Kazım Karabekir captured Armenian territories that Russia had annexed in the aftermath of the 1877–1878 Russo-Turkish War and occupied the old city of Alexandropol (present-day Gyumri). The violent conflict finally concluded with the Treaty of Alexandropol on 2 December 1920. The treaty forced Armenia to disarm most of its military forces, cede all former Ottoman territory granted to it by the Treaty of Sèvres, and to give up all the "Wilsonian Armenia" granted to it at the Sèvres treaty. Simultaneously, the Soviet Eleventh Army, under the command of Grigoriy Ordzhonikidze, invaded Armenia at Karavansarai (present-day Ijevan) on 29 November. By 4 December, Ordzhonikidze's forces entered Yerevan and the short-lived Armenian republic collapsed.[112]
After the fall of the republic, the February Uprising soon took place in 1921, and led to the establishment of the Republic of Mountainous Armenia by Armenian forces under command of Garegin Nzhdeh on 26 April, which fought off both Soviet and Turkish intrusions in the Zangezur region of southern Armenia. After Soviet agreements to include the Syunik Province in Armenia's borders, the rebellion ended and the Red Army took control of the region on 13 July.
Armenian SSR
Main article: Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic
1922 to World War II
Armenia was annexed by the Red Army and along with Georgia and Azerbaijan, was incorporated into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as part of the Transcaucasian SFSR (TSFSR) on 4 March 1922.[113][114] With this annexation, the Treaty of Alexandropol was superseded by the Turkish-Soviet Treaty of Kars. In the agreement, Turkey allowed the Soviet Union to assume control over Adjara with the port city of Batumi in return for sovereignty over the cities of Kars, Ardahan, and Iğdır, all of which were part of Russian Armenia.[113][114]
The TSFSR existed from 1922 to 1936, when it was divided up into three separate entities (Armenian SSR, Azerbaijan SSR, and Georgian SSR). Armenians enjoyed a period of relative stability within USSR in contrast to the turbulent final years of the Ottoman Empire. The situation was difficult for the church, which struggled with secular policies of USSR. After the death of Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, the general secretary of the Communist Party, gradually established himself as the dictator of the USSR. Stalin's reign was characterized by mass repressions, that cost millions of lives all over the USSR.[citation needed]
World War II and post-Stalinist period
Armenia was not the scene of any battles in World War II. An estimated 500,000 Armenians (nearly a third of the population) served in the Red Army during the war, and 175,000 died.[115] A total of 117 citizens of Armenia including 10 non ethnic Armenians were awarded Hero of the Soviet Union. Six special military divisions were formed in Soviet Armenia in 1941–42, partly because so many draftees from the republic could not understand Russian. Five of them, the 89th, 409th, 408th, 390th, and 76th Divisions, would have a distinguished war record, while the sixth was ordered to stay in Armenia to guard the republic's western borders against a possible incursion by neighboring Turkey. The 89th Tamanyan Division, composed of ethnic Armenians, fought in the Battle of Berlin and entered Berlin.
It is claimed[by whom?] that the freedom index in the region had seen an improvement after the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953 and the emergence of Nikita Khrushchev as the new general secretary of the CPSU. Soon, life in Armenia's SSR began to see rapid improvement. The church, which was limited during the secretaryship of Stalin, was revived when Catholicos Vazgen I assumed the duties of his office in 1955. In 1967, a memorial to the victims of the Armenian genocide was built at the Tsitsernakaberd hill above the Hrazdan gorge in Yerevan. This occurred after mass demonstrations took place on the tragic event's fiftieth anniversary in 1965.
Gorbachev era
During the Gorbachev era of the 1980s, with the reforms of Glasnost and Perestroika, Armenians began to demand better environmental care for their country, opposing the pollution that Soviet-built factories brought. Tensions also developed between Soviet Azerbaijan and its autonomous district of Nagorno-Karabakh, a majority-Armenian region. About 484,000 Armenians lived in Azerbaijan in 1970.[116] The Armenians of Karabakh demanded unification with Soviet Armenia. Peaceful protests in Armenia supporting the Karabakh Armenians were met with anti-Armenian pogroms in Azerbaijan, such as the one in Sumgait, which was followed by anti-Azerbaijani violence in Armenia.[117] Compounding Armenia's problems was a devastating earthquake in 1988 with a moment magnitude of 7.2.[118]
Gorbachev's inability to alleviate any of Armenia's problems created disillusionment among the Armenians and fed a growing hunger for independence. In May 1990, the New Armenian Army (NAA) was established, serving as a defence force separate from the Soviet Red Army. Clashes soon broke out between the NAA and Soviet Internal Security Forces (MVD) troops based in Yerevan when Armenians decided to commemorate the establishment of the 1918 First Republic of Armenia. The violence resulted in the deaths of five Armenians killed in a shootout with the MVD at the railway station. Witnesses there claimed that the MVD used excessive force and that they had instigated the fighting.[citation needed]
Further firefights between Armenian militiamen and Soviet troops occurred in Sovetashen, near the capital and resulted in the deaths of over 26 people, mostly Armenians. The pogrom of Armenians in Baku in January 1990 forced almost all of the 200,000 Armenians in the Azerbaijani capital Baku to flee to Armenia.[119] On 23 August 1990, Armenia declared its sovereignty on its territory. On 17 March 1991, Armenia, along with the Baltic states, Georgia and Moldova, boycotted a nationwide referendum in which 78% of all voters voted for the retention of the Soviet Union in a reformed form.[120]
Restoration of independence
On 21 September 1991, Armenia officially declared its statehood after the failed August coup in Moscow, RSFSR. Levon Ter-Petrosyan was popularly elected the first President of the newly independent Republic of Armenia on 16 October 1991. He had risen to prominence by leading the Karabakh movement for the unification of the Armenian-populated Nagorno-Karabakh.[121] On 26 December 1991, the Soviet Union ceased to exist and Armenia's independence was recognised.
Ter-Petrosyan led Armenia alongside Defense Minister Vazgen Sargsyan through the First Nagorno-Karabakh War with neighbouring Azerbaijan. The initial post-Soviet years were marred by economic difficulties, which had their roots early in the Karabakh conflict when the Azerbaijani Popular Front managed to pressure the Azerbaijan SSR to instigate a railway and air blockade against Armenia. This move effectively debilitated Armenia's economy as 85% of its cargo and goods arrived through rail traffic.[121] In 1993, Turkey joined the blockade against Armenia in support of Azerbaijan.[122]
The Karabakh war ended after a Russian-brokered ceasefire was put in place in 1994. The war was a success for the Karabakh Armenian forces who managed to capture 16% of Azerbaijan's internationally recognised territory including almost all of the Nagorno-Karabakh itself.[123] The Armenian backed forces remained in control of practically all of that territory until 2020. The economies of both Armenia and Azerbaijan have been hurt in the absence of a complete resolution and Armenia's borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan remain closed. By the time both Azerbaijan and Armenia had finally agreed to a ceasefire in 1994, an estimated 30,000 people had been killed and over a million had been displaced.[124] Several thousand were killed in the later 2020 Karabakh war.
21st century
In the 21st century, Armenia faces many hardships. It has made a full switch to a market economy. One study ranks it the 50th most "economically free" nation in the world, as of 2023 .[125] Its relations with Europe, the Arab League, and the Commonwealth of Independent States have allowed Armenia to increase trade.[126][127] Gas, oil, and other supplies come through two vital routes: Iran and Georgia. As of 2016 , Armenia maintained cordial relations with both countries.[128][needs update]
The 2018 Armenian Revolution was a series of anti-government protests in Armenia from April to May 2018 staged by various political and civil groups led by a member of the Armenian parliament — Nikol Pashinyan (head of the Civil Contract party). Protests and marches took place initially in response to Serzh Sargsyan's third consecutive term as President of Armenia and later against the Republican Party controlled government in general. Pashinyan declared the movement, which led to Sargsyan's resignation, a "velvet revolution".[129]
In March 2018, the Armenian parliament elected Armen Sarkissian as the new President of Armenia. The controversial constitutional reform to reduce presidential power was implemented, while the authority of the prime minister was strengthened.[130] In May 2018, parliament elected opposition leader Nikol Pashinyan as the new prime minister. His predecessor Serzh Sargsyan resigned two weeks earlier following widespread anti-government demonstrations.[131]
On 27 September 2020, a full-scale war erupted due to the unresolved Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.[132] Both the armed forces of Armenia and Azerbaijan reported military and civilian casualties.[133] The Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement to end the six-week war between Armenia and Azerbaijan was seen by many as Armenia's defeat and capitulation.[134] The year-long March of Dignity protests forced early elections.
On 20 June 2021, Pashinyan's Civil Contract party won an early parliamentary election. Acting Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan was officially appointed to the post of prime minister by Armenia's President Armen Sarkissian.[135] In January 2022, Armenian President Armen Sarkissian resigned from office, stating that the constitution no longer gives the president sufficient powers or influence.[136] On 3 March 2022, Vahagn Khachaturyan was elected as the fifth president of Armenia in the second round of parliamentary vote.[137] The next month yet more protests broke out.[138]
2023 Azerbaijani offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh
See also: Flight of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians
Between 19 and 20 September 2023, Azerbaijan launched a large-scale military offensive against the self-declared breakaway state of Artsakh, a move seen by the European Parliament as a violation of the 2020 ceasefire agreement.[139][140] The offensive took place in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, which is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, but populated by Armenians.[141][142] The attacks occurred in the midst of an escalating crisis caused by Azerbaijan blockading Artsakh, which resulted in significant scarcities of essential supplies such as food, medicine, and other goods in the affected region.[143]
One day after the offensive started, on 20 September, a ceasefire agreement was reached at the mediation of the Russian peacekeeping command in Nagorno-Karabakh.[144] Azerbaijan held a meeting with representatives of the Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians on 21 September in Yevlakh, to be followed by another meeting in October.[145][146] Ceasefire violations by Azerbaijan were nonetheless reported by both Artsakhi residents and officials.[147][148]
Human rights organizations and experts in genocide prevention issued multiple alerts, stating that the region's Armenian population was at risk or actively being subjected to ethnic cleansing and genocide. Luis Moreno Ocampo, a former prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, warned that another Armenian genocide could take place, and attributed the inaction of the international community to encouraging Azerbaijan that it would face no serious consequences.[149]
Geography
Main article: Geography of Armenia
Armenia is a landlocked country in the geopolitical Transcaucasus (South Caucasus) region, that is located in the Southern Caucasus Mountains and their lowlands between the Black Sea and Caspian Sea, and northeast of the Armenian Highlands. Located in West Asia,[150][15] on the Armenian Highlands, it is bordered by Turkey to the west, Georgia to the north, the Lachin corridor which is a part of Lachin District that is under the control of a Russian peacekeeping force and Azerbaijan proper to the east, and Iran and Azerbaijan's exclave of Nakhchivan to the south.[17] Armenia lies between latitudes 38° and 42° N, and meridians 43° and 47° E. It contains two terrestrial ecoregions: Caucasus mixed forests and Eastern Anatolian montane steppe.[151]
Topography
Armenia has a territorial area of 29,743 square kilometres (11,484 sq mi). The terrain is mostly mountainous, with fast flowing rivers, and few forests. The land rises to 4,090 metres (13,419 feet) above sea level at Mount Aragats, and no point is below 390 metres (1,280 ft) above sea level.[152] Average elevation of the country area is tenth highest in the world and it has 85.9% mountain area, more than Switzerland or Nepal.[153]
Mount Ararat, which was historically part of Armenia, is the highest mountain in the region at 5,137 meters (16,854 feet). Now located in Turkey, but clearly visible from Armenia, it is regarded by the Armenians as a symbol of their land. Because of this, the mountain is present on the Armenian national emblem today.[154][155][156]
Climate
Main article: Climate of Armenia
The climate in Armenia is markedly highland continental. Summers are hot, dry and sunny, lasting from June to mid-September. The temperature fluctuates between 22 and 36 °C (72 and 97 °F). However, the low humidity level mitigates the effect of high temperatures. Evening breezes blowing down the mountains provide a welcome refreshing and cooling effect. Springs are short, while autumns are long. Autumns are known for their vibrant and colourful foliage.
Winters are quite cold with plenty of snow, with temperatures ranging between −10 and −5 °C (14 and 23 °F). Winter sports enthusiasts enjoy skiing down the hills of Tsaghkadzor, located thirty minutes outside Yerevan. Lake Sevan, nestled up in the Armenian highlands, is the second largest lake in the world relative to its altitude, at 1,900 metres (6,234 ft) above sea level.
Environment
Armenia ranked 63rd out of 180 countries on Environmental Performance Index (EPI) in 2018. Its rank on subindex Environmental Health (which is weighted at 40% in EPI) is 109, while Armenia's rank on subindex of Ecosystem Vitality (weighted at 60% in EPI) is 27th best in the world.[158] This suggests that main environmental issues in Armenia are with population health, while environment vitality is of lesser concern. Out of sub-subindices contributing to Environmental Health subindex ranking on Air Quality to which population is exposed is particularly unsatisfying.
Waste management in Armenia is underdeveloped, as no waste sorting or recycling takes place at Armenia's 60 landfills. A waste processing plant is scheduled for construction near Hrazdan city, which will allow for closure of 10 waste dumps.[159]
Despite the availability of abundant renewable energy sources in Armenia (especially hydroelectric and wind power) and calls from EU officials to shut down the nuclear power plant at Metsamor,[160] the Armenian Government is exploring the possibilities of installing new small modular nuclear reactors. In 2018 existing nuclear plant is scheduled for modernization to enhance its safety and increase power production by about 10%.[161][162]
Government and politics
Main articles: Government of Armenia and Politics of Armenia
Armenia is a representative parliamentary democratic republic. The Armenian constitution adhered to the model of a semi-presidential republic until April 2018.
According to the current Constitution of Armenia, the President is the head of state holding largely representational functions, while the Prime Minister is the head of government and exercises executive power.
Since 1995 Legislative power is vested in the Azgayin Zhoghov or National Assembly, which is a unicameral parliament consisting of 105 members.[163]
The Fragile States Index since its first report in 2006 until most recent in 2019, consistently ranked Armenia better than all its neighboring countries (with one exception in 2011).[164]
Armenia has universal suffrage above the age of eighteen.[165][166]
Foreign relations
Main article: Foreign relations of Armenia
Armenia became a member of the United Nations on 2 March 1992, and is a signatory to a number of its organizations and other international agreements. Armenia is also a member of international organisations such as the Council of Europe, the Asian Development Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the European Political Community, the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, the World Customs Organization, the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation and La Francophonie. It is a member of the CSTO military alliance, and also participates in NATO's Partnership for Peace program and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. In 2004, its forces joined KFOR, a NATO-led international force in Kosovo. Armenia is also an observer member of the Arab League,[167] the Organization of American States, the Pacific Alliance, the Non-Aligned Movement, and a dialogue partner in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. As a result of its historical ties to France, Armenia was selected to host the biennial Francophonie summit in 2018.[168]
Armenia has a difficult relation with neighbouring countries Azerbaijan and Turkey. Tensions were running high between Armenians and Azerbaijanis during the final years of the Soviet Union. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict dominated the region's politics throughout the 1990s.[169] To this day, Armenia's borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan are under severe blockade. In addition, a permanent solution for the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has not been reached despite the mediation provided by organizations such as the OSCE.
Turkey also has a long history of poor relations with Armenia over its refusal to acknowledge the Armenian genocide, even though it was one of the first countries to recognize the Republic of Armenia (the third republic) after its independence from the USSR in 1991. Despite this, for most of the 20th century and early 21st century, relations remain tense and there are no formal diplomatic relations between the two countries due to Turkey's refusal to establish them for numerous reasons. During the first Nagorno-Karabakh War, and citing it as the reason, Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993. It has not lifted its blockade despite pressure from the powerful Turkish business lobby interested in Armenian markets.[169]
On 10 October 2009, Armenia and Turkey signed protocols on the normalisation of relations, which set a timetable for restoring diplomatic ties and reopening their joint border.[170] The ratification of those had to be made in the national parliaments. In Armenia, before sending the protocols to the parliament, it was sent to the Constitutional Court to have their constitutionality to be approved. The Constitutional Court made references to the preamble of the protocols underlying three main issues.[171] One of them stated that the implementation of the protocols did not imply Armenia's official recognition of the existing Turkish-Armenian border established by the Treaty of Kars. By doing so, the Constitutional Court rejected one of the main premises of the protocols, i.e. "the mutual recognition of the existing border between the two countries as defined by relevant treaties of international law".[171][172] This was for the Turkish Government the reason to back down from the Protocols.[173] The Armenian President had made multiple public announcements, both in Armenia and abroad, that, as the leader of the political majority of Armenia, he assured the parliamentary ratification of the protocols if Turkey also ratified them. Despite this, the process stopped, as Turkey continuously added more preconditions to its ratification and also "delayed it beyond any reasonable time-period".[citation needed]
Due to its position between two hostile neighbours, Armenia has close security ties with Russia. At the request of the Armenian government, Russia maintains a military base in the city of Gyumri located in Northwestern Armenia[174] as a deterrent against Turkey.[citation needed] Despite this, Armenia has also been looking toward Euro-Atlantic structures in recent years. Armenia maintains positive relations with the United States, which is home to the second largest Armenian diaspora community in the world. According to the US Census Bureau, there are 427,822 Armenian Americans in the country.[175]
Because of the illicit border blockades by Azerbaijan and Turkey, Armenia continues to maintain solid relations with its southern neighbour Iran, especially in the economic sector. Economic projects are being developed between the two nations, including a gas pipeline going from Iran to Armenia.
Armenia is a member of the Council of Europe and maintains close relations with the European Union; especially with its member states France and Greece. In January 2002, the European Parliament noted that Armenia may enter the EU in the future.[176] A 2005 survey reported that 64% of Armenians favored joining the EU,[177] a move multiple Armenian officials have voiced support for.[178]
A former republic of the Soviet Union and an emerging democracy, Armenia was negotiating to become an associate EU partner and had completed negotiations to sign an Association Agreement with a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area with the EU in 2013. However, the government opted not to finalize the agreement, and instead joined the Eurasian Economic Union.[179][180][181] Despite this, Armenia and the EU finalized the Armenia-EU Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) on 24 November 2017. The agreement enhances the relationship between Armenia and the EU to a new partnership level, further develops cooperation in economic, trade and political areas, aims to improve investment climate, and is designed to bring Armenian law gradually closer to the EU acquis.[182][183][184]
Legally speaking, Armenia has the right to be considered as a prospective EU member provided it meets necessary standards and criteria, though officially such a plan does not exist in Brussels.[185][186][187][188] Armenia is included in the EU's European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and participates in both the Eastern Partnership and the Euronest Parliamentary Assembly, which aims at bringing the EU and its neighbours closer.
Following the 2023 Azerbaijani offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia's relations with a long-term ally Russia started to deteriorate. In February 2024, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said that the CSTO "hasn't fulfilled its security obligations towards Armenia" and that "in practice we have basically frozen our participation in the CSTO".[189] On 28 February 2024, during a speech made in the National Assembly, Pashinyan further stated that the CSTO is "a threat to the national security of Armenia".[190] In March 2024, Armenia officially expelled Russian border guards from the Zvartnots International Airport in Yerevan.[191]
On 2 March 2024, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan advised that Armenia would officially "apply to become a candidate for EU membership in the coming days, within a month at most".[192][193] On 5 March, Pashinyan stated that Armenia would apply for EU candidacy by Autumn 2024 at the latest.[194] On 8 March 2024, Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan stated, "Armenia is seeking to get closer to the West amid worsening relations with Russia" and "New opportunities are largely being discussed in Armenia nowadays, that includes membership in the European Union".[195][196]
Military
Main article: Armed Forces of Armenia
See also: Military history of Armenia
The Armenian Army, Air Force, Air Defence, and Border Guard comprise the four branches of the Armed Forces of Armenia. The Armenian military was formed after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and with the establishment of the Ministry of Defence in 1992. The Commander-in-Chief of the military is the Prime Minister of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan. The Ministry of Defence is in charge of political leadership, headed by Davit Tonoyan, while military command remains in the hands of the general staff, headed by the Chief of Staff, who is Lieutenant-General Onik Gasparyan.
Active forces now number about 81,000 soldiers, with an additional reserve of 32,000 troops. Armenian border guards are in charge of patrolling the country's borders with Georgia and Azerbaijan, while Russian troops continue to monitor its borders with Iran and Turkey. In the case of an attack, Armenia is able to mobilize every able-bodied man between the age of 15 and 59, with military preparedness.[citation needed]
The Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe, which establishes comprehensive limits on key categories of military equipment, was ratified by the Armenian parliament in July 1992. In March 1993, Armenia signed the multilateral Chemical Weapons Convention, which calls for the eventual elimination of chemical weapons. Armenia acceded to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as a non-nuclear weapons state in July 1993. Armenia is a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO). Armenia also has an Individual Partnership Action Plan with NATO and it participates in NATO's Partnership for Peace (PiP) program and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC).
Human rights and freedom
Main article: Human rights in Armenia
Human rights in Armenia tend to be better than those in most former Soviet republics and have drawn closer to acceptable standards, especially economically.[citation needed] Nonetheless, there are still several considerable problems.
Armenia scored 5.63 on The Economist Democracy Index, published in January 2023 (data for 2022). Although still classified as "hybrid regime", Armenia recorded the strongest improvement among European countries and reached its ever-best score since calculation began in 2006.[197]
Armenia is classified as "partly free" in the 2019 report (with data from 2018) by Freedom House, which gives it a score of 51 out of 100,[198] which is 6 points ahead of the previous estimate.[199]
Armenia recorded unprecedented progress in the 2019 World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders, improving its position by 19 points and ranking 61st on the list. The publication also confirms the absence of cases of killed journalists, citizen journalists or media assistants.[200][201]
Armenia ranks 26th in the 2022 report of The Human Freedom Index published by the American CATO Institute and Canada's Fraser Institute.[202]
Armenia ranked 29th for economic freedom and 76th for personal freedom among 159 countries in the 2017 Human Freedom Index published by the Cato Institute.[203][204]
These classifications may improve when data from 2018, including the period of the velvet revolution and thereafter, is analyzed.[citation needed]
In October 2023 Armenia ratified signing the Rome statute, whereby Armenia will become a full member of the International Criminal Court.[205]
Administrative divisions
Main article: Administrative divisions of Armenia
Armenia is divided into ten provinces (marzer, singular marz), with the city (kaghak) of Yerevan (Երևան) having special administrative status as the country's capital. The chief executive in each of the ten provinces is the marzpet (marz governor), appointed by the government of Armenia. In Yerevan, the chief executive is the mayor, elected since 2009.
Within each province there are communities (hamaynkner, singular hamaynk). Each community is self-governing and consists of one or more settlements (bnakavayrer, singular bnakavayr). Settlements are classified as either towns (kaghakner, singular kaghak) or villages (gyugher, singular gyugh). As of 2007 , Armenia includes 915 communities, of which 49 are considered urban and 866 are considered rural. The capital, Yerevan, also has the status of a community.[206] Additionally, Yerevan is divided into twelve semi-autonomous districts.
Province Capital Area (km2) Population † Aragatsotn Արագածոտն Ashtarak Աշտարակ 2,756 132,925 Ararat Արարատ Artashat Արտաշատ 2,090 260,367 Armavir Արմավիր Armavir Արմավիր 1,242 265,770 Gegharkunik Գեղարքունիք Gavar Գավառ 5,349 235,075 Kotayk Կոտայք Hrazdan Հրազդան 2,086 254,397 Lori Լոռի Vanadzor Վանաձոր 3,799 235,537 Shirak Շիրակ Gyumri Գյումրի 2,680 251,941 Syunik Սյունիք Kapan Կապան 4,506 141,771 Tavush Տավուշ Ijevan Իջևան 2,704 128,609 Vayots Dzor Վայոց Ձոր Yeghegnadzor Եղեգնաձոր 2,308 52,324 Yerevan Երևան – – 223 1,060,138
† 2011 census
Sources: Area and population of provinces.[207]
Economy
Main article: Economy of Armenia
The economy relies heavily on investment and support from Armenians abroad.[208] Before independence, Armenia's economy was largely industry-based – chemicals, electronics, machinery, processed food, synthetic rubber, and textile – and highly dependent on outside resources. The republic had developed a modern industrial sector, supplying machine tools, textiles, and other manufactured goods to sister republics in exchange for raw materials and energy.[71]
Agriculture accounted for less than 20% of both net material product and total employment before the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. After independence, the importance of agriculture in the economy increased markedly, its share at the end of the 1990s rising to more than 30% of GDP and more than 40% of total employment.[209] This increase in the importance of agriculture was attributable to food security needs of the population in the face of uncertainty during the first phases of transition and the collapse of the non-agricultural sectors of the economy in the early 1990s. As the economic situation stabilised and growth resumed, the share of agriculture in GDP dropped to slightly over 20% (2006 data), although the share of agriculture in employment remained more than 40%.[210]
Armenian mines produce copper, zinc, gold, and lead. The vast majority of energy is produced with fuel imported from Russia, including gas and nuclear fuel (for its one nuclear power plant); the main domestic energy source is hydroelectric. Small deposits of coal, gas, and petroleum exist but have not yet been developed.
Access to biocapacity in Armenia is lower than world average. In 2016, Armenia had 0.8 global hectares of biocapacity per person within its territory, much less than the world average of 1.6 global hectares per person.[212] In 2016 Armenia used 1.9 global hectares of biocapacity per person—their ecological footprint of consumption. This means they use double as much biocapacity as Armenia contains. As a result, Armenia is running a biocapacity deficit.
Like other newly independent states of the former Soviet Union, Armenia's economy suffers from the breakdown of former Soviet trading patterns. Soviet investment in and support of Armenian industry has virtually disappeared, so that few major enterprises are still able to function. In addition, the effects of the 1988 Spitak earthquake, which killed more than 25,000 people and made 500,000 homeless, are still being felt. The conflict with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh has not been resolved. Shutdown of the nuclear power plant in 1989 lead to the Armenian energy crisis of 1990s. The GDP fell nearly 60% between 1989 and 1993, but then resumed robust growth after the power plant was reopened in 1995.[209] The national currency, the dram, suffered hyperinflation for the first years after its introduction in 1993.
Nevertheless, the government was able to make wide-ranging economic reforms that paid off in dramatically lower inflation and steady growth. The 1994 ceasefire in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has also helped the economy. Armenia has had strong economic growth since 1995, building on the turnaround that began the previous year, and inflation has been negligible for the past several years. New sectors, such as precious-stone processing and jewelry making, information and communication technology and tourism are beginning to supplement more traditional sectors of the economy, such as agriculture.[213]
This steady economic progress has earned Armenia increasing support from international institutions. The International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), and other international financial institutions (IFIs) and foreign countries are extending considerable grants and loans. Loans to Armenia since 1993 exceed $1.1 billion. These loans are targeted at reducing the budget deficit and stabilising the currency; developing private businesses; energy; agriculture; food processing; transportation; the health and education sectors; and ongoing rehabilitation in the earthquake zone. The government joined the World Trade Organization on 5 February 2003. But one of the main sources of foreign direct investments remains the Armenian diaspora, which finances major parts of the reconstruction of infrastructure and other public projects. Being a growing democratic state, Armenia also hopes to get more financial aid from the Western World.
A liberal foreign investment law was approved in June 1994, and a law on privatization was adopted in 1997, as well as a program of state property privatization. Continued progress will depend on the ability of the government to strengthen its macroeconomic management, including increasing revenue collection, improving the investment climate, and making strides against corruption. However, unemployment, which was 18.5% in 2015,[214] still remains a major problem due to the influx of thousands of refugees from the Karabakh conflict.
In 2017, the economy grew by 7.5% due to rising copper prices.[163]
In 2022, Armenia's GDP stood at $39.4 billion, and enjoyed an economic freedom index of 65.3, according to Heritage Organisation.[215]
The Armenian economy is predicted to grow by 13% in 2022 due to a huge influx of Russian citizens.[216] The IMF's preliminary forecast as of March 2022 predicted growth of 1.5% for the year.[217]
Science and technology
Research spending is low in Armenia, averaging 0.25% of GDP over 2010–2013. However, the statistical record of research expenditure is incomplete, as expenditure by privately owned business enterprises is not surveyed in Armenia. The world average for domestic expenditure on research was 1.7% of GDP in 2013.[218]
The country's Strategy for the Development of Science 2011–2020 envisions that 'by 2020, Armenia is a country with a knowledge-based economy and is competitive within the European Research Area with its level of basic and applied research.' It fixes the following targets:[218]
Creation of a system capable of sustaining the development of science and technology;
Development of scientific potential, modernization of scientific infrastructure;
Promotion of basic and applied research;
Creation of a synergistic system of education, science and innovation; and
Becoming a prime location for scientific specialization in the European Research Area.
Based on this strategy, the accompanying Action Plan was approved by the government in June 2011. It defines the following targets:[218]
Improve the management system for science and technology and create the requisite conditions for sustainable development;
Involve more young, talented people in education and research, while upgrading research infrastructure;
Create the requisite conditions for the development of an integrated national innovation system; and
Enhance international co-operation in research and development.
Although the Strategy clearly pursues a 'science push' approach, with public research institutes serving as the key policy target, it nevertheless mentions the goal of establishing an innovation system. However, the main driver of innovation, the business sector, is not mentioned. In between publishing the Strategy and Action Plan, the government issued a resolution in May 2010 on Science and Technology Development Priorities for 2010–2014. These priorities are:[218]
Armenian studies, humanities and social sciences;
Life sciences;
Renewable energy, new energy sources;
Advanced technologies, information technologies;
Space, Earth sciences, sustainable use of natural resources; and
Basic research promoting essential applied research.
The Law on the National Academy of Sciences was adopted in May 2011. This law is expected to play a key role in shaping the Armenian innovation system. It allows the National Academy of Sciences to extend its business activities to the commercialization of research results and the creation of spin-offs; it also makes provision for restructuring the National Academy of Sciences by combining institutes involved in closely related research areas into a single body. Three of these new centres are particularly relevant: the Centre for Biotechnology, the Centre for Zoology and Hydro-ecology and the Centre for Organic and Pharmaceutical Chemistry.[218]
The government is focusing its support on selected industrial sectors. More than 20 projects have been cofunded by the State Committee of Science in targeted branches: pharmaceuticals, medicine and biotechnology, agricultural mechanization and machine building, electronics, engineering, chemistry and, in particular, the sphere of information technology.[218]
Over the past decade, the government has made an effort to encourage science–industry linkages. The Armenian information technology sector has been particularly active: a number of public–private partnerships have been established between companies and universities, in order to give students marketable skills and generate innovative ideas at the interface of science and business. Examples are Synopsys Inc. and the Enterprise Incubator Foundation.[218] Armenia was ranked 72nd in the Global Innovation Index in 2023, down from 64th in 2019.[219][220][221]
Demographics
Main articles: Demographics of Armenia and Armenians
Armenia has a population of 2,932,731 as of 2022[222] and is the third most densely populated of the former Soviet republics.[223] There has been a problem of population decline due to elevated levels of emigration after the break-up of the USSR.[224] In the past years emigration levels have declined and some population growth is observed since 2012.[225]
Armenia has a relatively large external diaspora (8 million by some estimates, greatly exceeding the 3 million population of Armenia itself), with communities existing across the globe. The largest Armenian communities outside of Armenia can be found in Russia, France, Iran, the United States, Georgia, Syria, Lebanon, Australia, Canada, Greece, Cyprus, Israel, Poland, Ukraine and Brazil. 40,000 to 70,000 Armenians still live in Turkey (mostly in and around Istanbul).[226]
About 1,000 Armenians reside in the Armenian Quarter in the Old City of Jerusalem, a remnant of a once-larger community.[227] Italy is home to the San Lazzaro degli Armeni, an island located in the Venetian Lagoon, which is completely occupied by a monastery run by the Mechitarists, an Armenian Catholic congregation.[228] Approximately 139,000 Armenians lived in the de facto independent country Republic of Artsakh where they formed a majority before 1 October 2023, when almost the entire population of the region had fled to Armenia.[229][230]
Cities
See also: Municipalities of Armenia
Ethnic groups
See also: Ethnic minorities in Armenia
Ethnic Armenians make up 98.1% of the population. Yazidis make up 1.1%, and Russians 0.5%. Other minorities include Assyrians, Ukrainians, Greeks (usually called Caucasus Greeks), Kurds, Georgians, Belarusians, and Jews. There are also smaller communities of Vlachs, Mordvins, Ossetians, Udis, and Tats. Minorities of Poles and Caucasus Germans also exist though they are heavily Russified.[242] As of 2022, there are 31,077 Yazidis in Armenia.[243]
During the Soviet era, Azerbaijanis were historically the second largest population in the country, numbering 76,550 in 1922,[244] and forming about 2.5% in 1989.[245] However, due to the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, virtually all of them emigrated from Armenia to Azerbaijan. Conversely, Armenia received a large influx of Armenian refugees from Azerbaijan, thus giving Armenia a more homogeneous character.
According to Gallup research conducted in 2017 Armenia has one of the highest migrant acceptance (welcoming) rates in eastern Europe.[246]
Languages
Main article: Languages of Armenia
Armenians have their own distinct alphabet and language,[247] which is the only official language. The alphabet was invented c. AD 405 by Mesrop Mashtots and consists of thirty-nine letters, three of which were added during the Cilician period.[248] The main foreign languages that Armenians know are Russian and English. Due to its Soviet past, most of the old population can speak Russian quite well. According to a 2013 survey, 95% of Armenians said they had some knowledge of Russian (24% advanced, 59% intermediate) compared to 40% who said they knew some English (4% advanced, 16% intermediate and 20% beginner). However, more adults (50%) think that English should be taught in public secondary schools than those who prefer Russian (44%).[249]
Religion
Main article: Religion in Armenia
Armenia was the first nation to adopt Christianity as a state religion, an event traditionally dated to AD 301.[250][251][252]
The predominant religion in Armenia is Christianity. Its roots go back to the 1st century AD, when it was founded by two of Jesus' twelve apostles – Thaddaeus and Bartholomew – who preached Christianity in Armenia between AD 40–60.
Over 93% of Christians in Armenia belong to the Armenian Apostolic Church,[253][254] which is in communion only with the churches comprising Oriental Orthodoxy—of which it is itself a member.
The Catholic Church maintains jurisdictions of both the Latin Church and Armenian Catholic Church in Armenia. Of note are the Mechitarists (also spelled "Mekhitarists" Armenian: Մխիթարեան), a congregation of Benedictine monks in the Armenian Catholic Church, founded in 1712 by Mekhitar of Sebaste. They are best known for their series of scholarly publications of ancient Armenian versions of otherwise lost ancient Greek texts.
The Armenian Evangelical Church has several thousand members throughout the country.
Other Christian denominations in Armenia are the Pentecostal branches of Protestant community such as the Word of Life, the Armenian Brotherhood Church,[255] the Baptists (which are known as one of the oldest existing denominations in Armenia, and were permitted by the authorities of the Soviet Union),[256][257] and Presbyterians.[258]
Armenia is also home to a Russian community of Molokans which practice a form of Spiritual Christianity originated from the Russian Orthodox Church.[259]
The Yazidis, who live in the western part of the country, practice Yazidism.[260] The world's largest Yazidi temple, Quba Mêrê Dîwanê, was completed in 2019[261] in the village of Aknalich.[243]
There is a Jewish community in Armenia of approximately 750 people since independence with most emigrants leaving for Israel. There are currently two synagogues in Armenia – one in the capital, Yerevan, and the other in the city of Sevan located near Lake Sevan.
Health care
Main article: Health in Armenia
Healthcare in Armenia has undergone significant changes since independence in 1991. Initially, the Soviet healthcare system was highly centralized and provided free medical assistance to all citizens. After independence, the healthcare system underwent reform and primary care services have been free of charge since 2006. Despite improvements in accessibility and the implementation of an Open Enrollment program, out-of-pocket health expenditures remain high and corruption among healthcare professionals remains a concern.[262] In 2019, healthcare became free for all citizens under the age of 18 and the number of people receiving free or subsidized care under the Basic Benefits Package was increased.[263][264]
After a significant decline in earlier decades, crude[f] birth rates in Armenia slightly increased from 13.0 (per 1000 people) in the year 1998 to 14.2 in 2015;[265] this timeframe also showed a similar trajectory in the crude death rate, which grew from 8.6 to 9.3.[266] Life expectancy at birth at 74.8 years was the 4th-highest among the Post-Soviet states in 2014.[267]
Education
In medieval times, the University of Gladzor and University of Tatev took an important role for Armenian education.[citation needed]
A literacy rate of 100% was reported as early as 1960.[268] In the communist era, Armenian education followed the standard Soviet model of complete state control (from Moscow) of curricula and teaching methods and close integration of education activities with other aspects of society, such as politics, culture, and the economy.[268]
In the 1988–89 school year, 301 students per 10,000 were in specialized secondary or higher education, a figure slightly lower than the Soviet average.[268] In 1989, some 58% of Armenians over age fifteen had completed their secondary education, and 14% had a higher education.[268] In the 1990–91 school year, the estimated 1,307 primary and secondary schools were attended by 608,800 students.[268] Another seventy specialised secondary institutions had 45,900 students, and 68,400 students were enrolled in a total of ten postsecondary institutions that included universities.[268] In addition, 35% of eligible children attended preschools.[268] In 1992 Armenia's largest institution of higher learning, Yerevan State University, had eighteen departments, including ones for social sciences, sciences, and law.[268] Its faculty numbered about 1,300 teachers and its student population about 10,000 students.[268] The National Polytechnic University of Armenia is operating since 1933.[268]
In the early 1990s, Armenia made substantial changes to the centralised and regimented Soviet system.[268] Because at least 98% of students in higher education were Armenian, curricula began to emphasise Armenian history and culture.[268] Armenian became the dominant language of instruction, and many schools that had taught in Russian closed by the end of 1991.[268] Russian was still widely taught, however, as a second language.[268]
In 2014, the National Program for Educational Excellence embarked on creating an internationally competitive and academically rigorous alternative educational program (the Araratian Baccalaureate) for Armenian schools and increasing the importance and status of the teacher's role in society.[269][270]
The Ministry of Education and Science is responsible for regulation of the sector. Primary and secondary education in Armenia is free, and completion of secondary school is compulsory.[268] Higher education in Armenia is harmonized with the Bologna process and the European Higher Education Area. The Armenian National Academy of Sciences plays an important role in postgraduate education.
Schooling takes 12 years in Armenia and breaks down into primary (4 years), middle (5 years) and high school (3 years). Schools engage a 10-grade mark system. The government also supports Armenian schools outside of Armenia.
Gross enrollment in tertiary education at 44% in 2015 surpassed peer countries of the South Caucasus but remained below the average for Europe and Central Asia.[271] However, public spending per student in tertiary education in GDP-ratio terms is one of the lowest for post-USSR countries (for which data was available).[272]
Culture
Main article: Culture of Armenia
Architecture
Main article: Armenian architecture
Armenian architecture, as it originates in an earthquake-prone region, tends to be built with this hazard in mind. Armenian buildings tend to be rather low-slung and thick-walled in design. Armenia has abundant resources of stone, and relatively few forests, so stone was nearly always used throughout for large buildings. Small buildings and most residential buildings were normally constructed of lighter materials, and hardly any early examples survive, as at the abandoned medieval capital of Ani.[273]
Music and dance
Main article: Music of Armenia
Armenian music is a mix of indigenous folk music, perhaps best-represented by Djivan Gasparyan's well-known duduk music, as well as light pop, and extensive Christian music.
Instruments like the duduk, dhol, zurna, and kanun are commonly found in Armenian folk music. Artists such as Sayat Nova are famous due to their influence in the development of Armenian folk music. One of the oldest types of Armenian music is the Armenian chant which is the most common kind of religious music in Armenia. Many of these chants are ancient in origin, extending to pre-Christian times, while others are relatively modern, including several composed by Saint Mesrop Mashtots, the inventor of the Armenian alphabet. Whilst under Soviet rule, the Armenian classical music composer Aram Khatchaturian became internationally well known for his music, for various ballets and the Sabre Dance from his composition for the ballet Gayane.
The Armenian Genocide caused widespread emigration that led to the settlement of Armenians in various countries in the world. Armenians kept to their traditions and certain diasporans rose to fame with their music. In the post-genocide Armenian community of the United States, the so-called "kef" style Armenian dance music, using Armenian and Middle Eastern folk instruments (often electrified/amplified) and some western instruments, was popular. This style preserved the folk songs and dances of Western Armenia, and many artists also played the contemporary popular songs of Turkey and other Middle Eastern countries from which the Armenians emigrated.
Richard Hagopian is perhaps the most famous artist of the traditional "kef" style and the Vosbikian Band was notable in the 1940s and 1950s for developing their own style of "kef music" heavily influenced by the popular American Big Band Jazz of the time. Later, stemming from the Middle Eastern Armenian diaspora and influenced by Continental European (especially French) pop music, the Armenian pop music genre grew to fame in the 1960s and 1970s with artists such as Adiss Harmandian and Harout Pamboukjian performing to the Armenian diaspora and Armenia; also with artists such as Sirusho, performing pop music combined with Armenian folk music in today's entertainment industry.
Other Armenian diasporans that rose to fame in classical or international music circles are world-renowned French-Armenian singer and composer Charles Aznavour, pianist Sahan Arzruni, prominent opera sopranos such as Hasmik Papian and more recently Isabel Bayrakdarian and Anna Kasyan. Certain Armenians settled to sing non-Armenian tunes such as the heavy metal band System of a Down (which nonetheless often incorporates traditional Armenian instrumentals and styling into their songs) or pop star Cher. In the Armenian diaspora, Armenian revolutionary songs are popular with the youth. These songs encourage Armenian patriotism and are generally about Armenian history and national heroes.
Art
Main article: Armenian art
Yerevan Vernissage (arts and crafts market), close to Republic Square, bustles with hundreds of vendors selling a variety of crafts on weekends and Wednesdays (though the selection is much reduced mid-week). The market offers woodcarving, antiques, fine lace, and the hand-knotted wool carpets and kilims that are a Caucasus speciality. Obsidian, which is found locally, is crafted into assortment of jewellery and ornamental objects. Armenian gold smithery enjoys a long tradition, populating one corner of the market with a selection of gold items. Soviet relics and souvenirs of recent Russian manufacture – nesting dolls, watches, enamel boxes and so on – are also available at the Vernisage.
Across from the Opera House, a popular art market fills another city park on the weekends. Armenia's long history as a crossroads of the ancient world has resulted in a landscape with innumerable fascinating archaeological sites to explore. Medieval, Iron Age, Bronze Age and even Stone Age sites are all within a few hours drive from the city. All but the most spectacular remain virtually undiscovered, allowing visitors to view churches and fortresses in their original settings.
The National Art Gallery in Yerevan has more than 16,000 works that date back to the Middle Ages, which indicate Armenia's rich tales and stories of the times. It houses paintings by many European masters as well. The Modern Art Museum, the Children's Picture Gallery, and the Martiros Saryan Museum are only a few of the other noteworthy collections of fine art on display in Yerevan. Moreover, many private galleries are in operation, with many more opening every year, featuring rotating exhibitions and sales.
On 13 April 2013, the Armenian government announced a change in law to allow freedom of panorama for 3D works of art.[274]
Media
Main article: Media of Armenia
Television, magazines, and newspapers are all operated by both state-owned and for-profit corporations which depend on advertising, subscription, and other sales-related revenues. The Constitution of Armenia guarantees freedom of speech and Armenia ranks 61st in the 2020 Press Freedom Index report compiled by Reporters Without Borders, between Georgia and Poland.[275] Armenia's press freedom rose considerably following the 2018 Velvet Revolution.[276]
As of 2020, the biggest issue facing press freedom in Armenia is judicial harassment of journalists, specifically defamation suits and attacks on journalists' right to protect sources,[277] as well as excessive responses to combat disinformation spread by social media users. Reporters Without Borders also cites continued concerns about lack of transparency regarding ownership of media outlets.[275]
Cinema
Main article: Cinema of Armenia
Cinema in Armenia was born on 16 April 1923, when the Armenian State Committee of Cinema was established by a decree of the Soviet Armenian government.
However, the first Armenian film with Armenian subject called "Haykakan Sinema" was produced earlier in 1912 in Cairo by Armenian-Egyptian publisher Vahan Zartarian. The film was premiered in Cairo on 13 March 1913.[278]
In March 1924, the first Armenian film studio; Armenfilm (Armenian: Հայֆիլմ "Hayfilm", Russian: Арменкино "Armenkino") was established in Yerevan, starting with a documentary film called Soviet Armenia.
Namus was the first Armenian silent black-and-white film, directed by Hamo Beknazarian in 1925, based on a play of Alexander Shirvanzade, describing the ill fate of two lovers, who were engaged by their families to each other since childhood, but because of violations of namus (a tradition of honor), the girl was married by her father to another person. The first sound film, Pepo was shot in 1935 and directed by Hamo Beknazarian.
Cuisine
Main article: Armenian cuisine
Armenian cuisine is closely related to eastern and Mediterranean cuisine; various spices, vegetables, fish, and fruits combine to present unique dishes. The main characteristics of Armenian cuisine are a reliance on the quality of the ingredients rather than heavily spicing food, the use of herbs, the use of wheat in a variety of forms, of legumes, nuts, and fruit (as a main ingredient as well as to sour food), and the stuffing of a wide variety of leaves.
The pomegranate, with its symbolic association with fertility, represents the nation. The apricot is the national fruit.
Sport
Main articles: Sport in Armenia and Chess in Armenia
A wide array of sports are played in Armenia, the most popular among them being wrestling, weightlifting, judo, association football, chess, and boxing. Armenia's mountainous terrain provides great opportunities for the practice of sports like skiing and climbing. Being a landlocked country, water sports can only be practised on lakes, notably Lake Sevan. Competitively, Armenia has been successful in chess, weightlifting and wrestling at the international level. Armenia is also an active member of the international sports community, with full membership in the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) and International Ice Hockey Federation (IIHF). It also hosts the Pan-Armenian Games.
Prior to 1992, Armenians would participate in the Olympics representing the USSR. As part of the Soviet Union, Armenia was very successful, winning plenty of medals and helping the USSR win the medal standings at the Olympics on numerous occasions. The first medal won by an Armenian in modern Olympic history was by Hrant Shahinyan (sometimes spelled as Grant Shaginyan), who won two golds and two silvers in gymnastics at the 1952 Summer Olympics in Helsinki. To highlight the level of success of Armenians in the Olympics, Shahinyan was quoted as saying:
"Armenian sportsmen had to outdo their opponents by several notches for the shot at being accepted into any Soviet team. But those difficulties notwithstanding, 90 percent of Armenian athletes on Soviet Olympic teams came back with medals."[279]
Armenia first participated at the 1992 Summer Olympics in Barcelona under a unified CIS team, where it was very successful, winning three golds and one silver in weightlifting, wrestling and sharp shooting, despite only having five athletes. Since the 1994 Winter Olympics in Lillehammer, Armenia has participated as an independent nation.
Armenia participates in the Summer Olympic Games in boxing, wrestling, weightlifting, judo, gymnastics, track and field, diving, swimming and sharp shooting. It also participates in the Winter Olympic Games in alpine skiing, cross-country skiing and figure skating.
Football is also popular in Armenia. The most successful team was the FC Ararat Yerevan team of the 1970s who won the Soviet Cup in 1973 and 1975 and the Soviet Top League in 1973. The latter achievement saw FC Ararat gain entry to the European Cup where – despite a home victory in the second leg – they lost on aggregate at the quarter-final stage to eventual winner FC Bayern Munich. Armenia competed internationally as part of the USSR national football team until the Armenian national football team was formed in 1992 after the split of the Soviet Union. Armenia have never qualified for a major tournament although recent improvements saw the team to achieve 44th position in the FIFA World Rankings in September 2011. The national team is controlled by the Football Federation of Armenia. The Armenian Premier League is the highest level football competition in Armenia, and has been dominated by FC Pyunik in recent seasons. The league currently consists of eight teams and relegates to the Armenian First League.
Armenia and the Armenian diaspora have produced many successful footballers, including Henrikh Mkhitaryan, Youri Djorkaeff, Alain Boghossian, Andranik Eskandarian, Andranik Teymourian, Edgar Manucharyan, Khoren Oganesian and Nikita Simonyan. Djokaeff and Boghossian won the 1998 FIFA World Cup with France, Teymourian competed in the 2006 World Cup for Iran and Manucharyan played in the Dutch Eredivisie for Ajax. Mkhitaryan has been one of the most successful Armenian footballers in recent years, playing for international clubs such as Borussia Dortmund, Manchester United, Arsenal, A.S. Roma and currently for Inter Milan.[280]
Wrestling has been a successful sport in the Olympics for Armenia. At the 1996 Summer Olympics in Atlanta, Armen Nazaryan won the gold in the Men's Greco-Roman Flyweight (52 kg) category and Armen Mkrtchyan won the silver in Men's Freestyle Paperweight (48 kg) category, securing Armenia's first two medals in its Olympic history.
Traditional Armenian wrestling is called Kokh and practised in traditional garb; it was one of the influences included in the Soviet combat sport of Sambo, which is also very popular.[281]
The government of Armenia budgets about $2.8 million annually for sports and gives it to the National Committee of Physical Education and Sports, the body that determines which programs should benefit from the funds.[279]
Due to the lack of success lately on the international level, in recent years, Armenia has rebuilt 16 Soviet-era sports schools and furnished them with new equipment for a total cost of $1.9 million. The rebuilding of the regional schools was financed by the Armenian government. $9.3 million has been invested in the resort town of Tsaghkadzor to improve the winter sports infrastructure because of dismal performances at recent winter sports events. In 2005, a cycling centre was opened in Yerevan with the aim of helping produce world class Armenian cyclists. The government has also promised a cash reward of $700,000 to Armenians who win a gold medal at the Olympics.[279]
Armenia has also been very successful in chess, winning the World Champion in 2011 and the World Chess Olympiad on three occasions.[282]
See also
Asia portal
Europe portal
Armenians
History of Armenia
Index of Armenia-related articles
List of people on coins of Armenia
Outline of Armenia
Explanatory notes
Source attribution
This article incorporates text from a free content work. Licensed under CC BY-SA IGO 3.0. Text taken from UNESCO Science Report: towards 2030, 324–26, UNESCO, UNESCO Publishing.
Citations
Sources
Canard, Marius & Cahen, Claude (1960). "Armīniya". In Gibb, H. A. R.; Kramers, J. H.; Lévi-Provençal, E.; Schacht, J.; Lewis, B. & Pellat, Ch. (eds.). The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Volume I: A–B. Leiden: E. J. Brill. pp. 634–640. OCLC 495469456. | ||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 44 | https://www.bostonglobe.com/2023/10/06/opinion/armenians-flee-nagorno-karabakh/ | en | The things they could not carry | [
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"Arto Vaun"
] | 2023-10-06T00:00:00 | More than 100,000 Armenians fled Nagorno-Karabakh last month. For Armenians there and in the diaspora, it was the latest reminder of all that has been left behind. | en | /pf/resources/images/favicon.png?v=bostonGlobe&d=493 | BostonGlobe.com | https://www.bostonglobe.com/2023/10/06/opinion/armenians-flee-nagorno-karabakh/ | Since the day I moved to Armenia in early 2014, I wondered: How is this sustainable? By “this,” I meant the survival of Armenians in Artsakh, the historically Armenian region in Azerbaijan otherwise known as Nagorno-Karabakh.
The landscape stretching from Armenia to Artsakh, beguiling and vast, with its jagged mountains and valleys, seemed both of the present and not. Maybe it was because the expansive terrain was dotted with ancient monasteries — almost more of them than people. Wherever I looked, I felt outnumbered by heartbroken ghosts from a vibrant but melancholic past.
I’d been on the road for over six hours, along the narrow, winding “highway” from Yerevan, Armenia’s capital, to Stepanakert, in Artsakh. The cognitive dissonance I’d been experiencing since my arrival in Armenia was amplified with each mile, as though I were headed to the source.
Cut to the past two weeks. Azerbaijani forces seized the self-declared Republic of Artsakh in a short, violent campaign on Sept. 23. Literally overnight, Artsakh’s population was expelled, shrinking from some 120,000 to a few hundred left in a dystopian setting. In an instant, a people indigenous to that region lost everything, again.
For Armenians, the 19th and 20th centuries were punctuated by periods of massacres and forced displacement, with the Genocide of 1915 being the most pivotal. The Republic of Armenia, established after the First World War, was quickly squeezed to death by Turkish-Azeri aggression on one side and the Bolsheviks on the other. In 1922, after both Armenia and Azerbaijan joined the USSR, Stalin gave Artsakh to Azerbaijan for reasons not hard to guess: Azerbaijan has oil; Armenia does not. Although Artsakh still had autonomous status, the Armenians there and in Azerbaijan suffered under discriminatory policies until they were forced to flee pogroms in 1988. Armenians are Apostolic Christian, and Azeris are largely Muslim.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s, Armenians fought for and reclaimed Artsakh, but the region and its people remained in geopolitical purgatory. Unable to secure international recognition as an independent state, Artsakh was also never officially joined to Armenia. The region has since hung precariously in the balance.
Which brings us to the current moment. Azerbaijan has wreaked intense trauma on the Artsakh Armenians who had to frantically pack what they could and leave the only land they’d ever known. This after most of them had already lost loved ones in the previous wars and tragedies.
Painful images of chaos and sorrow have flooded social media. People around the world, mostly Armenians, are trying to draw attention to what’s happening while also trying to assuage their own feelings of helplessness.
Less ephemeral than social media posts are the artifacts and manuscripts in museums and libraries, and photographs and other relics that have been mostly left behind. Azerbaijan, abetted by Turkey, will seek to demolish or repurpose ancient churches and other historic sites, because it is cultural evidence that subverts historical revisionism and denial. This is why both countries have pursued a systematic and terrifying state policy of inculcating hate, erasing cultural traces of Armenians’ presence, and rewriting history.
The vast majority of Armenians forced out of Artsakh did not have time to take their family photographs, old home movies, or other important cultural materials. Imagine that you have fled an atrocity and survived but you had to leave behind all the physical evidence of what your life, your home, your neighborhood, and your country were like. Without it, how much of you has actually survived?
For 48 years, Project Save Photograph Archives has been asking that question. As the oldest, largest archive in the world solely dedicated to photographs of the Armenian global experience, it has been at the forefront of understanding that storytelling and cultural preservation through original photography are among the most powerful ways to ensure that the truths of people’s lives and history are not forgotten.
Arto Vaun is the executive director of Project Save Photograph Archives. Follow him on Instagram @arto.vaun and follow the archive @projectsave_archives. | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 2 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demographics_of_Armenia | en | Demographics of Armenia | [
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] | 2002-02-25T15:43:11+00:00 | en | /static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demographics_of_Armenia | Demographics of ArmeniaPopulation3,039,700 (April 2024 )[1]Density102,2/km2Growth rate0.27/1,000 population (2016 est.)Birth rate2.97 births/1,000 population (2014 est.)Death rate1.76 deaths/1,000 population (2014 est.)NationalityNationalityArmenian(s)Major ethnicArmenianMinor ethnicRussian, Yazidis, Kurds, AssyriansLanguageOfficialArmenianSpokenArmenian, English, Kurdish, Russian, French and others
After registering steady increases during the Soviet period, the population of Armenia declined from its peak value of 3.633 million in 1992 to 2.986 million in 2017.[1]
Whilst the country's population increased steadily during the Soviet Union as a result of periods of repatriation and low emigration rates, it has declined in recent times due to the exodus of peoples following the Soviet break-up. The rates of emigration and population decline, however, have decreased in recent years, and there has been a moderate influx of Armenians returning to Armenia.
Historical statistics
[edit]
Census population and average annual growth rateYearPop.±% p.a.1831161,747— 1873496,140+2.70%1886635,833+1.93%1897797,853+2.08%1904877,322+1.37%19141,014,255+1.46%1916993,782−1.01%1919961,677−1.09%1920720,000−25.13%1922782,052+4.22%1926878,929+2.96%19311,050,633+3.63%19391,282,338+2.52%19591,763,048+1.60%19702,491,873+3.20%19793,037,259+2.22%19893,304,776+0.85%20013,213,011−0.23%20113,018,854−0.62%20222,932,731−0.26%2024 3,039,700+1.81%For 1831–1931 [better source needed] [a]
For 1920
For 1926[6]
For 1939–1989[7][b]
For 2001[9]
For 2011[10]
Citing Armenia's conquest and occupation by the Seljuks (11th century) and Mongols (13th–15th centuries), historians Edmund Herzig and Marina Kurkchiyan write "the combination of progressive Turkish (and Kurdish) immigration and Armenian decline, through massacre, famine and emigration, changed the demographic balance in a way that Arab immigration had never done".
As a result of "deliberate relocation policies employed by both the Ottomans and Safavids" during the Ottoman–Safavid War, there was a large-scale displacement of Armenians; Armenians also emigrated "to escape the insecurity and hardship of life in war-torn Armenia". Whilst Shah Abbas I relocated Armenians to Isfahan and "Armenian colonies in other parts of Iran" in 1604–1605, "the Ottomans also removed Armenian artisans to their capital".
Following the Russian annexation, 45,000 Armenians from Persia and 100,000 from the Ottoman Empire migrated to Eastern Armenia, with another 25,000 migrating following the 1878 Russo-Turkish war. As a result of the repatriation, Armenians had regained a majority in their homeland "for the first time in several hundred years". As a result of persecution and massacres in the Ottoman Empire, some 100,000 Armenians immigrated to Eastern Armenia between 1870 and 1910. The areas with Armenian-majorities would later "form the nucleus in the twentieth century of an independent Armenian state".
Historian Sen Hovhannisian writes that during the 80 years of peace during which Eastern Armenia was part of Russia, there was "unprecedented" population growth: it tripled from 161,700 to 496,100 between 1831–1873, and doubled in the following forty years until it reached 1,000,100 in 1913. The population between 1831 and 1913 increased 6.18 times, yielding an average annual growth rate of 10,200 people. Following the outbreak of World War I, the population, which was 1,014,300 in 1914, fell by 20,500 in 1916 due to the Christian population being drafted. As a result of "wars and civil clashes, hunger and diseases" of 1918–1920, 432,000 people (35.8 percent of the population) were "exterminated".
Upon its sovietisation, the territory of modern-day Armenia had a population of some 720,000, a decline of nearly 30 percent—"almost half" consisted of refugees. American historian Richard Pipes states that "according to Soviet estimates, the Armenian population of Transcaucasia declined between 1914 and 1920 by one half million: 200,000 in consequence of Turkish, and, presumably, Communist, massacres, and 300,000 from other causes, mostly famine and disease".
The drastic decline of the population was addressed by the Soviet Armenian government by repatriating displaced Azerbaijanis to districts where they had formed a significant population in Armenia. The Azerbaijani population of Armenia which numbered some 10,000 in 1920 (attributed to the ARF government's expulsion of at least 200,000 Turks and Kurds) rose to 72,596 in 1922 as a result of the return of 60,000 refugees. [better source needed] In addition to this, the Soviet government welcomed 44,000 Armenian refugees from Greece, Iraq, Turkey, and elsewhere throughout the 1920s and 1930s. In 1946–1948, 86,000 Armenians were repatriated to Soviet Armenia to offset the country's wartime losses. At the same time, by agreement of Armenian and Azerbaijani Soviet leaderships, tens of thousands of Azerbaijanis in Armenia were resettled to Azerbaijan to make room for the repatriates.
Global map of changes in population growth rates Population growth rates in 2010–2015 vs. 2005–2010 A study revealed that population growth rates were more positive in Armenia, compared to surrounding countries in the specified period.
Human development
[edit]
According to the 2018 HDI statistical update (with data for 2017), compared to all its neighbouring countries Armenia has:[21]
the lowest coefficient of human inequality,
the lowest gender inequality (ranked 55th on Gender Inequality Index),
highest percentage of men and highest percentage of women with at least some secondary education,
highest share of seats in parliament held by women,
highest share of women who reported to feel safe,
highest GDP growth rate.
Since 1990, Armenia recorded steady growth of average annual HDI scores in every reported period (1990–2000, 2000–2010, 2010–2017).[21]
According to the 2016 Sustainable Society Index, Armenia has a higher rank of Human Wellbeing than all its neighbours. At the same time its Economic Wellbeing rank is below neighbouring countries.[22]
The 2011 census counted 539,394 persons (19.4 percent of the population above 6 years of age) with higher professional education.[23]
Vital statistics
[edit]
Life expectancy
[edit]
According to the 2018 HDI statistical update, compared to all its neighbouring countries Armenia has the highest health expenditures as percentage of its GDP and the highest healthy life expectancy at birth.[21]
In 2016, the average life expectancy at birth for males was 71.6 years and for females was 78.3 years, with the average at 75.0 years.[1]
After a setback during 1986–1996, mostly due to the Spitak earthquake, and the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, Armenia regained its position and was consistently among the top three former Soviet republics during 1997–2016, topping the list in 2007.[24]
During the Soviet period, life expectancy was traditionally high in Armenia and topped all other republics of the USSR, and most other countries in Eastern Europe between 1978–1980.[25][26]
Period Life expectancy in
Years Period Life expectancy in
Years 1950–1955 62.8 1985–1990 68.4 1955–1960 64.9 1990–1995 68.1 1960–1965 67.0 1995–2000 70.2 1965–1970 69.2 2000–2005 72.4 1970–1975 70.8 2005–2010 72.7 1975–1980 70.6 2010–2015 74.0 1980–1985 70.9
Source: UN[27]
Reproduction indicators
[edit]
In 2016, natural increase of population comprised 12,366 persons and the crude rate of natural increase reached 4.1%, per 1000 population, decreasing by 0.4 percent compared to the previous year.[1]
After double-digit crude natural increase rates between 1982–1992, rates did not exceed 5.5 after 1998. At a regional level, slightly better rates were recorded in the capital Yerevan, where the value of 5.5 is consistently being surpassed since 2009. Particularly weak is natural increase in Tavush and Syunik provinces, not much better off are Lori and Vayots Dzor provinces.[1]
Fertility Rate (TFR) (Wanted Fertility Rate) and CBR (Crude Birth Rate):[28]
Year Total Urban Rural CBR TFR CBR TFR CBR TFR 2000 13.9 1.7 (1.5) 12.1 1.5 (1.3) 16.3 2.1 (1.7) 2005 14.6 1.7 (1.6) 14.5 1.6 (1.6) 14.9 1,8 (1,6) 2010 14.0 1.7 (1.6) 12.8 1.6 (1.5) 16.2 1.8 (1.8) 2015–2016 12.9 1.7 (1.7) 12.7 1.7 (1.6) 13.2 1.8 (1.8)
Armenia's Total Fertility Rate at 1.6 was lowest in the Caucasus region in 2017.[29] TFR is expected to stay at 1.6 between 2015–2020, less from 1.7 in years 2010–2015.[21]
The mean age of mothers at birth was 26.8 years and at first birth it was 24.7 years in 2016.[1] Adolescent birth rate, as well as, share of women married aged 18 was lowest in Armenia compared to its neighbouring countries.[21]
In 2016, infant mortality rate (in the first year of their life) was 8.6%, per 1,000 live births.[1]
A study revealed that population growth rate changes were more favourable in Armenia than in its surrounding countries between 2005–2015.
Structure of the population
[edit]
The median age in 2020 was 36.6 years (male: 35.1, female: 38.3).[30]
36.3 percent of women who gave birth in 2016 had higher education.[1]
Population by Sex and Age Group (Census 12.10.2011):[31]
Age Group Male Female Total % Total 1,398,052 1,620,802 3,018,854 100 0–4 105 565 102 007 207 572 6.88 5–9 91 429 88 500 179 929 5.96 10–14 90 458 88 179 178 637 5.92 15–19 107 938 125 137 233 075 7.72 20–24 133 897 158 337 292 234 9.68 25–29 122 109 149 820 271 929 9.01 30–34 103 114 119 891 223 005 7.39 35–39 89 073 98 348 187 421 6.21 40–44 82 502 94 462 176 964 5.86 45–49 98 064 112 996 211 060 6.99 50–54 109 294 125 238 234 532 7.77 55–59 80 989 96 769 177 758 5.89 60–64 56 189 71 410 127 599 4.23 65–69 28 020 37 353 65 373 2.17 70–74 44 041 63 637 107 678 3.57 75–79 30 734 44 643 75 377 2.50 80–84 18 662 30 244 48 906 1.62 85+ 5 974 13 831 19 805 0.66 Age Group Male Female Total % 0–14 287 452 278 686 566 138 18.75 15–64 983 169 1 152 408 2 135 577 70.74 65+ 127 431 189 708 317 139 10.51
Population Estimates by Sex and Age Group (01.VII.2019):[32]
Age Group Male Female Total % Total 1 399 368 1 563 114 2 962 482 100 0–4 102 588 92 078 194 666 6.57 5–9 111 879 98 348 210 227 7.10 10–14 103 991 90 955 194 946 6.58 15–19 88 582 77 838 166 420 5.62 20–24 90 776 88 311 179 087 6.05 25–29 115 826 127 910 243 736 8.23 30–34 124 127 138 753 262 880 8.87 35–39 111 345 123 527 234 872 7.93 40–44 87 619 100 891 188 510 6.36 45–49 74 528 90 316 164 844 5.56 50–54 73 562 93 943 167 505 5.65 55–59 91 952 116 734 208 686 7.04 60–64 81 199 105 827 187 026 6.31 65-69 55 578 76 627 132 205 4.46 70-74 29 945 46 812 76 757 2.59 75-79 23 192 37 510 60 702 2.05 80-84 21 287 37 958 59 245 2.00 85+ 11 392 18 776 30 168 1.02 Age group Male Female Total Percent 0–14 318 458 281 381 599 839 20.25 15–64 939 516 1 064 050 2 003 566 67.63 65+ 141 394 217 683 359 077 12.12
|- |} In 2016, households with up to four members prevailed in urban areas throughout Armenia, with the share of such households coming to 70.2 percent in urban communities compared to 60.1 percent in rural communities.[33]
Since the 1960s, Armenia has the highest share of urban population among South Caucasus countries.[34]
Vital statistics summary data
[edit]
[35][36][37][38][39]
Average population Live births Deaths Natural change Crude birth rate (per 1000) Crude death rate (per 1000) Natural change (per 1000) Crude migration rate (per 1000) Total fertility rate Infant mortality rate (per 1000 births) Life expectancy males females total 1950 1,354,000 43,414 11,525 31,889 32.1 8.5 23.6 1951 1,378,000 49,790 12,482 37,308 36.1 9.1 27.1 -9.4 1952 1,415,000 53,845 12,916 40,929 38.1 9.1 28.9 -2.0 1953 1,454,000 51,025 14,007 37,018 35.1 9.6 25.5 2.1 1954 1,504,000 57,995 12,301 45,900 38.6 8.2 30.4 4.0 1955 1,564,000 59,477 13,763 45,714 38.0 8.8 29.2 10.7 1956 1,616,000 62,119 12,286 50,000 38.5 7.6 30.8 2.4 1957 1,671,000 66,862 14,101 52,761 40.0 8.4 31.6 2.4 1958 1,732,000 71,213 14,089 57,124 41.1 8.1 33.0 3.5 1959 1,796,000 72,211 13,968 58,243 40.2 7.8 32.4 4.6 1960 1,867,000 74,825 12,675 62,150 40.1 6.8 33.3 6.2 4.63 1961 1,942,000 72,377 12,496 59,881 37.3 6.4 30.8 9.4 4.27 1962 2,005,000 69,505 13,297 56,208 34.7 6.6 28.0 4.4 4.17 1963 2,064,000 67,382 12,046 55,336 32.6 5.8 26.8 2.6 4.11 1964 2,133,000 64,454 12,415 52,039 30.2 5.8 24.4 9.0 3.98 1965 2,205,000 62,969 12,582 50,387 28.6 5.7 22.9 10.9 3.91 1966 2,273,000 61,594 12,445 49,149 27.1 5.5 21.6 9.2 3.69 1967 2,337,000 57,031 12,622 44,409 24.4 5.4 19.0 9.2 3.55 1968 2,401,000 57,503 12,231 45,272 23.9 5.1 18.9 8.5 3.46 1969 2,462,000 56,203 12,782 43,421 22.8 5.2 17.6 7.8 3.20 1970 2,518,000 55,694 12,844 42,850 22.1 5.1 17.0 5.7 3.17 1971 2,580,000 58,188 12,518 45,670 22.6 4.9 17.7 6.9 3.18 1972 2,644,000 59,313 13,730 45,583 22.4 5.2 17.2 7.6 3.07 1973 2,708,000 59,593 14,102 45,491 22.0 5.2 16.8 7.4 2.92 1974 2,770,000 60,419 14,276 46,143 21.8 5.2 16.7 6.2 2.82 1975 2,826,000 62,866 15,498 47,368 22.2 5.5 16.8 3.4 2.79 1976 2,883,000 65,065 15,688 49,377 22.6 5.4 17.1 3.1 2.72 1977 2,943,000 65,830 15,813 50,017 22.4 5.4 17.0 3.8 2.61 1978 3,001,000 66,698 16,465 50,233 22.2 5.5 16.7 3.0 2.46 1979 3,051,000 69,786 17,125 52,661 22.9 5.6 17.3 -0.6 2.38 1980 3,096,000 70,324 17,124 53,200 22.7 5.5 17.2 -2.5 2.33 1981 3,144,000 73,682 16,659 57,023 23.4 5.3 18.1 -2.1 2.31 1982 3,194,000 74,225 17,469 56,756 23.2 5.5 17.8 -1.9 2.26 1983 3,243,000 76,436 18,369 58,067 23.6 5.7 17.9 -2.6 2.35 1984 3,292,000 79,767 19,043 60,724 24.2 5.8 18.4 -3.3 2.44 1985 3,339,000 80,306 19,581 60,725 24.1 5.9 18.2 -3.9 2.56 1986 3,387,000 81,192 19,410 61,782 24.0 5.7 18.2 --3.8 2.58 1987 3,435,000 78,492 19,727 58,765 22.9 5.7 17.1 -2.9 2.55 1988 3,453,000 74,707 35,567 39,140 21.6 10.3 11.3 -6.1 2.49 1989 3,482,000 75,250 20,853 54,397 21.6 6.0 15.6 -7.2 2.61 1990 3,545,000 79,882 21,993 57,889 22.5 6.2 16.3 1.8 2.63 1991 3,604,000 77,825 23,425 54,400 21.6 6.5 15.1 1.5 2.60 1992 3,549,000 70,581 25,824 44,757 19.9 7.3 12.6 -27.9 2.44 1993 3,410,000 59,041 27,500 31,541 17.3 8.1 9.2 -48.4 2.14 1994 3,309,000 51,143 24,648 26,495 15.5 7.4 8.0 -37.6 1.878 1995 3,255,000 48,960 24,842 24,118 15.0 7.6 7.4 -23.7 1.842 1996 3,247,000 48,134 24,936 23,198 14.8 7.7 7.1 -9.6 1.834 1997 3,242,000 43,929 23,985 19,944 13.5 7.4 6.2 -7.7 1.680 1998 3,235,000 39,366 23,210 16,156 12.2 7.2 5.0 -7.2 1.509 1999 3,230,000 36,502 24,087 12,415 11.3 7.5 3.8 -5.3 1.388 2000 3,221,000 34,276 24,025 10,251 10.6 7.5 3.2 -6.0 1.305 2001 3,214,000 32,065 24,003 8,062 10.0 7.5 2.5 -4.7 1.239 2002 3,205,000 32,229 25,554 6,675 10.1 8.0 2.1 -4.9 1.207 2003 3,188,000 35,793 26,014 9,779 11.2 8.2 3.1 -8.4 1.349 2004 3,172,000 37,520 25,679 11,841 11.8 8.1 3.7 -8.7 1.383 2005 3,155,000 37,499 26,379 11,120 11.9 8.4 3.5 -8.9 1.366 2006 3,139,000 37,639 27,202 10,437 12.0 8.7 3.3 -8.4 1.348 13.9 69.8 76.0 72.9 2007 3,122,000 40,105 26,830 13,275 12.8 8.6 4.3 -9.7 1.417 10.9 69.8 76.1 73.0 2008 3,106,000 41,185 27,412 13,773 13.3 8.8 4.4 -9.5 1.444 10.8 70.0 76.3 73.2 2009 3,089,000 44,466 27,528 16,938 14.4 8.9 5.5 -11.0 1.551 10.4 70.0 76.3 73.2 2010 3,073,000 44,825 27,921 16,904 14.6 9.1 5.5 -10.7 1.556 11.4 70.1 76.4 73.3 2011 3,056,000 43,340 27,963 15,377 14.2 9.1 5.0 -10.5 1.499 11.6 70.5 77.3 74.0 20123 3,037,000 42,480 27,599 14,881 14.0 9.1 4.9 -11.1 1.583 10.8 70.9 77.5 74.3 2013 3,022,000 41,770 27,165 14,605 13.8 9.0 4.8 -9.7 1.573 9.7 71.5 77.9 74.8 2014 3,014,000 43,183 27,196 15,987 14.3 9.0 5.3 -7.9 1.652 8.8 71.8 78.1 75.0 2015 3,007,000 41,763 27,878 13,885 13.9 9.3 4.6 -6.9 1.645 8.8 71.7 78.2 75.0 2016 2,998,000 40,592 28,226 12,366 13.5 9.4 4.2 -7.2 1.647 8.6 71.6 78.3 75.0 2017 2,986,000 37,700 27,157 10,543 12.7 9.2 3.5 -7.5 1.576 8.2 71.9 78.7 75.4 2018 2,973,000 36,574 25,751 10,823 12.3 8.7 3.6 -8.0 1.573 7.1 72.4 79 75.9 2019 2,965,000 36,041 26,186 9,855 12.2 8.8 3.4 -6.1 1.599 6.2 2020 2,959,000 36,353 36,433 -80 12.3 12.3 -0.0 -2.0 1.656 2021 2,964,000 36,623 34,388 2,235 12.4 11.6 0.8 0.9 1.710 2022 2,969,000 36,375 26,692 9,683 12.3 9.0 3.3 -1.6 1.738 2023 2,990,900 36,265 24,305 11,960 12.2 8.2 4.0 3.4 1.745(e)
1 The numbers of life births and deaths until 1959 were calculated from the birth rate and death rate, respectively
2 The high number of deaths in 1988 is related to the Spitak earthquake, while in the rest of the 20th century the death rate was equal to the rate of other European countries (excluding England).[40]
3 The population estimate for 2012 has been recalculated on the basis of the 2011 Census.
Current vital statistics
[edit]
[41]
Period Live births Deaths Natural increase January—June 2023 16,985 12,480 +4,505 January—June 2024 15,671 13,211 +2,460 Difference -1,314 (-7.7%) +731 (+5.9%) -2,045
Birth rate by province[42][43] Province TFR (2022) CBR (2022) Yerevan 1.42 9.9 Aragatsotn 2.10 15.4 Ararat 2.08 15.2 Armavir 1.90 14.0 Gegharkunik 1.78 12.7 Lori 1.85 13.0 Kotayk 2.04 14.5 Shirak 1.67 12.2 Syunik 1.82 12.6 Vayots Dzor 1.99 14.5 Tavush 1.80 12.3
Ethnic groups
[edit]
Main article: Censuses of Armenia
Population of ethnic groups in Armenia in 1926–2022 Ethnic
group census 19261 census 19392 census 19593 census 19704 census 19795 census 19896 census 20017 census 20118 census 20229 # % # % # % # % # % # % # % # % # % Armenians 743,571 84.5 1,061,997 82.8 1,551,610 88.0 2,208,327 88.6 2,724,975 89.7 3,083,616 93.3 3,145,354 97.9 2,961,514 98.1 2,875,697 98.1 Yazidis 12,237 1.4 20,481 1.6 25,627 1.5 37,486 1.5 50,822 1.7 56,127 1.7 40,620 1.3 35,272 1.2 31,077 1.1 Kurds 2,973 0.3 1,519 0.0 2,131 0.1 1,663 0.1 Russians 19,548 2.2 51,464 4.0 56,464 3.2 66,108 2.7 70,336 2.3 51,555 1.6 14,660 0.5 11,862 0.4 14,074 0.5 Assyrians 2,215 0.3 3,280 0.3 4,326 0.2 5,544 0.2 6,183 0.2 5,963 0.2 3,409 0.1 2,769 0.1 2,754 0.1 Ukrainians 2,286 0.3 5,496 0.4 5,593 0.3 8,390 0.3 8,900 0.3 8,341 0.3 1,633 0.1 1,176 0.0 1,005 0.0 Greeks 2,980 0.3 4,181 0.3 4,976 0.3 5,690 0.2 5,653 0.2 4,650 0.1 1,176 0.0 900 0.0 365 0.0 Georgians 274 0.0 652 0.1 816 0.0 1,439 0.1 1,314 0.0 1,364 0.0 694 0․0 974 0.0 223 0.0 Azerbaijanis 76,870 8.7 130,896 10.2 107,748 6.1 148,189 5.9 160,841 5.3 84,860 2.6 29 0․0 Jews 335 0.0 512 0.0 1,024 0.1 1,047 0.0 959 0.0 720 0.0 109 0․0 127[44] 0․0 Others 18,001 2.0 3,379 0.3 4,864 0.3 9,653 0.4 7,276 0.2 7,580 0.2 3,808 0.1 2,129 0.1 5,508 0.2 Total 880,464 1,282,338 1,763,048 2,491,873 3,037,259 3,304,776 3,213,011 3,018,854 2,932,731 1 Source: [1]. 2 Source: [2]. 3 Source: [3]. 4 Source: [4]. 5 Source: [5]. 6 Source: [6]. 7 Source: [7]. 8 Source: [8]
In 2002, ethnic minorities included Russians, Assyrians, Ukrainians, Yazidis, Kurds, Iranians, Greeks, Georgians, and Belarusians. There were also smaller communities of Vlachs, Mordvins, Ossetians, Udis, and Tats. Minorities of Poles and Caucasus Germans also exist, though they are heavily Russified.[45]
Languages
[edit]
Main article: Languages of Armenia
Armenian is the sole official language.
As per 2022 census data, Armenian is the most widely spoken language at 99%, Kurdish at 1%, Russian at 65% and English at 5%.[46]
Armenia is a member of La Francophonie, and hosted its annual summit in 2018.[47]
The largest communities of the Armenian diaspora, are fluent in Russian and English.
Religions
[edit]
Main article: Religion in Armenia
Most Armenians are Christians, primarily of the Apostolic Church rite. Armenia is considered the first nation to officially adopt Christianity, which was first preached in Armenia by two Apostles of Jesus, St. Bartholomew and St. Thaddeus in the 1st century. The Armenian Apostolic Church can trace its roots back to the 3rd and 4th centuries. The country formally adopted the Christian faith in 301 A.D. Over 90 percent of Armenians belong to the Armenian Apostolic Church. Armenia also has a population of Catholics and Evangelical Protestants.
According to the 2022 Armenian census, number of adherents of primary religions in Armenia are the following: 2,793,042 (95.2%) Armenian Apostolic, 15,836 (0.5%) Evangelical, 14,349 (0.5%) Yazidism, 17,884 (0.6%) Armenian and Roman (Latin) Catholic, 6,316 (0.2%) Eastern Orthodox, 5,282 (0.2%) Jehovah's Witness, 2,000 (0.1%) Molokan (non-Orthodox Russians), 524 Assyrian Church of the East (Nestorian), 2,132 Paganism, 515 Islam, 118 Judaism. 17,501 (0.6%) people chose No Religion and 49,353 people chose (1.7%) No Response.[48]
Migration
[edit]
Compared to its neighbouring countries, Armenia has the highest share of immigrants (6.5 percent of total population, 2017 data).[21]
The estimated number of population net migration is −24.8 thousand persons, according to the Integrated living conditions survey of households of 2016; for urban population −13.8 thousand and for rural population −11.0 thousand persons.[1]
24.9% of households were involved in external and internal migration processes over the period of 2013– 2016. Migration directions were distributed as follows: 12% – internal, 10.5% – Republic of Artsakh, rest (76.4%) – international (of which 89.8% – Russia). Among household members of age 15 and above, who left their permanent residence in 2013–2016 for 3 months and longer and had not returned as of 2016, 11.9% were in Armenia, 13.0% in Artsakh, and 75.1% in other countries, predominantly in Russia. More than 54% of migrant household members of the age 15 years and above sent money and/ or goods to their families/relatives/friends within 12 months preceding the survey.[49]
According to 2019 UN data, the emigration rate averaged annually around 1.7 per 1000 inhabitants in years 2015–2020 and is expected to remain the same until year 2045. These are below average emigration rate of 11.5 per 1000 in years 2000–2010 and even below the emigration rate of 3.2 per 1000 in years 1980–1985.[50]
Migration during post-Soviet period
[edit]
It is estimated that 740,000-1,300,000 people left Armenia between 1988 and 2005.[51]
Economically recessed situation in Armenia during the 1990s enhanced the emigration of 125,000 refugees and displaced persons. Human and natural disasters also caused approximately 192,000 individuals to become internally displaced persons in Armenia. Among the disasters, the major impact was the 1988 Spitak earthquake.[51]
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, borders that were once formal, now assumed real significance. Nonetheless, increased political, inter-ethnic, and social tensions prompted more and more people to migrate between Armenia and its neighbouring countries. As a result, approximately 100,000 persons or 3 percent of the country's population emigrated during the beginning of 1990s.[51]
Refugees and forcibly displaced persons started arriving to Armenia in spring 1988 and continued coming until late 1991. During this time, Armenia gave shelter to approximately 419,000 refugees and displaced persons, 360,000 of whom migrated from Azerbaijan. The rest immigrated from other regions of the former Soviet Union.[51]
Migration flows during the post-soviet period can be divided into 3 stages:
The first stage, prior to 1995, was characterized by mass emigration due to economic reasons, a drop in living standards, and a rapid deterioration in the delivery and quality of public utilities. It is estimated that over 800,000 people emigrated from Armenia during this period and that only 400,000 of them have returned since then.
During the second stage, from 1995 to 2001, emigration decreased, with most of those leaving to be labour migrants in search of better economic and social opportunities. 180,000 people (6 per cent of the population) emigrated from Armenia during these six years These emigrants tended to resettle abroad permanently and were later joined by relatives through family reunification.
The third stage, from 2002 to the present, is marked by a constant yearly increase in the number of persons travelling to and from Armenia. This stage was also characterized by a shift to a positive migration balance.[51]
According to government records, over 55 per cent of all emigrants are unmarried and 60 per cent are males between the ages of 20 and 44 (very few are children and even fewer are elderly people). Most have an educational level far higher than the national average and have no intention of returning to Armenia. Although no hard data exists, emigrant families appear to be even less likely to return.[51]
The emigration of the major part of the Armenian population has brought about important changes. For example, a decrease in the number of people of reproductive age in Armenia has led to a progressive drop in marriages and birth rates. There has also been a considerable change in the ethnic composition of the population in Armenia due to a higher rate of emigration among ethnic minorities.[51]
Wealth and poverty
[edit]
Inequality
[edit]
Out of 41 emerging economies, Armenia was among only four, which recorded rising inequality (measured by Gini coefficient) in years 2007–2015.[52]
Wealth
[edit]
According to Global Wealth Report, prepared by Credit Suisse, mean wealth per adult in Armenia in 2019 is estimated at $19,517 (rising 9 times from estimated $2,177 in year 2000). Mean wealth per adult in Armenia surpasses corresponding values for neighboring countries Georgia and Azerbaijan by over 50%, all CIS countries except Russia and Kazakhstan, and neighboring Iran. Growth rate of mean wealth per adult between 2000 and 2019 with the value of 9 times beats all neighboring countries, most of CIS countries as well as Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.[53][54]
Median wealth per adult is reported at $8,309 in 2019, above the world average, rising 9.6 times from $862 in year 2000.[53][54]
Between 2000 and 2019, average debts per adult grew 28.7 times to $1,261, or 6.5% of wealth per adult (below the 11.9% world average).[53][54]
55% of adults own less than $10,000, 42.7% — $10,000–$100,000, 2.2% — $100,000–$1 million and 0.1% — over $1 million. The share of adults owning less than $10,000 with the value of 55% is less than corresponding value in each of CIS countries, neighboring Iran and Turkey, as well as the world average. Gini coefficient for wealth is reported at 66.3%, less than 82.4% the European average and 88.5% the world average.[53][54]
Poverty
[edit]
See also: Social issues in Armenia
As much as 53.5% of the country's population was officially considered poor in 2004. Poverty fell significantly in the following years amid double-digit economic growth that came to an end with the onset of the global financial crisis in late 2008. It soared to almost 36% in 2010, one year after Armenia's Gross Domestic Product shrunk by over 14%. Afterwards, there was a decreasing trend throughout the last years reaching 23.5% in 2018, down from 25.7% in 2017.[55]
The poverty indicators in Shirak, Lori, Kotayk, Tavush and Armavir provinces are higher than the country average. The highest poverty rate in the country has been recorded in Shirak province, where 46% of the population is below the poverty line. To overcome poverty, Armenia would need AMD 63.2 billion, or an amount equal to 1.2% of GDP, in addition to the resources already allocated for social assistance, assuming that such assistance would be efficiently targeted to the poor.[33]
In terms of the international poverty line corresponding to US$1.25 in 2005 PPP, poverty in Armenia went down from 19.3% in the year 2001 to 1.5% in the year 2008 and remained nearly unchanged until the year 2015 moving in the range of 1.5% – 2.7%.[33]
See also
[edit]
Society portal
Notes
[edit]
References
[edit]
Bibliography
[edit] | ||||||
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] | null | [] | null | One of the world’s oldest centers of civilization and once the smallest republic of the Soviet Union, Armenia is an independent republic in the Caucasus Mountains. Area… | en | /resources/icons/favicons/bkids/bkids-favicon-57c.png | Britannica Kids | https://kids.britannica.com/students/article/Armenia/272953 | One of the world’s oldest centers of civilization and once the smallest republic of the Soviet Union, Armenia is an independent republic in the Caucasus Mountains. Area 11,483 square miles (29,743 square kilometers). Population (2024 est.) 3,009,000.
Armenia is situated in the southern part of the Caucasus, the region between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea (see Caucasus). Armenia borders on Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey, and Iran. Yerevan, near the Turkish border, is the capital and chief city, with a population of about 1.2 million.
The land is a lofty plateau, crossed by mountain ridges and cut by valleys. The highest peak is Mount Aragats, an extinct volcano 13,418 feet (4,090 meters) high. The climate is cool in the highlands and warm in the lowlands.
About 90 percent of the people are ethnic Armenians. The remainder of the population is made up primarily of Azerbaijanis and Russians, with a small number of Kurds, Ukrainians, and other groups. The Armenians belong mainly to the Armenian Apostolic church or the Armenian Catholic church.
The chief agricultural and industrial region is the Araks River valley. Irrigated fields produce wine grapes—the most important crop—figs, olives, pomegranates, cotton, and fruits. In higher altitudes grains, sugar beets, tobacco, potatoes, and hay are grown and cattle, sheep, and goats are pastured. Mineral resources include metal ores.
The development of hydroelectric power transformed ancient Yerevan into a major industrial city. Its chief products are chemicals, clothing, precision instruments, and machinery. Other Armenian industries include food processing and textiles.
In ancient times Armenia was conquered by Assyria and by Persia, but it continued to be governed by native kings. Following conquest by Alexander the Great, it was ruled by a Greek dynasty.
In ad 300 the Armenian king Tiridates III was converted to Christianity. He at once made Christianity the state religion and took steps to stamp out the old Persian religion, Zoroastrianism. In the 5th century a separate Christian church was established. In 653 Armenia fell to the Arabs, who were spreading their new Islamic religion. Persia took Armenia again in 1502, but the Turks soon wrested most of it from them and brought it into the Ottoman Empire. Both the Persians and the Turks oppressed their Christian subjects. The Armenians began to leave their homeland and scattered over Asia and Africa.
In 1828 Russia took from Persia the region later known as Russian Armenia. In 1878, at the Congress of Berlin that followed the Russo-Turkish War, Russia gained part of Turkish Armenia. Kurds, who had been resettled on Armenian land, massacred thousands of Armenians in 1894, 1895, 1896, and 1909. During World War I the Turkish government systematically began to annihilate the Armenians. Many fled and immigrated to Russia, Syria, Egypt, the Balkans, Western Europe, and the United States.
The Treaty of Sèvres (1920) between Turkey and the victorious Allies recognized the independence of Armenian territories in both the Soviet Union and Turkey. In December 1920, however, the Soviets sent troops to Yerevan and set up a Soviet government over Russian Armenia. In 1922 Russian Armenia became part of the Transcaucasian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic. In 1936 the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic was made a separate constituent republic of the Soviet Union.
Since 1988 violent ethnic riots and armed demonstrations have been common between Armenians and Azerbaijanis. The unrest followed a vote in 1988 by the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast, which is mostly populated by ethnic Armenians but is part of Azerbaijan, to secede and be united with Armenia. Soviet troops were sent to restore order in the disputed region and in Yerevan. Azerbaijanis blockaded Armenia’s rail lines to the region, and fighting continued to break out along the border even though the Supreme Soviet voted to return control of the region to Azerbaijan.
A massive earthquake, measuring 6.9 on the Richter scale, devastated a widespread area near the Turkish border on Dec. 7, 1988. About 25,000 people were killed and more than 500,000 left homeless. The cities of Spitak, Kirovakan, and Leninakan were partially or totally destroyed. | ||||
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] | null | Part-2 - Department of Statistics | en | yumpu.com | https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/view/30339032/part-2-department-of-statistics | International Conference on Statistical Data Mining for Bioinformatics Health Agriculture and Environment, 21-24 December, 2012. ISBN: 978-984-33-5876-9 © <strong>Department</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Statistics</strong>, University <strong>of</strong> Rajshahi, Rajshahi-6205, Bangladesh. PCA versus ICA in Visualization <strong>of</strong> Clusters Md. Saimul Islam 1 , Md. Sahidul Islam 2 and Mohammed Nasser 3 1 M.Sc. thesis student, <strong>Department</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Statistics</strong>, University <strong>of</strong> Rajshahi Email: saimul_stat@yahoo.com 2 M.Sc. thesis student, <strong>Department</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Statistics</strong>, University <strong>of</strong> Rajshahi Email: ripon.ru.statistics@gmail.com 3 Pr<strong>of</strong>essor, <strong>Department</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Statistics</strong>, University <strong>of</strong> Rajshahi Email: mnasser.ru@gmail.com Abstract. It is usual practice among researchers to use <strong>of</strong> graph <strong>of</strong> PC2 versus PC1 in order to visualize clusters in multivariate data. Recently some researchers suggest that ICA or ICA after PCA is better than PCA itself in this task. But no extensive comparison between these three techniques is available in literature. This article attempts to compare these on the basis <strong>of</strong> four sets <strong>of</strong> simulated data as well as three sets <strong>of</strong> real data. It is found that ICA after PCA is the best all the times, PCA alone fails in almost all the cases while ICA alone performs next to ICA after PCA. Theoretical justification behind this findings is also presented. So we recommend using <strong>of</strong> ICA after PCA to visualize clusters in multivariate data set. Keywords: Principal Component Analysis (PCA), Independent Component Analysis (ICA), Kurtosis, Sub-gaussian. 1 Introduction Although Principal Component Analysis (PCA) (Jolliffe, 2002) is one <strong>of</strong> the oldest techniques in multivariate analysis, still the application <strong>of</strong> PCA is the mainstay <strong>of</strong> modern data analysis. PCA constructs a set uncorrelated variable, called principal components from a set <strong>of</strong> correlated variable by using an orthogonal transformation. The principal components (PCs) are formed in such a way that first principal component has the maximum variance and last principal component has the smallest variance i.e., the principal component are ordered. It is difficult to represent the data in high dimension (n > 3), where the graphical representation is not available, PCA is powerful tool to visualize structure in multivariate data (Yeung, 2001; Ben-Hur, 2003; Wiesner and kent, 2004). Independent Component Analysis (Hyvärinen et al., 2001) is also a multivariate technique. ICA consists in finding a linear transformation in such a way that the resulting components are not only uncorrelated but also independent. Independent component are deduced maximizing non gaussianity whereas PCA constructed maximizing variance. Since Clusters makes a distribution multimodal and a multimodal distribution is generally sub-gaussian, it is more reasonable that sub-gaussian ICs indicate presence <strong>of</strong> clusters in the data sets. One specific use for ICA is to pick out clusters from multi-dimensional data via projection (Bugrien et al. 2009). ICA gives optimal results only in connection with PCA as a preprocessing step. In a recent work Scholz et al. (2004) used one genome data (Arabidopsis thaliana) and compare the performance between PCA and ICA after PCA. ICA after PCA a new visualization technique shows the maximum discriminating power whereas PCA the least (Reza et al., 2011). Reza (2011) apply one real dataset but did not compare the performance <strong>of</strong> PCA, ICA and ICA after PCA. Since there are not yet any comparison studies among PCA, ICA and ICA after PCA. Thus in this article, we are interested to compare the performance <strong>of</strong> PCA, ICA and ICA after PCA for visualizing clusters. Our demand is <strong>of</strong>ten but not always. In section 2 we have discussed about the model <strong>of</strong> PCA and ICA that we have applied in our study. In section 3 we have discussed about measure <strong>of</strong> non gaussianity. In section 4 we have discussed both real and simulated data sets. In section 5 we have presented the graphs and discussed overall findings and conclusion are drawn in the final section. 169 | |||||
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] | 2001-07-02T05:33:58+00:00 | en | /static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armenia | Country in West Asia
"Hayastan" redirects here. For other uses, see Armenia (disambiguation) and Hayastan (disambiguation).
Armenia ( ar-MEE-nee-ə),[14][a] officially the Republic of Armenia,[b] is a landlocked country in the Armenian Highlands of West Asia.[15][16] It is a part of the Caucasus region and is bordered by Turkey to the west, Georgia to the north and Azerbaijan to the east, and Iran and the Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhchivan to the south.[17] Yerevan is the capital, largest city and financial center.
Armenia is a unitary, multi-party, democratic nation-state with an ancient cultural heritage. The Armenian Highlands has been home to the Hayasa-Azzi, Shupria and Nairi. By at least 600 BC, an archaic form of Proto-Armenian, an Indo-European language, had diffused into the Armenian Highlands.[18][19] The first Armenian state of Urartu was established in 860 BC, and by the 6th century BC it was replaced by the Satrapy of Armenia. The Kingdom of Armenia reached its height under Tigranes the Great in the 1st century BC and in the year 301 became the first state in the world to adopt Christianity as its official religion.[20][21][22][c] Armenia still recognises the Armenian Apostolic Church, the world's oldest national church, as the country's primary religious establishment.[23][d] The ancient Armenian kingdom was split between the Byzantine and Sasanian Empires around the early 5th century. Under the Bagratuni dynasty, the Bagratid Kingdom of Armenia was restored in the 9th century before falling in 1045. Cilician Armenia, an Armenian principality and later a kingdom, was located on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea between the 11th and 14th centuries.
Between the 16th and 19th centuries, the traditional Armenian homeland composed of Eastern Armenia and Western Armenia came under the rule of the Ottoman and Persian empires, repeatedly ruled by either of the two over the centuries. By the 19th century, Eastern Armenia had been conquered by the Russian Empire, while most of the western parts of the traditional Armenian homeland remained under Ottoman rule. During World War I, up to 1.5 million Armenians living in their ancestral lands in the Ottoman Empire were systematically exterminated in the Armenian genocide. In 1918, following the Russian Revolution, all non-Russian countries declared their independence after the Russian Empire ceased to exist, leading to the establishment of the First Republic of Armenia. By 1920, the state was incorporated into the Soviet Union as the Armenian SSR. The modern Republic of Armenia became independent in 1991 during the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
Armenia is a developing country and ranks 85th on the Human Development Index (2021).[13] Its economy is primarily based on industrial output and mineral extraction. While Armenia is geographically located in the South Caucasus, it is generally considered geopolitically European. Since Armenia aligns itself in many respects geopolitically with Europe, the country is a member of numerous European organizations including the Organization for Security and Co-Operation in Europe, the Council of Europe, the Eastern Partnership, Eurocontrol, the Assembly of European Regions, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Armenia is also a member of certain regional groups throughout Eurasia, including the Asian Development Bank, the Collective Security Treaty Organization,[e] the Eurasian Economic Union, and the Eurasian Development Bank. Armenia supported the once de facto independent Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), which was proclaimed in 1991 on territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, until the republic's dissolution in September 2023.
Etymology
Main article: Name of Armenia
The original native Armenian name for the country was Հայք (Hayk’); however, it is currently rarely used. The contemporary name Հայաստան (Hayastan) became popular in the Middle Ages by addition of the Persian suffix -stan (place).[24] However the origins of the name Hayastan trace back to much earlier dates and were first attested in c. 5th century in the works of Agathangelos,[25][26] Faustus of Byzantium,[27][28] Ghazar Parpetsi,[29] Koryun,[30] and Sebeos.[31]
The name has traditionally been derived from Hayk (Հայկ), the legendary patriarch of the Armenians and a great-great-grandson of Noah, who, according to the 5th-century AD author Moses of Chorene (Movsis Khorenatsi), defeated the Babylonian king Bel in 2492 BC and established his nation in the Ararat region.[32] The further origin of the name is uncertain. It is also further postulated[33][34] that the name Hay comes from one of the two confederated, Hittite vassal states – the Ḫayaša-Azzi (1600–1200 BC).
The exonym Armenia is attested in the Old Persian Behistun Inscription (515 BC) as Armina (𐎠𐎼𐎷𐎡𐎴). The Ancient Greek terms Ἀρμενία (Armenía) and Ἀρμένιοι (Arménioi, "Armenians") are first mentioned by Hecataeus of Miletus (c. 550 BC – c. 476 BC).[35] Xenophon, a Greek general serving in some of the Persian expeditions, describes many aspects of Armenian village life and hospitality in around 401 BC.[36]
Some scholars have linked the name Armenia with the Early Bronze Age state of Armani (Armanum, Armi) or the Late Bronze Age state of Arme (Shupria).[37] These connections are inconclusive as it is not known what languages were spoken in these kingdoms. Additionally, while it is agreed that Arme was located to the immediate west of Lake Van (probably in the vicinity of Sason, and therefore in the greater Armenia region), the location of the older site of Armani is a matter of debate. Some modern researchers have placed it near modern Samsat,[38] and have suggested it was populated, at least partially, by an early Indo-European-speaking people.[39] It is possible that the name Armenia originates in Armini, Urartian for "inhabitant of Arme" or "Armean country".[40] The Arme tribe of Urartian texts may have been the Urumu, who in the 12th century BC attempted to invade Assyria from the north with their allies the Mushki and the Kaskians. The Urumu apparently settled in the vicinity of Sason, lending their name to the regions of Arme and the nearby lands of Urme and Inner Urumu.[41] Given that this was an exonym, it may have meant "wasteland, dense forest", cf. armutu (wasteland), armaḫḫu (thicket, thick woods), armāniš (tree). The southerners considered the northern forests to be the abode of dangerous beasts.
According to the histories of both Moses of Chorene and Michael Chamchian, Armenia derives from the name of Aram, a lineal descendant of Hayk.[42][43] In the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, the Table of Nations lists Aram as the son of Shem, to whom the Book of Jubilees attests,
And for Aram there came forth the fourth portion, all the land of Mesopotamia between the Tigris and the Euphrates to the north of the Chaldees to the border of the mountains of Asshur and the land of 'Arara'.[44][45]
Jubilees 8:21 also apportions the Mountains of Ararat to Shem, which Jubilees 9:5 expounds to be apportioned to Aram.[44][45]
The historian Flavius Josephus also states in his Antiquities of the Jews,
Aram had the Aramites, which the Greeks called Syrians;... Of the four sons of Aram, Uz founded Trachonitis and Damascus: this country lies between Palestine and Celesyria. Ul founded Armenia; and Gather the Bactrians; and Mesa the Mesaneans; it is now called Charax Spasini.[46]
History
Main article: History of Armenia
Prehistoric
The first human traces are supported by the presence of Acheulean tools, generally close to the obsidian outcrops more than 1 million years ago.[47]
The most recent and important excavation is at the Nor Geghi 1 Stone Age site in the Hrazdan river valley.[48] Thousands of 325,000 year-old artifacts may indicate that this stage of human technological innovation occurred intermittently throughout the Old World, rather than spreading from a single point of origin (usually hypothesized to be Africa), as was previously thought.[49]
Many early Bronze Age settlements were built in Armenia (Valley of Ararat, Shengavit, Harich, Karaz, Amiranisgora, Margahovit, Garni, etc.). One of the important sites of the Early Bronze Age is Shengavit Settlement,[50] It was located on the site of today's capital of Armenia, Yerevan.
Antiquity
Armenia lies in the highlands surrounding the mountains of Ararat. There is evidence of an early civilisation in Armenia in the Bronze Age and earlier, dating to about 4000 BC. Archaeological surveys in 2010 and 2011 at the Areni-1 cave complex have resulted in the discovery of the world's earliest known leather shoe,[51] skirt,[52] and wine-producing facility.[53]
Several Bronze Age cultures and states flourished in the area of Greater Armenia, including the Trialeti-Vanadzor culture, Hayasa-Azzi, and Mitanni (located in southwestern historical Armenia), all of which are believed to have had Indo-European populations.[54][55][56][57][58][59] The Nairi confederation and its successor, Urartu, successively established their sovereignty over the Armenian Highlands. Each of the aforementioned nations and confederacies participated in the ethnogenesis of the Armenians.[60][61][62][63] A large cuneiform lapidary inscription found in Yerevan established that the modern capital of Armenia was founded in the summer of 782 BC by King Argishti I. Yerevan is one of the world's oldest continuously inhabited cities.[64]
After the fall of the state of Urartu at the beginning of the 6th century BC, the Armenian Highlands were for some time under the hegemony of the Medes, and after that they were part of the Achaemenid Empire. Armenia was part of the Achaemenid state from the second half of the 6th century BC until the second half of the 4th century BC divided into two satrapies - XIII (western part, with the capital in Melitene) and XVIII (northeastern part).[65]
During the late 6th century BC, the first geographical entity that was called Armenia by neighbouring populations was established under the Orontid Dynasty within the Achaemenid Empire, as part of the latter's territories.[66]
The kingdom became fully sovereign from the sphere of influence of the Seleucid Empire in 190 BC under King Artaxias I and begun the rule of the Artaxiad dynasty. Armenia reached its height between 95 and 66 BC under Tigranes the Great, becoming the most powerful kingdom of its time east of the Roman Republic.[67] In the next centuries, Armenia was in the Persian Empire's sphere of influence during the reign of Tiridates I, the founder of the Arsacid dynasty of Armenia, which itself was a branch of the Parthian Empire. Throughout its history, the kingdom of Armenia enjoyed both periods of independence and periods of autonomy subject to contemporary empires. Its strategic location between two continents has subjected it to invasions by many peoples, including Assyria (under Ashurbanipal, at around 669–627 BC, the boundaries of Assyria reached as far as Armenia and the Caucasus Mountains),[68] Medes, Achaemenid Empire, Greeks, Parthians, Romans, Sasanian Empire, Byzantine Empire, Arabs, Seljuk Empire, Mongols, Ottoman Empire, the successive Safavid, Afsharid, and Qajar dynasties of Iran, and the Russians.
Religion in ancient Armenia was historically related to a set of beliefs that, in Persia, led to the emergence of Zoroastrianism. It particularly focused on the worship of Mithra and also included a pantheon of gods such as Aramazd, Vahagn, Anahit, and Astghik. The country used the solar Armenian calendar, which consisted of 12 months.[70]
Christianity spread into the country in the early 4th century AD.[71] Tiridates III of Armenia (238–314) made Christianity the state religion in 301,[71][72] partly, in defiance of the Sasanian Empire, it seems,[73] becoming the first officially Christian state, ten years before the Roman Empire granted Christianity an official toleration under Galerius, and 36 years before Constantine the Great was baptised. Prior to this, during the latter part of the Parthian period, Armenia was a predominantly Zoroastrian country.[73]
After the fall of the Kingdom of Armenia in 428, most of Armenia was incorporated as a marzpanate within the Sasanian Empire.[74] Following the Battle of Avarayr in 451, Christian Armenians maintained their religion and Armenia gained autonomy.[75]
Middle Ages
Main article: Medieval Armenia
The Sassanid Empire was conquered by the Rashidun Caliphate in the mid 7th century, reuniting Armenian lands previously taken by the Byzantine Empire, and Armenia subsequently emerged as Arminiya, an autonomous principality under the Umayyad Caliphate. The principality was ruled by the Prince of Armenia, and recognised by the Caliph and the Byzantine Emperor. It was part of the administrative division/emirate Arminiya created by the Arabs, which also included parts of Georgia and Caucasian Albania, and had its centre in the Armenian city, Dvin. Arminiya lasted until 884, when it regained its independence from the weakened Abbasid Caliphate under Ashot I of Armenia.
The reemergent Armenian kingdom was ruled by the Bagratuni dynasty and lasted until 1045. In time, several areas of the Bagratid Armenia separated as independent kingdoms and principalities such as the Kingdom of Vaspurakan ruled by the House of Artsruni in the south, Kingdom of Syunik in the east, or Kingdom of Artsakh on the territory of modern Nagorno-Karabakh, while still recognising the supremacy of the Bagratid kings.[80]
In 1045, the Byzantine Empire conquered Bagratid Armenia. Soon, the other Armenian states fell under Byzantine control as well. The Byzantine rule was short-lived, as in 1071 the Seljuk Empire defeated the Byzantines and conquered Armenia at the Battle of Manzikert, establishing the Seljuk Empire.[81] To escape death or servitude at the hands of those who had assassinated his relative, Gagik II of Armenia, King of Ani, an Armenian named Ruben I, Prince of Armenia, went with some of his countrymen into the gorges of the Taurus Mountains and then into Tarsus of Cilicia. The Byzantine governor of the palace gave them shelter where the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia was eventually established on 6 January 1198 under Leo I, King of Armenia, a descendant of Prince Ruben.[82]
Cilicia was a strong ally of the European Crusaders, and saw itself as a bastion of Christendom in the East. Cilicia's significance in Armenian history and statehood is also attested by the transfer of the seat of the Catholicos of the Armenian Apostolic Church, the spiritual leader of the Armenian people, to the region.[83]
The Seljuk Empire soon started to collapse. In the early 12th century, Armenian princes of the Zakarid family drove out the Seljuk Turks and established a semi-independent principality in northern and eastern Armenia known as Zakarid Armenia, which lasted under the patronage of the Georgian Kingdom. The Orbelian Dynasty shared control with the Zakarids in various parts of the country, especially in Syunik and Vayots Dzor, while the House of Hasan-Jalalyan controlled provinces of Artsakh and Utik as the Kingdom of Artsakh.[84]
Early Modern era
During the 1230s, the Mongol Empire conquered Zakarid Armenia and then the remainder of Armenia. The Mongolian invasions were soon followed by those of other Central Asian tribes, such as the Kara Koyunlu, Timurid dynasty and Ağ Qoyunlu, which continued from the 13th century until the 15th century. After incessant invasions, each bringing destruction to the country, with time Armenia became weakened.[85]
In the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire and the Safavid dynasty of Iran divided Armenia. From the early 16th century, both Western Armenia and Eastern Armenia fell to the Safavid Empire.[86][87] Owing to the century long Turco-Iranian geopolitical rivalry that would last in West Asia, significant parts of the region were frequently fought over between the two rivalling empires during the Ottoman–Persian Wars. From the mid 16th century with the Peace of Amasya, and decisively from the first half of the 17th century with the Treaty of Zuhab until the first half of the 19th century,[88] Eastern Armenia was ruled by the successive Safavid, Afsharid and Qajar empires, while Western Armenia remained under Ottoman rule.
From 1604, Abbas I of Iran implemented a "scorched earth" policy in the region to protect his north-western frontier against any invading Ottoman forces, a policy that involved a forced resettlement of masses of Armenians outside of their homelands.[89]
In the 1813 Treaty of Gulistan and the 1828 Treaty of Turkmenchay, following the Russo-Persian War (1804–13) and the Russo-Persian War (1826–28), respectively, the Qajar dynasty of Iran was forced to irrevocably cede Eastern Armenia, consisting of the Erivan and Karabakh Khanates, to Imperial Russia.[90][91] This period is known as Russian Armenia.
While Western Armenia still remained under Ottoman rule, the Armenians were granted considerable autonomy within their own enclaves and lived in relative harmony with other groups in the empire (including the ruling Turks). However, as Christians under a strict Muslim social structure, Armenians faced pervasive discrimination. In response to 1894 Sasun rebellion, Sultan Abdul Hamid II organised state-sponsored massacres against the Armenians between 1894 and 1896, resulting in an estimated death toll of 80,000 to 300,000 people. The Hamidian massacres, as they came to be known, gave Hamid international infamy as the "Red Sultan" or "Bloody Sultan".[92]
During the 1890s, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, commonly known as Dashnaktsutyun, became active within the Ottoman Empire with the aim of unifying the various small groups in the empire that were advocating for reform and defending Armenian villages from massacres that were widespread in some of the Armenian-populated areas of the empire. Dashnaktsutyun members also formed Armenian fedayi groups that defended Armenian civilians through armed resistance. The Dashnaks also worked for the wider goal of creating a "free, independent and unified" Armenia, although they sometimes set aside this goal in favour of a more realistic approach, such as advocating autonomy.
The Ottoman Empire began to collapse, and in 1908, the Young Turk Revolution overthrew the government of Sultan Hamid. In April 1909, the Adana massacre occurred in the Adana Vilayet of the Ottoman Empire resulting in the deaths of as many as 20,000–30,000 Armenians. The Armenians living in the empire hoped that the Committee of Union and Progress would change their second-class status. The Armenian reform package (1914) was presented as a solution by appointing an inspector general over Armenian issues.[93]
World War I and the Armenian genocide
Main article: Armenian genocide
The outbreak of World War I led to confrontation between the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire in the Caucasus and Persian campaigns. The new government in Istanbul began to look on the Armenians with distrust and suspicion because the Imperial Russian Army contained a contingent of Armenian volunteers. On 24 April 1915, Armenian intellectuals were arrested by Ottoman authorities and, with the Tehcir Law (29 May 1915), eventually a large proportion of Armenians living in Anatolia perished in what has become known as the Armenian genocide.[94][95]
The genocide was implemented in two phases: the wholesale killing of the able-bodied male population through massacre and subjection of army conscripts to forced labour, followed by the deportation of women, children, the elderly and infirm on death marches leading to the Syrian desert. Driven forward by military escorts, the deportees were deprived of food and water and subjected to periodic robbery, rape, and massacre.[96][97] There was local Armenian resistance in the region, developed against the activities of the Ottoman Empire. The events of 1915 to 1917 are regarded by Armenians and the vast majority of Western historians to have been state-sponsored mass killings, or genocide.[98]
Turkish authorities deny the genocide took place to this day. The Armenian Genocide is acknowledged to have been one of the first modern genocides.[99][100] According to the research conducted by Arnold J. Toynbee, an estimated 600,000 Armenians died during deportation from 1915 to 1916. This figure, however, accounts for solely the first year of the Genocide and does not take into account those who died or were killed after the report was compiled on 24 May 1916.[101] The International Association of Genocide Scholars places the death toll at "more than a million".[102] The total number of people killed has been most widely estimated at between 1 and 1.5 million.[103]
Armenia and the Armenian diaspora have been campaigning for official recognition of the events as genocide for over 30 years. These events are traditionally commemorated yearly on 24 April, the Armenian Martyr Day, or the Day of the Armenian genocide.[104]
First Republic of Armenia
Main article: First Republic of Armenia
Although the Russian Caucasus Army of Imperial forces commanded by Nikolai Yudenich and Armenians in volunteer units and Armenian militia led by Andranik Ozanian and Tovmas Nazarbekian succeeded in gaining most of Western Armenia during World War I, their gains were lost with the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917.[106] At the time, Russian-controlled Eastern Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan attempted to bond together in the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic. This federation, however, lasted from only February to May 1918, when all three parties decided to dissolve it. As a result, the Dashnaktsutyun government of Eastern Armenia declared its independence on 28 May as the First Republic of Armenia under the leadership of Aram Manukian.[107]
The First Republic's short-lived independence was fraught with war, territorial disputes, large-scale rebellions, and a mass influx of refugees from Western Armenia, bringing with them disease and starvation. The Entente Powers sought to help the newly founded Armenian state through relief funds and other forms of support.[108]
At the end of the war, the victorious powers sought to divide up the Ottoman Empire. Signed between the Allied and Associated Powers and Ottoman Empire at Sèvres on 10 August 1920, the Treaty of Sèvres promised to maintain the existence of the Armenian republic and to attach the former territories of Western Armenia to it.[109] Because the new borders of Armenia were to be drawn by United States President Woodrow Wilson, Western Armenia was also referred to as "Wilsonian Armenia". In addition, just days prior, on 5 August 1920, Mihran Damadian of the Armenian National Union, the de facto Armenian administration in Cilicia, declared the independence of Cilicia as an Armenian autonomous republic under French protectorate.[110]
There was even consideration of making Armenia a mandate under the protection of the United States. The treaty, however, was rejected by the Turkish National Movement, and never came into effect.[111] The movement used the treaty as the occasion to declare itself the rightful government of Turkey, replacing the monarchy based in Istanbul with a republic based in Ankara.
In 1920, Turkish nationalist forces invaded the fledgling Armenian republic from the east. Turkish forces under the command of Kazım Karabekir captured Armenian territories that Russia had annexed in the aftermath of the 1877–1878 Russo-Turkish War and occupied the old city of Alexandropol (present-day Gyumri). The violent conflict finally concluded with the Treaty of Alexandropol on 2 December 1920. The treaty forced Armenia to disarm most of its military forces, cede all former Ottoman territory granted to it by the Treaty of Sèvres, and to give up all the "Wilsonian Armenia" granted to it at the Sèvres treaty. Simultaneously, the Soviet Eleventh Army, under the command of Grigoriy Ordzhonikidze, invaded Armenia at Karavansarai (present-day Ijevan) on 29 November. By 4 December, Ordzhonikidze's forces entered Yerevan and the short-lived Armenian republic collapsed.[112]
After the fall of the republic, the February Uprising soon took place in 1921, and led to the establishment of the Republic of Mountainous Armenia by Armenian forces under command of Garegin Nzhdeh on 26 April, which fought off both Soviet and Turkish intrusions in the Zangezur region of southern Armenia. After Soviet agreements to include the Syunik Province in Armenia's borders, the rebellion ended and the Red Army took control of the region on 13 July.
Armenian SSR
Main article: Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic
1922 to World War II
Armenia was annexed by the Red Army and along with Georgia and Azerbaijan, was incorporated into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as part of the Transcaucasian SFSR (TSFSR) on 4 March 1922.[113][114] With this annexation, the Treaty of Alexandropol was superseded by the Turkish-Soviet Treaty of Kars. In the agreement, Turkey allowed the Soviet Union to assume control over Adjara with the port city of Batumi in return for sovereignty over the cities of Kars, Ardahan, and Iğdır, all of which were part of Russian Armenia.[113][114]
The TSFSR existed from 1922 to 1936, when it was divided up into three separate entities (Armenian SSR, Azerbaijan SSR, and Georgian SSR). Armenians enjoyed a period of relative stability within USSR in contrast to the turbulent final years of the Ottoman Empire. The situation was difficult for the church, which struggled with secular policies of USSR. After the death of Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, the general secretary of the Communist Party, gradually established himself as the dictator of the USSR. Stalin's reign was characterized by mass repressions, that cost millions of lives all over the USSR.[citation needed]
World War II and post-Stalinist period
Armenia was not the scene of any battles in World War II. An estimated 500,000 Armenians (nearly a third of the population) served in the Red Army during the war, and 175,000 died.[115] A total of 117 citizens of Armenia including 10 non ethnic Armenians were awarded Hero of the Soviet Union. Six special military divisions were formed in Soviet Armenia in 1941–42, partly because so many draftees from the republic could not understand Russian. Five of them, the 89th, 409th, 408th, 390th, and 76th Divisions, would have a distinguished war record, while the sixth was ordered to stay in Armenia to guard the republic's western borders against a possible incursion by neighboring Turkey. The 89th Tamanyan Division, composed of ethnic Armenians, fought in the Battle of Berlin and entered Berlin.
It is claimed[by whom?] that the freedom index in the region had seen an improvement after the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953 and the emergence of Nikita Khrushchev as the new general secretary of the CPSU. Soon, life in Armenia's SSR began to see rapid improvement. The church, which was limited during the secretaryship of Stalin, was revived when Catholicos Vazgen I assumed the duties of his office in 1955. In 1967, a memorial to the victims of the Armenian genocide was built at the Tsitsernakaberd hill above the Hrazdan gorge in Yerevan. This occurred after mass demonstrations took place on the tragic event's fiftieth anniversary in 1965.
Gorbachev era
During the Gorbachev era of the 1980s, with the reforms of Glasnost and Perestroika, Armenians began to demand better environmental care for their country, opposing the pollution that Soviet-built factories brought. Tensions also developed between Soviet Azerbaijan and its autonomous district of Nagorno-Karabakh, a majority-Armenian region. About 484,000 Armenians lived in Azerbaijan in 1970.[116] The Armenians of Karabakh demanded unification with Soviet Armenia. Peaceful protests in Armenia supporting the Karabakh Armenians were met with anti-Armenian pogroms in Azerbaijan, such as the one in Sumgait, which was followed by anti-Azerbaijani violence in Armenia.[117] Compounding Armenia's problems was a devastating earthquake in 1988 with a moment magnitude of 7.2.[118]
Gorbachev's inability to alleviate any of Armenia's problems created disillusionment among the Armenians and fed a growing hunger for independence. In May 1990, the New Armenian Army (NAA) was established, serving as a defence force separate from the Soviet Red Army. Clashes soon broke out between the NAA and Soviet Internal Security Forces (MVD) troops based in Yerevan when Armenians decided to commemorate the establishment of the 1918 First Republic of Armenia. The violence resulted in the deaths of five Armenians killed in a shootout with the MVD at the railway station. Witnesses there claimed that the MVD used excessive force and that they had instigated the fighting.[citation needed]
Further firefights between Armenian militiamen and Soviet troops occurred in Sovetashen, near the capital and resulted in the deaths of over 26 people, mostly Armenians. The pogrom of Armenians in Baku in January 1990 forced almost all of the 200,000 Armenians in the Azerbaijani capital Baku to flee to Armenia.[119] On 23 August 1990, Armenia declared its sovereignty on its territory. On 17 March 1991, Armenia, along with the Baltic states, Georgia and Moldova, boycotted a nationwide referendum in which 78% of all voters voted for the retention of the Soviet Union in a reformed form.[120]
Restoration of independence
On 21 September 1991, Armenia officially declared its statehood after the failed August coup in Moscow, RSFSR. Levon Ter-Petrosyan was popularly elected the first President of the newly independent Republic of Armenia on 16 October 1991. He had risen to prominence by leading the Karabakh movement for the unification of the Armenian-populated Nagorno-Karabakh.[121] On 26 December 1991, the Soviet Union ceased to exist and Armenia's independence was recognised.
Ter-Petrosyan led Armenia alongside Defense Minister Vazgen Sargsyan through the First Nagorno-Karabakh War with neighbouring Azerbaijan. The initial post-Soviet years were marred by economic difficulties, which had their roots early in the Karabakh conflict when the Azerbaijani Popular Front managed to pressure the Azerbaijan SSR to instigate a railway and air blockade against Armenia. This move effectively debilitated Armenia's economy as 85% of its cargo and goods arrived through rail traffic.[121] In 1993, Turkey joined the blockade against Armenia in support of Azerbaijan.[122]
The Karabakh war ended after a Russian-brokered ceasefire was put in place in 1994. The war was a success for the Karabakh Armenian forces who managed to capture 16% of Azerbaijan's internationally recognised territory including almost all of the Nagorno-Karabakh itself.[123] The Armenian backed forces remained in control of practically all of that territory until 2020. The economies of both Armenia and Azerbaijan have been hurt in the absence of a complete resolution and Armenia's borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan remain closed. By the time both Azerbaijan and Armenia had finally agreed to a ceasefire in 1994, an estimated 30,000 people had been killed and over a million had been displaced.[124] Several thousand were killed in the later 2020 Karabakh war.
21st century
In the 21st century, Armenia faces many hardships. It has made a full switch to a market economy. One study ranks it the 50th most "economically free" nation in the world, as of 2023 .[125] Its relations with Europe, the Arab League, and the Commonwealth of Independent States have allowed Armenia to increase trade.[126][127] Gas, oil, and other supplies come through two vital routes: Iran and Georgia. As of 2016 , Armenia maintained cordial relations with both countries.[128][needs update]
The 2018 Armenian Revolution was a series of anti-government protests in Armenia from April to May 2018 staged by various political and civil groups led by a member of the Armenian parliament — Nikol Pashinyan (head of the Civil Contract party). Protests and marches took place initially in response to Serzh Sargsyan's third consecutive term as President of Armenia and later against the Republican Party controlled government in general. Pashinyan declared the movement, which led to Sargsyan's resignation, a "velvet revolution".[129]
In March 2018, the Armenian parliament elected Armen Sarkissian as the new President of Armenia. The controversial constitutional reform to reduce presidential power was implemented, while the authority of the prime minister was strengthened.[130] In May 2018, parliament elected opposition leader Nikol Pashinyan as the new prime minister. His predecessor Serzh Sargsyan resigned two weeks earlier following widespread anti-government demonstrations.[131]
On 27 September 2020, a full-scale war erupted due to the unresolved Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.[132] Both the armed forces of Armenia and Azerbaijan reported military and civilian casualties.[133] The Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement to end the six-week war between Armenia and Azerbaijan was seen by many as Armenia's defeat and capitulation.[134] The year-long March of Dignity protests forced early elections.
On 20 June 2021, Pashinyan's Civil Contract party won an early parliamentary election. Acting Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan was officially appointed to the post of prime minister by Armenia's President Armen Sarkissian.[135] In January 2022, Armenian President Armen Sarkissian resigned from office, stating that the constitution no longer gives the president sufficient powers or influence.[136] On 3 March 2022, Vahagn Khachaturyan was elected as the fifth president of Armenia in the second round of parliamentary vote.[137] The next month yet more protests broke out.[138]
2023 Azerbaijani offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh
See also: Flight of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians
Between 19 and 20 September 2023, Azerbaijan launched a large-scale military offensive against the self-declared breakaway state of Artsakh, a move seen by the European Parliament as a violation of the 2020 ceasefire agreement.[139][140] The offensive took place in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, which is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, but populated by Armenians.[141][142] The attacks occurred in the midst of an escalating crisis caused by Azerbaijan blockading Artsakh, which resulted in significant scarcities of essential supplies such as food, medicine, and other goods in the affected region.[143]
One day after the offensive started, on 20 September, a ceasefire agreement was reached at the mediation of the Russian peacekeeping command in Nagorno-Karabakh.[144] Azerbaijan held a meeting with representatives of the Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians on 21 September in Yevlakh, to be followed by another meeting in October.[145][146] Ceasefire violations by Azerbaijan were nonetheless reported by both Artsakhi residents and officials.[147][148]
Human rights organizations and experts in genocide prevention issued multiple alerts, stating that the region's Armenian population was at risk or actively being subjected to ethnic cleansing and genocide. Luis Moreno Ocampo, a former prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, warned that another Armenian genocide could take place, and attributed the inaction of the international community to encouraging Azerbaijan that it would face no serious consequences.[149]
Geography
Main article: Geography of Armenia
Armenia is a landlocked country in the geopolitical Transcaucasus (South Caucasus) region, that is located in the Southern Caucasus Mountains and their lowlands between the Black Sea and Caspian Sea, and northeast of the Armenian Highlands. Located in West Asia,[150][15] on the Armenian Highlands, it is bordered by Turkey to the west, Georgia to the north, the Lachin corridor which is a part of Lachin District that is under the control of a Russian peacekeeping force and Azerbaijan proper to the east, and Iran and Azerbaijan's exclave of Nakhchivan to the south.[17] Armenia lies between latitudes 38° and 42° N, and meridians 43° and 47° E. It contains two terrestrial ecoregions: Caucasus mixed forests and Eastern Anatolian montane steppe.[151]
Topography
Armenia has a territorial area of 29,743 square kilometres (11,484 sq mi). The terrain is mostly mountainous, with fast flowing rivers, and few forests. The land rises to 4,090 metres (13,419 feet) above sea level at Mount Aragats, and no point is below 390 metres (1,280 ft) above sea level.[152] Average elevation of the country area is tenth highest in the world and it has 85.9% mountain area, more than Switzerland or Nepal.[153]
Mount Ararat, which was historically part of Armenia, is the highest mountain in the region at 5,137 meters (16,854 feet). Now located in Turkey, but clearly visible from Armenia, it is regarded by the Armenians as a symbol of their land. Because of this, the mountain is present on the Armenian national emblem today.[154][155][156]
Climate
Main article: Climate of Armenia
The climate in Armenia is markedly highland continental. Summers are hot, dry and sunny, lasting from June to mid-September. The temperature fluctuates between 22 and 36 °C (72 and 97 °F). However, the low humidity level mitigates the effect of high temperatures. Evening breezes blowing down the mountains provide a welcome refreshing and cooling effect. Springs are short, while autumns are long. Autumns are known for their vibrant and colourful foliage.
Winters are quite cold with plenty of snow, with temperatures ranging between −10 and −5 °C (14 and 23 °F). Winter sports enthusiasts enjoy skiing down the hills of Tsaghkadzor, located thirty minutes outside Yerevan. Lake Sevan, nestled up in the Armenian highlands, is the second largest lake in the world relative to its altitude, at 1,900 metres (6,234 ft) above sea level.
Environment
Armenia ranked 63rd out of 180 countries on Environmental Performance Index (EPI) in 2018. Its rank on subindex Environmental Health (which is weighted at 40% in EPI) is 109, while Armenia's rank on subindex of Ecosystem Vitality (weighted at 60% in EPI) is 27th best in the world.[158] This suggests that main environmental issues in Armenia are with population health, while environment vitality is of lesser concern. Out of sub-subindices contributing to Environmental Health subindex ranking on Air Quality to which population is exposed is particularly unsatisfying.
Waste management in Armenia is underdeveloped, as no waste sorting or recycling takes place at Armenia's 60 landfills. A waste processing plant is scheduled for construction near Hrazdan city, which will allow for closure of 10 waste dumps.[159]
Despite the availability of abundant renewable energy sources in Armenia (especially hydroelectric and wind power) and calls from EU officials to shut down the nuclear power plant at Metsamor,[160] the Armenian Government is exploring the possibilities of installing new small modular nuclear reactors. In 2018 existing nuclear plant is scheduled for modernization to enhance its safety and increase power production by about 10%.[161][162]
Government and politics
Main articles: Government of Armenia and Politics of Armenia
Armenia is a representative parliamentary democratic republic. The Armenian constitution adhered to the model of a semi-presidential republic until April 2018.
According to the current Constitution of Armenia, the President is the head of state holding largely representational functions, while the Prime Minister is the head of government and exercises executive power.
Since 1995 Legislative power is vested in the Azgayin Zhoghov or National Assembly, which is a unicameral parliament consisting of 105 members.[163]
The Fragile States Index since its first report in 2006 until most recent in 2019, consistently ranked Armenia better than all its neighboring countries (with one exception in 2011).[164]
Armenia has universal suffrage above the age of eighteen.[165][166]
Foreign relations
Main article: Foreign relations of Armenia
Armenia became a member of the United Nations on 2 March 1992, and is a signatory to a number of its organizations and other international agreements. Armenia is also a member of international organisations such as the Council of Europe, the Asian Development Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the European Political Community, the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, the World Customs Organization, the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation and La Francophonie. It is a member of the CSTO military alliance, and also participates in NATO's Partnership for Peace program and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. In 2004, its forces joined KFOR, a NATO-led international force in Kosovo. Armenia is also an observer member of the Arab League,[167] the Organization of American States, the Pacific Alliance, the Non-Aligned Movement, and a dialogue partner in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. As a result of its historical ties to France, Armenia was selected to host the biennial Francophonie summit in 2018.[168]
Armenia has a difficult relation with neighbouring countries Azerbaijan and Turkey. Tensions were running high between Armenians and Azerbaijanis during the final years of the Soviet Union. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict dominated the region's politics throughout the 1990s.[169] To this day, Armenia's borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan are under severe blockade. In addition, a permanent solution for the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has not been reached despite the mediation provided by organizations such as the OSCE.
Turkey also has a long history of poor relations with Armenia over its refusal to acknowledge the Armenian genocide, even though it was one of the first countries to recognize the Republic of Armenia (the third republic) after its independence from the USSR in 1991. Despite this, for most of the 20th century and early 21st century, relations remain tense and there are no formal diplomatic relations between the two countries due to Turkey's refusal to establish them for numerous reasons. During the first Nagorno-Karabakh War, and citing it as the reason, Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993. It has not lifted its blockade despite pressure from the powerful Turkish business lobby interested in Armenian markets.[169]
On 10 October 2009, Armenia and Turkey signed protocols on the normalisation of relations, which set a timetable for restoring diplomatic ties and reopening their joint border.[170] The ratification of those had to be made in the national parliaments. In Armenia, before sending the protocols to the parliament, it was sent to the Constitutional Court to have their constitutionality to be approved. The Constitutional Court made references to the preamble of the protocols underlying three main issues.[171] One of them stated that the implementation of the protocols did not imply Armenia's official recognition of the existing Turkish-Armenian border established by the Treaty of Kars. By doing so, the Constitutional Court rejected one of the main premises of the protocols, i.e. "the mutual recognition of the existing border between the two countries as defined by relevant treaties of international law".[171][172] This was for the Turkish Government the reason to back down from the Protocols.[173] The Armenian President had made multiple public announcements, both in Armenia and abroad, that, as the leader of the political majority of Armenia, he assured the parliamentary ratification of the protocols if Turkey also ratified them. Despite this, the process stopped, as Turkey continuously added more preconditions to its ratification and also "delayed it beyond any reasonable time-period".[citation needed]
Due to its position between two hostile neighbours, Armenia has close security ties with Russia. At the request of the Armenian government, Russia maintains a military base in the city of Gyumri located in Northwestern Armenia[174] as a deterrent against Turkey.[citation needed] Despite this, Armenia has also been looking toward Euro-Atlantic structures in recent years. Armenia maintains positive relations with the United States, which is home to the second largest Armenian diaspora community in the world. According to the US Census Bureau, there are 427,822 Armenian Americans in the country.[175]
Because of the illicit border blockades by Azerbaijan and Turkey, Armenia continues to maintain solid relations with its southern neighbour Iran, especially in the economic sector. Economic projects are being developed between the two nations, including a gas pipeline going from Iran to Armenia.
Armenia is a member of the Council of Europe and maintains close relations with the European Union; especially with its member states France and Greece. In January 2002, the European Parliament noted that Armenia may enter the EU in the future.[176] A 2005 survey reported that 64% of Armenians favored joining the EU,[177] a move multiple Armenian officials have voiced support for.[178]
A former republic of the Soviet Union and an emerging democracy, Armenia was negotiating to become an associate EU partner and had completed negotiations to sign an Association Agreement with a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area with the EU in 2013. However, the government opted not to finalize the agreement, and instead joined the Eurasian Economic Union.[179][180][181] Despite this, Armenia and the EU finalized the Armenia-EU Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) on 24 November 2017. The agreement enhances the relationship between Armenia and the EU to a new partnership level, further develops cooperation in economic, trade and political areas, aims to improve investment climate, and is designed to bring Armenian law gradually closer to the EU acquis.[182][183][184]
Legally speaking, Armenia has the right to be considered as a prospective EU member provided it meets necessary standards and criteria, though officially such a plan does not exist in Brussels.[185][186][187][188] Armenia is included in the EU's European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and participates in both the Eastern Partnership and the Euronest Parliamentary Assembly, which aims at bringing the EU and its neighbours closer.
Following the 2023 Azerbaijani offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia's relations with a long-term ally Russia started to deteriorate. In February 2024, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said that the CSTO "hasn't fulfilled its security obligations towards Armenia" and that "in practice we have basically frozen our participation in the CSTO".[189] On 28 February 2024, during a speech made in the National Assembly, Pashinyan further stated that the CSTO is "a threat to the national security of Armenia".[190] In March 2024, Armenia officially expelled Russian border guards from the Zvartnots International Airport in Yerevan.[191]
On 2 March 2024, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan advised that Armenia would officially "apply to become a candidate for EU membership in the coming days, within a month at most".[192][193] On 5 March, Pashinyan stated that Armenia would apply for EU candidacy by Autumn 2024 at the latest.[194] On 8 March 2024, Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan stated, "Armenia is seeking to get closer to the West amid worsening relations with Russia" and "New opportunities are largely being discussed in Armenia nowadays, that includes membership in the European Union".[195][196]
Military
Main article: Armed Forces of Armenia
See also: Military history of Armenia
The Armenian Army, Air Force, Air Defence, and Border Guard comprise the four branches of the Armed Forces of Armenia. The Armenian military was formed after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and with the establishment of the Ministry of Defence in 1992. The Commander-in-Chief of the military is the Prime Minister of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan. The Ministry of Defence is in charge of political leadership, headed by Davit Tonoyan, while military command remains in the hands of the general staff, headed by the Chief of Staff, who is Lieutenant-General Onik Gasparyan.
Active forces now number about 81,000 soldiers, with an additional reserve of 32,000 troops. Armenian border guards are in charge of patrolling the country's borders with Georgia and Azerbaijan, while Russian troops continue to monitor its borders with Iran and Turkey. In the case of an attack, Armenia is able to mobilize every able-bodied man between the age of 15 and 59, with military preparedness.[citation needed]
The Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe, which establishes comprehensive limits on key categories of military equipment, was ratified by the Armenian parliament in July 1992. In March 1993, Armenia signed the multilateral Chemical Weapons Convention, which calls for the eventual elimination of chemical weapons. Armenia acceded to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as a non-nuclear weapons state in July 1993. Armenia is a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO). Armenia also has an Individual Partnership Action Plan with NATO and it participates in NATO's Partnership for Peace (PiP) program and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC).
Human rights and freedom
Main article: Human rights in Armenia
Human rights in Armenia tend to be better than those in most former Soviet republics and have drawn closer to acceptable standards, especially economically.[citation needed] Nonetheless, there are still several considerable problems.
Armenia scored 5.63 on The Economist Democracy Index, published in January 2023 (data for 2022). Although still classified as "hybrid regime", Armenia recorded the strongest improvement among European countries and reached its ever-best score since calculation began in 2006.[197]
Armenia is classified as "partly free" in the 2019 report (with data from 2018) by Freedom House, which gives it a score of 51 out of 100,[198] which is 6 points ahead of the previous estimate.[199]
Armenia recorded unprecedented progress in the 2019 World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders, improving its position by 19 points and ranking 61st on the list. The publication also confirms the absence of cases of killed journalists, citizen journalists or media assistants.[200][201]
Armenia ranks 26th in the 2022 report of The Human Freedom Index published by the American CATO Institute and Canada's Fraser Institute.[202]
Armenia ranked 29th for economic freedom and 76th for personal freedom among 159 countries in the 2017 Human Freedom Index published by the Cato Institute.[203][204]
These classifications may improve when data from 2018, including the period of the velvet revolution and thereafter, is analyzed.[citation needed]
In October 2023 Armenia ratified signing the Rome statute, whereby Armenia will become a full member of the International Criminal Court.[205]
Administrative divisions
Main article: Administrative divisions of Armenia
Armenia is divided into ten provinces (marzer, singular marz), with the city (kaghak) of Yerevan (Երևան) having special administrative status as the country's capital. The chief executive in each of the ten provinces is the marzpet (marz governor), appointed by the government of Armenia. In Yerevan, the chief executive is the mayor, elected since 2009.
Within each province there are communities (hamaynkner, singular hamaynk). Each community is self-governing and consists of one or more settlements (bnakavayrer, singular bnakavayr). Settlements are classified as either towns (kaghakner, singular kaghak) or villages (gyugher, singular gyugh). As of 2007 , Armenia includes 915 communities, of which 49 are considered urban and 866 are considered rural. The capital, Yerevan, also has the status of a community.[206] Additionally, Yerevan is divided into twelve semi-autonomous districts.
Province Capital Area (km2) Population † Aragatsotn Արագածոտն Ashtarak Աշտարակ 2,756 132,925 Ararat Արարատ Artashat Արտաշատ 2,090 260,367 Armavir Արմավիր Armavir Արմավիր 1,242 265,770 Gegharkunik Գեղարքունիք Gavar Գավառ 5,349 235,075 Kotayk Կոտայք Hrazdan Հրազդան 2,086 254,397 Lori Լոռի Vanadzor Վանաձոր 3,799 235,537 Shirak Շիրակ Gyumri Գյումրի 2,680 251,941 Syunik Սյունիք Kapan Կապան 4,506 141,771 Tavush Տավուշ Ijevan Իջևան 2,704 128,609 Vayots Dzor Վայոց Ձոր Yeghegnadzor Եղեգնաձոր 2,308 52,324 Yerevan Երևան – – 223 1,060,138
† 2011 census
Sources: Area and population of provinces.[207]
Economy
Main article: Economy of Armenia
The economy relies heavily on investment and support from Armenians abroad.[208] Before independence, Armenia's economy was largely industry-based – chemicals, electronics, machinery, processed food, synthetic rubber, and textile – and highly dependent on outside resources. The republic had developed a modern industrial sector, supplying machine tools, textiles, and other manufactured goods to sister republics in exchange for raw materials and energy.[71]
Agriculture accounted for less than 20% of both net material product and total employment before the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. After independence, the importance of agriculture in the economy increased markedly, its share at the end of the 1990s rising to more than 30% of GDP and more than 40% of total employment.[209] This increase in the importance of agriculture was attributable to food security needs of the population in the face of uncertainty during the first phases of transition and the collapse of the non-agricultural sectors of the economy in the early 1990s. As the economic situation stabilised and growth resumed, the share of agriculture in GDP dropped to slightly over 20% (2006 data), although the share of agriculture in employment remained more than 40%.[210]
Armenian mines produce copper, zinc, gold, and lead. The vast majority of energy is produced with fuel imported from Russia, including gas and nuclear fuel (for its one nuclear power plant); the main domestic energy source is hydroelectric. Small deposits of coal, gas, and petroleum exist but have not yet been developed.
Access to biocapacity in Armenia is lower than world average. In 2016, Armenia had 0.8 global hectares of biocapacity per person within its territory, much less than the world average of 1.6 global hectares per person.[212] In 2016 Armenia used 1.9 global hectares of biocapacity per person—their ecological footprint of consumption. This means they use double as much biocapacity as Armenia contains. As a result, Armenia is running a biocapacity deficit.
Like other newly independent states of the former Soviet Union, Armenia's economy suffers from the breakdown of former Soviet trading patterns. Soviet investment in and support of Armenian industry has virtually disappeared, so that few major enterprises are still able to function. In addition, the effects of the 1988 Spitak earthquake, which killed more than 25,000 people and made 500,000 homeless, are still being felt. The conflict with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh has not been resolved. Shutdown of the nuclear power plant in 1989 lead to the Armenian energy crisis of 1990s. The GDP fell nearly 60% between 1989 and 1993, but then resumed robust growth after the power plant was reopened in 1995.[209] The national currency, the dram, suffered hyperinflation for the first years after its introduction in 1993.
Nevertheless, the government was able to make wide-ranging economic reforms that paid off in dramatically lower inflation and steady growth. The 1994 ceasefire in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has also helped the economy. Armenia has had strong economic growth since 1995, building on the turnaround that began the previous year, and inflation has been negligible for the past several years. New sectors, such as precious-stone processing and jewelry making, information and communication technology and tourism are beginning to supplement more traditional sectors of the economy, such as agriculture.[213]
This steady economic progress has earned Armenia increasing support from international institutions. The International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), and other international financial institutions (IFIs) and foreign countries are extending considerable grants and loans. Loans to Armenia since 1993 exceed $1.1 billion. These loans are targeted at reducing the budget deficit and stabilising the currency; developing private businesses; energy; agriculture; food processing; transportation; the health and education sectors; and ongoing rehabilitation in the earthquake zone. The government joined the World Trade Organization on 5 February 2003. But one of the main sources of foreign direct investments remains the Armenian diaspora, which finances major parts of the reconstruction of infrastructure and other public projects. Being a growing democratic state, Armenia also hopes to get more financial aid from the Western World.
A liberal foreign investment law was approved in June 1994, and a law on privatization was adopted in 1997, as well as a program of state property privatization. Continued progress will depend on the ability of the government to strengthen its macroeconomic management, including increasing revenue collection, improving the investment climate, and making strides against corruption. However, unemployment, which was 18.5% in 2015,[214] still remains a major problem due to the influx of thousands of refugees from the Karabakh conflict.
In 2017, the economy grew by 7.5% due to rising copper prices.[163]
In 2022, Armenia's GDP stood at $39.4 billion, and enjoyed an economic freedom index of 65.3, according to Heritage Organisation.[215]
The Armenian economy is predicted to grow by 13% in 2022 due to a huge influx of Russian citizens.[216] The IMF's preliminary forecast as of March 2022 predicted growth of 1.5% for the year.[217]
Science and technology
Research spending is low in Armenia, averaging 0.25% of GDP over 2010–2013. However, the statistical record of research expenditure is incomplete, as expenditure by privately owned business enterprises is not surveyed in Armenia. The world average for domestic expenditure on research was 1.7% of GDP in 2013.[218]
The country's Strategy for the Development of Science 2011–2020 envisions that 'by 2020, Armenia is a country with a knowledge-based economy and is competitive within the European Research Area with its level of basic and applied research.' It fixes the following targets:[218]
Creation of a system capable of sustaining the development of science and technology;
Development of scientific potential, modernization of scientific infrastructure;
Promotion of basic and applied research;
Creation of a synergistic system of education, science and innovation; and
Becoming a prime location for scientific specialization in the European Research Area.
Based on this strategy, the accompanying Action Plan was approved by the government in June 2011. It defines the following targets:[218]
Improve the management system for science and technology and create the requisite conditions for sustainable development;
Involve more young, talented people in education and research, while upgrading research infrastructure;
Create the requisite conditions for the development of an integrated national innovation system; and
Enhance international co-operation in research and development.
Although the Strategy clearly pursues a 'science push' approach, with public research institutes serving as the key policy target, it nevertheless mentions the goal of establishing an innovation system. However, the main driver of innovation, the business sector, is not mentioned. In between publishing the Strategy and Action Plan, the government issued a resolution in May 2010 on Science and Technology Development Priorities for 2010–2014. These priorities are:[218]
Armenian studies, humanities and social sciences;
Life sciences;
Renewable energy, new energy sources;
Advanced technologies, information technologies;
Space, Earth sciences, sustainable use of natural resources; and
Basic research promoting essential applied research.
The Law on the National Academy of Sciences was adopted in May 2011. This law is expected to play a key role in shaping the Armenian innovation system. It allows the National Academy of Sciences to extend its business activities to the commercialization of research results and the creation of spin-offs; it also makes provision for restructuring the National Academy of Sciences by combining institutes involved in closely related research areas into a single body. Three of these new centres are particularly relevant: the Centre for Biotechnology, the Centre for Zoology and Hydro-ecology and the Centre for Organic and Pharmaceutical Chemistry.[218]
The government is focusing its support on selected industrial sectors. More than 20 projects have been cofunded by the State Committee of Science in targeted branches: pharmaceuticals, medicine and biotechnology, agricultural mechanization and machine building, electronics, engineering, chemistry and, in particular, the sphere of information technology.[218]
Over the past decade, the government has made an effort to encourage science–industry linkages. The Armenian information technology sector has been particularly active: a number of public–private partnerships have been established between companies and universities, in order to give students marketable skills and generate innovative ideas at the interface of science and business. Examples are Synopsys Inc. and the Enterprise Incubator Foundation.[218] Armenia was ranked 72nd in the Global Innovation Index in 2023, down from 64th in 2019.[219][220][221]
Demographics
Main articles: Demographics of Armenia and Armenians
Armenia has a population of 2,932,731 as of 2022[222] and is the third most densely populated of the former Soviet republics.[223] There has been a problem of population decline due to elevated levels of emigration after the break-up of the USSR.[224] In the past years emigration levels have declined and some population growth is observed since 2012.[225]
Armenia has a relatively large external diaspora (8 million by some estimates, greatly exceeding the 3 million population of Armenia itself), with communities existing across the globe. The largest Armenian communities outside of Armenia can be found in Russia, France, Iran, the United States, Georgia, Syria, Lebanon, Australia, Canada, Greece, Cyprus, Israel, Poland, Ukraine and Brazil. 40,000 to 70,000 Armenians still live in Turkey (mostly in and around Istanbul).[226]
About 1,000 Armenians reside in the Armenian Quarter in the Old City of Jerusalem, a remnant of a once-larger community.[227] Italy is home to the San Lazzaro degli Armeni, an island located in the Venetian Lagoon, which is completely occupied by a monastery run by the Mechitarists, an Armenian Catholic congregation.[228] Approximately 139,000 Armenians lived in the de facto independent country Republic of Artsakh where they formed a majority before 1 October 2023, when almost the entire population of the region had fled to Armenia.[229][230]
Cities
See also: Municipalities of Armenia
Ethnic groups
See also: Ethnic minorities in Armenia
Ethnic Armenians make up 98.1% of the population. Yazidis make up 1.1%, and Russians 0.5%. Other minorities include Assyrians, Ukrainians, Greeks (usually called Caucasus Greeks), Kurds, Georgians, Belarusians, and Jews. There are also smaller communities of Vlachs, Mordvins, Ossetians, Udis, and Tats. Minorities of Poles and Caucasus Germans also exist though they are heavily Russified.[242] As of 2022, there are 31,077 Yazidis in Armenia.[243]
During the Soviet era, Azerbaijanis were historically the second largest population in the country, numbering 76,550 in 1922,[244] and forming about 2.5% in 1989.[245] However, due to the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, virtually all of them emigrated from Armenia to Azerbaijan. Conversely, Armenia received a large influx of Armenian refugees from Azerbaijan, thus giving Armenia a more homogeneous character.
According to Gallup research conducted in 2017 Armenia has one of the highest migrant acceptance (welcoming) rates in eastern Europe.[246]
Languages
Main article: Languages of Armenia
Armenians have their own distinct alphabet and language,[247] which is the only official language. The alphabet was invented c. AD 405 by Mesrop Mashtots and consists of thirty-nine letters, three of which were added during the Cilician period.[248] The main foreign languages that Armenians know are Russian and English. Due to its Soviet past, most of the old population can speak Russian quite well. According to a 2013 survey, 95% of Armenians said they had some knowledge of Russian (24% advanced, 59% intermediate) compared to 40% who said they knew some English (4% advanced, 16% intermediate and 20% beginner). However, more adults (50%) think that English should be taught in public secondary schools than those who prefer Russian (44%).[249]
Religion
Main article: Religion in Armenia
Armenia was the first nation to adopt Christianity as a state religion, an event traditionally dated to AD 301.[250][251][252]
The predominant religion in Armenia is Christianity. Its roots go back to the 1st century AD, when it was founded by two of Jesus' twelve apostles – Thaddaeus and Bartholomew – who preached Christianity in Armenia between AD 40–60.
Over 93% of Christians in Armenia belong to the Armenian Apostolic Church,[253][254] which is in communion only with the churches comprising Oriental Orthodoxy—of which it is itself a member.
The Catholic Church maintains jurisdictions of both the Latin Church and Armenian Catholic Church in Armenia. Of note are the Mechitarists (also spelled "Mekhitarists" Armenian: Մխիթարեան), a congregation of Benedictine monks in the Armenian Catholic Church, founded in 1712 by Mekhitar of Sebaste. They are best known for their series of scholarly publications of ancient Armenian versions of otherwise lost ancient Greek texts.
The Armenian Evangelical Church has several thousand members throughout the country.
Other Christian denominations in Armenia are the Pentecostal branches of Protestant community such as the Word of Life, the Armenian Brotherhood Church,[255] the Baptists (which are known as one of the oldest existing denominations in Armenia, and were permitted by the authorities of the Soviet Union),[256][257] and Presbyterians.[258]
Armenia is also home to a Russian community of Molokans which practice a form of Spiritual Christianity originated from the Russian Orthodox Church.[259]
The Yazidis, who live in the western part of the country, practice Yazidism.[260] The world's largest Yazidi temple, Quba Mêrê Dîwanê, was completed in 2019[261] in the village of Aknalich.[243]
There is a Jewish community in Armenia of approximately 750 people since independence with most emigrants leaving for Israel. There are currently two synagogues in Armenia – one in the capital, Yerevan, and the other in the city of Sevan located near Lake Sevan.
Health care
Main article: Health in Armenia
Healthcare in Armenia has undergone significant changes since independence in 1991. Initially, the Soviet healthcare system was highly centralized and provided free medical assistance to all citizens. After independence, the healthcare system underwent reform and primary care services have been free of charge since 2006. Despite improvements in accessibility and the implementation of an Open Enrollment program, out-of-pocket health expenditures remain high and corruption among healthcare professionals remains a concern.[262] In 2019, healthcare became free for all citizens under the age of 18 and the number of people receiving free or subsidized care under the Basic Benefits Package was increased.[263][264]
After a significant decline in earlier decades, crude[f] birth rates in Armenia slightly increased from 13.0 (per 1000 people) in the year 1998 to 14.2 in 2015;[265] this timeframe also showed a similar trajectory in the crude death rate, which grew from 8.6 to 9.3.[266] Life expectancy at birth at 74.8 years was the 4th-highest among the Post-Soviet states in 2014.[267]
Education
In medieval times, the University of Gladzor and University of Tatev took an important role for Armenian education.[citation needed]
A literacy rate of 100% was reported as early as 1960.[268] In the communist era, Armenian education followed the standard Soviet model of complete state control (from Moscow) of curricula and teaching methods and close integration of education activities with other aspects of society, such as politics, culture, and the economy.[268]
In the 1988–89 school year, 301 students per 10,000 were in specialized secondary or higher education, a figure slightly lower than the Soviet average.[268] In 1989, some 58% of Armenians over age fifteen had completed their secondary education, and 14% had a higher education.[268] In the 1990–91 school year, the estimated 1,307 primary and secondary schools were attended by 608,800 students.[268] Another seventy specialised secondary institutions had 45,900 students, and 68,400 students were enrolled in a total of ten postsecondary institutions that included universities.[268] In addition, 35% of eligible children attended preschools.[268] In 1992 Armenia's largest institution of higher learning, Yerevan State University, had eighteen departments, including ones for social sciences, sciences, and law.[268] Its faculty numbered about 1,300 teachers and its student population about 10,000 students.[268] The National Polytechnic University of Armenia is operating since 1933.[268]
In the early 1990s, Armenia made substantial changes to the centralised and regimented Soviet system.[268] Because at least 98% of students in higher education were Armenian, curricula began to emphasise Armenian history and culture.[268] Armenian became the dominant language of instruction, and many schools that had taught in Russian closed by the end of 1991.[268] Russian was still widely taught, however, as a second language.[268]
In 2014, the National Program for Educational Excellence embarked on creating an internationally competitive and academically rigorous alternative educational program (the Araratian Baccalaureate) for Armenian schools and increasing the importance and status of the teacher's role in society.[269][270]
The Ministry of Education and Science is responsible for regulation of the sector. Primary and secondary education in Armenia is free, and completion of secondary school is compulsory.[268] Higher education in Armenia is harmonized with the Bologna process and the European Higher Education Area. The Armenian National Academy of Sciences plays an important role in postgraduate education.
Schooling takes 12 years in Armenia and breaks down into primary (4 years), middle (5 years) and high school (3 years). Schools engage a 10-grade mark system. The government also supports Armenian schools outside of Armenia.
Gross enrollment in tertiary education at 44% in 2015 surpassed peer countries of the South Caucasus but remained below the average for Europe and Central Asia.[271] However, public spending per student in tertiary education in GDP-ratio terms is one of the lowest for post-USSR countries (for which data was available).[272]
Culture
Main article: Culture of Armenia
Architecture
Main article: Armenian architecture
Armenian architecture, as it originates in an earthquake-prone region, tends to be built with this hazard in mind. Armenian buildings tend to be rather low-slung and thick-walled in design. Armenia has abundant resources of stone, and relatively few forests, so stone was nearly always used throughout for large buildings. Small buildings and most residential buildings were normally constructed of lighter materials, and hardly any early examples survive, as at the abandoned medieval capital of Ani.[273]
Music and dance
Main article: Music of Armenia
Armenian music is a mix of indigenous folk music, perhaps best-represented by Djivan Gasparyan's well-known duduk music, as well as light pop, and extensive Christian music.
Instruments like the duduk, dhol, zurna, and kanun are commonly found in Armenian folk music. Artists such as Sayat Nova are famous due to their influence in the development of Armenian folk music. One of the oldest types of Armenian music is the Armenian chant which is the most common kind of religious music in Armenia. Many of these chants are ancient in origin, extending to pre-Christian times, while others are relatively modern, including several composed by Saint Mesrop Mashtots, the inventor of the Armenian alphabet. Whilst under Soviet rule, the Armenian classical music composer Aram Khatchaturian became internationally well known for his music, for various ballets and the Sabre Dance from his composition for the ballet Gayane.
The Armenian Genocide caused widespread emigration that led to the settlement of Armenians in various countries in the world. Armenians kept to their traditions and certain diasporans rose to fame with their music. In the post-genocide Armenian community of the United States, the so-called "kef" style Armenian dance music, using Armenian and Middle Eastern folk instruments (often electrified/amplified) and some western instruments, was popular. This style preserved the folk songs and dances of Western Armenia, and many artists also played the contemporary popular songs of Turkey and other Middle Eastern countries from which the Armenians emigrated.
Richard Hagopian is perhaps the most famous artist of the traditional "kef" style and the Vosbikian Band was notable in the 1940s and 1950s for developing their own style of "kef music" heavily influenced by the popular American Big Band Jazz of the time. Later, stemming from the Middle Eastern Armenian diaspora and influenced by Continental European (especially French) pop music, the Armenian pop music genre grew to fame in the 1960s and 1970s with artists such as Adiss Harmandian and Harout Pamboukjian performing to the Armenian diaspora and Armenia; also with artists such as Sirusho, performing pop music combined with Armenian folk music in today's entertainment industry.
Other Armenian diasporans that rose to fame in classical or international music circles are world-renowned French-Armenian singer and composer Charles Aznavour, pianist Sahan Arzruni, prominent opera sopranos such as Hasmik Papian and more recently Isabel Bayrakdarian and Anna Kasyan. Certain Armenians settled to sing non-Armenian tunes such as the heavy metal band System of a Down (which nonetheless often incorporates traditional Armenian instrumentals and styling into their songs) or pop star Cher. In the Armenian diaspora, Armenian revolutionary songs are popular with the youth. These songs encourage Armenian patriotism and are generally about Armenian history and national heroes.
Art
Main article: Armenian art
Yerevan Vernissage (arts and crafts market), close to Republic Square, bustles with hundreds of vendors selling a variety of crafts on weekends and Wednesdays (though the selection is much reduced mid-week). The market offers woodcarving, antiques, fine lace, and the hand-knotted wool carpets and kilims that are a Caucasus speciality. Obsidian, which is found locally, is crafted into assortment of jewellery and ornamental objects. Armenian gold smithery enjoys a long tradition, populating one corner of the market with a selection of gold items. Soviet relics and souvenirs of recent Russian manufacture – nesting dolls, watches, enamel boxes and so on – are also available at the Vernisage.
Across from the Opera House, a popular art market fills another city park on the weekends. Armenia's long history as a crossroads of the ancient world has resulted in a landscape with innumerable fascinating archaeological sites to explore. Medieval, Iron Age, Bronze Age and even Stone Age sites are all within a few hours drive from the city. All but the most spectacular remain virtually undiscovered, allowing visitors to view churches and fortresses in their original settings.
The National Art Gallery in Yerevan has more than 16,000 works that date back to the Middle Ages, which indicate Armenia's rich tales and stories of the times. It houses paintings by many European masters as well. The Modern Art Museum, the Children's Picture Gallery, and the Martiros Saryan Museum are only a few of the other noteworthy collections of fine art on display in Yerevan. Moreover, many private galleries are in operation, with many more opening every year, featuring rotating exhibitions and sales.
On 13 April 2013, the Armenian government announced a change in law to allow freedom of panorama for 3D works of art.[274]
Media
Main article: Media of Armenia
Television, magazines, and newspapers are all operated by both state-owned and for-profit corporations which depend on advertising, subscription, and other sales-related revenues. The Constitution of Armenia guarantees freedom of speech and Armenia ranks 61st in the 2020 Press Freedom Index report compiled by Reporters Without Borders, between Georgia and Poland.[275] Armenia's press freedom rose considerably following the 2018 Velvet Revolution.[276]
As of 2020, the biggest issue facing press freedom in Armenia is judicial harassment of journalists, specifically defamation suits and attacks on journalists' right to protect sources,[277] as well as excessive responses to combat disinformation spread by social media users. Reporters Without Borders also cites continued concerns about lack of transparency regarding ownership of media outlets.[275]
Cinema
Main article: Cinema of Armenia
Cinema in Armenia was born on 16 April 1923, when the Armenian State Committee of Cinema was established by a decree of the Soviet Armenian government.
However, the first Armenian film with Armenian subject called "Haykakan Sinema" was produced earlier in 1912 in Cairo by Armenian-Egyptian publisher Vahan Zartarian. The film was premiered in Cairo on 13 March 1913.[278]
In March 1924, the first Armenian film studio; Armenfilm (Armenian: Հայֆիլմ "Hayfilm", Russian: Арменкино "Armenkino") was established in Yerevan, starting with a documentary film called Soviet Armenia.
Namus was the first Armenian silent black-and-white film, directed by Hamo Beknazarian in 1925, based on a play of Alexander Shirvanzade, describing the ill fate of two lovers, who were engaged by their families to each other since childhood, but because of violations of namus (a tradition of honor), the girl was married by her father to another person. The first sound film, Pepo was shot in 1935 and directed by Hamo Beknazarian.
Cuisine
Main article: Armenian cuisine
Armenian cuisine is closely related to eastern and Mediterranean cuisine; various spices, vegetables, fish, and fruits combine to present unique dishes. The main characteristics of Armenian cuisine are a reliance on the quality of the ingredients rather than heavily spicing food, the use of herbs, the use of wheat in a variety of forms, of legumes, nuts, and fruit (as a main ingredient as well as to sour food), and the stuffing of a wide variety of leaves.
The pomegranate, with its symbolic association with fertility, represents the nation. The apricot is the national fruit.
Sport
Main articles: Sport in Armenia and Chess in Armenia
A wide array of sports are played in Armenia, the most popular among them being wrestling, weightlifting, judo, association football, chess, and boxing. Armenia's mountainous terrain provides great opportunities for the practice of sports like skiing and climbing. Being a landlocked country, water sports can only be practised on lakes, notably Lake Sevan. Competitively, Armenia has been successful in chess, weightlifting and wrestling at the international level. Armenia is also an active member of the international sports community, with full membership in the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) and International Ice Hockey Federation (IIHF). It also hosts the Pan-Armenian Games.
Prior to 1992, Armenians would participate in the Olympics representing the USSR. As part of the Soviet Union, Armenia was very successful, winning plenty of medals and helping the USSR win the medal standings at the Olympics on numerous occasions. The first medal won by an Armenian in modern Olympic history was by Hrant Shahinyan (sometimes spelled as Grant Shaginyan), who won two golds and two silvers in gymnastics at the 1952 Summer Olympics in Helsinki. To highlight the level of success of Armenians in the Olympics, Shahinyan was quoted as saying:
"Armenian sportsmen had to outdo their opponents by several notches for the shot at being accepted into any Soviet team. But those difficulties notwithstanding, 90 percent of Armenian athletes on Soviet Olympic teams came back with medals."[279]
Armenia first participated at the 1992 Summer Olympics in Barcelona under a unified CIS team, where it was very successful, winning three golds and one silver in weightlifting, wrestling and sharp shooting, despite only having five athletes. Since the 1994 Winter Olympics in Lillehammer, Armenia has participated as an independent nation.
Armenia participates in the Summer Olympic Games in boxing, wrestling, weightlifting, judo, gymnastics, track and field, diving, swimming and sharp shooting. It also participates in the Winter Olympic Games in alpine skiing, cross-country skiing and figure skating.
Football is also popular in Armenia. The most successful team was the FC Ararat Yerevan team of the 1970s who won the Soviet Cup in 1973 and 1975 and the Soviet Top League in 1973. The latter achievement saw FC Ararat gain entry to the European Cup where – despite a home victory in the second leg – they lost on aggregate at the quarter-final stage to eventual winner FC Bayern Munich. Armenia competed internationally as part of the USSR national football team until the Armenian national football team was formed in 1992 after the split of the Soviet Union. Armenia have never qualified for a major tournament although recent improvements saw the team to achieve 44th position in the FIFA World Rankings in September 2011. The national team is controlled by the Football Federation of Armenia. The Armenian Premier League is the highest level football competition in Armenia, and has been dominated by FC Pyunik in recent seasons. The league currently consists of eight teams and relegates to the Armenian First League.
Armenia and the Armenian diaspora have produced many successful footballers, including Henrikh Mkhitaryan, Youri Djorkaeff, Alain Boghossian, Andranik Eskandarian, Andranik Teymourian, Edgar Manucharyan, Khoren Oganesian and Nikita Simonyan. Djokaeff and Boghossian won the 1998 FIFA World Cup with France, Teymourian competed in the 2006 World Cup for Iran and Manucharyan played in the Dutch Eredivisie for Ajax. Mkhitaryan has been one of the most successful Armenian footballers in recent years, playing for international clubs such as Borussia Dortmund, Manchester United, Arsenal, A.S. Roma and currently for Inter Milan.[280]
Wrestling has been a successful sport in the Olympics for Armenia. At the 1996 Summer Olympics in Atlanta, Armen Nazaryan won the gold in the Men's Greco-Roman Flyweight (52 kg) category and Armen Mkrtchyan won the silver in Men's Freestyle Paperweight (48 kg) category, securing Armenia's first two medals in its Olympic history.
Traditional Armenian wrestling is called Kokh and practised in traditional garb; it was one of the influences included in the Soviet combat sport of Sambo, which is also very popular.[281]
The government of Armenia budgets about $2.8 million annually for sports and gives it to the National Committee of Physical Education and Sports, the body that determines which programs should benefit from the funds.[279]
Due to the lack of success lately on the international level, in recent years, Armenia has rebuilt 16 Soviet-era sports schools and furnished them with new equipment for a total cost of $1.9 million. The rebuilding of the regional schools was financed by the Armenian government. $9.3 million has been invested in the resort town of Tsaghkadzor to improve the winter sports infrastructure because of dismal performances at recent winter sports events. In 2005, a cycling centre was opened in Yerevan with the aim of helping produce world class Armenian cyclists. The government has also promised a cash reward of $700,000 to Armenians who win a gold medal at the Olympics.[279]
Armenia has also been very successful in chess, winning the World Champion in 2011 and the World Chess Olympiad on three occasions.[282]
See also
Asia portal
Europe portal
Armenians
History of Armenia
Index of Armenia-related articles
List of people on coins of Armenia
Outline of Armenia
Explanatory notes
Source attribution
This article incorporates text from a free content work. Licensed under CC BY-SA IGO 3.0. Text taken from UNESCO Science Report: towards 2030, 324–26, UNESCO, UNESCO Publishing.
Citations
Sources
Canard, Marius & Cahen, Claude (1960). "Armīniya". In Gibb, H. A. R.; Kramers, J. H.; Lévi-Provençal, E.; Schacht, J.; Lewis, B. & Pellat, Ch. (eds.). The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Volume I: A–B. Leiden: E. J. Brill. pp. 634–640. OCLC 495469456. | ||||||
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A-Bo
Culture of Armenia
Armenia
Culture Name
Armenian
Alternative Names
Hayastan/Hayasdan; Haygagan/Haykakan/Haigagan; Haikakan
Orientation
Identification. The designation "Armenia" applies to different entities: a "historical" Armenia, the Armenian plateau, the 1918–1920 U.S. State Department map of an Armenia, and the current republic of Armenia. The notion "Armenian culture" implies not just the culture of Armenia but that of the Armenian people, the majority of whom live outside the current boundaries of the republic of Armenia.
Armenians call themselves hay and identify their homeland not by the term "Armenia" but as Hayastan or Hayasdan. The origins of these words can be traced to the Hittites, among whose historical documents is a reference to the Hayasa. In the Bible, the area designated as Armenia is referred to as Ararat, which the Assyrians referred to as Urartu. Armenians also identify themselves as the people of Ararat/Urartu and of Nairi, and their habitat as nairian ashkharh or yergir nairian . Armenians have called themselves Torkomian or Torgomian . They also call themselves Haigi serount or Haiki seround , descendants of Haig/Haik.
Location and Geography. Armenia has been identified with the mountainous Armenian plateau since pre-Roman times. The plateau is bordered on the east by Iran, on the west by Asia Minor, on the north by the Transcaucasian plains, and on the south by the Mesopotamian plains. The plateau consists of a complex set of mountain ranges, volcanic peaks, valleys, lakes, and rivers. It is also the main water reservoir of the Middle East, as two great rivers—the Euphrates and the Tigris— originate in its high mountains. The mean altitude of the Armenian plateau is 5,600 feet (1,700 meter) above sea level.
Present-day Armenia—the republic of Armenia—is a small mountainous republic that gained its independence in 1991, after seven decades of Soviet rule. It constitutes one-tenth of the historical Armenian plateau. Surrounding Lake Sevan, it has an area of approximately 11,600 square miles (30,000 square kilometers). Its border countries are Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan-Naxçivan, the Republic of Georgia, Iran, and Turkey. Its climate is highland continental, with hot summers and cold winters. Despite its small size, it was one of the most densely populated republics of the Soviet Union. Half of its inhabitants live in the Ararat plain, which constitutes only 10 percent of its territory and includes the capital city of Yerevan. Yerevan houses one-third of the country's population.
Armenia is a rugged, volcanic country with rich mineral resources. It is highly prone to earthquakes and occasional droughts.
Demography. Approximately 3 million people live in the republic of Armenia. Another 3 million Armenians live in various countries of the ex-Soviet Union—mainly in Russia. One and a half million Armenians are dispersed in the Americas. About one million Armenians live in various European countries, and half a million Armenians live in the Middle East and Africa. The ethnic composition of Armenia's population is 93.3 percent Armenian; 1.5 percent Russian; 1.7 percent Kurdish; and 3.5 percent Assyrian, Greek, and other.
Linguistic Affiliation. Armenian is the official language. When Armenia was under Russian and Soviet rule, Russian constituted the second official language. The Armenian language is an Indo-European language. Its alphabet was invented by the monk Mesrob in 406 C.E. . There are two major standardized versions of Armenian: Western Armenian,
which was based on a version of nineteenth century Armenian spoken in Istanbul and is used mainly in the Diaspora, and Eastern Armenian, which was based on the Armenian spoken in Yerevan and is used in the ex-Soviet countries and Iran. This latter dialect was subjected to orthographic reforms during the Soviet era. There is also "Grabar" Armenian, the original written language, which is still used in the liturgy of the Armenian national (Apostolic) church.
Symbolism. Mount Ararat has had symbolic significance for all Armenians. Today it lies outside the boundaries of Armenia. It may be seen on the horizon from Yerevan, but like a mirage it remains inaccessible to Armenians. Ancient manuscripts depicting the history of Armenia are housed in the national library, Madenataran, and are valued national and historical treasures. Particularly significant symbols of Armenian culture include the statue of Mother Armenia; Dsidsernagabert, a shrine with an ever-burning fire in memory of the Armenian victims of the 1915 genocide; the ruined ancient monasteries; khatchkars engraved stone burial crosses; the ruins of Ani, the last capital of historic Armenia, which fell in 1045; and the emblem of the 1918 first republic of Armenia, its tricolor flag.
History and Ethnic Relations
Emergence of The Nation. Many prehistoric sites have been unearthed in and around Armenia, showing the existence of civilizations with advanced notions in agriculture, metallurgy, and industrial production, with diverse standardized manufacturing processes and pottery.
The origins of the Armenians have long been subject to debate among historians, linguists, and archaeologists. In the 1980s, linguists drew attention to the existence of many similarities between the Indo-European and Semitic languages. The only way to explain the linguistic similarities between these two linguistic groups would be to geographically move the cradle of the Indo-European linguistic groups farther east, to the Armenian plateau.
The Armenians and their plateau have been subject to various invasions. They witnessed Alexander the Great's expeditions toward the east. They fought the Roman legions and the Sassanid Persians, and in most cases lost. They stopped the Arabian expansion toward the north and provided emperors to the Byzantine throne. Having lost their own kingdom in the eleventh century to the invading Tartars and Seljuks, they managed to create a new kingdom farther south and west, in Cilicia, that flourished until 1375, playing a significant role during the Crusades. Then, they lost their last monarchy to the emerging Ottoman Empire, after the latter's westward expansion was stopped at the gates of Vienna. For more than two centuries, Armenia was devastated by the wars between two empires: the Iranian and the Ottoman. Starting at the end of the eighteenth century, the Russian empire also gained a foothold south of the Caucasus Mountains, defeating the Iranians and the Ottomans in a series of wars. The Armenian plateau thus became subject to the advances of three empires.
At the onset of the twentieth century, historical Armenia was divided between the Russian and the Ottoman (Turkish) Empires. Starting in the 1890s, periodical massacres of Armenians were organized by the Turkish authorities, which culminated in the genocide of 1915–1923. The Young Turk leadership of the Ottoman Empire, which had come to power
in 1908, seized the opportunity of World War I to physically remove the Armenian population. They envisioned a new Turkish nation-state (Turan), based on a monoethnic and monoreligious society, extending from Istanbul to Lake Baykal (in Central Asia). The entire Armenian population living under Turkish rule was thus subjected to systematic annihilation and the survivors scattered through the world in the aftermath of what would be known later as the first documented genocide of the twentieth century. Estimates of the Armenian dead vary from six hundred thousand to 2 million. A report of a United Nations human rights subcommission gave the figure of "at least one million."
In late 1917 the Russian empire collapsed and its armies withdrew from the Caucasus front. Eastern or Russian Armenia was left unprotected and by the spring of the next year, the Turkish army was advancing toward the east, trying to reach the oil fields of Baku, on the Caspian Sea. Only a last-ditch effort at the gates of Yerevan saved the Armenians of the east (in Russian Armenia) from the fate of their western compatriots (in Turkey). After the victorious battles of Sardarapat and Bash-Aparan, the Turkish onslaught was contained and reversed, and Armenia declared its independence on 28 May 1918.
Independence, however, was short-lived. After two years, due to the increasing pressure of, on the one hand, advancing Kemalist Turkish forces, and on the other, the Bolsheviks, the small landlocked republic of Armenia was forced to sign treaties that led to the loss of its territories and to its becoming a Soviet republic. Soviet rule lasted seventy years.
Having essentially followed the same path as most other nations under Soviet rule, the Armenians welcomed the dawn of the glasnost era, proclaimed by the last Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, as a means to correct the decades-old injustices imposed upon them.
Armenians believed in glasnost, and framed their demands in its rhetoric. In February 1988 there were impressive demonstrations in Yerevan and Stepanakert (the capital of Nagorno-Karabakh, an Armenian enclave in Azerbaijan) requesting the reunification of Karabakh with Armenia on the basis of self-determination rights. Following these demonstrations, on 28 May 1988, the seventeenth anniversary of the independence of Armenia was celebrated for the first time since Soviet rule. During the summer of 1988, mass demonstrations continued, followed by general strikes. In November 1988, Armenians were subjected to further massacres in Azerbaijan, leading to massive refugee problems. Emergency measures were established in both republics and Azerbaijan began a blockade of Armenia. The disastrous earthquake in Armenia on 7 December 1988 added to the existing refugee and economic problems. On 12 January 1989, a special commission to administer the Karabakh region, under the direct control of Moscow, was established. On 28 May 1989, the Soviet Armenian government recognized 28 May as the official anniversary of the republic of Armenia. During the summer of 1989, the Armenian National Movement acquired legal status, and held its first congress in November 1989. In January 1990, further Armenian massacres were reported in Baku and Kirovabad. During the spring elections, members of the Karabakh Committee, Soviet dissidents, came to power in parliamentary elections. The republic of Armenia gained its independence on 21 September 1991.
National Identity. The Armenian national identity is essentially a cultural one. From the historical depths of its culture and the dispersion of its bearers, it has acquired a richness and diversity rarely achieved within a single national entity, while keeping many fundamental elements that ensure its unity. Its bearers exhibit a strong sense of national identity that sometimes even clashes with the modern concept of the nation-state. It is an identity strongly influenced by the historical experiences of the Armenians. Events such as the adoption of Christianity as a state religion in 301 C.E. , the invention of the Armenian alphabet in 406 C.E. , and the excessively severe treatment at the hands of foreign powers at various times in its history have had a major impact.
Ethnic Relations. The republic of Armenia has thus far escaped the ethnic turmoil characterizing life in the post-Soviet republics. Minority rights are protected by law.
Urbanism, Architecture, and the Use of Space
The great majority of Armenians in Armenia and in the Diaspora are urbanites. In the republic of Armenia, 68 percent live in urban areas with a population density of 286 persons per square mile (110.5 per square kilometer).
Contemporary Armenian architecture has followed the basic characteristics of its historical architectural tradition: simplicity, reliance on locally available geological material, and the use of volcanic tufa for facings. During the Soviet era, however, prefabricated panels were used to build apartment
buildings, many of which collapsed during the 1988 earthquake.
Food and Economy
Food in Daily Life. Staple foods are bread and salt. Harissa a traditional meal, consists of wheat grain and lamb cooked over low heat. Armenians everywhere love barbecued meats and vegetables. The pomegranate, with its symbolic association with fertility, is the national fruit. Armenia is also vine and grape country. When speaking of friendship, Armenians say "we have bread and salt among us." In the state protocol, when dignitaries are welcomed, bread and salt are presented.
Breakfasts on nonworking days are sometimes major get-together events. In huge pots khash is prepared, cattle legs are boiled and served with spices and garlic and consumed with Armenian brandy.
Basic Economy. Since its independence from the Soviet Union, Armenia has been focusing on small-scale agriculture. In 1992, the state-run industries, including agriculture, were immediately privatized as Armenia adopted a Western-style economic system.
Major Industries. During Soviet rule, Armenia began to develop and concentrate on computer-based high technology, alongside a manufacturing sphere, the production of brandy, heavy industry, and mining. The 1991 blockade of the country by Azerbaijan led to a fuel shortage that often left its industries at a standstill. Nuclear energy was shut down after the 1988 earthquake as well, but production was resumed after a few years for lack of other reliable sources of energy. The current trend in industrial development is toward small volume/high-value products such as diamond cutting and electronic components, since transportation is still a major problem for the landlocked republic.
Trade. Armenia has been subject to an economic blockade since the early 1990s by its neighboring countries, with the exception of Iran and Georgia. Trade relations are newly developing. Armenia exports woven and knit apparel; beverages, including brandy; preserved fruits; art and handicrafts; books; precious stones; metals; and electrical machinery.
Social Stratification
Classes and Castes. For several centuries until the end of monarchic historical Armenia in 1045 and Cilicia in 1375, there were aristocratic noble houses with their respective court-related responsibilities. Afterwards, the notion of a generalized middle class emerged. Most Armenians were peasants until the turn of the twentieth century. During the Soviet era, class was de-emphasized. A new elite had emerged, however, based on the nomenclature or system that prevailed during Soviet rule.
Political Life
Government. The republic of Armenia is a democratic constitutional state. A constitution was adopted by national referendum in July 1995. Parliamentary elections were held in July 1995 and May 1999. Presidential elections were held in March 1998.
In 1999, fifteen parties and six political blocs took part in parliamentary elections.
Leadership and Political Officials. Robert Kocharian was the second president elected in the republic of Armenia since its independence. There is an elected national assembly ( Azgayin Joghov ), or parliament. The cabinet is formed by a prime minister designated by the president.
Social Problems and Control. During Soviet rule, Armenia had followed Soviet criminal and civil law. Since independence, a new autonomous legal system has been developing. The post independence period has also witnessed a rise in awareness in the media of organized crime and sex service rings.
Military Activity. Gradually, an autonomous army and defense system are being developed. Armenia joined the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) in March 1992 and signed the CIS Defense Treaty in May 1992.
Social Welfare and Change Programs
During the Soviet period, there was a well-established welfare system. Since then, the social welfare system has been affected by the economic crisis. Although the old age security system or pension is still in place, the amount of funding designated as monthly payment is not sufficient to maintain a subsistence living.
Nongovernmental Organizations and Other Associations
The number of organizations registered as of 31 December 1998 broke down as follows: seventy-six political parties, 1,938 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and 905 Media Outlets. The number of NGOs registered with the NGO Training and Resource Center totaled seven hundred.
Gender Roles and Statuses
Division of Labor by Gender. Armenian culture has historically stressed a division of domains among the sexes. The home/household is a woman's domain. The grandmother/mother-in-law was the manager of the household. Women and men both worked outside the home. In the domestic sphere, women had no choice when it came to the chores. It was their duty and responsibility to maintain the household.
Women and men have equal access to all sectors of the economy. Nevertheless, only five banks, out of the total of 57, are managed by women. In terms of employment, there is a high rate of women's participation in the labor force. Also there is "equal pay for work of equal value." More women, however, are working in lower paid jobs. As a result, the average salary of women constitutes two thirds of men's salaries. The main work areas of women are in the sectors of education and health. The percentage of women working in industry is 40–42 percent. Women constitute 63.9 percent of unemployed workers. Women also account for most of
the domestic unpaid labor as well as for subsistence farming work.
The Relative Status of Women and Men. During the first republic of Armenia (1918–1920), women enjoyed equal voting and election rights. Four women were elected to the national parliament and one woman, Diana Apgar, became the ambassador to Japan. During the Soviet period, in spite of the legislation that stressed women's equality at all levels, women found it difficult to get into the higher decision-making processes. In 1991, during the first democratic elections in the newly independent republic of Armenia, women candidates won in only nine constituencies out of 240, representing only 3.6 percent of the parliament membership. None of the permanent parliamentary committees include any female members.
Marriage, Family, and Kinship
Marriage. Armenians are monogamous. In some cases, marriages are arranged. The accepted practice is to avoid marriage with close kin (of up to seven kin-distances). Because of housing shortages in Soviet Armenia, the new couple resided with the groom's family (patrilocality). The preference, however, has been and continues to be for neolocality, that is, the new couple forming a new household.
Domestic Unit. The married couple and their offspring constitute the domestic unit. During Soviet rule, the domestic unit consisted of a multi generational family. Often paternal grandparents, their married offspring, and unmarried aunts and uncles resided together. In pre-Soviet times, each region had its own preference. The most common domestic unit, however, was a patrilocal multi generational family.
Inheritance. Although inheritance laws have undergone changes and reforms over the years, historically, men and women have been treated equally. Diaspora Armenian communities follow the inheritance laws of their respective countries.
Kin Groups. Kin relations are bilateral. Descent, however, is determined by the patrilineal line.
Socialization
Infant Care. Mothers are seen as the main providers of infant care. During Soviet rule, free infant day care was available to all, but Armenians preferred to leave their infants with grandmothers and
other close kin. Day-care workers were also mainly women. During the Soviet era, women were guaranteed their employment after a prolonged, paid maternity leave. The practice has continued after independence, pending new reforms, which observers fear may decrease paid maternity leave.
Child Rearing and Education. Women are considered to be the bearers and transmitters of culture, customs, and tradition and are seen as responsible for child rearing. Children are highly valued and they occupy the center of attention in households until they reach puberty. At puberty they are disciplined and are expected to take on responsibilities. Education is valued and is given great weight as an agent of socialization. In Armenia throughout the twentieth century, education was free and accessible to all. Because of privatization trends in the post reindependence period, however, there are fears that education may not remain accessible to all.
Higher Education. Armenia has stressed free access to education. A national policy directed at the elimination of illiteracy began in the first republic (1918–1920) and continued in Soviet times, resulting in a nearly 100 percent literacy rate. Women enjoy equal rights at all levels of education. A private higher education system was introduced in 1992. Although there is no discrimination on the basis of sex, some fields have become labeled "female." Of the students in the health-care field, 90 percent are women. In arts and education women constitute 78 percent of the students, in economics the number drops to 44.7 percent, for agriculture, 41 percent, and for industry, transportation, and communications, 40 percent.
Etiquette
Armenians put great emphasis on hospitality and generosity. There is also an emphasis on respect for guests.
Religion
Religious Beliefs. Christianity has been the state religion in Armenia since 301. During Soviet rule, religious expression was not encouraged. The emphasis was on atheism. Armenians had continued to attend church, however, in particular for life-crisis events and rites of passage. The majority of Armenians adhere to the Armenian Apostolic Church. There are also adherents to Catholic, Evangelical, and Protestant denominations.
The church has been a symbol of national culture. It has been seen as the home of Armenians and the bearer of Armenian culture.
Religious Practitioners. The Armenian Apostolic Church has two catholicosate sees: the Catholicos of All Armenians at Etchmiadzin, Armenia, and Cilicia, in Antelias, Lebanon. The two sees are organized differently. Each has its own educational system and hierarchy of priests. Among the Armenians there are celibate and married priests. There are also two patriarchates: one in Istanbul and another in Jerusalem. Women are not ordained into priest-hood. There is only one women's order: the Kalfayian sisters.
Death and the Afterlife. Most Armenians believe in the Christian vision of death and afterlife. The Apostolic Church, unlike some Christian institutions, does not put emphasis on sin and redemption. Likewise the notion of purgatory is absent. Armenians pay special attention to remembering the dead. After every mass, or badarak , there is a memorial service for the dead. The seventh day after death, the fortieth day, and annual remembrance are the accepted way of respecting the dead. Cemeteries are well kept. The communion between the living and the dead is seen in the frequent visits to the graves of loved ones. Food and brandy are served to the dead. The birthdays of dead loved ones are also celebrated.
Medicine and Health Care
Western medical practices are followed in the health sector. Until recently, medicine and health care were universal and state run. The introduction of a private health sector has been discussed. There are already a number of private clinics operating in the republic of Armenia. In addition, a few clinics operate under the sponsorship of Diaspora voluntary associations, such as the Armenian General Benevolent Union and the Armenian Relief Society.
Secular Celebrations
New Year's Eve (or Amanor, Nor Dari, or Gaghant/Kaghand) is a secular holiday. Other secular holidays include: Women's Day 7 April; the commemoration of the 1915 genocide of the Armenians 24 April; the Independence day of the first Armenian republic of 1918, and 28 May; the Independence Day of the current republic of Armenia, 21 September.
The Arts and Humanities
Support for the Arts. In the republic of Armenia, following the policies put forth during the pre-Soviet and Soviet eras, the state has been supporting the arts and humanities. In recent years, because of economic difficulties, there has been a privatization trend. State support is diminishing. In the Diaspora, the arts and humanities rely on local fund-raising efforts, Armenian organizations, and the initiative of individuals. In the republic of Armenia, artists are engaged full time in their respective arts. In the Diaspora, however, artists are rarely self-supporting and rarely make a living through their art.
Literature. Armenians have a rich history of oral and written literature. Parts of the early oral literature was recorded by M. Khorenatsi, a fourth-century historian. During the nineteenth century, under the influence of a European interest in folklore and oral literature, a new movement started that led to the collection of oral epic poems, songs, myths, and stories.
The written literature has been divided into five main epochs: the fifth century golden age, or vosgetar following the adoption of the alphabet; the Middle Ages; the Armenian Renaissance (in the nineteenth century); modern literature of Armenia and Constantinople (Istanbul) at the turn of the twentieth century; and contemporary literature of Armenia and the Diaspora. The fifth century has been recognized internationally as a highly productive epoch. It was also known for its translations of various works, including the Bible. In fact, the clergy have been the main producers of Armenian literary works. One of the most well-known early works is Gregory Narekatzi's Lamentations . During medieval times, a tradition of popular literature and poetry gradually emerged. By the nineteenth century, the vernacular of eastern (Russian and Iranian) Armenia became the literary language of the east, and the vernacular of Istanbul and western (Ottoman Turkish) Armenia became the basis of the literary rebirth for Armenians living in the Ottoman Empire.
Armenian literature has been influenced by European literary styles and movements. It also reflects the tragic history of its people. The 1915 genocide led to the death of the great majority of the Armenian writers of the time. The period immediately after the genocide was marked by a silence. Eventually there emerged a Diaspora literature with centers in Paris, Aleppo, and Beirut. In Soviet Armenia, the literary tradition followed the trends in Russia with a recognizable Armenian voice. Literature received the support of the Soviet state. A writers union was established. At the time of glasnost and perestroika, the emerging leaders belonged to the writers union.
Graphic Arts. Historically, Armenian art has been associated with architecture, bas-reliefs, stone engravings, steles, illuminated manuscripts, and tapestry. Since the Armenian Renaissance during the nineteenth century, interest in drawing, painting, sculpture, textiles, pottery, needlework, and lace has intensified. During the Soviet period, graphic arts were particularly encouraged. A new Armenian style of bright colors emerged in painting. An interest in landscape painting, rustic images, a focus on rural life, and ethnographic genre paintings were noticeable in Soviet Armenia. A national art gallery houses the works of Sarian, M. Avedissian, Hagopian, Soureniantz, and other artists of the Soviet epoch. In the current republic, there are outdoor exhibits of newly emerging painters, and new private initiatives are being made.
Performance Arts. Armenia has a long tradition of musical art, dating back to prehistoric times, and Armenian musicians played a fundamental role in the modernization of oriental music during the nineteenth century. Armenian traditional music differs from its oriental counterparts by its sobriety.
The republic of Armenia has thus far continued the trend set in Soviet years. The opera house, the theaters, and the concert halls are the pride of Armenians and have remained highly accessible to the general public. Armenian folk, classic, and religious music, as well as its composers, such as Komitas and A. Khatchadourian, have been known throughout the world. The folk-dance ensembles have also been participating in various international festivals.
The State of Physical and Social Sciences
In the republic of Armenia, as in Soviet Armenia, as well as in the Armenian republic of 1918, the state has been the main support system for the physical and social sciences. There is a well-established Academy of Sciences, where the social sciences and humanities have been and are represented. In recent years Armenia has been experiencing a dramatic financial crisis. The state is unable to continue its support of research and development. There have been calls for Diaspora fund-raising support. International foundations have also been approached to provide financing.
Bibliography
Alem, Jean-Pierre. Armenie. Paris , 3rd ed., 1972.
Aprahamian, S. "Armenian Identity: Memory, Ethnoscapes, Narratives of Belonging in the Context of the Recent Emerging Notions of Globalization and Its Effect on Time and Space." Feminist Studies in Aotearoa Journal 60 , 1999.
Armenia. National Report on the Conditions of Women , 1995.
Bauer-Manndorff, Elisabeth. Armenia, past and present. Translated by Frederick A. Leist, 1981.
Berndt, Jerry. Armenia: Portraits of Survival, 1994.
Bjorklund, Ulf. "Armenia Remembered and Remade: Evolving Issues in a Diaspora." Ethnos 58: 3-4, 335-360, 1993.
Cox, Caroline, and John Eibner. Ethnic Cleansing in Progress: War in Nagorno Karabakh, 1993.
Der Manuelian, Lucy, and Murray L. Eiland. Weavers, Merchants, and Kings: The Inscribed Rugs of Armenia. Edited by Emily J. Sano, 1984.
Der Nersessian, Sirarpie. The Armenians, 1969.
Hamalian, Arpi. The Armenians: Intermediaries for the European Trading Companies, 1976.
Hovannisian, Richard G. Armenia on the Road to Independence, 1918, 1967.
——. The Republic of Armenia. Berkeley: (In six volumes). 1971.
——, ed. The Armenian genocide in perspective, 1986.
——, ed. Remembrance and Denial: The Case of the Armenian Genocide, 1998.
Kasbarian, Lucine. Armenia: A Rugged Land, an Enduring People, 1998.
Kazandjian, Sirvart. Les origines de la musique Arménienne, 1984.
Khorenatsi, Moses. History of the Armenians. Translated by Robert W. Thomson, 1978.
Lang, David Marshall. Armenia: Cradle of Civilization, 1970.
——. The Armenians, a People in Exile, 1981.
Libaridian, J. Gerard, ed. Armenia at the Crossroads: Democracy and Nationhood in the Post-Soviet Era, 1991.
Lynch, H. F. B. Armenia, Travels and Studies, 2 vols., 1901.
Mandelstam, Osip. Journey to Armenia, Translated by Clarence Brown, 1980.
Marashlian, Levon. Politics and Demography: Armenians, Turks and Kurds in the Ottoman Empire, 1991.
Marsden, Philip. The Crossing Place: A Journey among the Armenians, 2nd ed., 1995.
Mouradian, Claire. De Staline à Gorbatchev: Histoire d'une republique sovietique: l'Arménie, 1990.
Nersessian, Vrej Nerses, comp. Armenia, 1993.
Oshagan, Vahe, special ed. Armenia, 1984.
Samuelian, Thomas J., ed. Classical Armenian Culture: Influences and Creativity, 1981.
——, and Michael E. Stone, eds. Medieval Armenian Culture, 1984.
Somakian, Manoug Joseph. Empires in Conflict: Armenia and the Great Powers, 1895-1920, 1995.
Tashjian, Nouvart. Armenian Lace, Edited by Jules and Kaethe Kliot, 1982.
Thierry, Jean-Michel. Armenian Art. Translated by Celestine Dars, 1989.
Toriguian, Shavarsh. The Armenian Question and International Law, 1973.
Utudjian, Edouard. Armenian Architecture, 4th to 17th century. Translated by Geoffrey Capner. 1968.
Vassilian, Hamo B., ed. The Armenians: A Colossal Bibliographic Guide to Books Published in the English Language, 1993.
Walker, Christopher J. Armenia, the Survival of a Nation, rev. ed., 1990. | ||||||
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] | null | [] | null | ARMENIA [1] LOCATION, SIZE, AND EXTENT [2] TOPOGRAPHY [3] CLIMATE [4] FLORA AND FAUNA [5] ENVIRONMENT [6] POPULATION [7] MIGRATION [8] ETHNIC GROUPS [9] LANGUAGES [10] RELIGIONS [11] TRANSPORTATION [12] HISTORY [13] GOVERNMENT [14] POLITICAL PARTIES [15] LOCAL GOVERNMENT [16] JUDICIAL SYSTEM [17] A | en | /sites/default/files/favicon.ico | https://www.encyclopedia.com/places/commonwealth-independent-states-and-baltic-nations/cis-and-baltic-political-geography/armenia | ARMENIA
LOCATION, SIZE, AND EXTENT
TOPOGRAPHY
CLIMATE
FLORA AND FAUNA
ENVIRONMENT
POPULATION
MIGRATION
ETHNIC GROUPS
LANGUAGES
RELIGIONS
TRANSPORTATION
HISTORY
GOVERNMENT
POLITICAL PARTIES
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
JUDICIAL SYSTEM
ARMED FORCES
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
ECONOMY
INCOME
LABOR
AGRICULTURE
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
FISHING
FORESTRY
MINING
ENERGY AND POWER
INDUSTRY
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
DOMESTIC TRADE
FOREIGN TRADE
BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
BANKING AND SECURITIES
INSURANCE
PUBLIC FINANCE
TAXATION
CUSTOMS AND DUTIES
FOREIGN INVESTMENT
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
HEALTH
HOUSING
EDUCATION
LIBRARIES AND MUSEUMS
MEDIA
ORGANIZATIONS
TOURISM, TRAVEL, AND RECREATION
FAMOUS ARMENIANS
DEPENDENCIES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Republic of Armenia
Hayastani Hanrapetut 'Yun
CAPITAL: Yerevan
FLAG: Three horizontal bands of red (top), blue, and gold.
ANTHEM: Mer Hayrenik.
MONETARY UNIT: The dram (introduced 22 November 1993) is a paper currency in denominations of 10, 25, 50, 100, 200, and 500 drams. The dram (d) replaced the Armenian ruble and the Russian ruble (r). Currently d1 =$0.00225 (or $1 = d445) as of 2005.
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES: The metric system is in force.
HOLIDAYS: New Year's Day, 1–2 January; Christmas, 6 January; Day of Remembrance of the Victims of the Genocide, 24 April; Peace Day, 9 May; Anniversary of Declaration of First Armenian Republic (1918), 28 May; Public Holiday, 21 September; Day of Remembrance of the Victims of the Earthquake, 7 December; New Year's Eve, 31 December.
TIME: 4 pm = noon GMT.
LOCATION, SIZE, AND EXTENT
Armenia is a landlocked nation located in southeastern Europe/southwestern Asia. Comparatively, the area occupied by Armenia is slightly smaller than the state of Maryland with a total area of 29,800 sq km (11,506 sq mi). Armenia shares boundaries with Georgia on the n, Azerbaijan on the e and s, Iran on the s, and Turkey on the w and has a total boundary length of 1,254 km (778 mi). Armenia's capital city, Yerevan, is located in the west-central portion of the country on the Hrazdan River.
TOPOGRAPHY
The topography of Armenia features the high Armenian Plateau and three primary mountain ranges, the Lesser Caucasus Mountains in the north, the Vardenis Range in central Armenia, and the Zangezur Range in the southeast. There is little forest land and a few fast flowing rivers. The Aras River Valley contains good soil. Mount Aragats, an extinct volcano in the plateau region, is the highest point in Armenia at 13,425 ft (4,095 m). The nation occasionally suffers from severe earthquakes. In December 1988, a massive earthquake struck near the city of Kumayri, killing over 25,000 people.
CLIMATE
Armenia's climate ranges from subtropical to alpine-like in the mountains. The mean temperature in midsummer is 25°c (77°f). In midwinter, the mean temperature is 0°c (32°f). Rainfall is infrequent. The capital city receives 33 cm of rain annually (13 in), though more rainfall occurs in the mountains.
FLORA AND FAUNA
Armenia is located in what geographers call the Aral Caspian Lowland. The country has broad sandy deserts and low grassy plateaus. The region is home to European bison, snow leopards, cheetahs, and porcupines.
ENVIRONMENT
In 2000, Armenia's chief environmental problems resulted from natural disasters, pollution, and warfare. A strong earthquake in 1988 resulted in 55,000 casualties. Radiation from the meltdown of the nuclear reactor facility at Chernobyl in the former Soviet Union also polluted the environment. The nation's soil has also been polluted by chemicals including DDT and the Hrazdan and Ares rivers have also been polluted. The war between Armenia and Azerbaijan has strained the country's economy, limiting the resources that can be devoted to environmental preservation. It has also led to an energy blockade that has caused deforestation as trees are cut for firewood. Yet another environmental hazard is the restarting of the Metsamor nuclear power plant, which has been brought online without the safety systems recommended by the IAEA.
From 1990–1995, deforestation occurred at an average annual rate of 2.69%. However, some reforestation projects have been initiated. As of 2003, 7.6% of the total land area in Armenia is protected, including two sites protected as Ramsar wetlands: Lake Sevan and Lake Arpi. As of 2002, 11 of the nation's 84 species of mammal were threatened, as were 4 species of bird and 1 higher plant species. Endangered species include the Barbel sturgeon, Dahl's jird, and the field adder.
POPULATION
The population of Armenia in 2005 was estimated by the United Nations (UN) at 3,033,000, which placed it at number 133 in population among the 193 nations of the world. In 2005, approximately 11% of the population was over 65 years of age, with another 22% of the population under 15 years of age. There were 87 males for every 100 females in the country. According to the UN, the annual population rate of change for 2005–10 was expected to be 0.3%; this low rate, attributed to a decline in fertility rates and migration, was considered too low by the government. The projected population for the year 2025 was 3,258,000. The population density was 102 per sq km (264 per sq mi).
The UN estimated that 65% of the population lived in urban areas in 2005, and that population in urban areas was changing at an annual rate of -0.43%. The capital city, Yerevan, had a population of 1,079,000 in that year. Other urban centers and their estimated populations include Kumayri (206,600) and Kirovakan (170,200). Most of the cities and towns are located along the river valleys in the north and west.
MIGRATION
Independent Armenia is only a portion of historic Armenia, which at its greatest extent also included lands now in Turkey, Iran, and Azerbaijan. There are Armenian communities in these countries and also in Russia, Georgia, Lebanon, Syria, and the United States. Between 1988 and 1993 around 360,000 ethnic Armenians arrived in Armenia from Azerbaijan as a result of the conflict over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. In 1995 a citizenship law, which included special provisions making naturalization much easier for refugees from Azerbaijan, was enacted. By the end of January 2004, the number of refugees from Azerbaijan obtaining Armenian citizenship topped 65,000. One of the largest naturalizations of refugees in recent decades, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) supported the process with financial and material assistance. In 2003, there were 50,000 internally displaced persons (IDP) within the country. The UNHCR reported that at the end of 2004 there were 235,235 refugees in Armenia and 68 asylum seekers, of which over 50,000 refugees were assisted by UNHCR. From 1998 to 2003, except for 2000, remittance flows to Armenia grew by 20% per year.
Armenia has a net migration rate of -6.1 migrants per 1,000 population as of 2005. The government views both the immigration and emigration levels as too high.
ETHNIC GROUPS
A 2004 report indicates that Armenians comprise an estimated 98% of the population. Minority groups include the Azeri, Russians, Ukrainians, Belarussians, Jews, Assyrians, Georgians, Greeks, and Yezidi Kurds. As of 1993, most of the Azeris had emigrated from Armenia.
LANGUAGES
Armenian is spoken by about 97% of the population. Armenian belongs to an independent branch of the Indo-European linguistic family. It is a highly inflective language, with a complicated system of declensions. It is agglutinative, rich in consonants, and has no grammatical gender. The vocabulary includes many Persian loan words. There are two main dialects: East Armenian, the official language of Armenia, and West, or Turkish, Armenian. The alphabet, patterned after Persian and Greek letters, has 38 characters. Armenian literature dates from the early 5th century ad. Yezidi is spoken by about 1% of the population; Russian and other various languages are spoken by the remaining 2%.
RELIGIONS
In 2005, about 90% of the population were nominally members of the Armenian Apostolic Church. Catholic churches, both Roman and Mekhitaris (Armenian Uniate), had an estimated 180,000 adherents. The next largest group was the Yezidi, a Kurdish ethnic and religious group that practice a mixture of beliefs from Islam, Zoroastrianism, and animism; they had an estimated 30,000 to 40,000 members. Other Christian denominations include Pentecostals, Greek Orthodox, Jehovah's Witnesses, the Armenian Evangelical Church, Baptists, Seventh-Day Adventists, the Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter-day Saints (Mormons). Most Jews, Muslims, and Baha'is are located in Yerevan.
Armenia became a Christian country in the 4th century ad. In 1991, the Law on Freedom of Conscience established the separation of church and state but granted the Armenian Apostolic Church status as the national church. All religious denominations and organizations outside of the Armenian Apostolic Church must be registered in order to operate. Those that are not registered are prohibited from publishing newspapers or magazines, sponsoring television or radio broadcasts, and renting meeting space. In 1997 amendments tightened registration requirements by raising the minimum number of adult members to qualify for registration from 50 to 200. The laws also indicate that a petitioning organization must adhere to a doctrine that is based on "historically recognized Holy Scriptures." Registration and monitoring of religious groups was originally under the jurisdiction of a government-based Council of Religious Affairs. In 2002 the president abolished the council and announced that a new office, under the prime minister, would handle matters of religion. The National Minorities and Religious Affairs Department was also established by the government.
The Armenian Apostolic Church is a member of the World Council of Churches.
TRANSPORTATION
As of 2004, there were 825 km (513 mi) of 1.520-m (broad) gauge railroad, not including industrial lines. An estimated 828 km (515 mi) are electrified. Supplies that arrive from Turkey by rail must be reloaded, due to a difference in rail gauges. Goods that cross Georgia or Azerbaijan are subject to travel delay from strikes and blockages and may be interdicted.
As of 2003, the highway system included 7,633 km (4,748 mi) of roads, all of which are paved. Of that total, 1,561 km (971 mi) are expressways.
There were an estimated 16 airports as of 2004, 11 of which had paved runways (as of 2005). The Zvartnots airport at Yerevan is fairly well maintained and receives scheduled flights from Moscow, Paris, New York, London, Amsterdam, Athens, Beirut, Dubai (UAE), Frankfurt, Istanbul, Prague, Tehrān, Vienna, Zürich, and Sofia. In 2003, 367,000 passengers were carried on scheduled domestic and international flights.
Cargo shipments to landlocked Armenia are routed through ports in Georgia and Turkey.
HISTORY
Armenian territories were first united into an empire under Tigranes the Great (95–55 bc), whose extensive lands included parts of Syria and Iraq. Defeated by the Roman general Pompey, Armenia became a client state of the Roman Empire. Rome and Sasanian Persia partitioned Armenia, and after them Byzantium and the Ummayed and Abbasid caliphates controlled parts of Armenia. Armenia adopted Christianity at the beginning of the 4th century ad. The Seljuk Turks invaded Armenia in the 11th century, followed by Genghis Khan and Timur, leading to mass emigrations. Persia and Ottoman Turkey divided Armenia into eastern and western portions in the 16th–18th centuries. Russia took over Persia's holdings in 1828, and during the latter part of the 19th century both Russia and Turkey carried out harsh repression against nationalist activities among Armenians under their sway, leading to many deaths and mass emigrations. During World War I, Ottoman Turkey carried out forced resettlement and other harsh policies against Armenians, which Armenians term their national genocide. The historical experience remains a contentious issue in Armenian-Turkish relations.
After the Bolshevik revolution in Russia in 1917, Armenia declared independence in May 1918. Armenia's population of 750,000 included as many as 300,000 who had survived flight from Turkey, and the heavy burden of independence among hostile neighbors (it clashed with Turkey, Georgia, and Azerbaijan) and an inhospitable climate may have led to as many as 150,000 deaths from famine and disease. Although the August 1920 Treaty of Sevres accorded international recognition of Armenian independence, the Russian Red Army conquered Armenia in November 1920. In 1922, Armenia was named part of a Transcaucasian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic, which encompassed lands now in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, but it became a separate union republic in 1936. During the 1920s, Moscow drew internal borders in the Caucasus, which resulted in Nagorno-Karabakh (NK), then a mostly ethnic Armenian region, being incorporated into Azerbaijan, separated from the rest of Soviet Armenia by a few miles of Azerbaijani territory. NK was given the status of an "autonomous republic."
Following a February 1988 call by the Nagorno-Karabakh (NK) legislature for unification with Armenia, the Armenian Supreme Soviet in December 1989 declared that NK, a largely ethnically Armenian-populated enclave within Azerbaijan, was part of Armenia. It also proclaimed Armenia's sovereignty over its land and resources. A popular referendum on independence was held in Armenia on 21 September 1991, in which 94% of the eligible population reportedly participated and which was approved by 99%. The Armenian legislature declared Armenia's independence two days later. Armenia received worldwide diplomatic recognition upon the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991.
Beginning in 1988, conflict engulfed NK, with Azerbaijan resisting the secession or independence of its enclave. Casualties were estimated at over 5,000. Emigration of 350,000 Armenians residing in Azerbaijan and over one million Azerbaijani residing in Armenia or NK followed pogroms in both states and conflict in NK and surrounding areas. In December 1991, a referendum in NK (boycotted by local Azerbaijani) approved NK's independence and a Supreme Soviet was elected, which on 6 January 1992, declared NK's independence and futilely appealed for world recognition. In 1993, Armenian forces gained control over NK and surrounding areas, occupying over 20% of Azerbaijani territory, which they continued to hold despite an Azerbaijani offensive in 1993–1994 that reportedly cost 6,000 Azeri casualties. A ceasefire has held fitfully since May 1994, but talks on a political settlement remain inconclusive. In the six-year period of conflict from 1988 to 1994, more than 35,000 people were killed and nearly one million have been left homeless.
In November 1989, Levon Ter-Petrosyan became a leader of the Armenian National Movement (ANM), which grew out of the Karabakh Committee to push for Armenia's independence, and its chairman in March 1990. ANM and other nationalist deputies cooperated to elect him chairman of the Armenian Supreme Soviet in August 1990, inflicting a serious blow on the Armenian Communist Party. Following Armenia's declaration of independence, presidential elections were held on 16 October 1991. Ter-Petrosyan was supported by the ANM, winning 83% of the vote against six other candidates, including internationally famous dissident Paruir Hairikian of the Association for National Self-Determination and Sos Sarkisyan of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF; called Dashnaktsutyun in Armenian, meaning "federation"). Ter-Petrosyan was sworn into office on 11 November 1991, for a five-year term. His suspension of the activities of Armenian Revolutionary Federation party in December 1994 and a trial of its leaders raised concerns among some observers about possible setbacks to democratization.
Elections to Armenia's unicameral 190-member National Assembly (legislature) were held in June 1995, at the same time as a referendum in which Armenian voters adopted the country's first post-Communist new constitution. International observers reported many campaign and voting irregularities. Observers from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) judged the elections "free but not fair," in part because the main opposition party, the ARF, was banned from participation, the government dominated campaigning, the CEC appeared heavily pro-government in its decisions, and security officers constituted a chilling presence in many voting places. Voting irregularities reported on election day by the international observers included the violation of secret voting and pressure in voting places to cast a ballot for certain parties or candidates. In all, the Republic Bloc and other pro-government parties won 166 out of 190 seats, while the opposition won only 18 and independents four (two seats were undecided).
Ter-Petrosyan won reelection as president on 22 September 1996, by garnering 51.75% of the vote, a far smaller majority than in 1991, barely avoiding runoff balloting. Ter-Petrosyan's main opponent in the presidential race was Vazgen Manukian, head of the National Democratic Union (NDU) party. He garnered 41.3% of the presidential vote. Manukian had worked closely with Ter-Petrosyan in the Karabakh Committee. Following the presidential election, followers of Manukian's electoral coalition demonstrated against what they and many international observers termed irregular voting procedures. On 25 September 1996, tens of thousands of protesters stormed the legislative building in Yerevan and assaulted the legislative speaker and deputy speaker, both belonging to the ANM. The crowd was dispersed by police with few injuries or deaths.
In March 1997, in an attempt to garner greater public support for his regime, Ter-Petrosyan appointed a highly popular war hero of the NK conflict, Robert Kocharian, to the post of prime minister of Armenia. Ter-Petrosyan and others viewed Kocharian as having the leadership abilities necessary to help revive the slumping economy and to increase tax collection. In accepting the prime ministership, Kocharian resigned as president of NK.
Ter-Petrosyan announced in September 1997 that he had accepted an Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) peace plan as a basis for resolving the NK conflict that would require "compromises" from Armenia. The two-stage plan called for NK Armenians to withdraw from most territories they had occupied outside of NK and for international peacekeepers to be deployed, followed by discussion of NK's status. The announcement brought open criticism from Kocharian and other Armenian and NK officials. On 1 February 1998, Yerkrapah, a legislative faction and militia group composed of veterans of the NK conflict, and headed by the country's defense minister, called for Ter-Petrosyan to resign. Many members of Ter-Petrosyan's ANM legislative faction defected, leading to the resignation of the parliamentary speaker. Heated debate in the legislature culminated with Ter-Petrosyan's resignation on 3 February 1998. Ter-Petrosyan denounced the "bodies of power" for demanding his resignation, referring obliquely to Kocharian, Defense Minister Vazgen Sarkisyan, and Minister of the Interior and National Security Serzh Sarkisyan. Although the constitution called for the legislative speaker to assume the duties of acting president pending an election, the resignation of the speaker caused these duties to devolve upon Prime Minister Kocharian. A special presidential election was scheduled for 16 March 1998.
Twelve candidates succeeded in registering for the March presidential election. The main contenders were Kocharian, Vazgen Manukyan (who had run against Ter-Petrosyan in 1996 and was head of the National Democratic Union), and Karen Demirchyan (head of the Armenian Communist Party from 1974 to 1988). Since none of the candidates won the required "50% plus one" of the 1.46 million votes cast (in a 64% turnout), a runoff election was held on 30 March. In the runoff, acting President and Prime Minister Kocharian received 59.5% of 1.57 million votes cast (in a 68.5% turnout). The OSCE concluded that "this election showed improvement in some respects over the 1996 election," but did "not meet OSCE standards to which Armenia has committed itself." Observers alleged ballot box stuffing, discrepancies in vote counting, and fraud perpetrated by local authorities that inflated the number of votes for Kocharian. Nevertheless, he was inaugurated on 9 April 1998. The legislature selected Demirchyan as its speaker on 10 June.
On 27 October 1999, gunmen entered the legislature and opened fire on deputies and officials, killing Prime Minister Vazgen Sarkisyan and Speaker Karen Demirchyan, two deputy speakers, and four others. The purported leader of the gunmen claimed they were targeting the prime minister and were launching a coup to "restore democracy" and end poverty, and took dozens hostage. President Robert Kocharian rushed to the legislature and helped negotiate the release of the hostages, promising the gunmen a fair trial. The killings appeared the product of personal and clan grievances. Abiding by the constitution, the legislature met on 2 November and appointed Armen Khachatryan (a member of the majority Unity bloc) as speaker, and Kocharian named Sarkisyan's brother Aram the new prime minister the next day, seeking to preserve political balances. Political infighting intensified. The military prosecutor investigating the assassinations detained a presidential aide, appearing to implicate Kocharian in the assassinations. The Unity and Stability factions in the legislature also threatened to impeach Kocharian in April 2000. Seeking to counter challenges to his power, Kocharian in May 2000 fired his prime minister and defense minister. In October 2001, on the second anniversary of the shootings in parliament, thousands of protesters staged demonstrations in Yerevan to demand Kocharian's resignation. In December 2003, six individuals were sentenced to life imprisonment for their roles in the 1999 assassinations. The death penalty in Armenia had been abolished that August. Protests against Kocharian's presidency continued in 2004, despite his reelection in 2003.
Although Armenia has the highest economic growth rate of any country in the former Soviet Union, more than 50% of the population lives in poverty. Unemployment and emigration remain problems, and Armenia is under a trade blockade from Turkey and Azerbaijan over the dispute in Nagorno-Karabakh—goods are transported only through Georgia. However, US and European companies interested in tapping oil and gas reserves in the Caspian Sea have been planning the construction of a pipeline through the Caucasus to Turkey. In September 2001, Russian President Vladimir Putin visited Armenia, the first Russian president to do so since independence. Armenia and Russia negotiated a 10-year economic cooperation package, and an agreement was reached on expanding a Russian military base in Armenia.
Presidential elections were held on 19 February 2003, with no candidate receiving 50% of the votes; a runoff election was scheduled for 5 March. Kocharian took 48.3% of the first-round vote, with Stepan Demirchyan—son of Karen Demirchyan, the former parliamentary speaker assassinated in 1999—taking 27.4% of the vote. Artashes Geghamian came in third with 16.9%. The opposition called the election fraudulent and said it would not recognize the vote, and observers from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) declared the election "flawed." Stuffing of ballot boxes allegedly took place, although many ballots were cast in transparent boxes, in an attempt to have a fair vote. Also, Kocharian received five times as much television coverage as all of his opponents combined. In the runoff election held on 5 March, Kocharian was reelected president with 67.5% of the vote; Demirchyan received 32.5%.
GOVERNMENT
Armenia adopted its post-Soviet constitution by public referendum on 5 July 1995 by 68% of the voters. A commission headed by Ter-Petrosyan had drawn up the draft constitution. It provides for a strong presidential system of government with a weak legislative system, granting the president power to appoint and remove the prime minister, judges, and prosecutors. It also gives him liberal grounds for dissolving the legislature, declaring martial law, and limiting human rights by declaring a state of emergency. The president serves a five-year term. The prime minister is nominated by the president and is subject to legislative approval. The prime minister with presidential and legislative approval appoints the Cabinet of Ministers. The unicameral National Assembly has 131 members, who serve four-year terms; 75 members are elected by party list, and 56 by direct vote.
POLITICAL PARTIES
Armenia held elections to a new single-chamber 131-seat legislature on 30 May 1999, with 75 deputies elected by party list and 56 elected by direct vote. Twenty-one parties and blocs fielded candidates on the party list vote, but only six passed a 5% vote hurdle. The Unity bloc garnered 42% of over two million votes cast, gaining 29 seats, followed by the Communist Party of Armenia with about 12% of the vote. In constituency balloting, the Unity Bloc (which included the country's two largest parties, the People's Party and the Republican Party) garnered the most seats (35), followed by nonparty-affiliated candidates (29). Other major parties that received at least 7% of the party list vote in the 1999 legislative race include the National Democratic Union, Armenian Revolutionary Federation-Dashnaktsutyun, Law-Governed Country Party, Communist Party of Armenia, the Armenian Pan-National Movement, Law and Unity bloc, and the Mission Party. The other registered parties included both those newly created for the legislative race and more traditional parties. They were the Mighty Motherland, Homeland bloc, Ramkavar Azatakan Party (Liberal Democratic Party), Freedom Party, Democratic Party of Armenia, Union of Socialist Forces and Intelligentsia bloc, Union of Communist and Socialist Parties, Youth Party of Armenia, Decent Future, National State Party, Free Hayk Mission Party, Shamiram Party, and ONS+ bloc (the National Self-Determination and Homeland-Diaspora).
Legislative elections were held on 25 May 2003. The Republican Party won 23.5% of the vote (23 seats) for deputies elected by party list, followed by Justice Bloc, 13.6% (14 seats); Rule of Law, 12.3% (12 seats); ARF (Dashnak), 11.4% (11 seats); National Unity, 8.8% (9 seats); United Labor Party, 5.7% (6 seats). However, seats by party change frequently as deputies switch parties or declare themselves independent.
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
The regional governmental structure is closely modeled after the national structure. The president appoints governors to Armenia's 11 provinces (marzer ), including the mayor of the capital of Yerevan, which has the status of a marz. Each province has both executive and legislative bodies that control the provincial budget and businesses within the region. Regional governments do not have authority to pass laws independent of national legislation. Marzer are divided into rural and urban communities (hamainkner ), and Yerevan is divided into 12 districts. The communities and Yerevan districts are governed by community chiefs and legislative bodies called councils of elders (avakani ). In the cities, community chiefs hold the title of mayor. In 1997 a law on self-government was passed calling for decentralization in some areas and some fiscal independence for local governments. Elections for mayors, community chiefs, and local councils in 654 constituencies were held 20 October 2002, with a 46% voter turnout rate (an increase of close to 20% from the turnout in 1999). Local elections are held every three years. There were fewer complaints of electoral irregularities than in previous elections. The ruling Republican Party fielded the most candidates, and 18 other parties, in addition to independents, participated. The Law-Governed Country Party came in second, and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation was third. Local elections were held once again in October 2005, and voters decided not to return many incumbents to office.
JUDICIAL SYSTEM
The constitution provides for an independent judiciary, but in practice courts are vulnerable to pressure from the government, though legal reforms are resulting in some changes. The court system consists of district courts of first instance, an Appeals Court, and a Court of Cassation. Judges for the local courts of first instance and the Court of Appeals began operating under a new judicial system in January 1999. Judges were selected for their posts based on examinations and interviews by the Minister of Justice, approval of a list of nominees by the Council of Justice, and approval by the president. Unless they are removed for malfeasance, they serve for life. About one-half of Sovietera judges have been replaced. Prosecutors and defense attorneys also began retraining and recertification. A military bureaucracy continues to follow Sovietera practices.
A Constitutional Court has the power to review the constitutionality of legislation, approves international agreements, and settles electoral disputes. Its effectiveness is limited. It only accepts cases referred by the president, two-thirds of the members of the legislature, or election-related cases brought by candidates in legislative or presidential races. The president appoints four of the nine judges of the Constitutional Court.
The constitution establishes a Council of Justice, headed by the president and including the prosecutor general, the minister of justice, and 14 other members appointed by the president. The Council appoints and disciplines judges in courts of first instance and the Court of Appeals. A Council of Court Chairs has been created to reduce the power of the Ministry of Justice and increase the independence of the judicial system. It is responsible for financial and budgetary issues involving the courts, and consists of 21 senior judges.
A criminal procedure code entered into force in January 1999 specifies that a suspect may be detained for no more than 12 months pending trial, has the right to an attorney, right to a public trial and to confront witnesses, and the right to appeal.
ARMED FORCES
The active armed forces numbered 48,160 in 2005. There were 45,000 personnel in the Army, organized into five corps that would include a mix of motorized and standard rifle regiments, armored and other support units. Equipment in 2005 included 110 main battle tanks, 104 armored infantry fighting vehicles, 140 armored personnel carriers, and 229 artillery pieces. The Air and Defense Aviation Forces numbered 3,160 personnel with 16 combat capable aircraft (one fighter and 15 fighter ground attack aircraft) and 12 attack helicopters. Paramilitary forces numbered 1,000 and were made up of border troops and Ministry of Internal Affairs personnel. The military budget in 2005 totaled $135 million.
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
Armenia was admitted to the United Nations on 2 March 1992. The country serves as a member of several specialized agencies within the United Nations, such as FAO, IAEA, ICAO, IDA, IFC, IFAD, ILO, IMF, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNIDO, WIPO, and WHO. Armenia is a member of the CIS and the Council of Europe. The country was admitted to the OSCE on 30 January 1992 and serves as an observer in the OAS. It became a full member of the WTO on 5 February 2003. Armenia is one of 12 members of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Zone, which was established in 1992. It is also a part of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and the EBRD. Armenia is a member of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and the NATO Partnership for Peace. The country ratified the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty in July 1992. The Armenia government supports the cause of the ethnic Armenian secessionists in the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan. The OSCE is serving as a mediator in what has been a sometimes violent struggle.
In environmental cooperation, Armenia is part of the Basel Convention, the Conventions on Biological Diversity and Long Range Transboundary Air Pollution, Ramsar, the Kyoto Protocol, the Montréal Protocol, the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and the UN Conventions on the Law of the Sea, Climate Change, and Desertification.
ECONOMY
As part of the Soviet Union, the Armenian economy featured largescale agro-industrial enterprises and a substantial industrial sector that supplied machine tools, textiles, and other manufactured goods to other parts of the USSR in exchange for raw materials. Trade with its neighbors, on which resource-poor Armenia relies heavily, was jeopardized by the outbreak of conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave in 1988, and by political instability in Georgia and Azerbaijan. Also, in December 1988, a severe earthquake did considerable damage to Armenia's productive capacity, aggravating its regional trade deficit. The physical damage had not been repaired when the economy suffered the implosion that accompanied the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991.
With independence, as real GDP fell 60% from 1992–93, small-scale agriculture came to dominate in place of the former agro-industrial complexes, with crops of grain, sugar beets, potatoes, and other vegetables, as well as grapes and other fruit. Growth was not registered until 1994, at 5%, when, in July, a ceasefire was signed by Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh, and, in December, the government embarked on a comprehensive IMF-monitored program of macroeconomic stabilization and structural reform. By 1996, growth was in double digits and inflation in single digits, although setbacks, which began in late 1996, reduced real GDP growth to 3% in 1997, while inflation surged to 27%. In 1998, real growth reached 7.3% while inflation fell to a single digit 8.7%, despite the negative impacts of the Russian financial crisis and a continuing Azerbaijanled economic blockade over the unresolved Nagorno-Karabakh issue.
Growth in the first nine months of 1999 was at an annual rate of 6%, but this was reduced to 3% for the year in the disruptions following the hostage-takings and assassinations of the prime minister and parliamentary speaker in October, a stated motive for which was the large proportion of Armenians living in poverty (at 55% in 2001 by CIA estimates). Inflation was held to 0.7% in the crisis, due to policy changes that have continued to keep inflation at a low level. Moderate GDP growth of 6% was achieved in 2000 while prices, as measured by the consumer price index, actually declined an estimated 0.8%.
In 2001, targeted real growth under the IMF-guided program was 6% but actual growth was about 10% (CIA est.) as the effects of economic reforms, the privatization of small and medium-sized enterprises, and increased foreign investment began to impact performance. IMF and CIA estimates for 2002 were for real growth between 12.5% and 12.9%, with stable price levels. Barring major disruptions (only too likely as the war in Iraq, launched 19 March 2003, added another source of instability to the region), Armenia was expected to attain its pre-independence level of percapita income by 2005. Growth sectors include telecommunications, assembly of electric and electronic appliances, agriculture and food processing, energy generation and distribution, construction, coal and gold mining, and international air communications.
The IMF-sponsored economic liberalization program encouraged remarkable GDP growth rates: 13.9% in 2003, 10.1% in 2004, and a predicted 8.0% in 2005. Rising investment levels, exports, and real incomes also contributed to this growth. Inflation, tamed in 2002, was on the rise in 2003 and 2004, at 4.7% and 7.0% respectively. For the most part however, the government has done a good job of keeping the inflation in check, and stabilizing the local currency. Despite encouraging economic figures though, unemployment remains fairly high (at around 14%) and poverty is a critical issue that needs to be dealt with immediately.
INCOME
The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) reports that in 2005 Armenia's gross domestic product (GDP) was estimated at $15.3 billion. The CIA defines GDP as the value of all final goods and services produced within a nation in a given year and computed on the basis of purchasing power parity (PPP) rather than value as measured on the basis of the rate of exchange based on current dollars. The per capita GDP was estimated at $5,100. The annual growth rate of GDP was estimated at 8%. The average inflation rate in 2005 was 2.4%. It was estimated that agriculture accounted for 24.9% of GDP, industry 34.6%, and services 40.5%.
According to the World Bank, in 2003 remittances from citizens working abroad totaled $168 million or about $55 per capita and accounted for approximately 6.0% of GDP. Foreign aid receipts amounted to $247 million or about $81 per capita and accounted for approximately 8.5% of the gross national income (GNI).
The World Bank reports that in 2003 household consumption in Armenia totaled $2.35 billion or about $768 per capita based on a GDP of $2.8 billion, measured in current dollars rather than PPP. Household consumption includes expenditures of individuals, households, and nongovernmental organizations on goods and services, excluding purchases of dwellings. It was estimated that for the period 1990 to 2003 household consumption grew at an average annual rate of 1.8%. In 2001 it was estimated that approximately 52% of household consumption was spent on food, 18% on fuel, 3% on health care, and 15% on education. It was estimated that in 2003 about 43% of the population had incomes below the poverty line.
LABOR
As of 2004, Armenia's labor force numbered 1.2 million. In 2002, an estimated 25% were involved in industry, 45% in agriculture, and 30% in services. The unemployment rate was estimated at 30% in 2003.
Legislation passed in 1992 guarantees workers the right to bargain and organize collectively. An independent labor federation was created in 1997. However, organized labor remained weak as of 2005, because of high unemployment and a slow economy. Collective bargaining does not occur because most large employers are still under state control. Labor disputes are generally settled in economic or regular courts of law. According to the Confederation of Labor Unions (CLU) an estimated 290,000 workers belonged to 25 labor unions in 2005.
Armenians are guaranteed a monthly minimum wage which was set at around $26.00 as of 2005. The standard legal workweek was 40 hours, with mandatory overtime and rest periods. Children under the age of 16 are prohibited by law from full-time labor, although children at age 14 can be employed if permission is given by the child's parents and from the labor union. Due to the dire economic situation, none of these legal standards are relevant. Although the government is required to promulgate minimum occupational health and safety standards, as of end 2005, such standards have yet to be implemented. In addition, a lack of government resources and general worker insecurity prevent any effective enforcement of the nation's labor laws.
AGRICULTURE
Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, about 16% of Armenia's land was cultivated. As of 2002, there were an estimated 560,000 hectares (1,384,000 acres) of arable cropland (20% of the total land area), of which 65,000 hectares (160,600 acres) were planted with permanent crops. Agriculture engaged about 45% of the economically active population in 2003. That year, agricultural production was 13% higher than what it had been during 1999–2001.
Production for 2004 included tomatoes, 222,047 tons; potatoes, 575,942 tons; wheat, 296,000 tons; and grapes, 148,892 tons. In 2002, there were some 18,300 tractors and 4,000 harvester-threshers in service.
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
Over one-fifth of the total land area is permanent pastureland. In 2004, the livestock population included: sheep, 580,000; cattle, 565,800; pigs, 85,300; goats, 48,300; and horses, 12,500. There were also some 3.6 million chickens. In 2004, some 54,000 tons of meat were produced, including 33,400 tons of beef and veal, 7,200 tons of mutton and lamb, 4,300 tons of poultry, and 8,500 tons of pork. In 2004, 535,800 tons of milk, 31,500 tons of eggs, 4,500 tons of cheese, and 1,200 tons of greasy wool were also produced. Meat, milk, and butter are the chief agricultural imports.
FISHING
Fishing is limited to the Arpa River and Lake Sevan. Commercial fishing is not a significant part of the economy. The total catch in 2003 was 1,633 tons. Trout and carp are the principal species.
FORESTRY
Forests cover an estimated 12.4% of Armenia. Soviet mismanagement, the 1988 earthquake, hostilities with Azerbaijan, and fuel shortages have impaired development. Available timber is used for firewood during the harsh winters. Imports of forestry products totaled $12.2 million in 2003.
MINING
Mineral resources in Armenia are concentrated in the southern region, where several operating copper and molybdenum mines were located. Armenia had been mining one-third of the former Soviet Union's (FSU) output of molybdenum (2,073 metric tons in 2002, down from 3,100 metric tons in 2000). Copper mines were located at Kapan, Kadzharan, Agarak, Shamlugh, and Akht'ala; the latter two were not in operation in 2002. Kadzharan and Agarak also had molybdenum mines. Despite relative proximity to rail and port facilities that supplied European markets, the mineral sector's ability to compete on the world market was inhibited by infrastructure problems. Armenia's production of perlite has been estimated at a steady 35,000 metric tons annually, from 1998 through 2002.
In 2002, Armenia produced industrial minerals such as clays, diatomite, dimension stone, limestone (12.5 million short tons), salt (30,300 metric tons), and semiprecious stones. It mined copper (16,641 metric tons of copper concentrate), copperzinc, and native gold deposits. The Zod and Megradzor gold mines ceased operations in 1997. The government hoped to revive the gold industry through the recovery of gold tailings at the Cuarat gold mill. Significant by-product constituents in the nonferrous ores in 2002 included barite, gold (estimated at 3,200 kg), lead, rhenium, selenium, silver (5,500 kg), tellurium, and zinc.
Armenia's exports of mineral products in 2002 accounted for around 70% of its total exports by value. In that year, total exports were valued at $507.2 million.
ENERGY AND POWER
With only negligible reserves of oil, natural gas, and coal, and with no production, Armenia is heavily reliant on foreign imports. Following the breakup of the Soviet Union, oil consumption has declined from 48,400 barrels per day in 1992 to 38,630 barrels per day in 2002. Natural gas consumption in 2002 was 38.49 billion cu ft. Total electrical consumption in 2002 was 4.446 billion kWh.
Net electricity generation in 2002 totaled 5.215 billion kWh, primarily from the reopened Medzamor nuclear plant at Yerevan (815,000 kW capacity), the Hrazdan (near Akhta) oil/natural gas plant (1,110,000 kW capacity), the Yerevan heat/power plant (550,000 kW capacity), and the Sevan-Hrazdan hydroelectric plant and smaller plants (925,000 kW capacity). Of total electricity generated in 2002, some 31% came from hydroelectric plants, 40% from nuclear power, and 29% from thermal power. Total capacity in 2002 was 3.341 million kW. The Medzama plant, reopened in 1995, increased electricity generation by 40% and has enabled electricity to be supplied around the clock for the first time in years. However, the Armenian government has promised to decommission the plant by 2004 to save money on maintenance if enough alternative power sources can be found by that time. As of 2002 three major and 38 smaller hydroelectric projects were planned, at a total cost of $300 million, with backing by the World Bank.
As of 1999, the domestic distribution grid for electric power was scheduled for restructuring and privatization, with assistance from the World Bank and the US Agency for International Development (USAID). A December 1988 earthquake disrupted the Yerevan nuclear power plant, creating almost total dependence on imported oil and natural gas for power. When ethnic hostilities with Azerbaijan again resurfaced in 1992, Azerbaijan discontinued service of its pipeline to Armenia (with natural gas from Turkmenistan). The only other supply routes passed either through Turkey (which was sympathetic to Azerbaijan) or through Georgia (which was dealing with its own civil chaos). Since the 1994 ceasefire with Azerbaijan, the revival of energy supplies has helped start the recovery of Armenia's economy. If Armenia and Azerbaijan ever resolve their disputes, the transit of oil and gas from the Caspian Sea region abroad will become possible.
INDUSTRY
Before the earthquake in 1988, Armenia exported trucks, tires, electronics, and instruments to other republics. A number of these plants were destroyed by the earthquake. Armenia was also a major producer of chemical products, some 59% of which were exported to other republics. Armenia has the highest number of specialists with higher education and second highest number of scientists of all the former Soviet republics. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, industrial production has been severely disrupted by political instability and shortages of power. Much of Armenia's industry is idle or operating at a fraction of its capacity.
Economic blockades by Turkey and Azerbaijan as part of the continuing dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh have cut Armenia off from an old direct gas pipeline from Azerbaijan, as well as precluded it from participation in any of the east–west pipelines being built in the post-Soviet era. The alternative Armenia has pursued is a gas pipeline from Iran delivering Turkmenistan gas (to avoid sanctions on customers of Iran, which were renewed by the US Congress in August 2001). Intergovernmental agreements on the project were signed in 1992 and 1995. In December 1997 the Korpezehe-KurtKwi pipeline feeding Turkmen natural gas directly into the Iranian system was opened. In December 2001 agreement was reached on a route that bypassed the Azeri exclave of Nakhichevan, running from Kadzharan to the southern border at Megri. Work on the Armenian section of the Iran-Armenian gas pipeline was to have begun in 2002 but was delayed until 2003 by disputes over the price Iran was intending to charge.
Light industry dominates Armenia's industrial sector and is striking for its diversity. The leading industries in 2002 included metal-cutting machine tools, forging-pressing machines, electric motors, tires, knitted wear, hosiery, shoes, silk fabric, chemicals, trucks, instruments, microelectronics, gem cutting (in 2002, 53 diamond-polishing companies exported $150 million worth of diamonds), jewelry manufacture (up 200% in 2002), software development, food processing, and brandy. Most of the country's small and mediumsized enterprises have been privatized, spurring the recovery of industrial growth.
Progress has been slower with larger industries often due to the lack of viable bidders. About 70% of the larger operations had been privatized by 1998, the year Armenia passed legislation for the sale of the country's electricity transmission and distribution networks, retaining government control over power generation. To support the privatization, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) bought a 20% share in each of Armenia's four distribution companies in an agreement preserving the government's right to buy back the shares should the agreement be abrogated. In 2002, after two failed offerings, management of the electricity distribution network was won by Daewoo Engineering. In 2001, Armenia reached a debt-to-equity agreement with Russia to exchange the debt it owed Russia—at almost $100 million and requiring about $20 million a year to service, the largest and only nonconcessional part of Armenia's external debt—for five nonperforming staterun enterprises. The center-piece was the Hrazdan Thermal Power Plant, valued at about $100 million, but also including the "Mars" Electronics Factory established in 1986 for making robots, and three research institutes. Under the debt for property agreement the Russian government will turn the operations over to private entrepreneurs.
Armenia has the highest number of cooperatives (per capita) in the Commonwealth of Independent States. By CIA estimates for 2000, industry accounted for 32% of GDP, but employed about 42% of the labor force. In 2002, with 12.5% overall GDP growth, industry grew 16%, including a 42% growth in construction. The country is projecting growth along with partnership opportunities in areas such as power generation, aviation, construction, electronics, apparel, tourism, food processing, industrial property acquisition, banking, and other areas.
In 2004, industry accounted for 36.1% of the overall GDP; agriculture made up 22.9% of the economy, while services came in first with 41.1%. What is remarkable though, is the fact that only about 25% of the working population was employed by the industry, whereas around 45% worked in agriculture. This indicates a high productivity rate in the industrial sector, and a low one in agriculture. The industrial production growth rate was, at 15%, higher than the GDP growth rate, indicating that industry is the main engine of the Armenian economy. Particularly metallurgy, energy, and machine building managed to attract new investment and helped boost the industrial sector output.
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
The Armenian National Academy of Sciences, founded in 1943 and headquartered in Yerevan, has departments of physical, mathematical, and technological sciences; and natural sciences; and 32 research institutes in fields such as agriculture; biological, mathematical, physical, and earth sciences; and technology. Yerevan State University (founded in 1919) has faculties of mechanics, mathematics, physics, radiophysics, chemistry, biology, geology, geography, and mathematical cybernetics and automatic analysis. Also in Yerevan are the State Engineering University of Armenia (founded in 1930), the Yerevan State Medical University (founded in 1922), the Yerevan Zootechnical and Veterinary Institute (founded in 1929), and the Armenian Scientific and Technical Library. In 1987–97, science and engineering students accounted for 29% of college and university enrollments.
As of 2002, there were 1,606 researchers and 147 technicians per million people, actively engaged in research and development (R&D). Spending on R&D accounted for $24.25 million, or 0.25% of GDP in 2002. Of that amount, government accounted for 55.2% of R&D spending, while foreign sources accounted for 11.2%. The remainder was undistributed. In 2002, high technology exports totaled $3 million, 2% of the country's manufactured exports.
DOMESTIC TRADE
As of 1999, there were about 23,128 wholesale and retail companies registered in Armenia, accounting for over 54% of the total registered businesses. The main retail center is in Yerevan. A majority of retail establishments are small food and specialty item shops. Many of these work with wholesalers and sell items on a consignment basis. There are also large open markets in Yerevan and other cities offering a wide variety of food, clothing, housewares, and electronics.
Beginning in 1996, the government launched a major privatization drive. By 1999, over 80% of small businesses and over 60% of medium and large corporations were in private hands. Nearly all farmland is privately owned. Seasonal openair food markets are also popular. Some of these markets still engage in bartering.
FOREIGN TRADE
Armenia's main trading partners are Belgium, Russia, the United States, Iran, Switzerland, Israel, Georgia, the United Kingdom, the UAE, and the EU. Exports include gold and diamonds, aluminum, transport equipment, electrical equipment, and scrap metal. Imports
CountryExportsImportsBalanceWorld667.91,211.8-543.9Israel142.3123.418.9Belgium123.8129.1-5.3Russia96.0196.1-100.1United States54.999.1-44.2Germany43.635.48.2United Kingdom39.856.5-16.7Switzerland-Liechtenstein31.642.1-10.5Netherlands21.810.811.0Iran21.463.5-42.1Italy-San Marino-Holy See18.838.1-19.3(…) data not available or not significant.
include grain and other foods, fuel and energy. Inter-republic trade has suffered as a result of border hostilities, particularly the ongoing conflict over the Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan, which may prevent the proposed Caspian Sea oil pipeline from passing through Armenia. As of 2003, recent talks between the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan represented a positive step toward resolving the dispute.
Due to its delicate geographic placement, Armenia scores modest foreign trade figures. In 2004, exports totaled only $850 million (FOB—Free on Board), while imports climbed to $1.3 billion (FOB). Main export commodities were precious or semiprecious stones and metals (accounting for 42.5% of total exports), base metals (19.5%), mineral products (11.7%), prepared foodstuffs (9.7%). Principal imports included precious or semiprecious stones and metals (22.5%), mineral products (16.2%), machinery and equipment (10.1%), and prepared foodstuffs (7.0%). These last figures indicate that while Armenia has a vibrant industry, it is not exploiting it to its fullest potential. Existing trade barriers probably hinder the export of manufactured goods, so it has to resort to trading mainly natural resources.
BALANCE OF PAYMENTS
Although the government is working to reduce Armenia's large trade deficits by improving export performance, the conflict over the Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan continues to weaken the economy by disrupting normal trade and supply links. Armenia receives large amounts of humanitarian assistance.
The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) reported that in 2001 the purchasing power parity of Armenia's exports was $338.5 million while imports totaled $868.6 million resulting in a trade deficit of $530.1 million.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) reported that in 2001 Armenia had exports of goods totaling $353 million and imports totaling $773 million. The services credit totaled $187 million and debit $204 million.
Exports of goods and services continued to grow in the following years, reaching $696 million in 2003, and $738 million in 2004. Imports followed a similar path, totaling $1.1 billion in
Current Account-190.6 Balance on goods-434.1 Imports-1,130.2 Exports696.1 Balance on services-68.3 Balance on income93.4 Current transfers218.5Capital Account89.9Financial Account174.8 Direct investment abroad-0.4 Direct investment in Armenia120.9 Portfolio investment assets0.1 Portfolio investment liabilities0.2 Financial derivatives… Other investment assets-63.6 Other investment liabilities117.6Net Errors and Omissions-1.7Reserves and Related Items-72.4(…) data not available or not significant.
2003, and $1.2 billion in 2004. The resource balance was consequently negative in both years, at around -$400 million. The current account balance was also negative, dropping to -$190 million in 2003, and recuperating to -$161 million in 2004. Reserves of foreign exchange and gold reached $555 million in 2004, covering almost six months of imports.
BANKING AND SECURITIES
The Central Bank of Armenia is charged with regulating the money supply, circulating currency, and regulating the commercial banks of the country. Commercial banks in Armenia include the Ardshinbank, Armagrobank, Armeconombank, Armimplexbank, Arminvestbank, Bank Armcommunication, Bank "Capital," Bank "Haykap," Central Bank of Armenia, Commercial Bank "Ardana," Commercial Bank Anelik, "Gladzor" Joint Stock Commercial Bank, Masis Commercial Bank, and the State Specialized Savings Bank of the Republic of Armenia. Leading foreign banks include: Mellat Bank (Iran) and Midland Armenia (UK).
The IMF has been concerned about the direction of policy taken by the National Bank of Armenia and the slow pace of financial reform. Armenia's financial sector is overbanked and beset with nonperforming credits, mainly to large state enterprises. Armenia has been a model reforming country among the former Soviet republics, and multilateral creditors are worried that public pressure may now force the government to loosen monetary and fiscal policies.
It was revealed in January 1997 that the central bank's credits to finance the government's budget gap has surpassed their $100 million limit in the first 10 months of 1996. The bank has been forced to intervene in the domestic markets, selling foreign exchange reserves to maintain the stability of the dram. The dram has lost some 14% in value since September 1996, when it stood at d412:$1. By the end of June1997 the rate had gone down to almost d500:$1. The International Monetary Fund reports that in 2001, currency and demand deposits—an aggregate commonly known as M1—were equal to $141.6 million. In that same year, M2—an aggregate equal to M1 plus savings deposits, small time deposits, and money market mutual funds—was $310.3 million. The discount rate, the interest rate at which the central bank lends to financial institutions in the short term, was 19.4%.
There are three stock exchanges in Armenia the largest of which is the Yerevan Stock Exchange which listed 91 companies in 1999 and had total capitalization of $17 million. The next largest is the "Adamand" Yerevan Commodity and Stock Exchange which listed 45 companies.
INSURANCE
Insurance is largely controlled by government organizations inherited from the Soviet system, although private insurance companies are not unknown.
PUBLIC FINANCE
In 1994, the government began a three-year effort to privatize the national industries. Loans from the IMF, World Bank, EBRD, and other financial institutions and foreign countries aimed at eliminating the government's budget deficit. However, by 1996, external public debt exceeded $353 million with annual debt service payments exceeding $55 million. Loans to Armenia since 1993 total over $800 million.
The US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) estimated that in 2005 Armenia's central government took in revenues of approximately $786.1 million and had expenditures of $930.7 million. Revenues minus expenditures totaled approximately -$144.6 million. Total external debt was $1.868 billion.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) reported that in 2002, the most recent year for which it had data, central government revenues were d338,463 million. The value of revenues was us$590 million, based on an exchange rate for 2002 of us$1 = d573.35 as reported by the IMF.
Revenue and Grants338,463100.0% Tax revenue227,44767.2% Social contributions44,71113.2% Grants50,48014.9% Other revenue15,8264.7%Expenditures…… General public services…… Defense…… Public order and safety…… Economic affairs…… Environmental protection……Housing and community amenities…… Health…… Recreational, culture, and religion…… Education…… Social protection……(…) data not available or not significant.
TAXATION
Armenia's complex tax system was revised in 1997 and again in 2001. The top corporate profit tax rate was lowered from 30% to 20%. As of 1 July 2001 a single rate was applied to all taxable profits, defined as the difference between revenues and the sum of wages, amortization payments, raw and intermediate purchases, social security contributions, insurance fees, and interest expenses. Newly formed enterprises are exempt from taxes for the first two years, but there is no provision for carrying forward losses.
Individual income taxes are withheld by enterprises and are paid to the Ministry of Finance monthly. The personal income tax has been reduced from three bands to two: 10% for monthly taxable income up to d80,000 ($144) and 20% plus a payment of d8,000 ($14.40) for taxable income between d120,000 and d320,000 ($1,892) for monthly taxable income above d80,000. Armenians also pay taxes to social security and pension funds. In 1992, Armenia introduced a value-added tax, which stood at 20% in 2003. Excise taxes are applied to diesel fuel, oil, spirits, wine and beer at various rates. There are also land taxes and property taxes. Achieving a higher level of tax collection has been an important part of Armenia's economic reform programs. The fiscal deficit was projected at 2.4% of GDP for 2003.
CUSTOMS AND DUTIES
All exports are duty-free. Minor customs duties (up to 10%) are imposed on certain imports. Imports of machinery and equipment for use in manufacturing by enterprises with foreign investment are exempt from all customs duties.
FOREIGN INVESTMENT
Armenia's investment climate is regulated by the bilateral investment treaty (BIT) signed with the United States on 23 September 1992 and by the law on foreign investment adopted by Armenia on 31 July 1994. Armenia has also concluded BITs on investment and investment protection with 15 other countries: Georgia, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, Ukraine, Iran, Egypt, Romania, Cyprus, Greece, France, Germany, Canada, Argentina, China, and Vietnam. Its investment policy is geared to attract foreign investment, with foreign investors accorded national treatment and any sector open to investment. As of 2003, under the law of profit tax, two-year tax holidays are accorded foreign investors whose equity investment in a resident company is at least 500 million drams, or a little less than one million dollars. There are no limits on the repatriation of profits, or on the import and export of hard currency, so long as the currency is imported or earned in Armenia. Otherwise there is a $10,000 limit on the export of cash.
In late 1997, the government initiated the privatization of 11 of the larger state owned enterprises (SOEs), including the energy sector. It was not until 2002, however, that a suitable and willing foreign investor, Daewoo Engineering, was found to manage privatized electricity distribution. Operations at the Zvartnots International Airport have also been successfully leased. The 2001 debt-for-equity swap with Russia, whereby five unproductive SOEs (Hrazdan Thermal Power Plant, the "Mars" Electronics Factory established in 1986 to build robots, and three research labs) were exchanged for the cancellation of Armenia's debt with Russia (about $100 million of nonconcessional lending that was costing almost $20 million/year to service) promised to increase Russian private investment in Armenia as the Russian government passed the assets on to private investors.
From 1998–2000 annual inflow of foreign direct investment (FDI) ranged from $120 million to $230 million, though it fell to $75.9 million in 2001 in the wake of the global contraction of foreign investment following the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks on the US World Trade Center. In 2002, FDI increased 12% to about $85 million. A large share of FDI comes from the Armenian diaspora in the United States, Russia, Iran, France, Greece, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Syria. Since 1998, the Lincy Foundation of Armenian American Kirk Kirkorian has made available about $165 million to support small and medium enterprise (SME) development (offering concessional loans for businesses that are at least 51% Armenian owned), assistance for tourism development ($20 million in 2000), and infrastructure repair ($60 million in 2002 and $80 million in 2003). Armenia's accession to the World Trade Organization in 2000 has helped improve the investment climate as a consequence of meeting the WTO's strictures for membership.
The flow of foreign capital into Armenia continued to grow steadily, reaching $155 million in 2003, and $300 million in 2004. The main FDI sources have been Russia, the United States, Greece, France, and Germany. Unfortunately, only a small part of the capital inflows were geared towards green field investments. At the end of 2003, the accumulated stock of FDI amounted to 32% of the GDP.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Development planning in Armenia has been aimed at counter-acting the effects of three devastating blows to its economy: the earthquake of 1988; open warfare and economic blockade over Nagorno-Karabakh; and the combination of hyperinflation and industrial collapse following its separation from the Soviet Union. The government has been aggressive in launching economic reform, beginning with its privatization of agricultural land in 1991, which boosted crop output 30% and resulted in a 15% increase in agricultural production. In December 1994, Armenia embarked on a series of ambitious programs of economic reform guided by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that have resulted in nine years of positive growth rates. On its present course, Armenia will achieve its pre-independence level of per capita income by 2005. By 1997, privatization of most small industry, as well as an estimated 70% of larger enterprises, was complete. Progress has been slower with larger state-owned enterprises (SOEs), not least because the government has had difficulty finding bidders at its cash sales auctions. In 1997, the ministries controlling the SOEs were merged, and their functions changed from direct control to general supervision and special support. The Ministry of Industry and the Ministry of Trade, and certain parts of the Ministry of Economy and the Ministry of Privatization and Foreign Investment were also merged in order to streamline the bureaucracy.
In late 1997, 11 large enterprises were offered for sale and in 1998 the parliament passed a law allowing for the sale of the state electricity transmission and distribution networks. Viable bidders were not immediately forthcoming and on 5 December 2000, as a means of supporting the privatization program, the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) agreed to take 20% shares in each of Armenia's four electricity distribution companies, with provision for the Armenian government's right to buy back the shares if the agreements were abrogated. The privatization process of the distribution networks stalled in 2001 and 2002 as twice the government failed to attract any final bids. To make the offer more attractive, the government merged the four distribution companies into one closed-end joint stock company, Electricity Networks of Armenia, and on 31 October 2002, 100% of the shares were acquired by the English company, Midland Resources Holding, Ltd. Midland in turn contracted with Daewoo International of South Korea to manage the newly privatized company. By 2002, only a small fraction of a total 100 larger SOEs had been privatized, according to the US Agency for International Development (USAID).
The republic has substantial deposits of gold, copper, zinc, bauxite, and other minerals, which could be developed with Western capital. The government is currently exploring alternative trade routes, and seeking export orders from the West to aid production and earn foreign exchange. Much of Armenia's industry remains idle or operating at low capacity utilization in large part because of the country's political isolation from oil and gas supplies.
Armenia's determination to create a market-oriented economy and democratic society has engaged (in addition to the IMF) the World Bank and EBRD as well as other financial institutions and foreign countries. Nevertheless, Armenia continues to remain economically isolated in comparison with its Caucasian neighbors.
The Armenian economy is expected to grow strongly in the coming years, based on increased domestic consumption, which in turn is fueled by higher wages and remittances from abroad. In addition, further investments are expected to come in the country as a result of economic restructuring and trade-oriented policies. Armenia boasts a highly educated work force, a diverse and dynamic industrial base, and a strategic geographic location. However, as long as the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict will not be resolved, the economy will find it hard to reach its fullest potential.
SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
Pension and disability benefit systems were first introduced in 1956 and 1964. More recent legislation was passed in 2002 and implemented in 2003. Retirement is set at age 63 for men and age 59.5 for women, although earlier retirement is allowed for those engaged in hazardous work. The cost is covered by employee, employer, and government contributions. Work injury legislation provides 100% of average monthly earnings for temporary disability and a proportion of wages up to a maximum of 100% for permanent disability, depending on the extent of incapacity. Unemployment, sickness, and maternity benefits and family allowances are also provided under Armenian law.
Women in Armenia largely occupy traditional roles despite an employment law that formally prohibits discrimination based on sex. Women do not receive the same professional opportunities as men and often work in low-level jobs. In 2004 women earned approximately 40% less than men. Societal attitudes do not view sexual harassment in the workplace worthy of legal action. Violence against women and domestic violence is widespread and underreported. According to a recent survey, 45% of women were subject to psychological abuse, and 25% of women were physically abused. Most women do not report domestic abuse due to fear of reprisal and embarrassment.
The constitution protects the freedom of assembly and the freedom of religion. The government allows minorities, such as the Russians, Jews, Kurds, Yezids, Georgians, Greeks, and Assyrians, the right to preserve their cultural practices, the law allows them to study in their native language. Discrimination is prohibited on the basis of race, sex, religion, language disability, or social status. Human rights abuses appear to be widespread. Prison conditions fail to meet international standards and accusations of police brutality are not uncommon.
HEALTH
The infant mortality rate was 23.28 per 1,000 live births in 2005, an increase over the previous five years. The estimated maternal mortality rate was 35 per 100,000 live births as of 1999. Life expectancy in 2005 averaged 71.55 years. There were 7,000 warrelated deaths from 1989 to 1992; the death rate was estimated at 10 per 1,000 people in 2002. The incidence of tuberculosis was 58 per 100,000 people. Immunization rates declined as of 1994 due to war and earthquakes but have begun to recover. In 1999, the immunization rates were as follows for a child under the age of one: tuberculosis, 72%; polio, 95%; and measles, 92%. In the same year, the estimated immunization rate for DPT was 91%. In 2000 the total fertility rate was 1.3 births per woman and the maternal mortality rate was an estimated 35 per 100,000 live births.
As of 2004, there were an estimated 352 physicians and 473 nurses per 100,000 people and the country spent an estimated 7.8% of its GDP on health care. In this former republic of the Soviet Union, health care has undergone rapid changes in the last few years. The break from the Soviet Union has meant a disruption of the system that once provided member states with equipment, supplies, and drugs. Out-of-pocket payments by individual are now required for most health care services. However, the health care delivery itself is still largely organized as it was during the Soviet era, with regional clinics and walkin centers delivering most primary health care services.
The incidence of heart disease is high compared to other moderately developed countries. There is nearly a 50% chance of dying of heart disease after age 65 for both women and men. The HIV/AIDS prevalence was 0.10 per 100 adults in 2003. As of 2004, there were approximately 2,600 people living with HIV/AIDS in the country. There were an estimated 200 deaths from AIDS in 2003.
HOUSING
Housing throughout Armenia has been somewhat scarce for the past two decades due to a number of factors, including a history of state control, a devastating earthquake in 1988, and civil conflicts. Since the 1993 passage of a law on privatization for previously state and public-owned housing, about 96% of apartments were privatized and transferred to ownership by the existing tenants.
A large number of buildings are neglected and in serious disrepair and utilities are limited and expensive. The total number of housing units in 2001 was at about 750,719. Nearly 59% were multiunit dwellings, most of which are in urban areas. About 25% of all multi-unit homes were built before 1960; another 52% were built between 1960 and 1980. Only about 85% of the population have access to improved water supplies. Only 9% have central heating. About 50% of the population rely on wood burning stoves as a primary heating source.
Overcrowding and homelessness is a great concern, particularly among the population of refugees and displaced persons. In 2001, about 11% of all households lived in one-room homes. In 2001, it was estimated that about 40,000 families (5% of all households) had no permanent shelter. Nearly 40% of these people lived in temporary shelters called domics within the earthquake zone. Another 40,000 families were on waiting lists for new permanent housing because of overcrowding. About 1,200 new housing units were completed in 2001. The same year, there were about 29,000 unfinished housing units (4,487 buildings). Most of these were started in the late 1980s and early 1990s within the earthquake zone, and were simply left incomplete because of lack of funds and materials.
EDUCATION
Education is compulsory between the ages of 7 and 14 years and is free at both the primary and secondary levels. The system is broken into three levels. Primary school lasts for three years, followed by intermediate school, which lasts for five years. This is followed by two years of general secondary education. Primary school enrollment in 2003 was estimated at about 94%; 95% for boys and 93% for girls. The same year, secondary school enrollment was about 83%; 82% for boys and 85% for girls. The pupil to teacher ratio for primary school was at about 17:1 in 2003; the ratio for secondary school was about 10:1.
Since the early 1990s, increasing emphasis has been placed on Armenian history and culture. The school year runs from September to July. Instruction is available in Armenian and Russian. The education system is coordinated through the Ministry of Education and Science and the Council of Rectors of Higher Educational Establishments. About 3.2% of the GDP was given to education in 2003.
The adult literacy rate for 2004 was estimated at about 99%, with a fairly even rate between men and women. There are two universities in Yerevan: the Yerevan State University (founded in 1919) and the State Engineering University of Armenia. Seven other educational institutions are located in the capital. There are several other institutes of higher education throughout the country. About 25% of all age-eligible students were enrolled in tertiary education programs in 2003.
LIBRARIES AND MUSEUMS
There are two branches of the National Library, with the main branch in Yerevan comprising 6.2 million volumes as of 2002. The main library of the Armenian Academy of Sciences in Yerevan has 4.4 million volumes. The Armenian Academy of Sciences and the universities each have research libraries. The Armenian Library Association was established in 1995.
Yerevan's museums include the National Gallery of Arts; the Yerevan Children's Picture Gallery, a unique collection of children's art from Armenia and around the world; the Museum of Modern Art; the House Museum of Ovanes Tumanjan, Armenia's most renowned poet; and the Museum of Ancient Manuscripts. There are also museums devoted to the composer Aram Khachaturian (including his piano) and the filmmaker Sergei Paradjanov, Armenia's most famous sons. The Genocide Memorial and Museum at Tsitsernakaberd is in Yerevan. The Matenadaran Manuscript Museum, also in Yerevan, was established to preserve the ancient written culture of the region.
MEDIA
In 2003, there were an estimated 148 mainline telephones for every 1,000 people; about 60,800 people were on a waiting list for telephone service installation. The same year, there were approximately 30 mobile phones in use for every 1,000 people. Communications are the responsibility of the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications and are operated by Armental, a 90% Greek-owned company. Yerevan is linked to the Trans-Asia-Europe fiber-optic cable through Iran. Communications links to other former Soviet republics are by land line or microwave, and to other countries by satellite and through Moscow.
A majority of citizens rely on radio and television as a primary source of news and information. Armenian and Russian radio and television stations broadcast throughout the country. In 2004, there were over 20 radio stations and over 40 television broadcasters, most of which were privately owned and operated. In 2003, there were an estimated 264 radios and 229 television sets for every 1,000 people. Though cable television service is available, only about 1.2 of every 1,000 people are subscribers. In 2003, there were 15.8 personal computers for every 1,000 people and 37 of every 1,000 people had access to the Internet. There were four secure Internet servers available in 2004.
The three largest newspapers as of 2002 were Golos Armenii (The Voice of Armenia, circulation 20,000), Hayastani Hanrapetutyun (a joint publication of the parliament and the newspaper's staff), and Respublika Armenia, (the Russian-language version of Hayastani Hanrapetutyun). According to the Yerevan Press Club, the total newspaper circulation in the country in 2004 was 60,000, an increase of 20,000 from 2003. There were about 27 newspapers available in the capital.
Armenia's constitution provides for freedom of expression, and is said to generally uphold freedom of speech and press. However, journalists seem to adhere to an unspoken rule of self-censorship, particularly when reporting on political issues, since they traditionally depend on the government for funding and access to facilities. The government has, it is noted, begun to shed itself of the state publishing apparatus, and it has dissolved the Ministry of Information.
ORGANIZATIONS
Important political movements in Armenia include the Armenian National Movement and the National Self-Determination Association. Armenian trade unions belong to the umbrella organization Council of Armenia Trade Unions. The Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Republic of Armenia promotes the economic and business activities of the country in world markets.
The National Academy of Sciences of Armenia encourages the public interest in science and seeks to ensure availability and effectiveness of science education programs. The Armenian Physical Society serves a similar role. The group also works with various research programs. The Independent Media Center promotes the freedom and accuracy of press and other media. The Armenian Medical Association promotes research and education in the field; there are also several professional associations for specialized fields of medicine.
There are a number of national sporting organizations, including the Athletic Federation of the Republic of Armenia, the Armenian National Paralympic Committee, and other groups sponsoring football (soccer), baseball, skiing, and the Special Olympics. The National Youth Council of the Republic of Armenia coordinates youth organizations through the support of the Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Youth. An affiliate of the United Nations of Youth (UNOY), a foundation based in the Netherlands, was established in Armenia in 1994. Other youth groups include the Aragast Youth Club and the Armenian Euro Club Unipax. There are active chapters of the Girl Guides and Girls Scouts; the World Organization of Scouting is represented by the Armenian National Scout Movement. The Armenian Junior Chamber is a national leadership development organization. The YMCA is also present.
Organizations representing the rights and role of women in society include the League of Armenian Women, the Union of the Protection of Women's, Children and Family Rights, and the Women's Alliance. There is a national chapter of the Red Cross Society, World Vision, and Habitat for Humanity. The Armenian Relief Society supports local community health development programming.
TOURISM, TRAVEL, AND RECREATION
Although there is a shortage of resources, Armenia has been investing in new hotels to increase tourism. Outdoor activities and scenery seem to be the primary attractions. Lake Sevan, the world's largest mountain lake, is a popular summer tourist spot. The Tsakhador ski resort is open year round for skiing in the winter and hiking and picnicking the rest of the year. Mt. Ararat, the traditional site of the landing of Noah's Ark, is located along the border with Turkey. Yerevan, Armenia's capital, also boasts theaters; the casinos in Argavand are popular with tourists and Albanian citizens.
In 2003, there were about 206,000 visitor arrivals, as compared to 45,000 in 2000. Tourist receipts totaled $90 million in 2003.
In 2002, the US Department of State estimated the daily cost of staying in Yerevan at $184.
FAMOUS ARMENIANS
Levon Ter-Petrosyan was president of Armenia from 1991 until 1998. Gagik G. Haroutunian has been prime minister, vice president, and chairman of the Council of Ministers since November 1991. Gregory Nare Katzi, who lived in the 10th century, was Armenia's first great poet. Nineteenth-century novelists include Hakob Maliq-Hakobian (1835?–1888) whose pen name is "Raffi" and the playwright Gabriel Sundukian (1825–1912). G. I. Gurdjieff (1872?–1949) was a Greek-Armenian mystic and teacher. Soviet aircraft designer Artem Mikuyan (1905–70) served as head of the MiG design bureau. Arshile Gorky (1904–48) was an Armenian-American abstract expressionist painter.
DEPENDENCIES
Armenia has no territories or colonies.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abrahamian, Levon and Nancy Sweezy (eds.). Armenian Folk Arts, Culture, and Identity. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001.
Adalian, Rouben Paul. Historical Dictionary of Armenia. Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 2002.
De Waal, Thomas. Black Garden: Armenia and Azerbaijan Through Peace and War. New York: New York University Press, 2003.
Karanian, Matthew. Edge of Time: Traveling in Armenia and Karabagh. 2nd ed. Washington, D.C.: Stone Garden Productions, 2002.
Kohut, David R. Historical Dictionary of the "Dirty Wars." Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press, 2003.
Libaridian, Gerard J. Modern Armenia: People, Nation, State. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 2004.
Seddon, David (ed.). A Political and Economic Dictionary of the Middle East. Philadelphia: Routledge/Taylor and Francis, 2004.
Suny, Ronald Grigor. Looking Toward Ararat: Armenia in Modern History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993.
Transcaucasia, Nationalism and Social Change: Essays in the History of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996.
Walker, Christopher J. Armenia: the Survival of a Nation, Rev. 2nd ed. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990.
World Bank. Public Expenditure Review of Armenia. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 2003.
ARMENIA
Republic of Armenia
Major City:
Yerevan
Other Cities:
Arzni, Ashtarak, Echmiadzin, Kumayri
EDITOR'S NOTE
This chapter was adapted from the Department of State Post Report 1999 for Armenia. Supplemental material has been added to increase coverage of minor cities, facts have been updated, and some material has been condensed. Readers are encouraged to visit the Department of State's web site at http://travel.state.gov/ for the most recent information available on travel to this country.
INTRODUCTION
Armenia is one of the great cradles of human civilization. The archeologists tell us that wine was invented in its sheltered valleys, and, perhaps, even the wheel. According to Armenia's librarians, more than a decade before the Emperor Constantine turned Rome into a Christian Empire, Armenia's King Trdat declared his kingdom Christian, making Armenia into the world's very first Christian state.
Certainly, Armenia is home to one of the world's oldest and most durable continuous cultures. Its 3,000 years of history tell a powerful tale of conquest, foreign domination and resurgence. And throughout it all, the country's remarkable people have sustained a clear sense of national, ethnic, and religious identity.
A member of the Soviet Union from 1921-1991, a newly independent Armenia is working hard to fulfill the promise of democracy and a market economy. The 1999 Parliamentary elections, for example, showed real improvement over the previous election. But, despite progress, the transition from the Soviet system has been painful. In addition to the natural hardships faced by all command economies undergoing reform, Armenia faces blockades and sanctions resulting from a complex conflict with Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh Region.
Following independence, Armenia was virtually without electric power for 2 years. Its well-developed economy-one of the richest in the Soviet Union-was simply crushed. Recovery has been slow.
Now, however, the worst is over. The dram, the national currency, is currently enjoying relative stability. Oil and gas supplies are flowing steadily. Moreover, with U.S. help, the power sector has been reorganized to dramatically improve efficiency. As a result, the lights have been on in Yerevan for the past two years.
With traditional resilience, the country is slowly climbing out of the abyss, even though high tensions with Azerbaijan keep Armenia's borders with that country and with Turkey closed. Although the traditional economic base has been shattered, small businesses are opening all over the capital, and, to a lesser extent, in the provinces. Consumer goods are available in local markets, kiosks and stores. The metro is running; car traffic is rolling all day long. If normal life still lies in the future, some hope, at least, has returned to the present. Much, however, is contingent on creating a durable political resolution to the volatile Nagorno-Karabakh situation.
Given this dramatic backdrop, Yerevan remains an intensely busy post. The Armenians, among the best-educated people in the entire CIS, are competent and energetic. Personnel assigned to this post can expect many exciting responsibilities at work. Moreover, given the very real nature of the challenges here, there is a genuine sense of making a difference.
MAJOR CITY
Yerevan
Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, is in the west-central part of the country in the Ararat Valley, a plateau 1,000 meters (3,000 feet) above sea level. This fertile plain is ringed by an impressive range of mountains, which are capped with snow for most of the year. With the exception of the relatively flat center city, Yerevan is a town of steep hills and winding cobblestone byways. The tree-lined downtown streets retain some old-fashioned charm, as do sections of the surrounding hillsides. These are clustered with stone villas and small houses in various states of repair. There are many bars and restaurants in the safely walked center. And, in the summer especially, outdoor cafes and fountains abound. Much of the greater metropolis, however, is characterized by Soviet-style high-rise architecture, which lacks any aesthetic appeal. But Armenia's often spectacular countryside is never more than a 30-minute drive from any part of town. It should be noted that all official Embassy housing is currently in the relatively pleasant city center.
The ancient city is the cultural as well as the administrative center of the nation. There are universities, a fine, functional Opera House and many pleasant museums. With about a million people it is home to roughly a third of the country's entire population.
On clear days (and there are many) the mountains ringing Yerevan create a dramatic backdrop. Mount Ararat of Noah's Ark fame, a 16,000-foot peak crowned with eternal snow, commands the southwest horizon across the Turkish border. To the north looms Mount Aragats, Armenia's highest mountain, a rugged snow-capped peak of 13,000 feet.
Utilities
Electricity is 220v-50hz. There are frequent, sometimes extremely powerful, spikes. Bring surge protectors and uninterruptible power supplies (UPSs) for computers and any other expensive or delicate electrical equipment. European-style round-prong sockets are used in all housing. Bring adapter plugs for appliances with auto power-switching properties. Non-power-switching electrical appliances with 110v-60hz input require a transformer. Some appliances like electric clocks cannot be adapted in this way, others, like turntables may require special parts from the manufacturer for full adaptation.
Outlets are not usually grounded, so extra care should always be exercised around appliances. Hand-held equipment-hair dryers, shavers-requires extra caution.
Food
For most of the year there is a good supply of inexpensive raw fruits and vegetables at the open-air markets. In summer there is an abundance of delicious local apricots, cherries, and other fruits. The dead of winter sees a dramatic reduction of selection and an increase in price for fresh produce. Still, by Western standards, prices are not high. Winter crops like cabbages, beets, potatoes, onions, carrots are readily available all the time at cheap prices. And salad greens, fresh herbs and even tomatoes can almost always be had for a price. Oranges, bananas and apples can also be obtained year round. The best places for fruits and vegetables (price and selection) are the GUM fresh market on Tigran Mets Avenue and the Central Market on Mashtots Ave. Small markets and vendors abound in the city.
Fresh pork, lamb, beef, chicken and a limited variety of freshwater fish are available year round. Eggs are available, too. Low and reduced fat UHT shelf milk and full-fat powdered milk can be purchased as well, although supplies of low-fat are sporadic. Pasteurized fresh milk is available, but the quality is low.
Dried fruits like raisins, apricots, dates and figs, as well as many kinds of salami and cured meat, can be found in abundance. A few varieties of whole-bean coffee are available. The Cafe de Paris on Abovian Street (near Tumanian Street) has fresh-roasted beans. And there is plenty of instant coffee in shops and kiosks. Also available are pasta, flour, rice, beans, lentils, a limited variety of European and Australian cheeses, local sour cream, walnuts, hazelnuts, mushrooms, yogurt, and butter. A variety of Western soft drinks, candy, cigarettes, ice-cream bars and a few brands of imported and local beer are available.
There are a few supermarkets in Yerevan, but the inventory is sometimes disappointing and quirky and they are far from Western standard. A shopping trip might include a run through all of them to find something you need. Frozen food is available at these stores, but the selection is extremely limited and there are no frozen vegetables.
The following stores are popular these days: Partez, Europe, Cash and Carry, Yeritsian and Sons, Bravo, Urartu, and the Hayastan Super Market at the Druzbah Metro stop. For meat " The Rooster " butcher on Pushkin Street is popular. The state-run GUM market is a good place to shop, but is a little intimidating at first. One will find there most of the goods carried in the supermarkets, and at much better prices.
Other than some cereal products, baby foods are not generally available. Cake mixes are not available. Pop Tarts and other breakfast bars are not available. Pet food is available, but limited as to type and very expensive. Kitty litter is not available. Beer is available but limited in variety. Wine is available, but limited in variety. Nestle breakfast cereals are available, but are limited in choice and are now selling for $6 a box. Low-fat versions of food are not available. Peanut butter, pancake syrup, and chocolate syrup are not available.
© Dave Bartruff/Corbis. Reproduced by permission.
Clothing
The supply of ready made clothes available here is limited and often not to American taste. There are some ultra-expensive designer boutiques, however. And medium quality hand tailoring is available.
The sun can be quite strong, especially in the mountains, so hats, sun block, and good sunglasses are needed. Bring some effective winter gear. It does not stay cold, but temperatures can get very low. Long underwear will be needed some days. Keep in mind that many local buildings are poorly heated.
Washable fabrics should be chosen where possible. Although drycleaning services are available here, they are pricey and not as versatile as those in the U.S.
Sturdy walking shoes are a must; walking is a good way to get around in Yerevan.
Supplies and Services
It is strongly suggested that you bring a supply of laundry detergent and fabric softener with you. But what you bring by way of supplies is mainly a matter of preference, not absolute necessity. Most household goods are available here, from cleaning supplies to paper goods. But… they seldom bear a familiar brand name and often the quality is odd or very low. Russian-made toilet paper and Barf Detergent (an Iranian brand name) are good cases in point. Prices can also be quite high for some things, such as laundry detergent. Here you might see some familiar brands, such as Tide, but make sure it is for a machine. Hand detergent is common.
The following services are available and adequate: haircutting, shoe repair, taxi, tailoring, dressmaking, upholstery and draperies, auto repair, locksmith, picture framing, etc. In short, most average needs can be met.
Domestic Help
Domestic help is available and runs about $100 per month for day help ($1 per hour). Houses do not have special facilities for live-in maids.
Religious Activities
Most churches in Yerevan are Armenian Apostolic, but there are some services for other denominations. A partial list of contacts follows.
Anglican: (Episcopalian) Monthly service in English. Contact: Philip Storventer, St. Zhoravants Church. Tel: 40-79-85, Office: 52-71-27
Catholic: The Mekhitarist Center, daily services (mornings) with Sunday Mass at 10:00 am. (Catholic Armenian rite Mass is held primarily in Armenian with readings usually in English.) Address: 7 Alikhanian St. (opposite the Chinese Embassy) Contacts: Father Serafino (speaks English, French, Italian, Armenian), Father Elia (speaks Armenian, Italian) Tel: 56-18-88, 58-98-37 E-mail: [email protected]
Church of the Latter-Day Saints: Services 10 am or 12 noon at 43 Pushkin St. Five different congregations and a youth group. Contact: Margie Anderson. Tel: 27-0349 or Elder Hadley Tel: 34-43-97 or Elder Reading Tel: 58-33-23.
Seventh Day Adventist: No English Service. There is an Armenian congregation of 300 and a young adult group. Contact: ADRA office. Tel: 39-27-09.
Interdenominational Bible Study and Fellowship: (In English) Sunday mornings from 9:30 to 10:30 am. at the Drummond home, Address: 39A Aigestan St. (Near Peace Corps Office) Contact: Peter or Jekke Drummond. Tel: 57-44-27.
Synagogue: Address: Nar-Dos St. 23, Yerevan. Contact: Rabbi Gersh-Meir Bourstem (Chief Rabbi of Armenia)Tel: 57-19-68 Fax: 374 3 90-69-14. e-mail:[email protected]
Education
There is only one school in Armenia suited to the needs of the international community, and it is very well regarded. The QSI International School of Yerevan is an independent coeducational day school that offers an educational program from pre-school through grade eight for students of all nationalities. In addition, the school has the capability of coordinating correspondence education for the higher grades through a well-respected program operated out of the University of Nebraska. The school was founded in 1995 by Quality Schools International (QSI), which has 17 schools operating worldwide, many of them in the CIS. The school year comprises three trimesters. These extend from the first week in September to the second week in December; from the first week in January to the third week in March; and, lastly, from the first week in April to the second week in June.
The school is governed by the QSI Board of Directors. The board's composition is set forth in the bylaws of QSI. Additionally, an advisory board, composed of from six to ten members, assists the school in its operation. All members of the advisory board reside in Armenia. They are appointed by the president of QSI in concert with the director of the QSI International School of Yerevan.
The school offers an outcome-based educational program with a curriculum similar to that of U.S.-based public and private schools. Instruction, leading to individual mastery, takes advantage of small class sizes and the diverse educational backgrounds of the students. Instruction is in English.
The school also coordinates extracurricular activities such as ballet, karate woodcarving, jewelry making, sculpting, puppet making, etc. Swimming instruction at a pool operated by the International Federation of the Red Cross (IFRCC) is available.
There were four full-time faculty members in the 1997-98 school year, two of whom were U.S. citizens.
The school is located in the 650 square meter second floor of the CARITAS Switzerland building on Ashtarak Highway. The building will also house the school's administrative offices and the director's quarters. The facilities will be adequate for the projected enrollment for the next 3 years, and there is sufficient play and exercise space for the students, both indoors and out. The school has its own athletic field and weekly access to the IFRCC gym and pool. There are currently no facilities for handicapped or special needs students. Bus service will be provided.
In the 1998-99 school year, the school's income was derived from regular day school tuition. Annual tuition rates were as follows: Pre-school (3-4-year-olds) $5,300; Kindergarten, $8,300; grades one through eight, $10,800. The school also charges an annual capital fund fee of $1,600 per year or a capital fund deposit of $4,000 for all 5 year and older students. Accreditation: Full accreditation is expected by 1999. Currently, the school's financial system and curriculum have both received accreditation. The school has been accepted into candidacy for full accreditation by two bodies: The Middle States Association of Colleges and Schools and the Commission on International and Trans-Regional Accreditation. The Self Study and School Improvement Plan have been completed and the Accreditation Team visited the school in February 1999. The school holds a Provisional Certificate from the Department of Defense.
Contact: QSI International School of Yerevan, c/o American Embassy, Yerevan, Department of State, Washington, D.C. 20521-7020
E-mail: [email protected] World Wide Web URL: http://www.arminco.com/gsiy International telephone and fax: 371-407656
Local mobile phone: 8-21-407656
Sports
A few sport activities are also available in Yereva | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 87 | https://www.ncronline.org/news/us-bishops-call-end-blockade-armenian-enclave | en | US bishops call for end to blockade of Armenian enclave | [
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] | null | [] | null | Bishop David J. Malloy of Rockford, chairman of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops' Committee on International Justice and Peace, called for a peaceful end to the months-long blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh that has left some 120,000 ethnic Armenian Christians at risk of what experts are calling "genocide by starvation." | en | /files/NCR%20Blue%20avatars%2016X16%20pixels.jpg | National Catholic Reporter | https://www.ncronline.org/news/us-bishops-call-end-blockade-armenian-enclave | Bishop David J. Malloy of Rockford, chairman of the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops' Committee on International Justice and Peace, called for a peaceful end to the months-long blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh that has left some 120,000 ethnic Armenian Christians at risk of what experts are calling "genocide by starvation."
"We continue to pray for an end to the conflict and this growing humanitarian crisis," Bishop Malloy said in a Sept. 7 statement. "The Holy Father's two apostolic visits to the South Caucasus in 2016 and his more recent appeal earlier this year for 'the serious humanitarian situation in the Lachin Corridor' reflects our strong hope for a resolution."
For the past nine months, Azerbaijan has closed the only road leading from Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh (known in Armenian by its ancient name, Artsakh), a historic Armenian enclave located in southwestern Azerbaijan and internationally recognized as part of that nation.
The blockade of the three-mile (five-kilometer) Lachin Corridor, which connects the roughly 1,970 square mile enclave to Armenia, has deprived residents of food, baby formula, oil, medication, hygienic products and fuel – even as a convoy of trucks with an estimated 400 tons of aid is stalled at the single Azerbaijani checkpoint. Attempts by the International Red Cross to deliver aid have been rebuffed.
Bishop Malloy said that Vatican Secretary of State Cardinal Pietro Parolin's visit to both Armenia and Azerbaijan in July "serves as witness to the Holy See's efforts in seeking peace.
"With the continued impasse of this conflict and the mounting consequences of this blockade, let us all be of one mind and one accord in our prayers for those suffering from this conflict – to see this impending humanitarian catastrophe averted and to see this conflict ultimately resolved through peaceful means," said Bishop Malloy.
The bishop's comments follow a Sept. 6 emergency hearing of the bipartisan Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission in Congress.
"It's now a three-alarm fire that's getting worse by the moment," said Rep. Chris Smith, R-N.J., who chaired the meeting and is a longstanding Catholic human rights champion.
David L. Phillips, an adjunct professor at Georgetown University and director of Columbia University's Artsakh Atrocities Project testified before the commission that his project has collected "information on Azerbaijan's systematic effort to drive Armenians from their homeland through killings, ethnic cleansing and deportations," thereby constituting "crimes against humanity."
In 2020, Azerbaijan went to war with Armenia over the enclave in which 3,000 Azerbaijani and 4,000 Armenian soldiers were killed. The conflict had been preceded by a 1992-1994 struggle between Armenia and Azerbaijan for control of the region, which had declared its independence from the former Soviet Union in 1991. Some 30,000 were killed and more than 1 million displaced in that conflict. Russia brokered a 1994 ceasefire, and in a 2017 referendum, voters approved a new constitution and a change in name to the Republic of Artsakh (although "Nagorno Karabakh Republic" also remains an official name).
Philips said Azerbaijan's blockade of the Lachin Corridor ultimately "constitutes a second Armenian genocide," referencing the 1915-1916 slaughter and starvation of up to 1.2 million Armenians under the Ottoman Empire. He also noted Azerbaijan's refusal to comply with a February 2022 order by the International Court of Justice to ensure "unimpeded movement of persons, vehicles and cargo along the Lachin Corridor in both directions," as well as calls from "international leaders such as the U.N. Secretary General, the U.S. Secretary of State, and the President of France" to abide by the order.
Bishop Mikael A. Mouradian of the California-based Armenian Catholic Eparchy of Our Lady of Nareg told OSV News Sept. 6 that Congress "should without any delay put up a bipartisan human rights act."
The bishop said that without a law in place he feared another Armenian genocide "is inevitable if things continue like they are now."
Smith, who criticized U.S. inaction on the Azerbaijani blockade, plans to introduce a new bill, the "Nagorno-Karabakh Human Rights Act", for Congress to take action. | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 68 | https://enewspaper.latimes.com/infinity/article_share.aspx%3Fguid%3D57fc927a-2272-4bd3-af2c-5d636bf70b64 | en | [] | [] | [] | [
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6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 24 | https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/press-release/2020/10/armenia-azerbaijan-use-of-artillery-salvos-and-ballistic-missiles-in-populated-areas-must-stop-immediately/ | en | Armenia/Azerbaijan: Use of artillery salvos and ballistic missiles in populated areas must stop immediately | [
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] | null | [] | 2020-10-20T17:27:37+00:00 | Both Armenia and Azerbaijan must immediately stop the use of heavy explosive weapons with wide-area effects in densely populated civilian areas, Amnesty International warned today. Experts from Amnesty International’s Crisis Response team have examined available evidence which strongly suggests the use of ballistic missiles and notoriously inaccurate rocket artillery salvos that have caused civilian deaths, […] | en | Amnesty International | https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/press-release/2020/10/armenia-azerbaijan-use-of-artillery-salvos-and-ballistic-missiles-in-populated-areas-must-stop-immediately/ | Both Armenia and Azerbaijan must immediately stop the use of heavy explosive weapons with wide-area effects in densely populated civilian areas, Amnesty International warned today.
Experts from Amnesty International’s Crisis Response team have examined available evidence which strongly suggests the use of ballistic missiles and notoriously inaccurate rocket artillery salvos that have caused civilian deaths, injuries and widespread damage in recent days, in apparent violation of international humanitarian law.
Civilians continue to be killed, injured and left homeless as reckless strikes ruin lives and reduce homes to rubble
Denis Krivosheev
Civilian casualties and severe damage to civilian buildings were reported most notably in the city of Ganja in Azerbaijan that has repeatedly suffered artillery shelling from the Armenian side in recent days, as well as in the Armenia-controlled Nagorno-Karabakh region.
“The evidence of the use of ballistic missiles and other explosive weapons with wide-area effects in civilian neighbourhoods tells a story of shocking disregard for life and the laws of war,” said Denis Krivosheev, Amnesty International’s acting Head of Eastern Europe and Central Asia.
“Civilians continue to be killed, injured and left homeless as reckless strikes ruin lives and reduce homes to rubble.
“Photo and video evidence show the devastating damage that these weapons can cause as hospitals and schools have been reportedly destroyed, and other vital civilian infrastructure such as roads and communication networks damaged.
“We are once again calling on all parties to the conflict to prioritize the protection of civilians, and respect international humanitarian law. Using these types of weapons and weapon systems in populated areas must stop immediately.”
Amnesty International has previously warned against the use of banned cluster bombs, after its experts found that Azerbaijan had likely used the weapons in the region. Azerbaijan has alleged use of cluster munitions by the Armenian side, but Amnesty International as yet has been unable to verify these allegations. The organization is calling on both Azerbaijan and Armenia to join the Convention on Cluster Munitions, the global treaty banning the weapons.
Background
On 27 September, heavy fighting erupted between Azerbaijan and Armenia and Armenian-supported forces in Azerbaijan’s break-away region of Nagorno-Karabakh. In recent weeks, thousands of civilians have been displaced as both sides have continued to exchange artillery and rocket fire, despite attempts to broker an end to hostilities. | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 48 | https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-18270325 | en | Nagorno-Karabakh profile | [
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"www.facebook.com"
] | 2012-05-30T15:29:14+00:00 | Provides an overview of Nagorno-Karabakh, and key facts about this former territory in the Caucasus. | en | BBC News | https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-18270325 | The landlocked mountainous region of Nagorno-Karabakh was the subject of a long-standing territorial dispute between Azerbaijan, in which it lies, and its ethnic Armenian majority, backed by neighbouring Armenia.
Internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, until recently much of it was governed by the unrecognised Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, also known as the Republic of Artsakh.
Following decades of ceasefires punctuated by sporadic clashes and upsurges of violence, Azerbaijani forces overwhelmed the territory's defenders in a short campaign in September 2023.
The majority of ethnic Armenians fled and on 1 January 2024 Nagorno-Karabakh was formally dissolved.
While Armenia itself never officially recognised the region's independence, it became its main financial and military backer and the territory functioned as a de facto part of Armenia.
Key dates in the history of Nagorno-Karabakh:
The conflict has roots dating back well over a century into competition between Christian Armenian and Muslim Turkic and Persian influences.
19th Century - Populated for centuries by Christian Armenian and Turkic Azeris, Karabakh becomes part of the Russian empire.
early 20th Century - Acts of brutality on both sides punctuate the region's relative peace, and live on in the popular memory.
1920s - After the end of World War One and the Bolshevik revolution in Russia, the new Soviet rulers, as part of their divide-and-rule policy in the region, established the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region, with an ethnic Armenian majority, within the Soviet Socialist Republic of Azerbaijan.
1991 - With the break-up of the Soviet Union, Karabakh declares itself an independent republic, and as Soviet control loosens Armenian-Azeri frictions escalate into a full-scale war.
1992-94 - First Karabakh war: During the fighting up to 30,000 people are estimated to have lost their lives. Armenians gain control of the region and push on to occupy Azerbaijani territory outside Karabakh, creating a buffer zone around Lachin, linking Karabakh and Armenia.
More than one million people flee their homes during the fighting. The ethnic Azeri population - about 25% of the total before the war - leaves Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia while ethnic Armenians flee the rest of Azerbaijan.
1994 - Russian-brokered ceasefire is signed leaving Karabakh as well as swathes of Azeri territory around the territory in Armenian hands.
1994-2020 - A simmering stalemate prevails punctuated by armed clashes.
2017 - In a referendum, voters approve a new constitution turning the government from a semi-presidential to a fully presidential one. The territory changes its name from Nagorno Karabakh Republic to Republic of Artsakh, though both remain official names.
Karabakh is the Russian rendering of an Azeri word meaning "black garden", while Nagorno is a Russian root meaning "mountainous". Artsakh is an ancient Armenian name for the area. | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 1 | 5 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armenia | en | Wikipedia | [
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] | 2001-07-02T05:33:58+00:00 | en | /static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armenia | Country in West Asia
"Hayastan" redirects here. For other uses, see Armenia (disambiguation) and Hayastan (disambiguation).
Armenia ( ar-MEE-nee-ə),[14][a] officially the Republic of Armenia,[b] is a landlocked country in the Armenian Highlands of West Asia.[15][16] It is a part of the Caucasus region and is bordered by Turkey to the west, Georgia to the north and Azerbaijan to the east, and Iran and the Azerbaijani exclave of Nakhchivan to the south.[17] Yerevan is the capital, largest city and financial center.
Armenia is a unitary, multi-party, democratic nation-state with an ancient cultural heritage. The Armenian Highlands has been home to the Hayasa-Azzi, Shupria and Nairi. By at least 600 BC, an archaic form of Proto-Armenian, an Indo-European language, had diffused into the Armenian Highlands.[18][19] The first Armenian state of Urartu was established in 860 BC, and by the 6th century BC it was replaced by the Satrapy of Armenia. The Kingdom of Armenia reached its height under Tigranes the Great in the 1st century BC and in the year 301 became the first state in the world to adopt Christianity as its official religion.[20][21][22][c] Armenia still recognises the Armenian Apostolic Church, the world's oldest national church, as the country's primary religious establishment.[23][d] The ancient Armenian kingdom was split between the Byzantine and Sasanian Empires around the early 5th century. Under the Bagratuni dynasty, the Bagratid Kingdom of Armenia was restored in the 9th century before falling in 1045. Cilician Armenia, an Armenian principality and later a kingdom, was located on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea between the 11th and 14th centuries.
Between the 16th and 19th centuries, the traditional Armenian homeland composed of Eastern Armenia and Western Armenia came under the rule of the Ottoman and Persian empires, repeatedly ruled by either of the two over the centuries. By the 19th century, Eastern Armenia had been conquered by the Russian Empire, while most of the western parts of the traditional Armenian homeland remained under Ottoman rule. During World War I, up to 1.5 million Armenians living in their ancestral lands in the Ottoman Empire were systematically exterminated in the Armenian genocide. In 1918, following the Russian Revolution, all non-Russian countries declared their independence after the Russian Empire ceased to exist, leading to the establishment of the First Republic of Armenia. By 1920, the state was incorporated into the Soviet Union as the Armenian SSR. The modern Republic of Armenia became independent in 1991 during the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
Armenia is a developing country and ranks 85th on the Human Development Index (2021).[13] Its economy is primarily based on industrial output and mineral extraction. While Armenia is geographically located in the South Caucasus, it is generally considered geopolitically European. Since Armenia aligns itself in many respects geopolitically with Europe, the country is a member of numerous European organizations including the Organization for Security and Co-Operation in Europe, the Council of Europe, the Eastern Partnership, Eurocontrol, the Assembly of European Regions, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Armenia is also a member of certain regional groups throughout Eurasia, including the Asian Development Bank, the Collective Security Treaty Organization,[e] the Eurasian Economic Union, and the Eurasian Development Bank. Armenia supported the once de facto independent Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), which was proclaimed in 1991 on territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, until the republic's dissolution in September 2023.
Etymology
Main article: Name of Armenia
The original native Armenian name for the country was Հայք (Hayk’); however, it is currently rarely used. The contemporary name Հայաստան (Hayastan) became popular in the Middle Ages by addition of the Persian suffix -stan (place).[24] However the origins of the name Hayastan trace back to much earlier dates and were first attested in c. 5th century in the works of Agathangelos,[25][26] Faustus of Byzantium,[27][28] Ghazar Parpetsi,[29] Koryun,[30] and Sebeos.[31]
The name has traditionally been derived from Hayk (Հայկ), the legendary patriarch of the Armenians and a great-great-grandson of Noah, who, according to the 5th-century AD author Moses of Chorene (Movsis Khorenatsi), defeated the Babylonian king Bel in 2492 BC and established his nation in the Ararat region.[32] The further origin of the name is uncertain. It is also further postulated[33][34] that the name Hay comes from one of the two confederated, Hittite vassal states – the Ḫayaša-Azzi (1600–1200 BC).
The exonym Armenia is attested in the Old Persian Behistun Inscription (515 BC) as Armina (𐎠𐎼𐎷𐎡𐎴). The Ancient Greek terms Ἀρμενία (Armenía) and Ἀρμένιοι (Arménioi, "Armenians") are first mentioned by Hecataeus of Miletus (c. 550 BC – c. 476 BC).[35] Xenophon, a Greek general serving in some of the Persian expeditions, describes many aspects of Armenian village life and hospitality in around 401 BC.[36]
Some scholars have linked the name Armenia with the Early Bronze Age state of Armani (Armanum, Armi) or the Late Bronze Age state of Arme (Shupria).[37] These connections are inconclusive as it is not known what languages were spoken in these kingdoms. Additionally, while it is agreed that Arme was located to the immediate west of Lake Van (probably in the vicinity of Sason, and therefore in the greater Armenia region), the location of the older site of Armani is a matter of debate. Some modern researchers have placed it near modern Samsat,[38] and have suggested it was populated, at least partially, by an early Indo-European-speaking people.[39] It is possible that the name Armenia originates in Armini, Urartian for "inhabitant of Arme" or "Armean country".[40] The Arme tribe of Urartian texts may have been the Urumu, who in the 12th century BC attempted to invade Assyria from the north with their allies the Mushki and the Kaskians. The Urumu apparently settled in the vicinity of Sason, lending their name to the regions of Arme and the nearby lands of Urme and Inner Urumu.[41] Given that this was an exonym, it may have meant "wasteland, dense forest", cf. armutu (wasteland), armaḫḫu (thicket, thick woods), armāniš (tree). The southerners considered the northern forests to be the abode of dangerous beasts.
According to the histories of both Moses of Chorene and Michael Chamchian, Armenia derives from the name of Aram, a lineal descendant of Hayk.[42][43] In the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, the Table of Nations lists Aram as the son of Shem, to whom the Book of Jubilees attests,
And for Aram there came forth the fourth portion, all the land of Mesopotamia between the Tigris and the Euphrates to the north of the Chaldees to the border of the mountains of Asshur and the land of 'Arara'.[44][45]
Jubilees 8:21 also apportions the Mountains of Ararat to Shem, which Jubilees 9:5 expounds to be apportioned to Aram.[44][45]
The historian Flavius Josephus also states in his Antiquities of the Jews,
Aram had the Aramites, which the Greeks called Syrians;... Of the four sons of Aram, Uz founded Trachonitis and Damascus: this country lies between Palestine and Celesyria. Ul founded Armenia; and Gather the Bactrians; and Mesa the Mesaneans; it is now called Charax Spasini.[46]
History
Main article: History of Armenia
Prehistoric
The first human traces are supported by the presence of Acheulean tools, generally close to the obsidian outcrops more than 1 million years ago.[47]
The most recent and important excavation is at the Nor Geghi 1 Stone Age site in the Hrazdan river valley.[48] Thousands of 325,000 year-old artifacts may indicate that this stage of human technological innovation occurred intermittently throughout the Old World, rather than spreading from a single point of origin (usually hypothesized to be Africa), as was previously thought.[49]
Many early Bronze Age settlements were built in Armenia (Valley of Ararat, Shengavit, Harich, Karaz, Amiranisgora, Margahovit, Garni, etc.). One of the important sites of the Early Bronze Age is Shengavit Settlement,[50] It was located on the site of today's capital of Armenia, Yerevan.
Antiquity
Armenia lies in the highlands surrounding the mountains of Ararat. There is evidence of an early civilisation in Armenia in the Bronze Age and earlier, dating to about 4000 BC. Archaeological surveys in 2010 and 2011 at the Areni-1 cave complex have resulted in the discovery of the world's earliest known leather shoe,[51] skirt,[52] and wine-producing facility.[53]
Several Bronze Age cultures and states flourished in the area of Greater Armenia, including the Trialeti-Vanadzor culture, Hayasa-Azzi, and Mitanni (located in southwestern historical Armenia), all of which are believed to have had Indo-European populations.[54][55][56][57][58][59] The Nairi confederation and its successor, Urartu, successively established their sovereignty over the Armenian Highlands. Each of the aforementioned nations and confederacies participated in the ethnogenesis of the Armenians.[60][61][62][63] A large cuneiform lapidary inscription found in Yerevan established that the modern capital of Armenia was founded in the summer of 782 BC by King Argishti I. Yerevan is one of the world's oldest continuously inhabited cities.[64]
After the fall of the state of Urartu at the beginning of the 6th century BC, the Armenian Highlands were for some time under the hegemony of the Medes, and after that they were part of the Achaemenid Empire. Armenia was part of the Achaemenid state from the second half of the 6th century BC until the second half of the 4th century BC divided into two satrapies - XIII (western part, with the capital in Melitene) and XVIII (northeastern part).[65]
During the late 6th century BC, the first geographical entity that was called Armenia by neighbouring populations was established under the Orontid Dynasty within the Achaemenid Empire, as part of the latter's territories.[66]
The kingdom became fully sovereign from the sphere of influence of the Seleucid Empire in 190 BC under King Artaxias I and begun the rule of the Artaxiad dynasty. Armenia reached its height between 95 and 66 BC under Tigranes the Great, becoming the most powerful kingdom of its time east of the Roman Republic.[67] In the next centuries, Armenia was in the Persian Empire's sphere of influence during the reign of Tiridates I, the founder of the Arsacid dynasty of Armenia, which itself was a branch of the Parthian Empire. Throughout its history, the kingdom of Armenia enjoyed both periods of independence and periods of autonomy subject to contemporary empires. Its strategic location between two continents has subjected it to invasions by many peoples, including Assyria (under Ashurbanipal, at around 669–627 BC, the boundaries of Assyria reached as far as Armenia and the Caucasus Mountains),[68] Medes, Achaemenid Empire, Greeks, Parthians, Romans, Sasanian Empire, Byzantine Empire, Arabs, Seljuk Empire, Mongols, Ottoman Empire, the successive Safavid, Afsharid, and Qajar dynasties of Iran, and the Russians.
Religion in ancient Armenia was historically related to a set of beliefs that, in Persia, led to the emergence of Zoroastrianism. It particularly focused on the worship of Mithra and also included a pantheon of gods such as Aramazd, Vahagn, Anahit, and Astghik. The country used the solar Armenian calendar, which consisted of 12 months.[70]
Christianity spread into the country in the early 4th century AD.[71] Tiridates III of Armenia (238–314) made Christianity the state religion in 301,[71][72] partly, in defiance of the Sasanian Empire, it seems,[73] becoming the first officially Christian state, ten years before the Roman Empire granted Christianity an official toleration under Galerius, and 36 years before Constantine the Great was baptised. Prior to this, during the latter part of the Parthian period, Armenia was a predominantly Zoroastrian country.[73]
After the fall of the Kingdom of Armenia in 428, most of Armenia was incorporated as a marzpanate within the Sasanian Empire.[74] Following the Battle of Avarayr in 451, Christian Armenians maintained their religion and Armenia gained autonomy.[75]
Middle Ages
Main article: Medieval Armenia
The Sassanid Empire was conquered by the Rashidun Caliphate in the mid 7th century, reuniting Armenian lands previously taken by the Byzantine Empire, and Armenia subsequently emerged as Arminiya, an autonomous principality under the Umayyad Caliphate. The principality was ruled by the Prince of Armenia, and recognised by the Caliph and the Byzantine Emperor. It was part of the administrative division/emirate Arminiya created by the Arabs, which also included parts of Georgia and Caucasian Albania, and had its centre in the Armenian city, Dvin. Arminiya lasted until 884, when it regained its independence from the weakened Abbasid Caliphate under Ashot I of Armenia.
The reemergent Armenian kingdom was ruled by the Bagratuni dynasty and lasted until 1045. In time, several areas of the Bagratid Armenia separated as independent kingdoms and principalities such as the Kingdom of Vaspurakan ruled by the House of Artsruni in the south, Kingdom of Syunik in the east, or Kingdom of Artsakh on the territory of modern Nagorno-Karabakh, while still recognising the supremacy of the Bagratid kings.[80]
In 1045, the Byzantine Empire conquered Bagratid Armenia. Soon, the other Armenian states fell under Byzantine control as well. The Byzantine rule was short-lived, as in 1071 the Seljuk Empire defeated the Byzantines and conquered Armenia at the Battle of Manzikert, establishing the Seljuk Empire.[81] To escape death or servitude at the hands of those who had assassinated his relative, Gagik II of Armenia, King of Ani, an Armenian named Ruben I, Prince of Armenia, went with some of his countrymen into the gorges of the Taurus Mountains and then into Tarsus of Cilicia. The Byzantine governor of the palace gave them shelter where the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia was eventually established on 6 January 1198 under Leo I, King of Armenia, a descendant of Prince Ruben.[82]
Cilicia was a strong ally of the European Crusaders, and saw itself as a bastion of Christendom in the East. Cilicia's significance in Armenian history and statehood is also attested by the transfer of the seat of the Catholicos of the Armenian Apostolic Church, the spiritual leader of the Armenian people, to the region.[83]
The Seljuk Empire soon started to collapse. In the early 12th century, Armenian princes of the Zakarid family drove out the Seljuk Turks and established a semi-independent principality in northern and eastern Armenia known as Zakarid Armenia, which lasted under the patronage of the Georgian Kingdom. The Orbelian Dynasty shared control with the Zakarids in various parts of the country, especially in Syunik and Vayots Dzor, while the House of Hasan-Jalalyan controlled provinces of Artsakh and Utik as the Kingdom of Artsakh.[84]
Early Modern era
During the 1230s, the Mongol Empire conquered Zakarid Armenia and then the remainder of Armenia. The Mongolian invasions were soon followed by those of other Central Asian tribes, such as the Kara Koyunlu, Timurid dynasty and Ağ Qoyunlu, which continued from the 13th century until the 15th century. After incessant invasions, each bringing destruction to the country, with time Armenia became weakened.[85]
In the 16th century, the Ottoman Empire and the Safavid dynasty of Iran divided Armenia. From the early 16th century, both Western Armenia and Eastern Armenia fell to the Safavid Empire.[86][87] Owing to the century long Turco-Iranian geopolitical rivalry that would last in West Asia, significant parts of the region were frequently fought over between the two rivalling empires during the Ottoman–Persian Wars. From the mid 16th century with the Peace of Amasya, and decisively from the first half of the 17th century with the Treaty of Zuhab until the first half of the 19th century,[88] Eastern Armenia was ruled by the successive Safavid, Afsharid and Qajar empires, while Western Armenia remained under Ottoman rule.
From 1604, Abbas I of Iran implemented a "scorched earth" policy in the region to protect his north-western frontier against any invading Ottoman forces, a policy that involved a forced resettlement of masses of Armenians outside of their homelands.[89]
In the 1813 Treaty of Gulistan and the 1828 Treaty of Turkmenchay, following the Russo-Persian War (1804–13) and the Russo-Persian War (1826–28), respectively, the Qajar dynasty of Iran was forced to irrevocably cede Eastern Armenia, consisting of the Erivan and Karabakh Khanates, to Imperial Russia.[90][91] This period is known as Russian Armenia.
While Western Armenia still remained under Ottoman rule, the Armenians were granted considerable autonomy within their own enclaves and lived in relative harmony with other groups in the empire (including the ruling Turks). However, as Christians under a strict Muslim social structure, Armenians faced pervasive discrimination. In response to 1894 Sasun rebellion, Sultan Abdul Hamid II organised state-sponsored massacres against the Armenians between 1894 and 1896, resulting in an estimated death toll of 80,000 to 300,000 people. The Hamidian massacres, as they came to be known, gave Hamid international infamy as the "Red Sultan" or "Bloody Sultan".[92]
During the 1890s, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, commonly known as Dashnaktsutyun, became active within the Ottoman Empire with the aim of unifying the various small groups in the empire that were advocating for reform and defending Armenian villages from massacres that were widespread in some of the Armenian-populated areas of the empire. Dashnaktsutyun members also formed Armenian fedayi groups that defended Armenian civilians through armed resistance. The Dashnaks also worked for the wider goal of creating a "free, independent and unified" Armenia, although they sometimes set aside this goal in favour of a more realistic approach, such as advocating autonomy.
The Ottoman Empire began to collapse, and in 1908, the Young Turk Revolution overthrew the government of Sultan Hamid. In April 1909, the Adana massacre occurred in the Adana Vilayet of the Ottoman Empire resulting in the deaths of as many as 20,000–30,000 Armenians. The Armenians living in the empire hoped that the Committee of Union and Progress would change their second-class status. The Armenian reform package (1914) was presented as a solution by appointing an inspector general over Armenian issues.[93]
World War I and the Armenian genocide
Main article: Armenian genocide
The outbreak of World War I led to confrontation between the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire in the Caucasus and Persian campaigns. The new government in Istanbul began to look on the Armenians with distrust and suspicion because the Imperial Russian Army contained a contingent of Armenian volunteers. On 24 April 1915, Armenian intellectuals were arrested by Ottoman authorities and, with the Tehcir Law (29 May 1915), eventually a large proportion of Armenians living in Anatolia perished in what has become known as the Armenian genocide.[94][95]
The genocide was implemented in two phases: the wholesale killing of the able-bodied male population through massacre and subjection of army conscripts to forced labour, followed by the deportation of women, children, the elderly and infirm on death marches leading to the Syrian desert. Driven forward by military escorts, the deportees were deprived of food and water and subjected to periodic robbery, rape, and massacre.[96][97] There was local Armenian resistance in the region, developed against the activities of the Ottoman Empire. The events of 1915 to 1917 are regarded by Armenians and the vast majority of Western historians to have been state-sponsored mass killings, or genocide.[98]
Turkish authorities deny the genocide took place to this day. The Armenian Genocide is acknowledged to have been one of the first modern genocides.[99][100] According to the research conducted by Arnold J. Toynbee, an estimated 600,000 Armenians died during deportation from 1915 to 1916. This figure, however, accounts for solely the first year of the Genocide and does not take into account those who died or were killed after the report was compiled on 24 May 1916.[101] The International Association of Genocide Scholars places the death toll at "more than a million".[102] The total number of people killed has been most widely estimated at between 1 and 1.5 million.[103]
Armenia and the Armenian diaspora have been campaigning for official recognition of the events as genocide for over 30 years. These events are traditionally commemorated yearly on 24 April, the Armenian Martyr Day, or the Day of the Armenian genocide.[104]
First Republic of Armenia
Main article: First Republic of Armenia
Although the Russian Caucasus Army of Imperial forces commanded by Nikolai Yudenich and Armenians in volunteer units and Armenian militia led by Andranik Ozanian and Tovmas Nazarbekian succeeded in gaining most of Western Armenia during World War I, their gains were lost with the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917.[106] At the time, Russian-controlled Eastern Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan attempted to bond together in the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic. This federation, however, lasted from only February to May 1918, when all three parties decided to dissolve it. As a result, the Dashnaktsutyun government of Eastern Armenia declared its independence on 28 May as the First Republic of Armenia under the leadership of Aram Manukian.[107]
The First Republic's short-lived independence was fraught with war, territorial disputes, large-scale rebellions, and a mass influx of refugees from Western Armenia, bringing with them disease and starvation. The Entente Powers sought to help the newly founded Armenian state through relief funds and other forms of support.[108]
At the end of the war, the victorious powers sought to divide up the Ottoman Empire. Signed between the Allied and Associated Powers and Ottoman Empire at Sèvres on 10 August 1920, the Treaty of Sèvres promised to maintain the existence of the Armenian republic and to attach the former territories of Western Armenia to it.[109] Because the new borders of Armenia were to be drawn by United States President Woodrow Wilson, Western Armenia was also referred to as "Wilsonian Armenia". In addition, just days prior, on 5 August 1920, Mihran Damadian of the Armenian National Union, the de facto Armenian administration in Cilicia, declared the independence of Cilicia as an Armenian autonomous republic under French protectorate.[110]
There was even consideration of making Armenia a mandate under the protection of the United States. The treaty, however, was rejected by the Turkish National Movement, and never came into effect.[111] The movement used the treaty as the occasion to declare itself the rightful government of Turkey, replacing the monarchy based in Istanbul with a republic based in Ankara.
In 1920, Turkish nationalist forces invaded the fledgling Armenian republic from the east. Turkish forces under the command of Kazım Karabekir captured Armenian territories that Russia had annexed in the aftermath of the 1877–1878 Russo-Turkish War and occupied the old city of Alexandropol (present-day Gyumri). The violent conflict finally concluded with the Treaty of Alexandropol on 2 December 1920. The treaty forced Armenia to disarm most of its military forces, cede all former Ottoman territory granted to it by the Treaty of Sèvres, and to give up all the "Wilsonian Armenia" granted to it at the Sèvres treaty. Simultaneously, the Soviet Eleventh Army, under the command of Grigoriy Ordzhonikidze, invaded Armenia at Karavansarai (present-day Ijevan) on 29 November. By 4 December, Ordzhonikidze's forces entered Yerevan and the short-lived Armenian republic collapsed.[112]
After the fall of the republic, the February Uprising soon took place in 1921, and led to the establishment of the Republic of Mountainous Armenia by Armenian forces under command of Garegin Nzhdeh on 26 April, which fought off both Soviet and Turkish intrusions in the Zangezur region of southern Armenia. After Soviet agreements to include the Syunik Province in Armenia's borders, the rebellion ended and the Red Army took control of the region on 13 July.
Armenian SSR
Main article: Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic
1922 to World War II
Armenia was annexed by the Red Army and along with Georgia and Azerbaijan, was incorporated into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as part of the Transcaucasian SFSR (TSFSR) on 4 March 1922.[113][114] With this annexation, the Treaty of Alexandropol was superseded by the Turkish-Soviet Treaty of Kars. In the agreement, Turkey allowed the Soviet Union to assume control over Adjara with the port city of Batumi in return for sovereignty over the cities of Kars, Ardahan, and Iğdır, all of which were part of Russian Armenia.[113][114]
The TSFSR existed from 1922 to 1936, when it was divided up into three separate entities (Armenian SSR, Azerbaijan SSR, and Georgian SSR). Armenians enjoyed a period of relative stability within USSR in contrast to the turbulent final years of the Ottoman Empire. The situation was difficult for the church, which struggled with secular policies of USSR. After the death of Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, the general secretary of the Communist Party, gradually established himself as the dictator of the USSR. Stalin's reign was characterized by mass repressions, that cost millions of lives all over the USSR.[citation needed]
World War II and post-Stalinist period
Armenia was not the scene of any battles in World War II. An estimated 500,000 Armenians (nearly a third of the population) served in the Red Army during the war, and 175,000 died.[115] A total of 117 citizens of Armenia including 10 non ethnic Armenians were awarded Hero of the Soviet Union. Six special military divisions were formed in Soviet Armenia in 1941–42, partly because so many draftees from the republic could not understand Russian. Five of them, the 89th, 409th, 408th, 390th, and 76th Divisions, would have a distinguished war record, while the sixth was ordered to stay in Armenia to guard the republic's western borders against a possible incursion by neighboring Turkey. The 89th Tamanyan Division, composed of ethnic Armenians, fought in the Battle of Berlin and entered Berlin.
It is claimed[by whom?] that the freedom index in the region had seen an improvement after the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953 and the emergence of Nikita Khrushchev as the new general secretary of the CPSU. Soon, life in Armenia's SSR began to see rapid improvement. The church, which was limited during the secretaryship of Stalin, was revived when Catholicos Vazgen I assumed the duties of his office in 1955. In 1967, a memorial to the victims of the Armenian genocide was built at the Tsitsernakaberd hill above the Hrazdan gorge in Yerevan. This occurred after mass demonstrations took place on the tragic event's fiftieth anniversary in 1965.
Gorbachev era
During the Gorbachev era of the 1980s, with the reforms of Glasnost and Perestroika, Armenians began to demand better environmental care for their country, opposing the pollution that Soviet-built factories brought. Tensions also developed between Soviet Azerbaijan and its autonomous district of Nagorno-Karabakh, a majority-Armenian region. About 484,000 Armenians lived in Azerbaijan in 1970.[116] The Armenians of Karabakh demanded unification with Soviet Armenia. Peaceful protests in Armenia supporting the Karabakh Armenians were met with anti-Armenian pogroms in Azerbaijan, such as the one in Sumgait, which was followed by anti-Azerbaijani violence in Armenia.[117] Compounding Armenia's problems was a devastating earthquake in 1988 with a moment magnitude of 7.2.[118]
Gorbachev's inability to alleviate any of Armenia's problems created disillusionment among the Armenians and fed a growing hunger for independence. In May 1990, the New Armenian Army (NAA) was established, serving as a defence force separate from the Soviet Red Army. Clashes soon broke out between the NAA and Soviet Internal Security Forces (MVD) troops based in Yerevan when Armenians decided to commemorate the establishment of the 1918 First Republic of Armenia. The violence resulted in the deaths of five Armenians killed in a shootout with the MVD at the railway station. Witnesses there claimed that the MVD used excessive force and that they had instigated the fighting.[citation needed]
Further firefights between Armenian militiamen and Soviet troops occurred in Sovetashen, near the capital and resulted in the deaths of over 26 people, mostly Armenians. The pogrom of Armenians in Baku in January 1990 forced almost all of the 200,000 Armenians in the Azerbaijani capital Baku to flee to Armenia.[119] On 23 August 1990, Armenia declared its sovereignty on its territory. On 17 March 1991, Armenia, along with the Baltic states, Georgia and Moldova, boycotted a nationwide referendum in which 78% of all voters voted for the retention of the Soviet Union in a reformed form.[120]
Restoration of independence
On 21 September 1991, Armenia officially declared its statehood after the failed August coup in Moscow, RSFSR. Levon Ter-Petrosyan was popularly elected the first President of the newly independent Republic of Armenia on 16 October 1991. He had risen to prominence by leading the Karabakh movement for the unification of the Armenian-populated Nagorno-Karabakh.[121] On 26 December 1991, the Soviet Union ceased to exist and Armenia's independence was recognised.
Ter-Petrosyan led Armenia alongside Defense Minister Vazgen Sargsyan through the First Nagorno-Karabakh War with neighbouring Azerbaijan. The initial post-Soviet years were marred by economic difficulties, which had their roots early in the Karabakh conflict when the Azerbaijani Popular Front managed to pressure the Azerbaijan SSR to instigate a railway and air blockade against Armenia. This move effectively debilitated Armenia's economy as 85% of its cargo and goods arrived through rail traffic.[121] In 1993, Turkey joined the blockade against Armenia in support of Azerbaijan.[122]
The Karabakh war ended after a Russian-brokered ceasefire was put in place in 1994. The war was a success for the Karabakh Armenian forces who managed to capture 16% of Azerbaijan's internationally recognised territory including almost all of the Nagorno-Karabakh itself.[123] The Armenian backed forces remained in control of practically all of that territory until 2020. The economies of both Armenia and Azerbaijan have been hurt in the absence of a complete resolution and Armenia's borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan remain closed. By the time both Azerbaijan and Armenia had finally agreed to a ceasefire in 1994, an estimated 30,000 people had been killed and over a million had been displaced.[124] Several thousand were killed in the later 2020 Karabakh war.
21st century
In the 21st century, Armenia faces many hardships. It has made a full switch to a market economy. One study ranks it the 50th most "economically free" nation in the world, as of 2023 .[125] Its relations with Europe, the Arab League, and the Commonwealth of Independent States have allowed Armenia to increase trade.[126][127] Gas, oil, and other supplies come through two vital routes: Iran and Georgia. As of 2016 , Armenia maintained cordial relations with both countries.[128][needs update]
The 2018 Armenian Revolution was a series of anti-government protests in Armenia from April to May 2018 staged by various political and civil groups led by a member of the Armenian parliament — Nikol Pashinyan (head of the Civil Contract party). Protests and marches took place initially in response to Serzh Sargsyan's third consecutive term as President of Armenia and later against the Republican Party controlled government in general. Pashinyan declared the movement, which led to Sargsyan's resignation, a "velvet revolution".[129]
In March 2018, the Armenian parliament elected Armen Sarkissian as the new President of Armenia. The controversial constitutional reform to reduce presidential power was implemented, while the authority of the prime minister was strengthened.[130] In May 2018, parliament elected opposition leader Nikol Pashinyan as the new prime minister. His predecessor Serzh Sargsyan resigned two weeks earlier following widespread anti-government demonstrations.[131]
On 27 September 2020, a full-scale war erupted due to the unresolved Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.[132] Both the armed forces of Armenia and Azerbaijan reported military and civilian casualties.[133] The Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement to end the six-week war between Armenia and Azerbaijan was seen by many as Armenia's defeat and capitulation.[134] The year-long March of Dignity protests forced early elections.
On 20 June 2021, Pashinyan's Civil Contract party won an early parliamentary election. Acting Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan was officially appointed to the post of prime minister by Armenia's President Armen Sarkissian.[135] In January 2022, Armenian President Armen Sarkissian resigned from office, stating that the constitution no longer gives the president sufficient powers or influence.[136] On 3 March 2022, Vahagn Khachaturyan was elected as the fifth president of Armenia in the second round of parliamentary vote.[137] The next month yet more protests broke out.[138]
2023 Azerbaijani offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh
See also: Flight of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians
Between 19 and 20 September 2023, Azerbaijan launched a large-scale military offensive against the self-declared breakaway state of Artsakh, a move seen by the European Parliament as a violation of the 2020 ceasefire agreement.[139][140] The offensive took place in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, which is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, but populated by Armenians.[141][142] The attacks occurred in the midst of an escalating crisis caused by Azerbaijan blockading Artsakh, which resulted in significant scarcities of essential supplies such as food, medicine, and other goods in the affected region.[143]
One day after the offensive started, on 20 September, a ceasefire agreement was reached at the mediation of the Russian peacekeeping command in Nagorno-Karabakh.[144] Azerbaijan held a meeting with representatives of the Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians on 21 September in Yevlakh, to be followed by another meeting in October.[145][146] Ceasefire violations by Azerbaijan were nonetheless reported by both Artsakhi residents and officials.[147][148]
Human rights organizations and experts in genocide prevention issued multiple alerts, stating that the region's Armenian population was at risk or actively being subjected to ethnic cleansing and genocide. Luis Moreno Ocampo, a former prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, warned that another Armenian genocide could take place, and attributed the inaction of the international community to encouraging Azerbaijan that it would face no serious consequences.[149]
Geography
Main article: Geography of Armenia
Armenia is a landlocked country in the geopolitical Transcaucasus (South Caucasus) region, that is located in the Southern Caucasus Mountains and their lowlands between the Black Sea and Caspian Sea, and northeast of the Armenian Highlands. Located in West Asia,[150][15] on the Armenian Highlands, it is bordered by Turkey to the west, Georgia to the north, the Lachin corridor which is a part of Lachin District that is under the control of a Russian peacekeeping force and Azerbaijan proper to the east, and Iran and Azerbaijan's exclave of Nakhchivan to the south.[17] Armenia lies between latitudes 38° and 42° N, and meridians 43° and 47° E. It contains two terrestrial ecoregions: Caucasus mixed forests and Eastern Anatolian montane steppe.[151]
Topography
Armenia has a territorial area of 29,743 square kilometres (11,484 sq mi). The terrain is mostly mountainous, with fast flowing rivers, and few forests. The land rises to 4,090 metres (13,419 feet) above sea level at Mount Aragats, and no point is below 390 metres (1,280 ft) above sea level.[152] Average elevation of the country area is tenth highest in the world and it has 85.9% mountain area, more than Switzerland or Nepal.[153]
Mount Ararat, which was historically part of Armenia, is the highest mountain in the region at 5,137 meters (16,854 feet). Now located in Turkey, but clearly visible from Armenia, it is regarded by the Armenians as a symbol of their land. Because of this, the mountain is present on the Armenian national emblem today.[154][155][156]
Climate
Main article: Climate of Armenia
The climate in Armenia is markedly highland continental. Summers are hot, dry and sunny, lasting from June to mid-September. The temperature fluctuates between 22 and 36 °C (72 and 97 °F). However, the low humidity level mitigates the effect of high temperatures. Evening breezes blowing down the mountains provide a welcome refreshing and cooling effect. Springs are short, while autumns are long. Autumns are known for their vibrant and colourful foliage.
Winters are quite cold with plenty of snow, with temperatures ranging between −10 and −5 °C (14 and 23 °F). Winter sports enthusiasts enjoy skiing down the hills of Tsaghkadzor, located thirty minutes outside Yerevan. Lake Sevan, nestled up in the Armenian highlands, is the second largest lake in the world relative to its altitude, at 1,900 metres (6,234 ft) above sea level.
Environment
Armenia ranked 63rd out of 180 countries on Environmental Performance Index (EPI) in 2018. Its rank on subindex Environmental Health (which is weighted at 40% in EPI) is 109, while Armenia's rank on subindex of Ecosystem Vitality (weighted at 60% in EPI) is 27th best in the world.[158] This suggests that main environmental issues in Armenia are with population health, while environment vitality is of lesser concern. Out of sub-subindices contributing to Environmental Health subindex ranking on Air Quality to which population is exposed is particularly unsatisfying.
Waste management in Armenia is underdeveloped, as no waste sorting or recycling takes place at Armenia's 60 landfills. A waste processing plant is scheduled for construction near Hrazdan city, which will allow for closure of 10 waste dumps.[159]
Despite the availability of abundant renewable energy sources in Armenia (especially hydroelectric and wind power) and calls from EU officials to shut down the nuclear power plant at Metsamor,[160] the Armenian Government is exploring the possibilities of installing new small modular nuclear reactors. In 2018 existing nuclear plant is scheduled for modernization to enhance its safety and increase power production by about 10%.[161][162]
Government and politics
Main articles: Government of Armenia and Politics of Armenia
Armenia is a representative parliamentary democratic republic. The Armenian constitution adhered to the model of a semi-presidential republic until April 2018.
According to the current Constitution of Armenia, the President is the head of state holding largely representational functions, while the Prime Minister is the head of government and exercises executive power.
Since 1995 Legislative power is vested in the Azgayin Zhoghov or National Assembly, which is a unicameral parliament consisting of 105 members.[163]
The Fragile States Index since its first report in 2006 until most recent in 2019, consistently ranked Armenia better than all its neighboring countries (with one exception in 2011).[164]
Armenia has universal suffrage above the age of eighteen.[165][166]
Foreign relations
Main article: Foreign relations of Armenia
Armenia became a member of the United Nations on 2 March 1992, and is a signatory to a number of its organizations and other international agreements. Armenia is also a member of international organisations such as the Council of Europe, the Asian Development Bank, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the European Political Community, the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, the World Customs Organization, the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation and La Francophonie. It is a member of the CSTO military alliance, and also participates in NATO's Partnership for Peace program and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. In 2004, its forces joined KFOR, a NATO-led international force in Kosovo. Armenia is also an observer member of the Arab League,[167] the Organization of American States, the Pacific Alliance, the Non-Aligned Movement, and a dialogue partner in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. As a result of its historical ties to France, Armenia was selected to host the biennial Francophonie summit in 2018.[168]
Armenia has a difficult relation with neighbouring countries Azerbaijan and Turkey. Tensions were running high between Armenians and Azerbaijanis during the final years of the Soviet Union. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict dominated the region's politics throughout the 1990s.[169] To this day, Armenia's borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan are under severe blockade. In addition, a permanent solution for the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has not been reached despite the mediation provided by organizations such as the OSCE.
Turkey also has a long history of poor relations with Armenia over its refusal to acknowledge the Armenian genocide, even though it was one of the first countries to recognize the Republic of Armenia (the third republic) after its independence from the USSR in 1991. Despite this, for most of the 20th century and early 21st century, relations remain tense and there are no formal diplomatic relations between the two countries due to Turkey's refusal to establish them for numerous reasons. During the first Nagorno-Karabakh War, and citing it as the reason, Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993. It has not lifted its blockade despite pressure from the powerful Turkish business lobby interested in Armenian markets.[169]
On 10 October 2009, Armenia and Turkey signed protocols on the normalisation of relations, which set a timetable for restoring diplomatic ties and reopening their joint border.[170] The ratification of those had to be made in the national parliaments. In Armenia, before sending the protocols to the parliament, it was sent to the Constitutional Court to have their constitutionality to be approved. The Constitutional Court made references to the preamble of the protocols underlying three main issues.[171] One of them stated that the implementation of the protocols did not imply Armenia's official recognition of the existing Turkish-Armenian border established by the Treaty of Kars. By doing so, the Constitutional Court rejected one of the main premises of the protocols, i.e. "the mutual recognition of the existing border between the two countries as defined by relevant treaties of international law".[171][172] This was for the Turkish Government the reason to back down from the Protocols.[173] The Armenian President had made multiple public announcements, both in Armenia and abroad, that, as the leader of the political majority of Armenia, he assured the parliamentary ratification of the protocols if Turkey also ratified them. Despite this, the process stopped, as Turkey continuously added more preconditions to its ratification and also "delayed it beyond any reasonable time-period".[citation needed]
Due to its position between two hostile neighbours, Armenia has close security ties with Russia. At the request of the Armenian government, Russia maintains a military base in the city of Gyumri located in Northwestern Armenia[174] as a deterrent against Turkey.[citation needed] Despite this, Armenia has also been looking toward Euro-Atlantic structures in recent years. Armenia maintains positive relations with the United States, which is home to the second largest Armenian diaspora community in the world. According to the US Census Bureau, there are 427,822 Armenian Americans in the country.[175]
Because of the illicit border blockades by Azerbaijan and Turkey, Armenia continues to maintain solid relations with its southern neighbour Iran, especially in the economic sector. Economic projects are being developed between the two nations, including a gas pipeline going from Iran to Armenia.
Armenia is a member of the Council of Europe and maintains close relations with the European Union; especially with its member states France and Greece. In January 2002, the European Parliament noted that Armenia may enter the EU in the future.[176] A 2005 survey reported that 64% of Armenians favored joining the EU,[177] a move multiple Armenian officials have voiced support for.[178]
A former republic of the Soviet Union and an emerging democracy, Armenia was negotiating to become an associate EU partner and had completed negotiations to sign an Association Agreement with a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area with the EU in 2013. However, the government opted not to finalize the agreement, and instead joined the Eurasian Economic Union.[179][180][181] Despite this, Armenia and the EU finalized the Armenia-EU Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) on 24 November 2017. The agreement enhances the relationship between Armenia and the EU to a new partnership level, further develops cooperation in economic, trade and political areas, aims to improve investment climate, and is designed to bring Armenian law gradually closer to the EU acquis.[182][183][184]
Legally speaking, Armenia has the right to be considered as a prospective EU member provided it meets necessary standards and criteria, though officially such a plan does not exist in Brussels.[185][186][187][188] Armenia is included in the EU's European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and participates in both the Eastern Partnership and the Euronest Parliamentary Assembly, which aims at bringing the EU and its neighbours closer.
Following the 2023 Azerbaijani offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia's relations with a long-term ally Russia started to deteriorate. In February 2024, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said that the CSTO "hasn't fulfilled its security obligations towards Armenia" and that "in practice we have basically frozen our participation in the CSTO".[189] On 28 February 2024, during a speech made in the National Assembly, Pashinyan further stated that the CSTO is "a threat to the national security of Armenia".[190] In March 2024, Armenia officially expelled Russian border guards from the Zvartnots International Airport in Yerevan.[191]
On 2 March 2024, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan advised that Armenia would officially "apply to become a candidate for EU membership in the coming days, within a month at most".[192][193] On 5 March, Pashinyan stated that Armenia would apply for EU candidacy by Autumn 2024 at the latest.[194] On 8 March 2024, Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan stated, "Armenia is seeking to get closer to the West amid worsening relations with Russia" and "New opportunities are largely being discussed in Armenia nowadays, that includes membership in the European Union".[195][196]
Military
Main article: Armed Forces of Armenia
See also: Military history of Armenia
The Armenian Army, Air Force, Air Defence, and Border Guard comprise the four branches of the Armed Forces of Armenia. The Armenian military was formed after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and with the establishment of the Ministry of Defence in 1992. The Commander-in-Chief of the military is the Prime Minister of Armenia, Nikol Pashinyan. The Ministry of Defence is in charge of political leadership, headed by Davit Tonoyan, while military command remains in the hands of the general staff, headed by the Chief of Staff, who is Lieutenant-General Onik Gasparyan.
Active forces now number about 81,000 soldiers, with an additional reserve of 32,000 troops. Armenian border guards are in charge of patrolling the country's borders with Georgia and Azerbaijan, while Russian troops continue to monitor its borders with Iran and Turkey. In the case of an attack, Armenia is able to mobilize every able-bodied man between the age of 15 and 59, with military preparedness.[citation needed]
The Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe, which establishes comprehensive limits on key categories of military equipment, was ratified by the Armenian parliament in July 1992. In March 1993, Armenia signed the multilateral Chemical Weapons Convention, which calls for the eventual elimination of chemical weapons. Armenia acceded to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as a non-nuclear weapons state in July 1993. Armenia is a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO). Armenia also has an Individual Partnership Action Plan with NATO and it participates in NATO's Partnership for Peace (PiP) program and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC).
Human rights and freedom
Main article: Human rights in Armenia
Human rights in Armenia tend to be better than those in most former Soviet republics and have drawn closer to acceptable standards, especially economically.[citation needed] Nonetheless, there are still several considerable problems.
Armenia scored 5.63 on The Economist Democracy Index, published in January 2023 (data for 2022). Although still classified as "hybrid regime", Armenia recorded the strongest improvement among European countries and reached its ever-best score since calculation began in 2006.[197]
Armenia is classified as "partly free" in the 2019 report (with data from 2018) by Freedom House, which gives it a score of 51 out of 100,[198] which is 6 points ahead of the previous estimate.[199]
Armenia recorded unprecedented progress in the 2019 World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders, improving its position by 19 points and ranking 61st on the list. The publication also confirms the absence of cases of killed journalists, citizen journalists or media assistants.[200][201]
Armenia ranks 26th in the 2022 report of The Human Freedom Index published by the American CATO Institute and Canada's Fraser Institute.[202]
Armenia ranked 29th for economic freedom and 76th for personal freedom among 159 countries in the 2017 Human Freedom Index published by the Cato Institute.[203][204]
These classifications may improve when data from 2018, including the period of the velvet revolution and thereafter, is analyzed.[citation needed]
In October 2023 Armenia ratified signing the Rome statute, whereby Armenia will become a full member of the International Criminal Court.[205]
Administrative divisions
Main article: Administrative divisions of Armenia
Armenia is divided into ten provinces (marzer, singular marz), with the city (kaghak) of Yerevan (Երևան) having special administrative status as the country's capital. The chief executive in each of the ten provinces is the marzpet (marz governor), appointed by the government of Armenia. In Yerevan, the chief executive is the mayor, elected since 2009.
Within each province there are communities (hamaynkner, singular hamaynk). Each community is self-governing and consists of one or more settlements (bnakavayrer, singular bnakavayr). Settlements are classified as either towns (kaghakner, singular kaghak) or villages (gyugher, singular gyugh). As of 2007 , Armenia includes 915 communities, of which 49 are considered urban and 866 are considered rural. The capital, Yerevan, also has the status of a community.[206] Additionally, Yerevan is divided into twelve semi-autonomous districts.
Province Capital Area (km2) Population † Aragatsotn Արագածոտն Ashtarak Աշտարակ 2,756 132,925 Ararat Արարատ Artashat Արտաշատ 2,090 260,367 Armavir Արմավիր Armavir Արմավիր 1,242 265,770 Gegharkunik Գեղարքունիք Gavar Գավառ 5,349 235,075 Kotayk Կոտայք Hrazdan Հրազդան 2,086 254,397 Lori Լոռի Vanadzor Վանաձոր 3,799 235,537 Shirak Շիրակ Gyumri Գյումրի 2,680 251,941 Syunik Սյունիք Kapan Կապան 4,506 141,771 Tavush Տավուշ Ijevan Իջևան 2,704 128,609 Vayots Dzor Վայոց Ձոր Yeghegnadzor Եղեգնաձոր 2,308 52,324 Yerevan Երևան – – 223 1,060,138
† 2011 census
Sources: Area and population of provinces.[207]
Economy
Main article: Economy of Armenia
The economy relies heavily on investment and support from Armenians abroad.[208] Before independence, Armenia's economy was largely industry-based – chemicals, electronics, machinery, processed food, synthetic rubber, and textile – and highly dependent on outside resources. The republic had developed a modern industrial sector, supplying machine tools, textiles, and other manufactured goods to sister republics in exchange for raw materials and energy.[71]
Agriculture accounted for less than 20% of both net material product and total employment before the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. After independence, the importance of agriculture in the economy increased markedly, its share at the end of the 1990s rising to more than 30% of GDP and more than 40% of total employment.[209] This increase in the importance of agriculture was attributable to food security needs of the population in the face of uncertainty during the first phases of transition and the collapse of the non-agricultural sectors of the economy in the early 1990s. As the economic situation stabilised and growth resumed, the share of agriculture in GDP dropped to slightly over 20% (2006 data), although the share of agriculture in employment remained more than 40%.[210]
Armenian mines produce copper, zinc, gold, and lead. The vast majority of energy is produced with fuel imported from Russia, including gas and nuclear fuel (for its one nuclear power plant); the main domestic energy source is hydroelectric. Small deposits of coal, gas, and petroleum exist but have not yet been developed.
Access to biocapacity in Armenia is lower than world average. In 2016, Armenia had 0.8 global hectares of biocapacity per person within its territory, much less than the world average of 1.6 global hectares per person.[212] In 2016 Armenia used 1.9 global hectares of biocapacity per person—their ecological footprint of consumption. This means they use double as much biocapacity as Armenia contains. As a result, Armenia is running a biocapacity deficit.
Like other newly independent states of the former Soviet Union, Armenia's economy suffers from the breakdown of former Soviet trading patterns. Soviet investment in and support of Armenian industry has virtually disappeared, so that few major enterprises are still able to function. In addition, the effects of the 1988 Spitak earthquake, which killed more than 25,000 people and made 500,000 homeless, are still being felt. The conflict with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh has not been resolved. Shutdown of the nuclear power plant in 1989 lead to the Armenian energy crisis of 1990s. The GDP fell nearly 60% between 1989 and 1993, but then resumed robust growth after the power plant was reopened in 1995.[209] The national currency, the dram, suffered hyperinflation for the first years after its introduction in 1993.
Nevertheless, the government was able to make wide-ranging economic reforms that paid off in dramatically lower inflation and steady growth. The 1994 ceasefire in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has also helped the economy. Armenia has had strong economic growth since 1995, building on the turnaround that began the previous year, and inflation has been negligible for the past several years. New sectors, such as precious-stone processing and jewelry making, information and communication technology and tourism are beginning to supplement more traditional sectors of the economy, such as agriculture.[213]
This steady economic progress has earned Armenia increasing support from international institutions. The International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), and other international financial institutions (IFIs) and foreign countries are extending considerable grants and loans. Loans to Armenia since 1993 exceed $1.1 billion. These loans are targeted at reducing the budget deficit and stabilising the currency; developing private businesses; energy; agriculture; food processing; transportation; the health and education sectors; and ongoing rehabilitation in the earthquake zone. The government joined the World Trade Organization on 5 February 2003. But one of the main sources of foreign direct investments remains the Armenian diaspora, which finances major parts of the reconstruction of infrastructure and other public projects. Being a growing democratic state, Armenia also hopes to get more financial aid from the Western World.
A liberal foreign investment law was approved in June 1994, and a law on privatization was adopted in 1997, as well as a program of state property privatization. Continued progress will depend on the ability of the government to strengthen its macroeconomic management, including increasing revenue collection, improving the investment climate, and making strides against corruption. However, unemployment, which was 18.5% in 2015,[214] still remains a major problem due to the influx of thousands of refugees from the Karabakh conflict.
In 2017, the economy grew by 7.5% due to rising copper prices.[163]
In 2022, Armenia's GDP stood at $39.4 billion, and enjoyed an economic freedom index of 65.3, according to Heritage Organisation.[215]
The Armenian economy is predicted to grow by 13% in 2022 due to a huge influx of Russian citizens.[216] The IMF's preliminary forecast as of March 2022 predicted growth of 1.5% for the year.[217]
Science and technology
Research spending is low in Armenia, averaging 0.25% of GDP over 2010–2013. However, the statistical record of research expenditure is incomplete, as expenditure by privately owned business enterprises is not surveyed in Armenia. The world average for domestic expenditure on research was 1.7% of GDP in 2013.[218]
The country's Strategy for the Development of Science 2011–2020 envisions that 'by 2020, Armenia is a country with a knowledge-based economy and is competitive within the European Research Area with its level of basic and applied research.' It fixes the following targets:[218]
Creation of a system capable of sustaining the development of science and technology;
Development of scientific potential, modernization of scientific infrastructure;
Promotion of basic and applied research;
Creation of a synergistic system of education, science and innovation; and
Becoming a prime location for scientific specialization in the European Research Area.
Based on this strategy, the accompanying Action Plan was approved by the government in June 2011. It defines the following targets:[218]
Improve the management system for science and technology and create the requisite conditions for sustainable development;
Involve more young, talented people in education and research, while upgrading research infrastructure;
Create the requisite conditions for the development of an integrated national innovation system; and
Enhance international co-operation in research and development.
Although the Strategy clearly pursues a 'science push' approach, with public research institutes serving as the key policy target, it nevertheless mentions the goal of establishing an innovation system. However, the main driver of innovation, the business sector, is not mentioned. In between publishing the Strategy and Action Plan, the government issued a resolution in May 2010 on Science and Technology Development Priorities for 2010–2014. These priorities are:[218]
Armenian studies, humanities and social sciences;
Life sciences;
Renewable energy, new energy sources;
Advanced technologies, information technologies;
Space, Earth sciences, sustainable use of natural resources; and
Basic research promoting essential applied research.
The Law on the National Academy of Sciences was adopted in May 2011. This law is expected to play a key role in shaping the Armenian innovation system. It allows the National Academy of Sciences to extend its business activities to the commercialization of research results and the creation of spin-offs; it also makes provision for restructuring the National Academy of Sciences by combining institutes involved in closely related research areas into a single body. Three of these new centres are particularly relevant: the Centre for Biotechnology, the Centre for Zoology and Hydro-ecology and the Centre for Organic and Pharmaceutical Chemistry.[218]
The government is focusing its support on selected industrial sectors. More than 20 projects have been cofunded by the State Committee of Science in targeted branches: pharmaceuticals, medicine and biotechnology, agricultural mechanization and machine building, electronics, engineering, chemistry and, in particular, the sphere of information technology.[218]
Over the past decade, the government has made an effort to encourage science–industry linkages. The Armenian information technology sector has been particularly active: a number of public–private partnerships have been established between companies and universities, in order to give students marketable skills and generate innovative ideas at the interface of science and business. Examples are Synopsys Inc. and the Enterprise Incubator Foundation.[218] Armenia was ranked 72nd in the Global Innovation Index in 2023, down from 64th in 2019.[219][220][221]
Demographics
Main articles: Demographics of Armenia and Armenians
Armenia has a population of 2,932,731 as of 2022[222] and is the third most densely populated of the former Soviet republics.[223] There has been a problem of population decline due to elevated levels of emigration after the break-up of the USSR.[224] In the past years emigration levels have declined and some population growth is observed since 2012.[225]
Armenia has a relatively large external diaspora (8 million by some estimates, greatly exceeding the 3 million population of Armenia itself), with communities existing across the globe. The largest Armenian communities outside of Armenia can be found in Russia, France, Iran, the United States, Georgia, Syria, Lebanon, Australia, Canada, Greece, Cyprus, Israel, Poland, Ukraine and Brazil. 40,000 to 70,000 Armenians still live in Turkey (mostly in and around Istanbul).[226]
About 1,000 Armenians reside in the Armenian Quarter in the Old City of Jerusalem, a remnant of a once-larger community.[227] Italy is home to the San Lazzaro degli Armeni, an island located in the Venetian Lagoon, which is completely occupied by a monastery run by the Mechitarists, an Armenian Catholic congregation.[228] Approximately 139,000 Armenians lived in the de facto independent country Republic of Artsakh where they formed a majority before 1 October 2023, when almost the entire population of the region had fled to Armenia.[229][230]
Cities
See also: Municipalities of Armenia
Ethnic groups
See also: Ethnic minorities in Armenia
Ethnic Armenians make up 98.1% of the population. Yazidis make up 1.1%, and Russians 0.5%. Other minorities include Assyrians, Ukrainians, Greeks (usually called Caucasus Greeks), Kurds, Georgians, Belarusians, and Jews. There are also smaller communities of Vlachs, Mordvins, Ossetians, Udis, and Tats. Minorities of Poles and Caucasus Germans also exist though they are heavily Russified.[242] As of 2022, there are 31,077 Yazidis in Armenia.[243]
During the Soviet era, Azerbaijanis were historically the second largest population in the country, numbering 76,550 in 1922,[244] and forming about 2.5% in 1989.[245] However, due to the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, virtually all of them emigrated from Armenia to Azerbaijan. Conversely, Armenia received a large influx of Armenian refugees from Azerbaijan, thus giving Armenia a more homogeneous character.
According to Gallup research conducted in 2017 Armenia has one of the highest migrant acceptance (welcoming) rates in eastern Europe.[246]
Languages
Main article: Languages of Armenia
Armenians have their own distinct alphabet and language,[247] which is the only official language. The alphabet was invented c. AD 405 by Mesrop Mashtots and consists of thirty-nine letters, three of which were added during the Cilician period.[248] The main foreign languages that Armenians know are Russian and English. Due to its Soviet past, most of the old population can speak Russian quite well. According to a 2013 survey, 95% of Armenians said they had some knowledge of Russian (24% advanced, 59% intermediate) compared to 40% who said they knew some English (4% advanced, 16% intermediate and 20% beginner). However, more adults (50%) think that English should be taught in public secondary schools than those who prefer Russian (44%).[249]
Religion
Main article: Religion in Armenia
Armenia was the first nation to adopt Christianity as a state religion, an event traditionally dated to AD 301.[250][251][252]
The predominant religion in Armenia is Christianity. Its roots go back to the 1st century AD, when it was founded by two of Jesus' twelve apostles – Thaddaeus and Bartholomew – who preached Christianity in Armenia between AD 40–60.
Over 93% of Christians in Armenia belong to the Armenian Apostolic Church,[253][254] which is in communion only with the churches comprising Oriental Orthodoxy—of which it is itself a member.
The Catholic Church maintains jurisdictions of both the Latin Church and Armenian Catholic Church in Armenia. Of note are the Mechitarists (also spelled "Mekhitarists" Armenian: Մխիթարեան), a congregation of Benedictine monks in the Armenian Catholic Church, founded in 1712 by Mekhitar of Sebaste. They are best known for their series of scholarly publications of ancient Armenian versions of otherwise lost ancient Greek texts.
The Armenian Evangelical Church has several thousand members throughout the country.
Other Christian denominations in Armenia are the Pentecostal branches of Protestant community such as the Word of Life, the Armenian Brotherhood Church,[255] the Baptists (which are known as one of the oldest existing denominations in Armenia, and were permitted by the authorities of the Soviet Union),[256][257] and Presbyterians.[258]
Armenia is also home to a Russian community of Molokans which practice a form of Spiritual Christianity originated from the Russian Orthodox Church.[259]
The Yazidis, who live in the western part of the country, practice Yazidism.[260] The world's largest Yazidi temple, Quba Mêrê Dîwanê, was completed in 2019[261] in the village of Aknalich.[243]
There is a Jewish community in Armenia of approximately 750 people since independence with most emigrants leaving for Israel. There are currently two synagogues in Armenia – one in the capital, Yerevan, and the other in the city of Sevan located near Lake Sevan.
Health care
Main article: Health in Armenia
Healthcare in Armenia has undergone significant changes since independence in 1991. Initially, the Soviet healthcare system was highly centralized and provided free medical assistance to all citizens. After independence, the healthcare system underwent reform and primary care services have been free of charge since 2006. Despite improvements in accessibility and the implementation of an Open Enrollment program, out-of-pocket health expenditures remain high and corruption among healthcare professionals remains a concern.[262] In 2019, healthcare became free for all citizens under the age of 18 and the number of people receiving free or subsidized care under the Basic Benefits Package was increased.[263][264]
After a significant decline in earlier decades, crude[f] birth rates in Armenia slightly increased from 13.0 (per 1000 people) in the year 1998 to 14.2 in 2015;[265] this timeframe also showed a similar trajectory in the crude death rate, which grew from 8.6 to 9.3.[266] Life expectancy at birth at 74.8 years was the 4th-highest among the Post-Soviet states in 2014.[267]
Education
In medieval times, the University of Gladzor and University of Tatev took an important role for Armenian education.[citation needed]
A literacy rate of 100% was reported as early as 1960.[268] In the communist era, Armenian education followed the standard Soviet model of complete state control (from Moscow) of curricula and teaching methods and close integration of education activities with other aspects of society, such as politics, culture, and the economy.[268]
In the 1988–89 school year, 301 students per 10,000 were in specialized secondary or higher education, a figure slightly lower than the Soviet average.[268] In 1989, some 58% of Armenians over age fifteen had completed their secondary education, and 14% had a higher education.[268] In the 1990–91 school year, the estimated 1,307 primary and secondary schools were attended by 608,800 students.[268] Another seventy specialised secondary institutions had 45,900 students, and 68,400 students were enrolled in a total of ten postsecondary institutions that included universities.[268] In addition, 35% of eligible children attended preschools.[268] In 1992 Armenia's largest institution of higher learning, Yerevan State University, had eighteen departments, including ones for social sciences, sciences, and law.[268] Its faculty numbered about 1,300 teachers and its student population about 10,000 students.[268] The National Polytechnic University of Armenia is operating since 1933.[268]
In the early 1990s, Armenia made substantial changes to the centralised and regimented Soviet system.[268] Because at least 98% of students in higher education were Armenian, curricula began to emphasise Armenian history and culture.[268] Armenian became the dominant language of instruction, and many schools that had taught in Russian closed by the end of 1991.[268] Russian was still widely taught, however, as a second language.[268]
In 2014, the National Program for Educational Excellence embarked on creating an internationally competitive and academically rigorous alternative educational program (the Araratian Baccalaureate) for Armenian schools and increasing the importance and status of the teacher's role in society.[269][270]
The Ministry of Education and Science is responsible for regulation of the sector. Primary and secondary education in Armenia is free, and completion of secondary school is compulsory.[268] Higher education in Armenia is harmonized with the Bologna process and the European Higher Education Area. The Armenian National Academy of Sciences plays an important role in postgraduate education.
Schooling takes 12 years in Armenia and breaks down into primary (4 years), middle (5 years) and high school (3 years). Schools engage a 10-grade mark system. The government also supports Armenian schools outside of Armenia.
Gross enrollment in tertiary education at 44% in 2015 surpassed peer countries of the South Caucasus but remained below the average for Europe and Central Asia.[271] However, public spending per student in tertiary education in GDP-ratio terms is one of the lowest for post-USSR countries (for which data was available).[272]
Culture
Main article: Culture of Armenia
Architecture
Main article: Armenian architecture
Armenian architecture, as it originates in an earthquake-prone region, tends to be built with this hazard in mind. Armenian buildings tend to be rather low-slung and thick-walled in design. Armenia has abundant resources of stone, and relatively few forests, so stone was nearly always used throughout for large buildings. Small buildings and most residential buildings were normally constructed of lighter materials, and hardly any early examples survive, as at the abandoned medieval capital of Ani.[273]
Music and dance
Main article: Music of Armenia
Armenian music is a mix of indigenous folk music, perhaps best-represented by Djivan Gasparyan's well-known duduk music, as well as light pop, and extensive Christian music.
Instruments like the duduk, dhol, zurna, and kanun are commonly found in Armenian folk music. Artists such as Sayat Nova are famous due to their influence in the development of Armenian folk music. One of the oldest types of Armenian music is the Armenian chant which is the most common kind of religious music in Armenia. Many of these chants are ancient in origin, extending to pre-Christian times, while others are relatively modern, including several composed by Saint Mesrop Mashtots, the inventor of the Armenian alphabet. Whilst under Soviet rule, the Armenian classical music composer Aram Khatchaturian became internationally well known for his music, for various ballets and the Sabre Dance from his composition for the ballet Gayane.
The Armenian Genocide caused widespread emigration that led to the settlement of Armenians in various countries in the world. Armenians kept to their traditions and certain diasporans rose to fame with their music. In the post-genocide Armenian community of the United States, the so-called "kef" style Armenian dance music, using Armenian and Middle Eastern folk instruments (often electrified/amplified) and some western instruments, was popular. This style preserved the folk songs and dances of Western Armenia, and many artists also played the contemporary popular songs of Turkey and other Middle Eastern countries from which the Armenians emigrated.
Richard Hagopian is perhaps the most famous artist of the traditional "kef" style and the Vosbikian Band was notable in the 1940s and 1950s for developing their own style of "kef music" heavily influenced by the popular American Big Band Jazz of the time. Later, stemming from the Middle Eastern Armenian diaspora and influenced by Continental European (especially French) pop music, the Armenian pop music genre grew to fame in the 1960s and 1970s with artists such as Adiss Harmandian and Harout Pamboukjian performing to the Armenian diaspora and Armenia; also with artists such as Sirusho, performing pop music combined with Armenian folk music in today's entertainment industry.
Other Armenian diasporans that rose to fame in classical or international music circles are world-renowned French-Armenian singer and composer Charles Aznavour, pianist Sahan Arzruni, prominent opera sopranos such as Hasmik Papian and more recently Isabel Bayrakdarian and Anna Kasyan. Certain Armenians settled to sing non-Armenian tunes such as the heavy metal band System of a Down (which nonetheless often incorporates traditional Armenian instrumentals and styling into their songs) or pop star Cher. In the Armenian diaspora, Armenian revolutionary songs are popular with the youth. These songs encourage Armenian patriotism and are generally about Armenian history and national heroes.
Art
Main article: Armenian art
Yerevan Vernissage (arts and crafts market), close to Republic Square, bustles with hundreds of vendors selling a variety of crafts on weekends and Wednesdays (though the selection is much reduced mid-week). The market offers woodcarving, antiques, fine lace, and the hand-knotted wool carpets and kilims that are a Caucasus speciality. Obsidian, which is found locally, is crafted into assortment of jewellery and ornamental objects. Armenian gold smithery enjoys a long tradition, populating one corner of the market with a selection of gold items. Soviet relics and souvenirs of recent Russian manufacture – nesting dolls, watches, enamel boxes and so on – are also available at the Vernisage.
Across from the Opera House, a popular art market fills another city park on the weekends. Armenia's long history as a crossroads of the ancient world has resulted in a landscape with innumerable fascinating archaeological sites to explore. Medieval, Iron Age, Bronze Age and even Stone Age sites are all within a few hours drive from the city. All but the most spectacular remain virtually undiscovered, allowing visitors to view churches and fortresses in their original settings.
The National Art Gallery in Yerevan has more than 16,000 works that date back to the Middle Ages, which indicate Armenia's rich tales and stories of the times. It houses paintings by many European masters as well. The Modern Art Museum, the Children's Picture Gallery, and the Martiros Saryan Museum are only a few of the other noteworthy collections of fine art on display in Yerevan. Moreover, many private galleries are in operation, with many more opening every year, featuring rotating exhibitions and sales.
On 13 April 2013, the Armenian government announced a change in law to allow freedom of panorama for 3D works of art.[274]
Media
Main article: Media of Armenia
Television, magazines, and newspapers are all operated by both state-owned and for-profit corporations which depend on advertising, subscription, and other sales-related revenues. The Constitution of Armenia guarantees freedom of speech and Armenia ranks 61st in the 2020 Press Freedom Index report compiled by Reporters Without Borders, between Georgia and Poland.[275] Armenia's press freedom rose considerably following the 2018 Velvet Revolution.[276]
As of 2020, the biggest issue facing press freedom in Armenia is judicial harassment of journalists, specifically defamation suits and attacks on journalists' right to protect sources,[277] as well as excessive responses to combat disinformation spread by social media users. Reporters Without Borders also cites continued concerns about lack of transparency regarding ownership of media outlets.[275]
Cinema
Main article: Cinema of Armenia
Cinema in Armenia was born on 16 April 1923, when the Armenian State Committee of Cinema was established by a decree of the Soviet Armenian government.
However, the first Armenian film with Armenian subject called "Haykakan Sinema" was produced earlier in 1912 in Cairo by Armenian-Egyptian publisher Vahan Zartarian. The film was premiered in Cairo on 13 March 1913.[278]
In March 1924, the first Armenian film studio; Armenfilm (Armenian: Հայֆիլմ "Hayfilm", Russian: Арменкино "Armenkino") was established in Yerevan, starting with a documentary film called Soviet Armenia.
Namus was the first Armenian silent black-and-white film, directed by Hamo Beknazarian in 1925, based on a play of Alexander Shirvanzade, describing the ill fate of two lovers, who were engaged by their families to each other since childhood, but because of violations of namus (a tradition of honor), the girl was married by her father to another person. The first sound film, Pepo was shot in 1935 and directed by Hamo Beknazarian.
Cuisine
Main article: Armenian cuisine
Armenian cuisine is closely related to eastern and Mediterranean cuisine; various spices, vegetables, fish, and fruits combine to present unique dishes. The main characteristics of Armenian cuisine are a reliance on the quality of the ingredients rather than heavily spicing food, the use of herbs, the use of wheat in a variety of forms, of legumes, nuts, and fruit (as a main ingredient as well as to sour food), and the stuffing of a wide variety of leaves.
The pomegranate, with its symbolic association with fertility, represents the nation. The apricot is the national fruit.
Sport
Main articles: Sport in Armenia and Chess in Armenia
A wide array of sports are played in Armenia, the most popular among them being wrestling, weightlifting, judo, association football, chess, and boxing. Armenia's mountainous terrain provides great opportunities for the practice of sports like skiing and climbing. Being a landlocked country, water sports can only be practised on lakes, notably Lake Sevan. Competitively, Armenia has been successful in chess, weightlifting and wrestling at the international level. Armenia is also an active member of the international sports community, with full membership in the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) and International Ice Hockey Federation (IIHF). It also hosts the Pan-Armenian Games.
Prior to 1992, Armenians would participate in the Olympics representing the USSR. As part of the Soviet Union, Armenia was very successful, winning plenty of medals and helping the USSR win the medal standings at the Olympics on numerous occasions. The first medal won by an Armenian in modern Olympic history was by Hrant Shahinyan (sometimes spelled as Grant Shaginyan), who won two golds and two silvers in gymnastics at the 1952 Summer Olympics in Helsinki. To highlight the level of success of Armenians in the Olympics, Shahinyan was quoted as saying:
"Armenian sportsmen had to outdo their opponents by several notches for the shot at being accepted into any Soviet team. But those difficulties notwithstanding, 90 percent of Armenian athletes on Soviet Olympic teams came back with medals."[279]
Armenia first participated at the 1992 Summer Olympics in Barcelona under a unified CIS team, where it was very successful, winning three golds and one silver in weightlifting, wrestling and sharp shooting, despite only having five athletes. Since the 1994 Winter Olympics in Lillehammer, Armenia has participated as an independent nation.
Armenia participates in the Summer Olympic Games in boxing, wrestling, weightlifting, judo, gymnastics, track and field, diving, swimming and sharp shooting. It also participates in the Winter Olympic Games in alpine skiing, cross-country skiing and figure skating.
Football is also popular in Armenia. The most successful team was the FC Ararat Yerevan team of the 1970s who won the Soviet Cup in 1973 and 1975 and the Soviet Top League in 1973. The latter achievement saw FC Ararat gain entry to the European Cup where – despite a home victory in the second leg – they lost on aggregate at the quarter-final stage to eventual winner FC Bayern Munich. Armenia competed internationally as part of the USSR national football team until the Armenian national football team was formed in 1992 after the split of the Soviet Union. Armenia have never qualified for a major tournament although recent improvements saw the team to achieve 44th position in the FIFA World Rankings in September 2011. The national team is controlled by the Football Federation of Armenia. The Armenian Premier League is the highest level football competition in Armenia, and has been dominated by FC Pyunik in recent seasons. The league currently consists of eight teams and relegates to the Armenian First League.
Armenia and the Armenian diaspora have produced many successful footballers, including Henrikh Mkhitaryan, Youri Djorkaeff, Alain Boghossian, Andranik Eskandarian, Andranik Teymourian, Edgar Manucharyan, Khoren Oganesian and Nikita Simonyan. Djokaeff and Boghossian won the 1998 FIFA World Cup with France, Teymourian competed in the 2006 World Cup for Iran and Manucharyan played in the Dutch Eredivisie for Ajax. Mkhitaryan has been one of the most successful Armenian footballers in recent years, playing for international clubs such as Borussia Dortmund, Manchester United, Arsenal, A.S. Roma and currently for Inter Milan.[280]
Wrestling has been a successful sport in the Olympics for Armenia. At the 1996 Summer Olympics in Atlanta, Armen Nazaryan won the gold in the Men's Greco-Roman Flyweight (52 kg) category and Armen Mkrtchyan won the silver in Men's Freestyle Paperweight (48 kg) category, securing Armenia's first two medals in its Olympic history.
Traditional Armenian wrestling is called Kokh and practised in traditional garb; it was one of the influences included in the Soviet combat sport of Sambo, which is also very popular.[281]
The government of Armenia budgets about $2.8 million annually for sports and gives it to the National Committee of Physical Education and Sports, the body that determines which programs should benefit from the funds.[279]
Due to the lack of success lately on the international level, in recent years, Armenia has rebuilt 16 Soviet-era sports schools and furnished them with new equipment for a total cost of $1.9 million. The rebuilding of the regional schools was financed by the Armenian government. $9.3 million has been invested in the resort town of Tsaghkadzor to improve the winter sports infrastructure because of dismal performances at recent winter sports events. In 2005, a cycling centre was opened in Yerevan with the aim of helping produce world class Armenian cyclists. The government has also promised a cash reward of $700,000 to Armenians who win a gold medal at the Olympics.[279]
Armenia has also been very successful in chess, winning the World Champion in 2011 and the World Chess Olympiad on three occasions.[282]
See also
Asia portal
Europe portal
Armenians
History of Armenia
Index of Armenia-related articles
List of people on coins of Armenia
Outline of Armenia
Explanatory notes
Source attribution
This article incorporates text from a free content work. Licensed under CC BY-SA IGO 3.0. Text taken from UNESCO Science Report: towards 2030, 324–26, UNESCO, UNESCO Publishing.
Citations
Sources
Canard, Marius & Cahen, Claude (1960). "Armīniya". In Gibb, H. A. R.; Kramers, J. H.; Lévi-Provençal, E.; Schacht, J.; Lewis, B. & Pellat, Ch. (eds.). The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Volume I: A–B. Leiden: E. J. Brill. pp. 634–640. OCLC 495469456. | ||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 45 | https://www.wfp.org/news/wfp-provides-one-time-food-assistance-people-affected-covid-19-crisis-armenia | en | WFP provides one-time food assistance for people affected by COVID-19 crisis in Armenia | [
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] | null | [] | 2020-12-30T12:00:00+00:00 | Yerevan, ARMENIA – The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP), in partnership with the Armenian Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (MLSA), started this week distributing a one-off food ration for 44,000 vulnerable people who have been affected by the socio-economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. | en | https://cdn.wfp.org/favicon.ico | https://www.wfp.org/news/wfp-provides-one-time-food-assistance-people-affected-covid-19-crisis-armenia | Yerevan, ARMENIA – The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP), in partnership with the Armenian Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (MLSA), started this week distributing a one-off food ration for 44,000 vulnerable people who have been affected by the socio-economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic.
WFP has identified people receiving assistance based on the findings of a Food Security Assessment WFP conducted in July and August 2020 amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. WFP and MLSA are prioritising the poorest families especially those who have at least 3 children or children with special needs, as well as pregnant women and children under five.
According to the nationwide assessment, more than 15% of respondents said the COVID-19 had made them food insecure forcing them to resort to negative coping strategies. About half families surveyed said they had exhausted their savings, incurred debt, or were purchasing food on credit.
The ration covers a family’s basic food needs for two months and is targeting people in the two most densely populated regions in Armenia; Yerevan and Kotayk The MLSA has identified 12 locations in Yerevan and 11 locations in Kotayk for delivery and distribution. District authorities and municipalities will receive WFP food commodities and carry out distributions. WFP has set up a helpline, 096 120 400, and an email address armenia.BFM@wfp.org to receive feedback, requests or complaints related to these distributions.
# # #
The United Nations World Food Programme is the 2020 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate. We are the world’s largest humanitarian organization, saving lives in emergencies and using food assistance to build a pathway to peace, stability and prosperity for people recovering from conflict, disasters and the impact of climate change.
Follow us on Twitter @WFPArmenia | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 1 | 10 | https://www.infoplease.com/world/population/population-density-square-mile-countries | en | Population Density per Square Mile of Countries | [
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] | 2017-02-11T12:23:22-05:00 | CountryPopulationLand area (sq mi)Density per sq miCountryPopulationLand area (sq mi)Density per sq miMacau S.A.R.453,125673,350Macedonia2,050,5549,928207Monaco32,7960.816,398Croatia4,491,54321,82979Singapore4,492,15024118,645Egypt81,713,517384,34482Hong Kong S.A.R. | en | /themes/ip/favicon.ico | InfoPlease | https://www.infoplease.com/world/population/population-density-square-mile-countries | Current Events
View captivating images and news briefs about critical government decisions, medical discoveries, technology breakthroughs, and more. From this page, you'll see news events organized chronologically by month and separated into four categories: World News, U.S. News, Disaster News, and Science & Technology News.
We also collect a summary of each week's events, from one Friday to the next, so make sure you check back every week for fascinating updates on the world around to help keep you updated on the latest happenings from across the globe!
Current Events 2023
Check out the November News and Events Here: | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 12 | https://www.traveldocs.com/world-atlas/Armenia-atlas12 | en | About Armenia | [
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] | null | [] | null | Know Before You Go: The TravelDocs World Atlas page for Armenia gives a helpful over about the Economy, Geography, Government, History and People of Armenia | en | /apple-touch-icon-57x57.png | https://www.traveldocs.com/world-atlas/Armenia-atlas12 | Economy of Armenia
Armenia is the second most densely populated of the former Soviet republics. It is a landlocked country between the Black and the Caspian Seas, bordered on the north by Georgia, to the east by Azerbaijan, on the south by Iran, and to the west by Turkey. Up until independence (1991), Armenia's economy was based largely on industry--chemicals, electronic products, machinery, processed food, synthetic rubber, and textiles--and highly dependent on outside resources. Agriculture accounted for only 20% of net material product and 10% of employment before the breakup of the Soviet Union. In recent years, the construction sector has taken off, fueled by an ambitious government-backed construction project in the capital, and remittances to relatives by ethnic Armenians living in Russia and the United States.
Like other New Independent States of the former Soviet Union, Armenia's economy still suffers from the legacy of a centrally planned economy and the breakdown of former Soviet trading networks. While investment from these states in support of Armenian industry has virtually disappeared, and few major enterprises are still able to function, Russian entities have nevertheless increased their exposure in the mining, energy, telecommunications, and transportation sectors. In addition, the effects of the 1988 earthquake, which killed more than 25,000 people and made 500,000 homeless, are still being felt, though international donors and diaspora Armenian groups continue to fund reconstruction efforts in the earthquake zone.
Although a cease-fire has held since 1994, the 2-decade-old conflict with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh has not been resolved, in spite of intensive efforts by the OSCE Minsk Group to reach a settlement. The consequent closure of both the Azerbaijani and Turkish borders resulting from the war has prevented Armenia from realizing its economic potential, because of Armenia's dependence on outside supplies of energy and most raw materials. Land routes through Azerbaijan and Turkey are closed, though air connections to Turkey exist; land routes through Georgia and Iran are inadequate or unreliable. In 1992-93, GDP fell nearly 60% from its 1989 level. The national currency, the dram, suffered hyperinflation for the first few years after its introduction in 1993.
The structure of Armenia's economy has changed substantially since 1991, with sectors such as construction and services replacing agriculture and industry as the main contributors to the economic growth. The diamond processing industry, which was one of the leading export sectors in 2000-2004 and also a major recipient of foreign investment, faced a dramatic decrease in output since 2005 due to raw material supply problems with Russia and overall decline in international diamond markets. Other industrial sectors driving industrial growth include energy, metallurgy, and food processing.
Despite the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the Government of Armenia has been able to carry out wide-ranging economic reforms that have paid off in dramatically lower inflation and steady growth. Armenia registered strong economic growth beginning in 1995, with double-digit GDP growth rates every year from 2002 to 2007.
After rapid expansion in 2001-2007, with average 13% annual GDP growth, economic and financial conditions worsened rapidly in Armenia in 2008, due to a drop in international metals prices and a downturn in the Russian economy following the collapse of oil prices in late 2008. The end of a remittance-fueled construction boom that had driven growth in recent years resulted in a 14.4% drop in real GDP for 2009 (compared to 6.8% GDP growth in 2008), with about 80% of this decline due to a plunge in the construction sector. The economy recorded positive growth rates in the first months of 2010.
Armenia maintains a floating exchange rate regime with no explicit exchange rate target. The nominal exchange rate of the Armenian dram with major currencies was fairly stable between 1998 and 2003. During 2003-2007, the Armenian dram appreciated sharply against the U.S. dollar by around 45%, mainly due to significant growth in remittances, growth of exports in absolute terms, the de-dollarization of the economy, and weakening of the dollar in international markets. The appreciation of the dram negatively affected the traditional export industries, including information technology, diamond cutting, the wine industry, and textiles. Exporters responded to the increased costs by either reducing their production capacity or by reducing their number of employees in order to stay afloat. The exchange rate was mainly stable at around 300 drams per dollar during 2008 and until March 2009, when the Central Bank stopped its heavy intervention in the foreign exchange market and the dram devalued by around 25%. The exchange rate remained broadly stable during 2009, with only a few interventions from the Central Bank to prevent sharp depreciation.
Armenia is highly dependent on import of energy fuel, mainly from Russia. The Armenia Nuclear Power Plant (ANPP) at Metsamor provides around 40% of electricity generation for the country, and hydro and thermal plants provide roughly 30% each. Armenia imports most of its natural gas from Russia, which provided significant discounts to Armenia until 2009. The Russian import gas price rose from $110 to $154 per thousand cubic meters in April 2009, and increased further to $180 in April 2010. However, the current price is still below the international average of over $300, and in the coming years the price is expected to converge with market prices.
In May 2009 Armenia began receiving gas from Iran through a recently constructed pipeline, which is meant to diversify Armenia's gas supply. Much of the Iranian gas is expected to be used for power generation.
Armenia imports nearly all of its refined petroleum products through Georgia. The recent conflict between Russia and Georgia resulted in periodic disruptions of fuel and food imports, and highlighted Armenia's vulnerability to this single transit corridor.
Armenia has received significant support from international institutions. The International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD), as well as other international financial institutions (IFIs) and foreign countries are extending considerable grants and loans. These loans are targeted at reducing the budget deficit, stabilizing the local currency; developing private businesses; energy; the agriculture, food processing, transportation, and health and education sectors. In 2009 Armenia received more than $1.5 billion in donor financing for budget support and various government-led anti-crisis programs.
Continued progress will depend on the ability of the government to strengthen its macroeconomic management, including increasing revenue collection, improving the investment climate, and making strides against corruption. A liberal foreign investment law was approved in June 1994, and a law on privatization was adopted in 1997, as well as a program on state property privatization. Armenia joined the World Trade Organization on February 5, 2003.
Environmental Issues
Armenia is trying to address its environmental problems. It has established a Ministry of Nature Protection and has introduced a pollution fee system by which taxes are levied on air and water emissions and solid waste disposal, with the resulting revenues used for environmental protection activities. Deforestation by mining concerns in certain parts of the country have resulted in periodic protests by environmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and stirred controversy over government policies to support investment in the mining sector. Armenia is interested in cooperating with other members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS--a group of 11 former Soviet republics) and with members of the international community on environmental issues. Armenia is under strong pressure from the international community to close its aging nuclear power plant (ANPP) at Metsamor by 2016. Given that Armenia depends on the ANPP for over 40% of its electricity, the Armenian Government sees no alternative to construction of a new nuclear plant. A U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)-funded initial planning study was completed in September 2008, and concluded that a new nuclear plant is the least-cost option to replace the existing facility. The Armenian Government is continuing with the planning process for a new plant.
Economy (2009)
GDP: $8.71 billion.
GDP growth rate (CIA World Factbook, 2009): -14.4%.
Per capita GDP PPP (World Economic Outlook, 2009 est.): $4,915.
Inflation (CIA World Factbook, 2009): 3.4%.
Natural resources: Copper, molybdenum, zinc, gold, silver, lead, marble, granite, mineral spring water.
Agriculture: Products--fruits and vegetables, wines, dairy, some livestock.
Industry: Types--diamond-processing, metal-cutting machine tools, forging-pressing machines, electric motors, tires, knitted wear, hosiery, shoes, silk fabric, chemicals, trucks, instruments, microelectronics, jewelry manufacturing, software development, food processing, brandy.
Trade: Exports--$698 million: pig iron, unwrought copper, nonferrous metals, diamonds, mineral products, foodstuffs, energy. Export partners (2009)--Germany 16.5%, Russia 15.4%, U.S. 9.6%, Bulgaria 8.6%, Georgia 7.6%, Netherlands 7.5%. Imports (2009)--$3.3 billion: natural gas, petroleum, tobacco products, foodstuffs, diamonds. Import partners (2009)--Russia 16%, U.A.E. 8.8%, Ukraine 5.6%, Turkey 4.8%, Georgia 4.6%, Iran 4.4%.
Government of Armenia
Armenians voted overwhelmingly for independence in a September 1991 referendum, followed by a presidential election in October 1991 that gave 83% of the vote to Levon Ter-Petrossian. Ter-Petrossian had been elected head of government in 1990, when the Armenian National Movement defeated the Communist Party. Ter-Petrossian was re-elected in 1996 in a disputed election. Following public demonstrations against Ter-Petrossian's policies on the predominantly ethnic Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh that is located within Azerbaijan, the President resigned under pressure in January 1998 and was replaced by Prime Minister Robert Kocharian, who was subsequently elected President in March 1998. Following the October 27, 1999 assassination in Parliament of Prime Minister Vazgen Sargsian, Parliament Speaker Karen Demirchian, and six other officials, a period of political instability ensued during which an opposition headed by elements of the former Armenian National Movement government attempted unsuccessfully to force Kocharian to resign. Riding out the unrest, Kocharian was later reelected in March 2003 in a contentious election that the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the U.S. Government deemed to have fallen short of international standards.
The Government of Armenia's stated aim is to build a Western-style parliamentary democracy as the basis of its form of government. However, international observers have been critical of the conduct of national elections in 1995, 1999, 2003, and 2008, as well as the constitutional referendum of 2005. The new constitution in 2005 increased the power of the legislative branch and allows for more independence of the judiciary; in practice, however, both branches remain subject to political pressure from the executive branch, which retains considerably greater power than its counterparts in most European countries.
The unicameral National Assembly has 90 seats that are elected by proportional representation (party list) and 41 that are single mandate districts. Armenia held its most recent parliament elections in 2007, when the Republican Party of Armenia (RPA) won 33% of the votes cast, followed by Prosperous Armenia (15%), the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Dashnaktsutyun (13%), Rule of Law (7%), and the Heritage Party (6%). This election also was marred by irregularities. The RPA and Prosperous Armenia joined to form a governing coalition which secured an absolute majority of parliament seats. The ARF negotiated a cooperation agreement with the governing coalition in exchange for ministerial positions, but declined to join the coalition formally, instead reserving the right to support its own candidate for the February 19, 2008 presidential election.
The Republican Party of Armenia, Prosperous Armenia, the Rule of Law, and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Dashnaktsutyun signed a new coalition agreement on March 21, 2008. The Armenian Revolutionary Federation resigned from the coalition in April 2009, citing differences over the conduct of foreign policy.
The 2008 presidential election, while originally deemed by the OSCE’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) to be “mostly in line” with OSCE standards, was later seen to be marred by credible claims of ballot stuffing, intimidation (including beatings) of poll workers and proxies, vote buying, and other irregularities. Recounts were requested, but ODIHR observers noted “shortcomings in the recount process, including discrepancies and mistakes, some of which raise questions over the impartiality of the [electoral commissions] concerned.”
Mass protests followed the disputed vote. For 10 days, large crowds of pro-opposition demonstrators gathered in Yerevan’s downtown Freedom Square. Police and security forces entered Freedom Square early in the morning on March 1, 2008, ostensibly to investigate reports of hidden weapons caches. This operation turned into a forced dispersal of demonstrators from Freedom Square by massed riot police. Following the clearing of Freedom Square, clashes erupted in the afternoon between massed demonstrators and security personnel, and continued throughout the day and evening, leading to 10 deaths and hundreds of injuries. President Kocharian decreed a 20-day state of emergency in Yerevan late on March 1, which sharply curtailed freedom of media and assembly. Dozens of opposition supporters were jailed in the wake of the violence, in proceedings that many international watchdog groups criticized as politically motivated. Armenia's media freedom climate and freedom of assembly remained poor overall, though somewhat improved after the state of emergency was lifted. Serzh Sargsian took office as President in April 2008.
Principal Government Officials
President--Serzh Sargsian
Prime Minister--Tigran Sargsian
Foreign Minister--Edward Nalbandian
Defense Minister--Seyran Ohanian
Ambassador to the U.S.--Tatoul Markarian
Ambassador to the UN--Garen Nazarian
Armenia's embassy in the U.S. is at 2225 R Street, NW, Washington, DC, 20008; tel: 202-319-1976 or 202-319-2983; fax: 202-319-2984.
Type: Republic.
Constitution: Approved in November 2005 referendum.
Independence: 1918 (First Armenian Republic); 1991 (from Soviet Union).
Branches: Executive--president (head of state) with wider powers relative to other branches, prime minister (head of cabinet), Council of Ministers (cabinet). Legislative--unicameral National Assembly (parliament). Judicial--Constitutional Court.
Administrative subdivisions: 10 marzes (provinces) in addition to the city of Yerevan, which has the status of a province. A reform of Yerevan's status, to that of a regular municipality as required by the 2005 constitutional referendum, is currently underway and was expected to occur in 2008, but has since been delayed and will likely occur in mid-2009. Once the parliament enacts legislation to change the capital's status, the mayor will no longer be appointed by the president but instead be chosen by elected city councilors.
Political parties represented in the National Assembly: Republican Party of Armenia, Prosperous Armenia, Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Dashnaktsutyun, Country of Law (Orinats Yerkir), and the Heritage Party. Other parties include: the Armenian National Congress, People's Party of Armenia, National Accord Party, Republic Party, New Times Party, United Labor Party, Dashink Party, National Democratic Union, and the Armenian National Movement. In addition, there are dozens of other registered parties, many of which become active only during national campaigns, if at all.
Suffrage: Universal at 18.
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6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 86 | https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/9/26/at-least-20-killed-in-nagorno-karabakh-fuel-depot-blast-as-thousands-flee | en | Death toll rises in Nagorno-Karabakh fuel depot blast as thousands flee | [
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] | 2023-09-26T00:00:00 | Armenia says at least 28,120 ethnic Armenians from breakaway region entered the country after Azerbaijan’s offensive. | en | /favicon_aje.ico | Al Jazeera | https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/9/26/at-least-20-killed-in-nagorno-karabakh-fuel-depot-blast-as-thousands-flee | Dozens of people have been killed and hundreds of others wounded in a fuel depot explosion and fire in Nagorno-Karabakh amid an exodus of ethnic Armenians from the region following a lightning military offensive by Azerbaijan.
The death toll from the blast rose to 68 on Tuesday, the office of Karabakh’s ombudsman said. At least 105 people were missing and 290 others wounded, it said.
The explosion happened outside the regional capital of Stepanakert – called Khankendi by Azerbaijan – late on Monday. The depot was being used to distribute fuel to those who wanted to leave the region by car. Hundreds of people were gathered there when the explosion took place.
Last week’s offensive came after a months-long blockade of the region by Azerbaijan that caused shortages of essential supplies.
“As a result of the explosion, Azerbaijan prepared nearby local hospitals and started negotiations on the evacuation of the wounded, but representatives of the Armenian residents of Karabakh did not accept this proposal,” said Al Jazeera’s correspondent Osama bin Javaid, reporting from the Azerbaijani city of Horadiz.
The announcement of the death toll came as thousands of people continued to flee the region, with Armenia saying that 28,120 ethnic Armenians had entered the country. The government also said it would provide accommodation for all those in need.
US National Security Council spokeswoman Adrienne Watson said the US urged humanitarian access to the region.
“We are saddened by the news that at least 68 people have been killed and hundreds injured in an explosion at a fuel depot in Nagorno-Karabakh and express deep sympathy to the residents of Nagorno-Karabakh and to all of those suffering,” she said.
“We urge continued humanitarian access to Nagorno-Karabakh for all those in need.”
Samantha Power, head of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), said the US would send $11.5m in humanitarian aid.
Azerbaijan’s military attacked Nagorno-Karabakh on September 19, announcing 24 hours later to have won control over the enclave. The offensive forced ethnic Armenian authorities in the region to agree to lay down weapons and start “reintegration” talks, under a ceasefire agreement brokered by traditional regional powerhouse Russia.
Azerbaijani authorities promised to respect the rights and security of Armenians living in the region. But the news of their reintegration into Azerbaijan met panic and chaos among ethnic Armenians who feared that the long history of hatred and violence between the two would make any form of co-habitation impossible.
On the road heading to Armenia, more and more residents from the region appeared to be trying to get out.
“It’s a steady stream of people, we have seen in the distance miles and miles of queues of people lining up to leave,” said bin Javaid.
“The people are living with whatever they can put their hands, in whatever vehicle they can find, but they want to go out despite all assurances that have been given by the Azerbaijani authorities,” he added.
At a refugee centre in Goris, Valentina Asryan, a 54-year-old from the village of Vank who fled with her grandchildren, told the AFP news agency her brother-in-law was killed and several other people were injured by Azerbaijani fire.
A long dispute
Nagorno-Karabakh has been contested for more than three decades, with Baku and Yerevan vying for its control.
The territory is internationally recognised as part of Azerbaijan, but is heavily populated by ethnic Armenians.
Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, separatists in Nagorno-Karabakh declared their independence with the goal of reuniting with Armenia. That triggered a bloody war in the 1990s that ended with Armenians taking control of the enclave and several districts around it.
Hundreds of thousands of people were displaced due to the conflict.
A second war erupted in 2020 with Azerbaijan retaking territory in and around the enclave.
After 44 days of fighting, Russia brokered a ceasefire and placed nearly 2,000 peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh. | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 0 | 70 | https://vdoc.pub/documents/principles-of-solar-engineering-third-edition-1m5cbsa75tv0 | en | Principles Of Solar Engineering, Third Edition [PDF] [1m5cbsa75tv0] | [
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] | null | [] | null | Principles Of Solar Engineering, Third Edition [PDF] [1m5cbsa75tv0]. Introduction to Solar Energy ConversionGlobal Energy Needs and ResourcesSolar EnergyEnergy StorageEconomics of Solar Sys... | en | https://vdoc.pub/documents/principles-of-solar-engineering-third-edition-1m5cbsa75tv0 | Toc: Content: Front Cover
Contents
Preface
Author
Contributing Authors
Chapter 1: Introduction to Solar Energy Conversion
Chapter 2: Fundamentals of Solar Radiation
Chapter 3: Solar Thermal Collectors
Chapter 4: Thermal Energy Storage and Transport
Chapter 5: Solar Heating Systems
Chapter 6: Solar Cooling and Dehumidification
Chapter 7: Passive Solar Heating, Cooling, and Daylighting
Chapter 8: Solar Thermal Power
Chapter 9: Photovoltaics
Chapter 10: Solar Photochemical Applications
Appendix 1: International System of Units, Fundamental Constants, and Conversion Factors. Appendix 2: Solar Radiation DataAppendix 3: Supplementary Material for Chapter 3
Appendix 4: Supplementary Material for Chapter 4
Appendix 5: Supplementary Material for Chapter 5
Appendix 6: Thermodynamic Data for Cooling Systems
Appendix 7: Supplementary Material for Chapter 7
Appendix 8: Supplementary Material for Chapter 8
Appendix 9: Economic Data Tables
Back Cover. | ||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 69 | http://diaspora.gov.am/en/pages/25/china | en | Diaspora | http://diaspora.gov.am/api/v1/page/25/featured/social.jpg | http://diaspora.gov.am/api/v1/page/25/featured/social.jpg | [] | [] | [] | [
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] | null | [] | null | OFFICE OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR DIASPORA AFFAIRS | en | /images/icons/apple-icon-57x57.png | null | Armenians were first mentioned in China during the 2nd century as merchants exporting silk and other goods. Small Armenian communities were established after the first Mongol invasion (at the beginning of the 13th century) when a part of the thousands of captive Armenians was settled in the northern regions of China. Later they settled in coastal cities, especially in Canton (present-day Guangzhou), where they built a church in 1307.
The first Armenian communities were formed over time. There were 30 families living in Canton in the middle of the 17th century. In the 18th century, there were small Armenian commercial houses in Shanghai. At the beginning of the 19th century, there was a new “flow” of Armenians from India and its bordering countries. The city of Harbin was densely populated with Armenians where the number of Armenians in the 1930s was 500. In Harbin, there were also different Armenian institutions: a church, the Patriotic Union “Artsiv”, The Union of Armenian Women, and Armenian Youth Club.
Armenians who settled in China were mostly merchants, physicians, engineers, lawyers, and craftsmen. In the 17th-18th centuries, Armenian merchants played a significant role in Chinese commerce, had rights equal to the ones of English people, owned ships, and factories (in Canton). Armenian physicians had a prominent reputation; Stepan Mughdesyan supervised the healthcare affairs of Harbin. Hovhannes Ghazaryan, who lived in Canton and was a Chinese teacher, translated the Bible from English into Chinese, which is considered the first and best Chinese translation of the Bible.
Paul Chater (Catchick Astwachatooryan, who in 1902 was awarded the title “Sir” by the government of Hong Kong) was a well-known Armenian benefactor, who supervised the Justice of Peace court. Paul Chater presented projects and provided resources for the construction of the port of Hong Kong, the local university, and multiple other buildings. His marble palace was turned into a museum, and several streets have been named after him.
As a result of the Armenian Genocide, many Armenians migrated to China, in order to move to the United States from there, but many eventually stayed in the country. The Armenians, who were still in the country after the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China, left China and went to Australia, US, Philippines.
According to data from various sources, nowadays the number of Armenians in China, concentrated mostly in Beijing and Hong Kong is around 800-1000. The Armenian community is united by the social structure called “ChinaHay.” Armenians are involved in different types of jobs. They are mostly lawyers, financiers, and businessmen. There are also students who came from Armenia, some of whom, stay and work in China after graduation.
In 2006 Mihran Papazyan, the French-Armenian living in Shenzhen created the Chinahay internet social platform (http://www.chinahay.com), which helped gather the Armenian community.
2013 was an important year for the final formulation of the community. With the supervision of Henry Arslanyan, Armenians from Armenian-populated cities founded the Executive Body of the community, which represents the interests of Armenians living in different cities.
In 2013, the Armenian cultural center named after Jack and Julia Maqsyans was established in Hong Kong. To raise the level of importance and organize the activities of the community, an organization named “Armenian community of Hong Kong and China” was formed in Hong Kong in 2014.
In 2014, with the assistance of the Ministry of Education of China, Beijing Foreign Studies University (BFSU) started teaching Armenian.
In December of 2015, the first center of Armenian studies was opened in the University of Foreign Languages in Dalian.
In 2014 the Armenian student union was created in China. | |||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 72 | https://www.eurovision.am/en/junior/armenia/2015/07/06/Republic-of-Armenia/281 | en | Republic of Armenia | [
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] | null | [
"Helix Consulting LLC"
] | 2015-07-06T00:00:00 | Armenia – Officially known as the Republic of Armenia is located in the South Caucasus region of Eurasia | en | /favicon-big.ico | https://www.eurovision.am/en/junior/armenia/2015/07/06/Republic-of-Armenia/281 | Armenia – Officially known as the Republic of Armenia is located in the South Caucasus region of Eurasia. It is bounded by Georgia on the north, Azerbaijan on the east, Iran on the south, and Turkey on the west.
Armenia is a land of rugged mountains and extinct volcanoes and the highest point is Mount Aragats with 4095M (13,435 ft) height.
Currently total area of Armenia is 29,800 square kilometers (11,505 square miles) with approximate population of 3,344,336. The capital city of Armenia is Yerevan.
During the World War I, on May 28, 1918 Armenia became independent as the First Republic of Armenia. However soon Armenian Republic collapsed and in 1920 the nation was conquered by the Soviet Red Army and Armenia was incorporated into the Soviet Union.
In 1991 when the Soviet Union was dissolved Armenia’s independence was officially recognized and in 2016 Armenians will be celebrating the 25th anniversary of the Republic of Armenia.
The national flag of Armenia consists of three horizontal bands of equal width. Three succeeding colors of red on the top, blue in the middle and orange on the bottom was adopted on August 24, 1990. On June 15 Armenians celebrate national Flag Day.
The national coat of arms of Armenia consists of an eagle and a lion supporting a shield. Mount Ararat with Noah’s ark on the top is pictured on the shield.
Armenia once included Mount Ararat, which biblical tradition identifies as the mountain that Noah’s ark rested on after the flood. It is one of the symbols of Armenia and plays a significant role in Armenian culture. | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 7 | https://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/economies/Europe/Armenia.html | en | Armenia | [
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Hayastani Hanrapetut 'Yun
COUNTRY OVERVIEW
MANUFACTURING.
Armenia was the leading chemical producer in the Caucasus in the 1970s, producing synthetic rubber, latex, acids, various glues, and special films mainly for the military sector. In the 1980s the chemical industry employed 24,200 people and accounted for 6.6 percent of the industrial production. The collapse of the Soviet Union, the energy crisis of 1992-93, and the war with Azerbaijan decreased the volume of production by more than 50 percent. In 1999, Armenia imported 6 times as many chemical products and materials as it produced itself. The main chemical export product is rubber, comprising 82 percent of total chemical exports, of which 93 percent went to states of the former Soviet Union. According to expert Jocelyne Decaye, the main weaknesses of Armenia's chemical industry are "high dependence on imported raw materials, obsolete technologies and old production lines, logistical difficulties related to Armenia's location, overstaffing and high costs for transports and electricity."
Armenia's light industry sector was well developed in the 1980s, when it had 115,000 employees and accounted for 25 percent of total industrial production. In the 1990s, however, the share of light industry in the total industrial production declined to under 2 percent. Textile and clothing production make up the most significant activities in this sector.
In 1999, the food processing industry accounted for 39 percent of total industrial output and 61 percent of total manufacturing output. In the 1980s, food processing accounted for only 18 percent of Armenia's total industrial production. The first 5 years of the 1990s saw a rise of nearly 70 percent. The major food products are wine and brandy, with such products as vegetables, fruits, tobacco, potatoes, cotton, grains, and teas making up the rest. Less than 10 percent of the total production is exported (US$16 million in 1999).
TOURISM.
During the first 5 years of independence, the tourist industry declined, but since 1996, this trend has reversed itself. Since 1996, the number of tourists has more than tripled but remains low compared to the 1980s (about 21,000 visitors in 1999, including business tourism). The share of tourism as a percentage of GDP was 1.7 percent in 1999. The tourism infrastructure needs substantial development and modernization to keep this industry growing.
FINANCIAL SERVICES.
During the Soviet period, the State Insurance Company provided mandatory insurance for all citizens. The responsibility to regulate the insurance market now rests in the hands of the Ministry of Finance. The Ministry of Finance provides licenses for insurance companies, and in 2001 some 65 private and state companies were registered. As of 2001, a legal framework concerning the insurance market was still being developed. Domestic and international companies are treated equally under Armenian law.
The banking system accounts for about 10 percent of GDP. In 1999, there were 31 commercial banks. The main foreign banks are Mellat Bank of Iran and Midland Bank of the United Kingdom. Only Midland Bank has established Automated Teller Machines (ATMs), and only a limited number of businesses in the major cities can accept credit cards as a form of payment. The total capital of all commercial banks in Armenia is US$60 million. The largest private bank is HSBC Armenia Bank with assets of US$9 million.
MONEY
The value of the dram has declined significantly since the 1990s. In 1995, 405.91 drams equaled US$1. However, by 2000 it took 539.53 drams to equal US$1. This decline is the result of the continuing weaknesses in the Armenian economy.
In 1993, the Yerevan Stock Exchange (YSE) was established, which was followed by the establishment of 3 smaller exchanges. However, the total value of these 4 exchanges was only US$1.67 million in 1999.
DEPENDENCIES
Armenia has no territories or colonies.
CAPITAL:
Yerevan.
MONETARY UNIT:
Armenian Dram (AMD). One dram equals 100 luma. Coins are in denominations of 1 dram and 50 and 20 luma. Paper currency is printed in denominations of AMD10, 25, 50, 100, 200, 1,000, and 5,000.
CHIEF EXPORTS:
Diamonds, scrap metal, machinery and equipment, cognac, and copper ore. | |||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 28 | https://www.trade.gov/country-commercial-guides/armenia-selling-factors-techniques | en | Selling Factors &Techniques | https://www.trade.gov/themes/custom/ita/favicon.ico | https://www.trade.gov/themes/custom/ita/favicon.ico | [
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] | null | [] | 2023-11-30T07:55:24-05:00 | Identifies common practices to be aware of when selling in this market, e.g., whether all sales material need to be in the local language. | en | /themes/custom/ita/favicon.ico | International Trade Administration | Trade.gov | https://www.trade.gov/country-commercial-guides/armenia-selling-factors-techniques | Overview
As in any country, successfully marketing and selling goods and services in Armenia requires adaptation to its commercial climate and business practices. Personal contact is key in Armenia. Visits to key contacts in government and customers can go a long way in demonstrating the value a firm attaches to its relationships.
Market research is required to identify opportunities, potential Armenian business partners, and the peculiarities of individual industries and sectors. Government and private sector customers may vary significantly in terms of the information they require to make purchasing decisions, their timelines for making decisions, and the criteria and decision-making processes they use.
Choosing business partners is an important decision and should be done only after conducting sufficient due diligence to determine a potential partner’s reputation and reliability. Exporters should avoid selling on open account until they have developed a well-established track record with buyers. Letters of credit and other secure financing vehicles are becoming increasingly available. Exporters should be prepared to adjust prices according to currency fluctuations.
International exhibitions and trade shows, particularly in Yerevan, are not uncommon and generally take place throughout the year. They provide opportunities for companies to market themselves to local buyers and evaluate and meet competitors. The U.S. Embassy in Armenia supports initiatives to bring U.S. companies to such events where they can interact with Armenian buyers and welcomes the initiative of companies and business associations to organize trade missions. The Embassy similarly promotes the attendance of Armenian buyers at trade shows outside of Armenia, including in the United States and Europe, where they can interact with U.S. companies.
Trade Promotion and Advertising
Radio, television, internet, and print are widely available media for advertising. Billboards and glass stand with flipping ad posters are other common media for advertising, predominantly in densely populated areas. However, television dominates in terms of revenues. Advertising can be arranged through local advertising agencies or directly with television stations, radio stations, and print outlets. Cable and satellite television are expanding their reach and offer additional avenues for reaching consumers. Internet advertising has grown significantly over the past few years as the number of internet users in Armenia continues to increase. Several local companies specialize in designing advertisements for online media.
In 1996, Armenia adopted the Law on Advertising, which defines advertising standards and principles. One key provision of this law is a mandate that makes Armenian the official language for advertising. Armenian text may be accompanied by text in a foreign language, provided the latter appears in smaller script. This provision does not apply to newspapers, special publications, trademarks, and certain other materials that are issued or printed in foreign languages. Advertisements may be copyrighted under Armenian law.
The Ministry of Health’s permission is necessary for advertising pharmaceuticals, medical equipment, or treatment methods. The law prohibits advertisements promoting the stimulating or relaxing effects of alcohol and cigarettes. Advertising for weapons, except sport and hunting weaponry, is prohibited. Specific restrictions apply to advertising for banking, insurance, and other financial services and institutions. Unfair or inaccurate advertising is prohibited, and the Civil Code allows civil action for legal entities or persons whose rights have been violated as a result of unfair or false advertising.
Major television stations in Armenia include Public TV Company of Armenia, Kentron, Armenia TV, and Shant TV.
Logos Expo Center is a leading company responsible for organizing sector-specific national and international exhibitions, congresses, and forums in Armenia and abroad. Since 1999, it has organized over 250 exhibitions, conferences, and forums which were held in cooperation and with the support of various ministries, professional unions, and industry associations.
Pricing
A number of key factors affect the pricing of goods and services in Armenia, including the relatively low purchasing power of many consumers, high transportation costs needed to access Armenia, a 20 percent value added tax, and a broad lack of contestability in many domestic markets. The Eurasian Economic Union’s common external tariff adds additional costs in the form of duties.
The exchange rate of the local currency, the Armenian dram, against the U.S. dollar has been broadly stable in recent years, but it has not been without some sharp movements. Low inflation has kept price changes muted. The Armenian market can be very sensitive to changes in price, and the public is likely to recognize small price differences across similar goods. The prices of high-value items, including automobiles and real estate, may be quoted and paid for in foreign currency, though prices and payments should be indicated and made in the dram.
There are no standard pricing formulas, but Armenian customs officials have made use of reference pricing, which can significantly impact margins on imported products and those made from imported raw materials. The State Commission for the Protection of Economic Competition has on several occasions intervened to address claims of overpricing resulting from local firms abusing dominant market positions.
Sales Service/Customer Support
In Armenia, the concept of customer support for products and services is developing. Most stores, including brand name operations, are reluctant to allow returns of purchased items. There are an increasing number of companies, however, that provide explicit warranty and aftercare services. Phone-based sales service or customer support is not common. In most cases, customers need to approach vendors in person.
Local Professional Services
In Yerevan, there are offices of several major western accounting, legal, and consulting firms, blending the skills of Armenian and foreign professionals. Competent smaller firms also operate under Armenian or western management. U.S. firms can avail themselves of local specialists familiar with issues confronting western firms in Armenia.
Since 2002, the Association of Accountants and Auditors of Armenia has served to improve the professional skills of accountants and auditors operating in Armenia through qualification, continuing education, comprehensive professional assistance, and quality control. PMI Armenia was formed in 2015 as the local chapter of the Project Management Institute (PMI). It is a leading association of local professionals. Since its establishment in 2010, the Armenian HR Association has been focused on developing a specialized HR community in Armenia that can contribute to the development of better personnel management systems and practices.
Principal Business Associations
The American Chamber of Commerce in Armenia (AmCham) was established in 2000 and has more than 100 member companies. Membership includes not only U.S.-registered companies but also those with business ties to the U.S. and distributors of U.S. products. The organization is run by an executive director and 12 board members. AmCham has traditionally focused on improvement of the business environment in Armenia. The Union of Advanced Technology Enterprises (UATE) represents several dozen ICT and other technology-related firms and organizes local industry events. Enterprises Armenia is a government agency focused on attracting and supporting foreign and domestic investment.
Limitations on Selling U.S. Products and Services | ||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 64 | http://warontherocks.com/2021/01/confidence-and-catastrophe-armenia-and-the-second-nagorno-karabakh-war/ | en | Confidence and Catastrophe: Armenia and the Second Nagorno | [
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"Michael A. Reynolds"
] | 2021-01-11T08:55:00+00:00 | “In war,” Carl von Clausewitz cautioned, “the result is never final.” On Nov. 9, 2020, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan learned this lesson the | en | War on the Rocks | http://warontherocks.com/2021/01/confidence-and-catastrophe-armenia-and-the-second-nagorno-karabakh-war/ | “In war,” Carl von Clausewitz cautioned, “the result is never final.” On Nov. 9, 2020, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan learned this lesson the hard way when he signed a ceasefire that put an end to a 44-day war with Azerbaijan over the territory of Mountainous Karabakh and seven adjoining provinces. It was a crushing defeat that erased Armenia’s victory in the First Karabakh War, a six-year armed conflict that had concluded just over a quarter century ago.
This second conflict came as no surprise. With peace talks stalled, Azerbaijan had, for over a decade, been threatening war and ostentatiously arming for one. Nor was the war’s outcome any surprise. The bigger and better equipped Azerbaijani army, backed by Turkey, overwhelmed the smaller and obsolescent Armenian force. What is a surprise is the way Armenia’s leadership for over two decades remained stubbornly blind to the likelihood of such a debacle ― and even contributed to it by alienating allies and needlessly provoking enemies. One might have expected that as a tiny, isolated, and resource-poor country with a tragic history stamped by violence, Armenia would have taken a more realist approach to diplomacy, displaying hardheaded pragmatism, cunning, and shrewd cynicism. Yet to the contrary, Armenian statecraft has revealed itself as a mix of delusional self-confidence and naïve sentimentality.
A Tragic History
The Republic of Armenia is a small country, roughly 11,500 square miles and just barely bigger than Massachusetts. Yet, every day in Armenia reminds you that Armenians not long ago inhabited a far wider geography. The restaurant advertising “Adana-style” cuisine, recalling a city by the Mediterranean; the “Kilikya”(Cilicia) beer, named after a region in southwestern Turkey; the mosaic on the street in Gyumri that depicts the city of Kars, 80 miles away, across a closed border; the news item about the Armenian Patriarch of Constantinople, located in Turkey’s capital; the television documentary about the Armenian Cathedral of the Holy Cross on an island in Lake Van; and, of course, Mt. Ararat, the national symbol of Armenia. Standing at an elevation of nearly 17,000 feet, the volcano literally looms over Armenia in a way that photos do not capture. Once you see Ararat in person, you immediately understand why Armenians adopted it as their national symbol and reproduce its image everywhere. Yet, Ararat too, lies outside the borders.
As these daily reminders suggest, Armenians have inhabited lands outside the republic for centuries, particularly the highlands stretching from the Caucasus to Anatolia. Their distinct language, unique alphabet, and separate Christian church set them apart from their neighbors. For much of their history, they maintained a precarious existence on the periphery of far larger and more powerful entities such as the Roman, Byzantine, Parthian, Ottoman, Safavid, and Russian empires.
That existence came to a ghastly end in World War I. An emerging world order that acknowledged nations and the nation-state, not imperial dynasties, as its natural and most legitimate units transformed the Armenians of Anatolia into potential sovereigns of that land, and thereby set them up as competitors with their Turkish and Kurdish neighbors. In 1915, to ensure that the Armenians could never follow the example blazed by the Balkan peoples and create an Armenian nation-state in Anatolia, the government of the Ottoman empire put an effective end to the Armenian existence in Anatolia, killing off as many as a million through deportations and massacre.
That horrific experience, memorialized by Armenians as Medz Yeghem, the “Great Catastrophe,” and described commonly as a genocide, was followed by what appeared to be redemption. In May of 1918, with the Russian Empire in ruins and a tottering Ottoman Empire amenable to buffer states in the Caucasus, the Armenians managed to establish a sovereign Armenia centered on the old Khanate of Yerevan. The surrender of the Ottoman Empire that autumn and the victorious Entente powers’ plans to partition it fired Armenian imaginations. Armenian diplomats set off to the Paris Peace Conference to lobby, in the words of Armenia’s first prime minister, Hovhannes Kajaznuni, for “a great Armenia from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean, from the mountains of Karabagh to the Arabian Desert.” The allied powers were sympathetic, and in the 1920 Treaty of Sevres they endorsed a vast Armenia that reached from the Caucasus through eastern Anatolia to the Black Sea.
With a population of a little more than a million, however, the existing Armenia could barely hold on to its territory in the Caucasus. How it could absorb and defend nearly 10 times more territory was not at all clear. Moreover, news of the Treaty of Sevres and the prospect of Armenian rule filled the Muslims of those lands with fear. Turks, Kurds, and others rallied behind Mustafa Kemal to resist the treaty and the partition of Anatolia. Kemal, in turn, partnered with Vladimir Lenin, trading Turkish influence in the Caucasus, particularly in Azerbaijan, to Soviet Russia in exchange for guns and gold. As Kemal’s troops squeezed the Armenian Republic from the west the Red Army rolled over Armenia from the east, the formerly buoyant Armenians surrendered to the Soviet Union in December 1920.
The Treaty of Sevres was dead. Armenia’s diplomats had chased a phantom, one that required them to fight an unwinnable two-front war against the Turks and the Bolsheviks. They lost everything as a result. No one put this point more bluntly than Kajaznuni, who in 1923 penned a powerful denunciation of the grandiose delusions of his political party, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, which had dominated the politics of the first Armenian Republic. “We had created a dense atmosphere of illusion in our minds,” Kajaznuni angrily lamented. Paris, London, and Washington were generous with Anatolian territory, but their priorities were not Yerevan’s. “We had implanted our own desires into the minds of others; We had lost our sense of reality and were carried away with our dreams.” So self-deceived were Armenia’s leaders that they had remained cavalier even as the Turkish army was massing just across the border. “We were not afraid of war because we thought we would win,” Kajaznuni reminded his audience.
Armenia’s Second Chance
Armenia regained its independence some 71 years later when the Soviet Union fell apart. The Soviet collapse coincided with the outbreak of a war for the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region. Soviet authorities had initially assigned the territory to Azerbaijan as a nominally autonomous region. In the final years of the Soviet Union, the ethnic Armenians of Karabakh moved to have the territory reassigned to Soviet Armenia. The conflict grew violent and evolved into a war. Backed by the Republic of Armenia, the Armenian Karabakhis eventually prevailed. The ceasefire of 1994 marked their triumph.
The Armenian victory was enormous. Karabakhis had consolidated control not only over Karabakh but also over seven adjoining Azerbaijani provinces, or 13.6 percent of Azerbaijan’s total territory. The psychological dimension of the conquest was no less consequential. Armenians draw little distinction between Azerbaijani Turks and Anatolian Turks. Many accordingly saw the victory over Azerbaijan as a redeeming win at the end of a century marked by calamities. Once at an academic conference of Turks and Armenians that I attended in 2005, a non-academic observer from the Republic of Armenia who was bemused at the proceedings stood up and exclaimed, “We Eastern Armenians are so different from you Western Armenians! You always see yourselves as victims! But we know ourselves as conquerors!”
Yet, no matter how great Armenia’s victory in 1994 was, it could not be decisive. They had won the battle for Karabakh, but they lacked the means to compel Azerbaijan, a country nearly three times larger in territory and population, to concede all that they wanted. Moreover, their victory violated the principle of territorial integrity, a pillar of the international order. Azerbaijan thus had four U.N. Security Council resolutions calling for the unconditional withdrawal of occupying Armenian forces from the seven Azerbaijani provinces. Absent Azerbaijan’s consent, Armenia could never legitimize its gains in the international arena. This led to a bizarre predicament whereby Yerevan declined to recognize the Republic of Artsakh as a state, even as it supported Artsakh in all imaginable ways and called on others to recognize Artsakh’s sovereignty. A conclusive solution to the Karabakh conflict would require the Armenians to agree to some form of compromise. Ultimately, they proved unwilling to do that.
To facilitate a negotiated solution to the war, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe created the so-called “Minsk Group” co-chaired by Russia, France, and the United States to host peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan. As the victor in possession of both Karabakh and seven surrounding provinces, Armenia had tremendous leverage, and in the Minsk Group it had a relatively favorable environment. Armenia’s strategy was simple: As a recent report from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe put it, “maintain the status quo while stalling until the international community and Azerbaijan recognized Nagornyy [sic] Karabakh’s independence.”
Time, however, was one factor not in Armenia’s favor. As a small landlocked country largely bereft of natural resources and with outlets only through Georgia and Iran, Armenia’s prospects for economic growth were limited. Further crippling Armenia’s economy has been its dependency on Russia for security, a reliance dictated by Yerevan’s uncompromising stance on Karabakh. Yerevan is a formal treaty ally with Moscow, hosts Russian military bases, and has Russian troops guarding its borders with Turkey and Iran. That security dependence, however, has carried with it a parallel energy and economic dependence that has constrained Armenia’s development. An anemic economy has caused as much as one-third of Armenia’s population to leave the country in search of employment abroad, further undermining the country’s long-term prospects.
By comparison, Azerbaijan’s future prospects were bright. Just months after signing the 1994 ceasefire, Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliyev inked the so-called “Contract of the Century” to develop Azerbaijan’s Caspian oil fields with a consortium of international oil companies. In the 1990s, Baku hoped the attraction of its energy riches would prompt the West to pressure Armenia to compromise. After those hopes fell through at negotiations in Key West in 2001 and in Rambouillet in 2006, Baku turned to the military option. Its oil and gas exports enabled it to boost its military spending 10-fold between 2006 and 2016. Whereas Armenia’s commitments to Russia bound it to purchase virtually all its arms from Russia, Azerbaijan had the freedom and means to acquire advanced and innovative weapons systems from Israel and Turkey, among others, as well as from Russia.
Baku never sought to camouflage its intention to rearm and retake Karabakh by force if negotiations failed. To the contrary, Baku publicized its buildup with words and images. In the parade celebrating the centennial of Azerbaijan’s armed forces in 2018, the Azerbaijanis showcased their new weaponry, including Israeli drones and Russian thermobaric rocket launchers. Nor did Haydar’s son and heir, Ilham Aliyev, leave any question for parade watchers as to why Azerbaijan was acquiring so many weapons. “We want the conflict to be resolved peacefully,” he announced, but “[i]nternational law is not working.” With the arsenal on parade, Aliyev would show “to the people of Azerbaijan, to the enemy and to the whole world” that Azerbaijan’s army is “ready to restore Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity at any moment.”
Baku’s warnings were not limited to rhetoric. In April 2016, the Azerbaijani armed forces initiated a four-day skirmish. Aliyev took the opportunity during the fighting to air his frustrations. Armenia, he growled, “want[s] to turn this into a never-ending process. They want negotiations to last for another 20 years.” The combat was intense, and deaths were well over a hundred on each side. The Azerbaijani army managed to seize a small amount of territory, some two to three square miles.
Some in Armenia saw the clash as a wake-up call. In May 2016, Samvel Babayan, the former commander of the Karabakh army, implored his listeners to understand that Armenia simply could not compete with Azerbaijan in either financial or human resources. Boasts that in the event of war Armenian soldiers would be “drinking tea in Baku” were idle. More likely, Babayan predicted to his compatriots, the Azerbaijanis would be drinking tea in Yerevan. Another warning came from the journalist Tatul Hokabyan, who said the 2016 skirmish should be “a cold shower for Armenian hot heads.” But others dismissed such criticisms, and only three years later did the Armenian government undertake a half-hearted effort to review combat performance.
In fact, Armenia’s self-confidence was hypertrophying into a pride that echoed the hubris of 1920. Yerevan and Stepanakert (Karabakh’s capital) began openly to advance maximal claims. The seizure of the Azerbaijani provinces outside Karabakh proper had been incidental to the struggle for Karabakh. Kelbajar and Lachin, which ensured connection to Armenian proper, were considered strategically vital, the lands between Karabakh and Iran as valuable, and those between Karabakh and Azerbaijan as dispensable. Stepanakert initially made no definite claims to the lands outside Karabakh. Not unlike Israel that used the Sinai as a bargaining chip with Egypt in 1979, the Armenians initially intended to trade land for peace.
In 2006, however, the Republic of Artsakh formally assumed jurisdiction over all seven adjacent regions. Thereafter, the government began settling Armenians in and around Karabakh, with the goal of consolidating their gains by creating “facts on the ground.” In 2018 the Armenian air force flew the Armenian professional poker player and playboy Dan Bilzerian on a helicopter to Karabakh as part of a planned major investment project. The consensus regarding the adjacent occupied regions changed radically, and the notion of ceding land for peace went from axiomatic to unthinkable.
Feeding Armenian overconfidence was a disbelief in Azerbaijanis’ attachment and commitment to Karabakh. Armenia owed its battlefield success in the first war to greater national cohesion and higher motivation. Asserting sovereignty over Armenian-inhabited lands resonated with a communal memory centered on the loss of such lands. Azerbaijan lacked a comparable sense of mission and urgency to galvanize them ― they were fighting to preserve a status-quo they had taken for granted. Azerbaijani nationalism was still in formation as the Soviet Union broke apart, and internal political divisions and infighting sapped the Azerbaijanis’ war effort.
Armenia, pointing to such things as the semi-nomadic past of many Azerbaijanis and their historically lower rates of literacy, was already inclined to see Azerbaijani nationalism as thin and artificial. As a result, it tended to dismiss the Republic of Azerbaijan as a khanate run by the Aliyev clan, not a nation-state. Some in Armenia assured themselves that Azerbaijan’s inability to effectively mobilize its people and resources reflected an underlying indifference to Karabakh as well as a collective incapacity.
Since 1994, however, the Azerbaijani government has pursued a steady campaign to build a sense of national identity among its citizens. The loss of Karabakh and the need to avenge that loss have been focal points of this nation-building project. The very presence inside Azerbaijan of between 600,000 and 800,000 people displaced by the conflict, or nearly one out every 10 Azerbaijanis, reminded Azerbaijanis daily of their loss. Official channels such as schools, popular culture, and music further drove the message home. In time, the need to reclaim Karabakh became one matter on which all Azerbaijanis could passionately agree.
Disaffecting the Patron
In the spring of 2018, Nikol Pashinyan, a journalist-cum-politician, tapped into widespread discontent in Armenian society to lead a series of popular protests that spurred the collapse of the governing coalition and led to his election as prime minister. Pashinyan dubbed the tumult and his rise to power as Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution,” recalling the so-called “color revolutions” and their promises of more open politics at home and a more pro-Western approach abroad.
The desire to extricate Armenia from the political and economic ruts into which it had fallen was the proper instinct, but given the country’s limited resources, military and economic dependence on Russia, and the clearly growing threat that a better-armed and increasingly frustrated Azerbaijan posed, the achievement of that goal demanded political acumen and sagacity, qualities that Pashinyan lacks. Although Pashinyan outwardly reaffirmed Armenia’s pro-Russian orientation, and the Kremlin responded in kind, by the end of the year Moscow had become alarmed about trends in Pashinyan’s Armenia. The repeated arrests of former Armenian President Robert Kocharyan, whom Putin described as “a true friend of Russia,” irritated the Kremlin. More substantive moves, including the curtailment of intelligence ties with Russia and Pashinyan’s replacement of pro-Russian personnel with thinly experienced loyalists, only upset Moscow further.
Meanwhile, anti-Russian rhetoric was percolating in Armenian circles. Karabakhi leaders grew dismissive, telling their Russian contacts, “We don’t need [you] Russians at all, we can walk to Baku without you.” When the Second Karabakh War erupted, prominent Russians gleefully repaid the contempt, branding Pashinyan a “pro-American marionette” and predicting Armenia would pay a steep price for Pashinyan’s alienation of Moscow. Given Pashinyan’s inconsistency and confusion on foreign policy matters, it is possible that he was not actually pursuing a policy to delink Armenia from Russia for the sake of the West. But his carelessness certainly gave Moscow that impression, which was just as damaging.
While antagonizing Russia, Pashinyan and his Cabinet indulged in maximalist claims. In March 2019, his defense minister, David Tonoyan, famously announced that Armenia’s policy was no longer “land for peace” but “war for new territories.” If Azerbaijan dared to initiate another war, Armenia would take more Azerbaijani territory. Parliamentarians warned Azerbaijanis that if there were to be another war, “We will go all the way to Baku!”
Pashinyan doubled down on maximalism when on a visit to Stepanakert in August 2019 he asserted, “Artsakh is Armenia, and that is it!” A desire to outflank political rivals inside Armenia and Karabakh may have motivated Pashinyan’s call for unification, but it was an incendiary declaration. It amounted to an unequivocal rejection of Azerbaijan’s position and thus the very idea of negotiations.
Pashinyan threw logic and prudence aside entirely а year later in a speech he delivered on the centennial of Sevres, declaring that the treaty is a “historical fact” and “remains so to this day.” The head of the Armenian government was reviving the claim to eastern Turkey but disregarding the fact that Turkey famously nurtures a national paranoia on the theme of Sevres and is 25 times larger than Armenia. As Gerard Libaridyan, a foreign policy adviser to Armenia’s first president, put it, Pashinyan’s address amounted to “at minimum, a declaration of diplomatic war” against Turkey. In addition, as Libaridyan noted, Pashinyan had recast the Karabakh question from one of self-determination into one of Armenian expansionism, another colossal error.
Confronting the Consequences
The defeat in Karabakh has stunned Armenia. The expectations invested in Armenian arms, the goodwill of the democratic West, and the guardianship of Russia have been shattered. Alas, the opposition to Pashinyan has focused its ire not on the brazen diplomatic and strategic recklessness that led Armenia to a calamitous and inevitable defeat but on the decision to surrender. The candidate behind whom Pashinyan’s opponents have rallied, Vazgen Manukyan, persists in propagating fantasies. While addressing a rally in Yerevan on Dec. 5, Manukyan prophesized, “A large force will gather against Turkey, the world will not forgive Turkey for her insolence. If an alliance against Turkey is formed, we will be in it.” Turkey may have enemies, but symbolic resolutions passed in the French National Assembly favoring the recognition of the Artsakh Republic and cooperation with the United Arab Emirates will neither constitute an alliance nor reverse Armenia’s battlefield losses.
Nov. 9, 2020, has become one more bitter date for Armenians who know many. The political scientist Arman Grigoryan warns that unless Armenians take this moment of defeat to soberly reassess their strengths and weaknesses, it will not be the last. Nonetheless, the proponents of the “Armenian Cause” ― the conviction that the restoration of Armenian sovereignty over the entire territory of historic Armenia is both just and feasible ― continue to dominate the public debate. And, as Grigoryan writes, they “have created an image of reality, which reflects not reality, but rather their desires and prejudices.” The description could have been Kajaznuni’s. That states seek to maximize their power in the interest of self-preservation is a central tenet of the theory of realism. Armenia’s example perhaps suggests that historical trauma coupled with limited experience of sovereignty can lead states voluntarily to pursue self-destructive policies.
The future of Armenia, like that of any other country, lies also in the hands of its neighbors. Azerbaijan’s armed forces have won for Baku more options in foreign policy than it has ever had. It no longer exists in Russia’s shadow. Turkish assistance in training and arming the Azerbaijani army were critical to Azerbaijan’s victory, but, paradoxically, Azerbaijan, having accomplished most of its objectives in Karabakh, no longer needs Turkey as much as it did.
How Baku will seek to use its new independence remains to be seen. Aliyev’s continued descriptions of Yerevan, Zengezur, and Goyce (Sevan) as “our historical lands” will generate only loathing in Armenia and instability beyond. More promising is Aliyev’s recognition of the possibilities of peace, cooperation, and development in the future. Like the First Karabakh War, the second has ended with a ceasefire, not a peace treaty, and a rudimentary ceasefire at that. Clausewitz’s admonition that in war “the result is never final” is every bit as relevant to Azerbaijan in 2020 as it was to Armenia in 1994.
Michael A. Reynolds is the director of Princeton University’s program in Russian, East European, and Eurasian Studies; associate professor of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton; and senior fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He is the author of Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman and Russian Empires, 1908-1918.
Correction: A previous version of this article incorrectly stated that Armenia encompasses 115,000 square miles. In fact, the country is roughly 11,500 square miles. | |||||
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6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 90 | https://eo4society.esa.int/projects/eo-clinic-0004-dilijan-forest-armenia/ | en | EO Clinic: Characterisation of Dilijan National Park Forest Ecosystems, Armenia | [
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] | null | [] | 2020-10-28T14:06:31+00:00 | EO Clinic support requested by: UNDP Armenia Office Requesting activity: Mountain Forest Ecosystems Transformations Digital Platform Requesting activity | en | eo science for society | https://eo4society.esa.int/projects/eo-clinic-0004-dilijan-forest-armenia/ | EO Clinic support requested by: UNDP Armenia Office
Requesting activity: Mountain Forest Ecosystems Transformations Digital Platform
Requesting activity type: Technical Assistance (TA)
EO Clinic relevant Thematic Groups: TG6 (Forestry)
Work Order number: EOC0004
Work Order status: Completed
Work Order start: 2020 May 06
Work Order end: 2020 Sep 25
Background
Armenia is located at the junction of the biogeographic zones of the Lesser Caucasus and the Iranian and Mediterranean zones and exhibits both a great range of altitudinal variation and a diversity of climatic zones. Together, this has resulted in a diversity of landscapes and ecological communities with a distinct flora and fauna, including many regionally endemic, relict, and rare species. Across much of the country, these landscapes face moderate to severe deforestation and overgrazing pressures, corresponding in high rates of erosion, increasing soil salinity, lowered soil fertility, and loss of biodiversity. The main cause of land and forest degradation in North-Eastern Armenia, where the majority of the forests of the country are located is the deforestation and overexploitation of forest resources.
Dilijan National Park is one of the four national parks of Armenia. Most of it is located in Tavush Province. It is known for its forest landscapes, rich biodiversity, medicinal mineral water springs, natural and cultural monuments, and extensive network of hiking trails. The National Park was established in 2002 on the basis of the Dilijan State Nature Reserve, which in its turn was established in 1958 on the basis of the former Dilijan and Kuybishev forest enterprises. The change of the status from state reserve to national park was conditioned by several objective reasons, such as inevitability of commercial activity in the area, presence of numerous settlements, including Dilijan town with its mineral water resorts, Yerevan-Ijevan railway line passing through its whole territory and others.
Despite its unique biodiversity, rich natural-historical and cultural landscapes and huge eco-touristic potential, serious treats to ecosystems exists due to a dense population living within the national park, developed infrastructures, uncontrolled tourism, illegal logging, poaching and non-sustainable use of natural resources.
In order to support the Armenian government strategy to rehabilitate degraded forests and increase forest cover significantly, in the Dilijan National Park area UNDP Armenia is focussing its efforts to better understand the past forest ecosystems transformations, the land use and land cover changes, and in general, all the socio-environmental processes in the past and today that affect the sustainable management of forest resources. In the earlier project “Mainstreaming sustainable land and forest management in mountain landscapes of north-eastern Armenia” in collaboration with the Global Environment Facility (GEF), UNDP Armenia concentrated efforts on analysing seven forest enterprises out of existing 19 forest enterprises in country. UNDP Armenia is looking to develop an updated methodology for forest inventory and management, also including satellite EO inputs. A successful demonstration of the methodology could essentially ease the way for activities planned for the remaining 12 forest enterprises and protected areas.
Problems to be Addressed and Geospatial Information Gaps
The required EO services shall be designed to reveal important lessons on management efficiencies for the Dilijan area as a state reserve (before 2002) and for Dilijan National Park (since 2002). Understanding the impact of population, infrastructure development and increasing tourism the forest ecosystems is crucial to develop more effective management and nature conservation measures.
Information Services to be Delivered
Service 1: Land Cover and Land Use Classification and Associated Changes
Service 2: Forest Mapping
Project Documents | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 23 | https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/caucasus/armenian-azerbaijani-conflict-armenia/armenia-struggles-cope-exodus | en | Armenia Struggles to Cope with Exodus from Nagorno-Karabakh | [
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] | null | [] | 2024-03-04T10:14:10+01:00 | Armenia is having problems integrating over 100,000 refugees who fled Nagorno-Karabakh when Azerbaijan took control of the enclave in September 2023. Yerevan has tried to be generous, but it lacks funds and a long-term plan, leaving the displaced people exposed and facing an uncertain future. | en | /themes/custom/icg_d9/apple-icon-152x152.png | https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/caucasus/armenian-azerbaijani-conflict-armenia/armenia-struggles-cope-exodus | Lusine had intended to raise her fourth child in the large, comfortable home that her family built over ten years in Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountain enclave in Azerbaijan. Since the early 1990s, ethnic Armenians had controlled the area, in defiance of Baku, but in September 2023 that de facto autonomy came to an end – and Lusine’s plans along with it. When Azerbaijani troops rolled in, she quickly gathered her family and packed up everything she could carry, fleeing along with 100,000 others to seek refuge in Armenia. January found her in a teeth-chatteringly cold, half-built house lent to her by local Armenian authorities.
Astrig Agopian for CRISIS GROUP
Azerbaijan’s offensive on 19 September led to the exodus of almost the entire population of Nagorno-Karabakh in just a few days. The pregnant 34-year-old Lusine travelled with her children in the bed of an old construction truck. The attack had been preceded by a nine-month Azerbaijani blockade of the region that left residents undernourished, lacking medical supplies and deeply distressed. As Azerbaijani troops advanced, the de facto authorities, who had governed the region with Armenia’s support since seizing it from Azerbaijan in the 1990s, quickly surrendered. Thus ended a long, violent struggle for control of Nagorno-Karabakh that fuelled three wars in as many decades and left a legacy of mass displacement of both ethnic Armenians and Azerbaijanis.
CRISIS GROUP / Claire Boccon-Gibod
Like other refugees, Lusine and her twenty relatives sheltering in the sparsely furnished and unpainted dwelling they now call home are too fearful to return even if they could. While a few refugees from the enclave have moved on to Russia or Europe, making a new life in Armenia is the only option for most. Lusine’s new neighbours gave them some old beds and a wobbly table; charities provided food and clothing; and the family has installed a wood stove in one room. “It is still cold, and the wood is so expensive”, Lusine said. “We had to leave in one day. And now we have nothing. What will be our future?”
A similar question faces the Armenian government. It has pledged to fully integrate Karabakh refugees – whose plight has evoked sympathy among the Armenian citizenry – but the resource and planning challenges that lie ahead are substantial.
Astrig Agopian for CRISIS GROUP
A Generous Start
By most accounts, Armenia has been as generous as its resources allow with Nagorno-Karabakh’s former residents. The government registered arriving refugees and helped them find shelter in population centres rather than guiding them into refugee camps. All are eligible for Armenian citizenship, of which some have already availed themselves. Every adult has received a one-off payment of $250, followed by a $185 monthly stipend – the minimum wage in Armenia where people on average earned $668 per month in 2023 – to cover rent and basic needs. In towns throughout the country, refugees have been getting by on this support, stretching it by banding together to live with several people under one roof. But the aid has strained the state budget, and it is not clear how long Yerevan can sustain the payments. It is a huge burden for a country of some three million people, a quarter of whom were already living below the official poverty line. At least one in every 30 people now living in Armenia is a refugee from Nagorno-Karabakh – as many as the inhabitants of the country’s second-largest city, Gyumri.
Unless the government gets more funds to help it cover refugee-related costs, poverty and social frictions look set to mount. “You will start seeing real problems in three to four weeks if the government starts lacking money to cover the bills”, said an international expert who came to Armenia in the wake of the crisis, warning of a surge in homelessness. Armenians’ solidarity with refugees has been remarkable to date, but fatigue could kick in. Resentment may take root among locals if they see refugees being helped into jobs and housing that others might struggle to find, or bringing down wages, local officials and international experts said. Inadequate support for refugees now could lead to even costlier long-term social problems. “The local government would have to hire more social workers”, the head of an international humanitarian organisation said. “The same is true for police, doctors and teachers”.
Astrig Agopian for CRISIS GROUP
Yerevan has sought international aid, but the amounts received have been insufficient. The European Union pledged over €17 million ($18 million) in budgetary support for Armenia’s cash payments to refugees, but disbursement of the funds has been delayed, seemingly by bureaucratic hurdles. International and local organisations, including UN agencies and the International Committee of the Red Cross, have also provided humanitarian support, but they say they are having trouble raising funds so that they can give more. In October 2023, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimated that the government would need $97 million to cover refugees’ essential needs through the end of March. Together, 60 international and local organisations have collected 47 per cent of this amount (which is separate from the EU’s pledge). To bridge the gap, Armenia has taken out a loan from the World Bank, and it is sounding out other international lenders as well. Armenian diaspora organisations from Europe and the U.S. are preparing to help the government organise a conference to raise additional funds from states and private donors, but no date has yet been set.
To the extent Yerevan seeks funding for more than cash assistance and humanitarian aid, however, it will need to make clear what precisely it is asking donors to support. Since October, the government has been working on coordinating several programs to support longer-term integration, but it has announced no overall plan and offered no cost estimate.
Making Housing a Focus
The government says housing will be the main focus of its efforts. In September, as Karabakh residents flowed into Armenia, it moved fast to register and dispatch them to parts of the country where local authorities had housing available. But the vast majority of refugees gravitated toward the capital, despite the higher rents, thinking it would be easier to find work there. Almost half settled in Yerevan and another 30 per cent in the vicinity, where local authorities say there are far more refugees than available housing. In the town of Masis, a twenty-minute drive from the capital, many local officials had to temporarily vacate their offices so that refugees could move in. Kindergartens, libraries and schools have been repurposed as living spaces. Locals estimate that 11,500 people – almost 10 per cent of Nagorno-Karabakh’s previous Armenian population – have arrived in Masis, nearly doubling the number of residents. The former de facto Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh flag now flies beside Armenia’s over the town hall.
Astrig Agopian for CRISIS GROUP
The Armenian government will eventually have to find places for these refugees in temporary housing to go to. Many, like Lusine and her family, have found shelter in unfinished or abandoned houses – some the vestiges of households who left the country for economic reasons. Many still have legal owners. “Some may agree to sell, but some may not”, said a municipality leader. He and officials in other regions said they were talking to private companies and wealthy individuals about donations to build new housing. In Kotayk, a central region north of Yerevan, they estimated the cost to be at least $20,000 per family to build a small house near the main town.
CRISIS GROUP/Olesya Vartanyan
There are cheaper options in sparsely populated regions – though few refugees want them. Vardenis, which borders Azerbaijan, is cheapest of all, with a village house ready to move into going for some $5,000. But one reason the prices are low is that, over the past three years, it has become the most dangerous area along the border, with frequent skirmishes between the Armenian and Azerbaijani militaries. Many residents have already left, and many more are eager to sell their homes and relocate. Among people from Nagorno-Karabakh, still suffering from the trauma of forced displacement, Vardenis is hardly a draw. “Refugees would get off the buses halfway when they learned the government was sending them to Vardenis”, said a town official. “No one wanted to live at gunpoint again”. Some 800 Karabakh Armenians have arrived in the region, only a tenth of the number local officials had made plans for. “These are the poorest, who had no choice”, a humanitarian worker said.
CRISIS GROUP/Olesya Vartanyan
State housing policy is set to change in March, with rent subsidies shrinking in favour of longer-term support for buying or building homes. In the coming weeks, the government is planning to offer around $7,400 per person to each family with more than two children to buy or build a house. The aim is for refugees to put down roots in one place, an official said. It remains unclear what other subsidies the other refugees will continue receiving and for how much longer. While the new policy may help refugees find more stable and sustainable housing solutions, municipal leaders are steeling themselves for a new crisis if rent support dwindles.
The Employment Challenge
As concerns employment, the government and civil society made quick first moves. In January, Yerevan began a special support project offering to reimburse companies paying refugee salaries for a certain period, in the hope that the firms would extend this arrangement into longer regular contracts. Over 5,000 Karabakh Armenians started working in their first six months in Armenia, official data shows. “The main question is how many will retain these jobs”, an Armenian businessman said. “I bet the numbers will be small”. Some locals organised job fairs for Karabakh Armenians. At one of these events, held at Yerevan’s main university, company representatives met with a group of job seekers, predominantly men – a scene consistent with the gender employment gap among this population. Tigran, a taxi company representative, brandished a list of over twenty refugees he had interviewed for drivers’ jobs. The bespectacled 21-year-old, who himself fled Nagorno-Karabakh in September, has been managing cab drivers for several weeks. “The main thing is to stop thinking we are refugees”, he said. “Armenia is not foreign to us. We must start a new life here”.
CRISIS GROUP/Olesya Vartanyan
But it will be a long road for all the displaced people who want jobs to find them. At best, it will take an estimated ten to twenty years, according to an independent economists’ report for the government that Crisis Group has seen. That could undo some of the progress Armenia has made in tackling joblessness as the economy has grown in the past five years, raising unemployment from its current level of 11 per cent to 15-17 per cent. The above-referenced report calls for an ambitious plan to create up to 25,000 new jobs and reskill up to 4,000 people in sectors such as manufacturing, agriculture, construction and retail. Without these measures, it suggests, thousands of displaced families may be compelled to flee once again. (Russia is a major destination for Armenian workers who send remittances home and over 6,400 people from Karabakh have already moved there, Armenian officials say.)
Some foreign development experts agree on the need to think big. They have recommended to the government tax breaks and special projects to attract job-generating investments in construction and infrastructure. A Western development agency representative suggested that Armenian diaspora groups in the West could act as liaisons to get major U.S. and European construction and other companies to establish offices in those Armenian regions hosting significant refugee populations. In the past, successful Armenian émigrés have invested in Armenia, helping generate jobs and provide communities an economic boost, especially in places distant from the capital. The government should look for ways to collaborate again with the diaspora in support of the new wave of refugees.
Supporting the Most Vulnerable
Not all the Karabakh refugees will be able to work. The new arrivals include 30,000 children and 18,000 people aged over 65, according to the UNHCR. There are also several thousand disabled people. Men with missing limbs, from war injuries and landmine explosions, are a not-infrequent sight in areas where Karabakh refugees have moved. Stepan, 49, sleeps on an iron bed in the corridor of a kindergarten, where renovations were halted to accommodate dozens of refugees. He lost his right hand and left eye during the first war over Nagorno-Karabakh in the early 1990s but nevertheless cares for an elderly aunt. They get by on his wife’s meagre salary from a cleaning job at a school, but they have received a notice telling them to vacate the kindergarten in March. “I don’t want to think about the future”, Stepan said. “We have nowhere to go. Here, I am nobody. Who will help us?”
Astrig Agopian for CRISIS GROUP
Armenia should expand existing support programs to ensure that disabled people have the support that they require. Armenian non-governmental organisations say around 9,000 people with disabilities lived in Nagorno-Karabakh before the 2020 war, but only about 2,000 had officially registered as persons with disabilities upon arrival in Armenia. State institutions caring for elderly and disabled people have seen a 25 per cent rise in residents since the refugee crisis, said Mushegh Hovsepyan, who heads an NGO called Disability Rights Agenda. Arpenik, 84, is waiting for a spot in one such care facility. At first, she stayed back when people began fleeing Nagorno-Karabakh. “I got worried when I stopped hearing even the sounds of dogs barking”, she said. She stopped a passing Azerbaijani police car, which took her to the Armenian border, where she found temporary housing. “I’ve lived such a long life, all of it in one place”, Arpenik said. “If only I could have a bit more certainty about where I will spend the last days of my life”. The Council of Europe’s Human Rights Commissioner has urged Armenia to accelerate reforms that will help people with special needs to stay at home rather than move into institutions where possible.
Astrig Agopian for CRISIS GROUP
People who feel stigmatised by their special needs in light of prevalent social norms – such as those with HIV or drug addiction – face even greater challenges. Armenian NGOs spent over a month tracking down over 100 people among displaced Karabakh Armenians, who were previously in databases to receive HIV medications. Even then, some placed in sports halls and other collective centres refused treatment, fearing their neighbours would find out and make them outcasts, said Zhenya Mailyan, head of the NGO Real World, Real People. For drug addicts, she said, Armenia runs a special treatment program, but it is available for free to only a handful – around 600 people – and getting help of any kind outside Yerevan is almost impossible.
The Need for a Plan
Armenia absorbed a wave of refugees from the Karabakh fighting in 2020, but this challenge is far bigger. As it struggles to pull together the strands of an integration plan, Yerevan is under pressure – not only from Karabakh Armenians, who wonder what the future holds for them, but also from the citizenry and potential donors. A fully articulated plan must address housing and employment, make full partners of local authorities who will be implementing its directives, and consider the impact that it will have on the locales where it will be put into practice. In some places, bolstering service providers such as schools, police and hospitals can help meet the needs of recently arrived refugees, but well-designed programs would seek to boost support to entire communities – not just new arrivals.
Meanwhile, refugees like Lusine, grappling with their recent loss, are still coming to grips with a new and challenging reality. Her husband recently found a job building roads – albeit in another region of Armenia. “The kids still occasionally see our house in Askeran in their dreams”, Lusine said. “It will take years, probably decades, until we start living a normal life again”. | |||||
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Introduction
Armenia is home to one of the worlds oldest and most durable civilizations. Three thousand years of history tell a powerful tale of conquest, foreign domination and resurgence. Throughout it all, the countrys people have sustained a clear sense of national, ethnic, and religious identity.
Part of the Soviet Union from 1921-1991, a newly independent Armenia is working hard to fulfill the promise of democracy and a market economy. The transition has been difficult. In addition to the natural hardships faced by all command economies undergoing reform, Armenia faces blockades and sanctions resulting from a complex conflict with Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh region.
Following independence Armenia was virtually without electric power for two years. Its well-developed economyone of the richest in the Soviet Unionwas simply crushed. Recovery has been slow.
Now, however, the worst is over. The dram, the national currency, is stable. Petroleum and gas imports are flowing steadily. Moreover, the power sector has been reorganized to dramatically improve efficiency. As a result, consumers have steady, reliable electrical service.
With traditional resilience, the country is slowly climbing out of an abyss, even though Armenias borders with Azerbaijan and Turkey are closed. Although the traditional manufacturing base is shattered, small and medium sized businesses are opening all over the capital, and, to a lesser extent, in the regions. A wide variety of consumer goods are available in local markets, kiosks and stores. The metro is running; car traffic is rolling all day long. Much, however, is contingent on a peaceful political resolution to the volatile Nagorno-Karabakh situation.
Given this dramatic backdrop, Yerevan is an intensely busy post. This is true now more than ever, as the U.S. Governments emphasis has shifted from humanitarian assistance to sustainable economic development, and our bilateral engagement expands and deepens. The Armenians, among the best-educated people in the entire CIS, are competent and energetic. Personnel assigned to this post can expect many real and exciting challenges at work. Moreover, given the very real nature of the problems here there is a genuine sense of making a difference.
Lastly, given realistic expectations, living conditions for those Foreign Service personnel assigned herealthough not the Western normare made safe and comfortable by a very capable, well-organized and service-oriented General Services Organization. The amenities will continue to improve as post looks forward to opening the New Embassy Compound on the shore of Lake Yerevan in the spring of 2005.
The Host Country
Area, Geography, and Climate Last Updated: 11/29/2004 2:03 AM
Armenia is located in the South Caucus, at the intersection of Europe and Asia. It covers a total land area of 29,800 square kilometers, which is slightly larger than the state of Maryland. Armenia is a landlocked country bordered by Azerbaijan, the Azerbaijan-Naxcivan Enclave, Georgia, Iran and Turkey.
Climate:
The climate is highland continental. It is dry, with an average of 550mm (21.6 inches) in annual rainfall. In the Ararat Valley, where Yerevan is located, there is far less rain; with an average range of from 200mm to 250mm (7.9 to 10 inches).
Seasonal extremes are pronounced in the Ararat Valley. Temperatures can approach the record summer high of 42°C (107.6°F) or plunge towards the record winter low of -30°C (-22°F). Mean temperatures are more temperate, however. July readings give an average high range of from 25°C (77°F) to 30°C (86°F). The January low range averages from -5°C (23°F) to -7°C (19°F). Autumns are long and golden; Armenia enjoys around 2700 hours of sunshine each year. Drought is a perennial problem.
Geography:
The country rests on a high mountainous plateau cut by fast flowing rivers. The over-grazed hills boast little true forest, but many of the steeper slopes are dressed with small shrubs and second growth. Good soil is plentiful in the Ara River Basin, and sheltered valleys across the country host pastures and prolific fruit orchards. The scenery along the highways is often dramatic, with high mountains shadowing green pastures ribboned with clear, cold streams.
Twenty-percent of Armenias land is given over to pasture and 17% to agriculture. Three thousand and fifty square kilometers is under irrigation.
At 4,096 meters, Mount Aragats is the highest point in the country.
The interesting geology consists mostly of young igneous and volcanic rocks including obsidian. Armenia is honeycombed with geologic faults and remains seismically active. The effects of a severe earthquake centered in Spitak in 1988 are still being felt socially and economicallyparticularly near the epicenter.
(See the Health and Medicine section for a discussion of the precautions recommended for the hot dry climate and the possibility of earthquake.)
Population Last Updated: 12/3/2004 3:27 AM
Demography:
According to the October 2001 census, Armenias de facto population is 3.002 million*. Roughly a third of the population, 1.09 million people, lives in Yerevan. Over all two-thirds live in cities. Ten percent of the population is over 65; sixty-five percent between the ages of 15 and 64, and twenty-five percent are 14 or younger.
According to a breakdown of the ethnic distribution, in 2001 - 97.8 percent of the people were Armenian, 0.5 percent Russian, 1.3 percent Yezidi Kurd, and 1 percent Assyrians making Armenia one of the most homogenous countries in the world.
*NB: This represents the population present in country. The de jure official number, counting those who work abroad but had returned to Armenia within the year prior to the census, is 3.213 mil.
Culture:
Armenians have their own highly distinctive alphabet and language. Ninety-six percent of the people in the country speak Armenian, while 40% of the population speak Russian as well. Armenia is totally literate; 99% of the population can read and write.
Most adults in Yerevan can communicate in Russian. English is increasing in popularity, but is rarely spoken with any fluency outside of educated circles. Cyrillic script can still be seen on many older street and building signs. Ninety-four percent of the population claims membership in the Armenian Apostolic Church.
Caucasian hospitality is legendary and stems from ancient tradition. Social gatherings center around sumptuous presentations of course after course of elaborately prepared, well-seasoned (but not spicy-hot) food. The host or hostess will often put morsels on a guests plate whenever it is empty or fill his or her glass when it gets low. After a helping or two it is acceptable to refuse politely or, more simply, just leave a little uneaten food.
Armenia is by tradition a male-dominated society. Women moving about alone should be careful about making eye contact or giving friendly smiles to men. Indeed, women traveling or eating by themselves are sometimes harassed without cause, mainly by groups of men in cars who have been drinking. Violence against foreign women in such situations is very rare, but it has occurred.
Ethnocentrism born of the countrys cohesive homogeneity and long isolation occasionally causes problems for visitors. Light-haired or fair-skinned people may receive unwanted attention, as may people of African descent. Occasional acts of aggression are by no means restricted to Americans, and it should be emphasized that virtually all of this behavior comes from children or unruly teens.
Such belligerence appears to be the rare exception. As a rule Armenians both young and old are cheerful, friendly and polite, more curious than anything else. Americans are well regarded, in general. On the whole, Armenia is considered very safe and people posted here move about freely in both town and country, by day and/or by night.
Public Institutions Last Updated: 2/24/2004 3:52 AM
Governance:
ArmeniaHayastan in Armenianis a republic. On 5 July 1995 the current constitution was adopted through a national referendum.
With the adoption of the constitution ten provinces plus the capital were designated. They are as follows: Aragatsotn, Ararat, Armavir, Gegharkunik, Lori, Kotayk, Shirak, Syunik, Tavush, and Vayots Dzor, plus the capital city of Yerevan.
The head of state is the President, in whom much power is vested.
The head of government is the Prime Minister, who is appointed and dismissed by the President. The President also appoints and dismisses the members of the Government, as proposed by the Prime Minister.
Presidential and Parliamentary elections were both held in 2003. Incumbent President Robert Kocharian was re-elected in a poll criticized for irregularities by international observers. Pro-government parties also retained a majority of seats in the parliament.
The unicameral legislative branch is known as the National Assembly. There are 131 MPs; 75 are elected by proportional (party) list, and 56 from majoritarian (single mandate) districts.
Currently the ruling coalition is composed of the Republican Party, the Country of Law Party, and the Dashnaksutyun Party.
There are several opposition parties, some of which have coalesced into the Justice Bloc. The National Accord Party is the other prominent opposition group.
The countrys legal apparatus is founded on a system of civil law. Currently, the National Assembly is very busy passing legislation in virtually every field. A new Criminal Code was passed and took effect in 2003, replacing Soviet-era laws.
The judicial branch consists of a three-level court system. The highest court is the Court of Cassation, and there are two lower-level courts: first instance courts try most cases, with a right of appeal to the Court of Appeals, and then to the Court of Cassation. The Constitutional Court rules on the conformity of legislation with the Constitution, approves international agreements, and decides election-related legal questions. Judges are nominated based on the scores they receive on a multiple-choice exam, which tests their legal acumen, and on interviews with the Minister of Justice. Once nominated, new judges are by the Council of Justice and by the President. Judges are subject to review by the President, through the Council of Justice, after 3 years; unless they are found guilty of malfeasance, they are tenured until the age of 65.
International:
Many international organizations are represented in Armenia. The United Nations is very active, as is the EU and some national governments. In addition, there are scores of non-governmental organizations. These serve a variety of needs, ranging from humanitarian aid to democratic as well as economic development.
A cease-fire has held in Nagorno-Karabakh, a predominantly Armenian region within Azerbaijan, since 1994. The unresolved confrontation, which has resulted in closed borders with Azerbaijan and Turkey, hinders Armenias full economic development. Even with this encumbrance, however, Armenia has been able to accomplish double-digit growth rates. (See section on Commerce and Industry for more details.)
Lastly, no discussion of public institutions would be complete without mentioning the vast Armenian Diaspora, both in the U.S. and Europe. It has become a bridge to the outside world for many Armenians and influences the direction of the country with resources and ideas.
Arts, Science, and Education Last Updated: 11/29/2004 5:03 AM
Education:
Yerevan is the countrys intellectual, as well as its administrative, center. The American University of Armenia, Yerevan State University, the State Medical Institute and the State Engineering University are located in the capital providing the foundation of the countrys higher education system.
The American University of Armenia has graduate programs in Business and Law, among others. The institution owes its existence to the combined efforts of the Government of Armenia, The Armenian General Benevolent Union, USAID, and the Boalt Hall School of Law at the University of California at Berkeley.
The extension programs and the library at AUA form a new focal point for English-language intellectual life in the city. Many of the countrys most successful young entrepreneurs are graduates of this institution.
Arts:
As might be expected from so literate a society, Yerevan is a city of culture. The Matenadaran Library contains a priceless collection of ancient manuscripts, chiefly Armenian, but also Persian, Arab, Roman, and Greek.
The citys National Art Gallery has more than 16,000 works that date back to the middle ages. It houses paintings by many European masters. The Modern Art Museum, The Childrens Picture Gallery, and the Saryan Museum are only a few of the other noteworthy collections of fine art on display in Yerevan. Moreover, many private galleries are in operation, with many more opening each year. They feature rotating exhibitions and sales.
The world-class Armenian Philharmonic Orchestra performs at the beautifully refurbished city Opera House, where you can also attend a full season of opera. In addition, there are several chamber ensembles highly regarded for their musicianship, including the National Chamber Orchestra of Armenia and the Serenade Orchestra. Classical music can also be heard at one of several smaller venues, including the State Music Conservatory and the Chamber Orchestra Hall.
Jazz is popular, especially in the summer when live performances are a regular occurrence at one of the citys many outdoor cafes.
Also, there are many drama theaters in Yerevan hosting plays in Armenian, Russian, and occasionally English.
Yerevans Vernisage (arts and crafts market), close to Republic Square, bustles with hundreds of vendors selling a variety of crafts, many of superb workmanship, on Saturdays and Sundays and few weekdays (though the selection is much reduced). The market offers woodcarving, antiques, fine lace, and the hand-knotted wool carpets and kilms that are a Caucus specialty. Obsidian, which is found locally, is crafted into an amazing assortment of jewelry and ornamental objects. Armenian gold smithery enjoys a long and distinguished tradition, populating one corner of the market with a selection of gold items. Soviet relics and souvenirs of recent Russian manufacturenesting dolls, watches, enamel boxes etc.are also available at the Vernisage.
Across from the Opera House, a popular art market fills another city park on the weekends.
Armenias long history as a crossroads of the ancient world has resulted in a landscape with innumerable fascinating archeological sites to explore. Medieval, Iron Age, Bronze Age and even Stone Age sites are all within a few hours drive from the city. All but the most spectacular remain virtually undiscovered, allowing you to view churches and fortresses in their original settings.
Science:
In Soviet times Armenia boasted very high numbers of scientists and technical specialists a staggering amount in proportion to its population. Many of the USSRs most important facilities and institutes were located here. Much of the basic research has stopped, however, due to the countrys impoverished condition
Commerce and Industry Last Updated: 12/3/2004 3:28 AM
Commerce:
Armenia's economy collapsed with the fall of the Soviet Union and the closure of its borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan following the dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh. After recent years of strong recovery, the Armenian economy is now equal to 73.6 percent of its size in 1990. The Armenian government has made great progress in moving Armenia from a centralized state with a planned economy to a democratic society with a free market economic system. Privatization of key industries, especially in the energy sector, has ended the chronic shortages Armenia experienced in the early nineties. Through privatization the country has modernized its telecommunications system, although demand still exceeds capacity and there remains much work to be done to provide adequate and affordable communication services.
Parliament has been implementing an ambitious program of reforms aimed at restructuring the banking and financial services sector, liberalizing trade, attracting foreign investment through improved tax and customs regimes, establishing a western accounting system, and meeting the obligations of its recent accession to the WTO. Armenia has improved land transportation routes to its neighboring trade partners, Georgia and Iran, although borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan remain closed due to the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute.
Largely due to the help of international development assistance and foreign direct investment by Diaspora Armenians, the economy has grown on average 6 percent a year since 1994, with exceptionally strong growth of 12.9 percent in 2002 and 13.9 percent in 2003. This progress and fiscal stability has, in turn, earned Armenia continued support from international institutions. The IMF, the World Bank, the EBRD, as well as other financial institutions and foreign countries have extended considerable grants and loans to Armenia, with total grants and loans to Armenia from 1993-2002 exceeding $2 billion. International aid has sought to reduce the budget deficit, keep the local currency stable, stimulate private businesses, develop the energy, agricultural, food processing, land and air transport and social sectors, as well as continue reconstruction in the area damaged by the 1988 earthquake.
The U.S., the EU and the United Nations are the main providers of assistance to Armenia. In FY 2002, the United States extended $119 million in assistance to Armenia.
The long-term resolution of the country's economic problems will depend on resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and establishing diplomatic and trade relations with Turkey and Azerbaijan. A settlement would increase the country's industrial output and allow Armenia to fully utilize its highly educated human resources by expanding regional trade links with Azerbaijan, Turkey and the Middle East.
Industry:
In the years since independence, services (telecommunications) and agriculture have consistently been Armenia's largest economic sectors. However, other sectors have driven Armenia's recent robust growth. Output in the construction sector--largely due to foreign aid and investment--accounts for the lion's share of domestic growth. Export-oriented polishing of diamonds stands out as Armenia's fastest growing industry and biggest earner of foreign currency. Perhaps because Armenia's relative isolation makes transport costs of other goods prohibitively expensive, the import and export of diamonds for finishing accounts for more than half of Armenia's external economy. There is also a significant and growing high-tech sector.
Prospective on Development:
Despite Armenia's robust growth, income disparities remain wide. This is partly attributable to the government's poor record in tax revenue collection, which has prevented it from raising levels of social expenditure. Wage rates vary widely between public and private sectors. Although real wages rose by more than 10 percent in 2003, many households continue to rely on domestic agricultural production and private transfers from relatives working abroad to meet their consumption needs.
The poverty level remains high, although declining: the number of households living below the nationally defined poverty line fell from 55.1 percent in 1999 to 50.9 percent in 2001. The government's Poverty Reduction Strategy projects gradual reduction in the poverty level to below 20 percent of households by 2015.
Although the economic recovery has led to an increase in employment in those sectors that have benefited from foreign investment, overall employment has stagnated at just under 1.3 million over the past four years. Using International Labour Organization methodology (as opposed to official statistics) the unemployment rate is 32 percent. A major development challenge for Armenia's future is to ensure that a greater share of Armenians enjoy the benefits of growth.
Transportation
Automobiles Last Updated: 11/29/2004 2:16 AM
POV:
A car is very desirable, and though not absolutely a necessity in Yerevan, the New Embassy Compound will be difficult to get to without one. Most housing will be beyond walking range of the NEC, and there are no safe public transportation options for the commute.
In general, taxis are affordable ($1-2 a ride) and a clean and well-run metro line operates in the city center, but not close enough to the NEC to use for commuting. Most people at post have their own vehicle.
Travel outside the city is made much safer and more convenient by having a car. Rentals are expensive, and there are very limited inter-city public transportation options. Several travel agencies plan regular tours, and a car can be hired to get you where you need to go, but with varying quality and at a low level of safety.
Those wishing to import a POV should bear in mind that parts can be hard to obtain locally for American cars, although some parts for popular US models, like Jeep Cherokees, are available. High-end German cars like Mercedes can also be serviced here, as can most Japanese models. The mechanics here are highly skilled, inexpensive, and quick to finish the job if the parts are available. Car theft is not a much of a problem in Yerevan, but stereo theft is. Removable faceplates and other stereo security systems are advised.
Four-wheel drive is needed to get out to all the great archeological sites, and is handy in winter, but a sturdy standard car will do for Yerevan and many other destinations. There have been substantial improvements to the roadways over the past two years, earning Armenia the reputation for having the best roads in the Caucasus.
Buying a car locally is an option. Currently, a new Lada Niva (a tough little Russian-made 4X4) can be had for around $7000. Small Russian-made sedans, like Ladas and Zhigulis, run a little less. Used BMWs and Mercedes are also affordable. In general, used car prices are extremely variable. Buyers will undoubtedly need the help of a local person to shop Yerevans weekend auto market where new and used models are sold. It is also possible to import a car from Dubai or Russia duty-free.
Russian made cars are easier and cheaper to repair, and are easy to resell. The bad news is that with a Russian-made car the chances that repairs will be needed are greatly increased. It should also be noted that these cars are well below US safety standards.
A legacy vehicle from someone leaving post is one of the best options email post before you arrive.
Registration and licensing for imported POVs is easy if you have clear proof of ownership, therefore, title and registration are essential. There are no restrictions on what kind of car you can bring in.
There are legal pitfalls if you buy locally, but they are easily avoided. If you buy a car here make sure to check that the registration (the technical passport) matches the vehicle in both the engine number and the body number. Also, get a dated bill of sale that names the price and the parties concerned. This may be hand written. Once the title is transferred into your name by the local authorities a complex process that involves paying a three percent transfer tax on the value of the vehicleGSO can handle the matter of getting plates from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that are appropriate to your diplomatic standing. It is easy to find someone willing to help you with this process from within Embassy community cars are a favorite hobby.
Repairs: The US Mission uses a short list of local mechanics with whom we have an established track record to service official vehicles. Most Embassy personnel use them for their POVs as well. Again, if you decide to bring a POV, import expendable items like belts, filters, brake pads, motor oil, and brake fluid along with it. With your consumables, send in any special fluids and enough oil to support several changes. Although all of these parts can be obtained here, they are of variable quality and name brands are sometimes counterfeited and substandard product substituted. A factory manual is also not a bad idea.
The Internet offers access to almost any part needed or you might want to prearrange a mailing and payment procedure with an auto parts supplier for unforeseen items. Keep in mind the restrictions of mailing via pouch, and realize that you will be waiting 2-4 weeks for that part to arrive.
Fuel: There is no unleaded fuel at all in Armenia so it is best for POVs to be modified to accept leaded fuel. Remove the catalytic converter if you want to prevent this expensive part from being clogged and ruined. A permission letter from EPA is required if this is done in the US, and can be easily obtained with help from the administrative offices in Washington. It can also be done at post, but should be done immediately, as one tank of leaded gas will kill the converter. The fuel filler neck is usually not a problem, but can also be replaced with one designed for taking in leaded fuel. It is a convenient modification, but is not a necessity. Since US automakers export to countries where leaded gas is the norm, this part is available for many cars.
The Premium or Super gas available in Yerevan is of sufficient octane and high enough quality that you will notice little drop off in performance or engine health.
Gasoline is available throughout the country from a growing number of modern gas stations. The further you are from Yerevan, the more broadly they are scattered, and rural gas stops can be a trip back in time. In an emergency, fuel is always nearby, sold in liter bottles from roadside stands, though roadside fuel is variable and occasionally poor enough to cause problems. Gasoline currently costs about $0.80 for premium gas per liter, or $0.65 for regular gas. A medium sized SUV will take around 20,000 dram worth of fuel per tank (around $40).
Roads:
Yerevans streets, though improving, are often rough going off the main avenues. A car that can handle potholes (i.e. with clearance and a good suspension) makes driving less harrowing. The national highways outside of Yerevan are mostly in good condition. Main routes are usually well surfaced enough to allow for moderate cruising speeds with occasional bad spots. Secondary routes are sometimes quite degraded. Ongoing construction, slowing traffic in the short term, is positive evidence of the Diaspora funded march toward better infrastructure.
The road culture can be aggressive and undisciplined. Drivers must remain alert for any possible eventuality at all times. Constant jaywalking and poor lighting at night add to the danger in cities and villages. Yerevans roads are a place for skilled, confident drivers with quick reflexes.
Local Transportation Last Updated: 11/26/2004 2:49 AM
Public surface transportation in Yerevan is crowded and the equipment is old. There are buses, trolley buses and even a funicular. Taxis are available and reasonably priced. Two dollars is the average fare for a ride within the downtown area. The taxis are not metered so passengers must negotiate, so expect to pay a slight premium if you cant negotiate in Armenian or Russian. Tips are appreciated, but are not expected.
There are Marshrutki (mini bus) taxis as well. They run specified routes at varied rates ranging from 50 to 200 drams (10 to 40 cents). Operation and maintenance of these vehicles can be questionable - RSO discourages American personnel from using them.
A limited metro line operates in Yerevan that is generally clean, timely and uncrowded. The price of a token is 50 drams (eight cents).
There are inter-city buses and a very few trains. The trains are unreliable and are not used by US-Mission employees. Most of the expatriate community move about by private car, on foot, or, on occasion, by charter bus.
Regional Transportation Last Updated: 11/29/2004 2:17 AM
There are no regular commercial flights between cities in Armenia. Passenger train service is sub-standard. For example, the train to Tbilisi takes 14-16 hours, runs an erratic schedule, and is uncomfortable. (The same ride by car takes from five to six hours.) Most internal long-distance travel is accomplished by car or bus.
Strained relations with Turkey over Nagorno-Karabakh have closed that nearby land border. Because of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, direct travel to Azerbaijan is impossible from Armenia. Official Americans may not travel to Nagorno-Karabakh.
The Armenian leg of the highway to Tbilisi is in good condition, and has been improved by the recent opening of a two-kilometer tunnel, but the Georgian side tends to be slow going. There is roadwork planned on the Georgian side that could cut the trip by an hour. The drive from Yerevan to Tbilisi takes 5-6 hours, depending on weather conditions.
Surface routes through to southern Armenia and Iran are open most of the year.
The regional roads are passable for most of the year, but in the dead of winter some routes close from time to time due to heavy snow in high mountain passes.
Travel to nearby and neighboring countries is generally accomplished by air. The schedule is variable; most flights are weekly, while others leave three to five days a week. The only daily service is to Moscow. Five main carriers currently serve Yerevan: Armenian International Airlines, Aeroflot International Airlines, Czech Airlines, British Airways and Austrian Airlines. Other smaller carriers offering regional flights operate from Yerevan as well.
Though the list seems to change on a weekly basis, there are currently flights to and from Yerevan to the following cities: Vienna, Moscow, London, Paris, Frankfurt, Prague, Amsterdam, Tbilisi, Istanbul, Dubai, Aleppo, Beirut, Tehran, Kiev, St. Petersburg, and a dozen other CIS cities.
Arrival and departure times on the most traveled routes are routinely scheduled for the most inconvenient hours (between 12-midnight and 6am). BA flights to London, and daily flights to Moscow are exceptions.
Communications Last Updated: 2/24/2004 5:43 AM
Yerevan continues to struggle with infrastructure problems. The effects of these are most pronounced in the IT sector, and affect daily life through substandard telephone lines, slow dial up Internet access, and spotty cellular phone coverage. Though improvements are promised, Armenia is years away from a fully developed communications sector.
In light of this, the Embassy is working to fill gaps in service by using in-house technology whenever possible. This is illustrated by the Employee Association administering Internet accounts, and an active push to include embassy extensions in all residences. Through these efforts and with Armenias increasing investment in IT, the situation improves every year.
Telephones and Telecommunications Last Updated: 11/26/2004 3:30 AM
All Mission residences come equipped with a local phone line, the cost of which is paid by tenants. At the end of each month , you will receive a telephone bill and you will need to pay the amount due to the cashier within 5 working days.
The quality of the local lines is sometimes very bad. Service can be interrupted and it may take many tries to complete a call. Local lines may not allow the caller to dial internationally, though all phones can receive international calls.
Dialing on to the Internet results in relatively low transmission speeds (32 KPS is typical). Connections can be interrupted regularly, requiring the user to dial back on to the network (for example, an hour of Internet time may require dialing into the network three separate times.) An increasing number of city lines have been made digital allowing for decent voice communication and improved data transmission.
A limited number of mission-provided houses have embassy extensions that allow for inter-embassy communication.
At agency discretion, those Embassy extensions may also be given access to the international voice Geteway(IVG) which can be used for official calls to the US and other US embassies. After 7 PM daily , mission extensions with IVG access may also be used to access US-based lines so that personal calls can be charged to your personal calling card (ATT,Sprint, MCI etc.) at domestic U.S long distance rates.
It is forbidden to use the tie line to contact personal email or Internet providers with US phone numbers.
Wireless Service Last Updated: 11/26/2004 3:11 AM
There is cellular service in Yerevan. At agency discretion and depending upon availability each direct-hire and PSC American employee is provided with one cellular telephone.
Note: personal calls made via the cellular telephone must be reimbursed at the rate of approximately 18 cents per minute.
Internet Last Updated: 12/6/2004 8:19 AM
Most direct hire Embassy personnel have dial-up accounts through the Embassys Employee Association for $15 per month. There are several other local Internet providers with varying, but affordable, rates. One of the better known is Arminco. Currently, America Online has a local dial-up number that functions fairly well on city lines. AOL members should check for the latest Yerevan access number(s) before departing for post. Note that there is currently a $6.00/hour network access surcharge for Armenias AOL users. Internet cafes are beginning to proliferate, but do not boast the most comfortable atmosphere.
Improved service and access to the World Wide Web is possible with leased lines or a radio modem. These services can run into hundreds of dollars a month. Also, there is high-speed Internet access at the Hotel Armenia I Business Center. The rates are relatively steep, however. Predictably, the Internet scene is changing all the time. (See Reading and WWW Browsing for useful web sites.)
Mail and Pouch Last Updated: 12/6/2004 8:19 AM
Embassy Yerevan is not apart of the APO system. All direct-hire US-Mission employees may send and receive mail by Unclassified Diplomatic Pouch, with the following restrictions:
- All incoming parcels and letters must weigh no more than 40 pounds and are not to exceed 60 inches in combined width, length, and height.
- All outgoing parcels must weigh no more than two pounds, be no bigger than a large mailing envelope, and not thicker than two video cassettes.
The following items are restricted and may not be sent or received via pouch:
Aerosols
Corrosives
Explosives
Liquids
Inflammables
Use the following addresses to mail items to the American Embassy, Yerevan:
For Official Mail:
Full Name
American Embassy, Yerevan
Department of State
Washington, DC 201897020
For Personal Mail:
Full Name
7020 Yerevan Place
Dulles, VA 20189-7020
Radio and TV Last Updated: 11/22/2004 6:59 AM
There are several FM radio stations in Yerevan that play a variety of music. American popular music is ubiquitous, but you also get an interesting mix of Armenian traditional and contemporary, Iranian, Turkish, and Russian music.
Regular TV consists of local Russian and Armenian programming over VHF broadcast bands totaling 5-7 channels and CNN International in English (though often with poor reception). A local cable AATV company provides Digital cable TV service with up to 56 international channels, 30 of these channels are in English including CNN, BBC, MTV, HBO, Discovery Channel, Cartoon Network and several others. The installation of the digital Decoder costs $200 , plus a monthly fee of $20 for the full package and you must pay 3 months in advance..
In addition there are many broadcast satellites whose footprints cover Yerevan. Some American personnel have paid to have satellite dishes and tuners installed in their residences. All the equipment required to receive satellite transmissions is available in Yerevan, and there is a reliable local contractor who can install it. The cost is around $650 .Employees often sell this equipment to incoming personnel. Costs, however, must be born by the employee, both for hardware and installation. Reception of the Armed Forces Network is also possible with the purchase and installation of the necessary equipment.
A AFRTS decoder is available for lease through the Employee Association to U.S Direct Hire. A decoder costing approx $ 650 is required along with a $150.00 sat Dish. There are 10 channels of US programming and no monthly fee.
Newspapers, Magazines, and Technical Journals Last Updated: 12/6/2004 8:21 AM
There are two local weekly publications that provide some Armenian news in English: "The Yerevan Times" and "The Noyan Tapan". In addition, The Public Affairs Section maintains a healthy collection of current periodicals for on-site review in their library (the Information Resource Center or IRC), as well as a large reference collection in hard copy and on CD. Western periodicals in English may be reviewed at nearby English-language American University of Armenia Library as well. Subscriptions mailed through the pouch are very reliable, but arrive 2-4 weeks late. Also, keep in mind that many of leading magazines are now available through Internet subscriptions.
The Public Diplomacy section distributes a daily media review via email for Embassy employees providing English language summaries of the Armenian language press. Ask to be added to the distribution list upon arrival at post, (or before is your are on OpenNet).
Health and Medicine
Medical Facilities Last Updated: 12/6/2004 2:58 AM
The health unit is housed in the US Embassy. The unit can provide advanced first aid for most medical emergencies, including stabilization after heart attack. There is a physician who maintains visiting hours at the embassy, who is also on call twenty-four hours a day. The doctor, a noted cardiologist, has post-graduate American training and speaks English.
In addition, one local American-trained nurse supports the unit. The unit has formal relationships with several local English-speaking physicians.
For serious emergencies the health unit works in concert with the nearby Malatia Medical Center and Nork-Marash Cardiac Hospital that meets Western standards for cleanliness and, to some extent, technology. Using a combination of supplies from the US Missions extensive pharmacy, and the facilities and physicians of Malatia Medical Center, the health unit can competently coordinate most emergenciesan appendectomy, for examplewithout undue hazard. In sum, most average medical problems can be handled locally. If time allows, complex or unusual problems require medical evacuation for treatment.
The Regional Medical Officer visits twice a year. Based in Tbilisi, the regional Foreign Service Health Provider makes quarterly visits to Yerevan.
Yerevan has several dental clinics that meet international professional standards. There are a number of dental practices that can provide routine cleaning, complete simple procedures, and respond to emergencies. There is also a modern clinic, recently opened by two well-trained American dentists, that can meet a full range of dental and orthodontic needs.
An English-speaking ophthalmologist is available for referrals.
Currently, the health unit laboratory capabilities are limited. Some work is sent to the U.S. as per agency regulations. The health unit extensively uses the Viola Lab, which has been approved by the Regional Medical Laboratory Technician and the Regional Medical Officer. The health unit maintains a walking blood bank program; your participation is welcome.
The health unit is available for use by all direct hire personnel. It is made available to contractors, but only with permission of the health unit, the Regional Medical Officer and the host agency. The health unit can direct people who do not qualify for treatment there(not have valid Medical clearance) to approved facilities that it has investigated.
Community Health Last Updated: 12/3/2004 3:19 AM
Yerevan is a relatively clean city with functioning sanitation services. That being said, litter is a problem. Incomplete construction sites and poorly maintained infrastructure can present a hazard in the form of missing manhole covers, incomplete sidewalks, rusted metal and the like. The majority of stores and restaurants are clean and well maintained.
The city water supply is usually adequate and clean, but it is not treated to U.S. standards. Water from the tap should be briskly boiled for five minutes before drinking. Most household need for potable water is met by large capacity distillers installed in all embassy housing. Bottled water is inexpensive and ubiquitous; bottles range in size from 0.5 to 5 liters.
To ensure that there are no problems with service, GSO provides twice-weekly garbage pick up at embassy residences.
Yerevan is home to a species of white scorpion that presents no serious health risk, but is often a topic of conversation in the summer. The scorpions sting is the equivalent of that of a bee or wasp except in the rare instance of an allergic reaction. Scorpions have been found in some houses, usually in basements and closets, but they are primarily outdoor pests. Check your boots and shoes before slipping them on, especially when camping.
Snakes are a more serious outdoor danger. There are four species of poisonous snake in Armenia: The most poisonous are Vipera Lebetina (locally known as Gurza), Vipera Kaznakovi, Vipera Raddei, and Vipera Ursinii (English equivalents unknown). Fifty-percent of all bites occur in children 12 years old or younger during the summer months of July and August. Take extra precaution when hiking and camping, both popular activities for the Foreign Service community here. Wear high boots and heavy long pants when hiking and keep a sharp eye out. Children should be discouraged from playing in thick grass in high summereven in some less developed parts of the city.
If a bite occurs, the health unit and most large hospitals have antivenin.
Alcoholic beverages are generally considered true to their labeling, however, throughout the CIS, adulteration of bootleg alcohol with poisonous wood alcohol is known to occur. Armenia is famous for its cognac; buy it, and all alcohol, from reputable sources.
Preventive Measures Last Updated: 12/6/2004 2:59 AM
There is a very serious microbial condition known as Brucellosis that can be contracted from some hoofed animals. One vector is unpasteurized milk from goats or cows. There have been outbreaks of this disease in Yerevan. Homemade Armenian cheese from village producers is the main culprit. This rustic salty cheese should be purchased from quality stores and markets, not from street vendors. Cheese made by the larger producers is generally considered safe, as is imported cheese. Be cautious about unfamiliar cheeses. Yogurt and sour cream from commercial producers is considered safe. Again, be careful of village produce.
Giardia, a water-born intestinal parasite, is present. Tap water should be boiled for five minutes before consumption.
Local sparkling mineral waters like Bjni and Jermuk are considered safe.
New arrivals should be aware that strenuous exercise at Yerevans elevation could take one by surprise. Serious runners should take it easy at first and test the waters. There is a danger of fainting or vertigo.
Armenia is notoriously dry. GSO supplies humidifiers upon request. Order one for your sleeping quarters. Also, stay well hydrated in winter by drinking plenty of water or juice to help avoid upper respiratory complaints. These are common in Armenia.
Required immunizations for Yerevan include Typhoid, Diphtheria-Tetanus, Hepatitis A and Hepatitis B. People who expect to be out in the country or whose activities could put them in the way of a dog bite, might want to consider a preventive rabies series, although the disease is not reported. Employees of all agencies should double-check with State M/MED regarding pre-arrival inoculation programs.
Familiar brands of American over-the-counter and prescription pharmaceuticals are not available in Yerevan. Substitutions are often available, but you have to know what you are looking for. Aspirin, acetaminophen, and ibuprofen are readily available. Bring a full supply of prescription medicines, favorite over-the-counter medications, and health supplies such as corn plasters or Ace bandages. Arrange with a US-based pharmacy to mail in continuing prescriptions. The CVS Pharmacy in Foggy Bottom across from State Department headquarters is familiar with this procedure.
Hats and sun block are a necessity for any prolonged activity outside in the summer. It is also as important to drink lots of juice or water in hot dry conditions. Tea, coffee or soft drinks that contain caffeine are no substitute; caffeine is a diuretic.
Armenia is in an earthquake zone. Without being overly dramatic, and with the full understanding that the possibility of an earthquake at any given place and time is statistically remote, it would nonetheless be prudent to review some materials on how to prepare for, and how to behave during, a seismic event. FEMA maintains literature on this subject. Basic precautions include keeping several days supply of drinking water on hand at all times and remaining indoors if there is a quake; the greatest hazard comes from falling building glass or roofing materials, rather than from complete building collapse.
Employment for Spouses and Dependents Last Updated: 2/24/2004 7:19 AM
There are regular opportunities for employment for spouses and adult dependents at the mission. The mission is chronically understaffed and dependents with qualifications have a good chance of finding a part time or full time job.
It is helpful to have as much lead time as possible for staffing positions, therefore, EFMs (eligible family members) are encouraged to contact post administration as soon as they learn of their family members assignment to Yerevan. An updated resume and outline of potential areas of interest will help the Embassy Human Resources Office find a position that will be a best fit for both the Mission and the dependent. Lead time is extremely helpful if a security clearance or other lengthy certification process is needed as well. Any extra time gained by initiating the process before arrival at post will significantly assist with the employment process.
Many jobs on the local economy require fluent written and spoken Russian and Armenian. This can limit the number of available positions for which EFMs are competitive. Successful applicants, if hired in country, are likely to be paid in concert with local salary levels, which are far lower than compensation rates in the U.S. for equivalent work.
That being said, there are a number of international organizations and multi-national companies operating in Armenia. For example, a plethora of NGOs work in a broad range of development areas. Researching potential employment with such organizations before arrival at post can be fruitful and may include a more U.S. standard compensation package.
Officially, there is no bilateral work agreement in place between Armenia and the United States. In practice, a de-facto agreement allows those able to find work on the local economy to accept employment.
American Embassy - Yerevan
Post City Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:16 AM
Yerevan, the capital of Armenia, is in the west-central part of the country in the Ararat Valley, a plateau 3,000 feet above sea level. The fertile valley, settled since pre-history, is surrounded by snowcapped mountains, and dominated by view of the famous Mt. Ararat (16,000 ft.). With the exception of the low-lying center city, Yerevan is a town of hills and winding streets. Pockets of old-fashioned charm give way to Soviet-era apartment blocks, with the rural countryside only minutes in any direction. The just renovated Republic Square and Opera House offer the finest examples of the tuff stone facades that color most of Yerevan.
The city is the cultural as well as the administrative center of the nation. With just over a million people it is home to roughly a third of the countrys population. Armenias strong economic growth over the past few years is most evident in Yerevan. New boutiques, fancy coffee houses and art galleries have spread all over the city. Shiny BMW SUVs and black-windowed Mercedes weave among the boxy Ladas and industrious Marshrutki.
Security Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:17 AM
The incidence of crime in Yerevan is similar to comparably sized U.S. cities. Violent crime, however, is relatively low in comparison to major metropolitan areas of the United States.
Due to the economic situation, western visitors appear as rich targets and are susceptible to thefts from unlocked premises and pickpockets/purse snatchers. Common sense and good judgment should be exercised in activities by keeping a low profile, and being alert to any signs of surveillance. One should maintain continual awareness of ones surroundings, especially when times and places are predictable, e.g. arriving/departing hotels, parked cars, or scheduled appointments.
Armenia is going through substantial change. While organized crime has increased, it is not as well-developed or entrenched in Armenia as in other CIS countries.
Petty theft, the most common crime, involving pickpockets or purse-snatchers, occurs in crowded public spaces. Certain makes and models of cars are more likely to be stolen or cannibalized for their parts for example; the Lada Niva is a favorite among car thieves. RSO recommends investing in a steering wheel locking device and/or alarm system that disables the ignition (alarm systems are available and affordable locally).
In general, most individuals report feeling a sense of safety living here, and complete a full tour without being the victim of even petty crime.
The Post and Its Administration Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:20 AM
The U.S. Mission includes the State Department, the Treasury Department, the Defense Attachés Office, the US Agency for International Development, the US Department of Agriculture, and the Peace Corps.
The offices of State, Defense, Treasury, and USAID are all housed in the American Embassy Chancery, which is located at the following local address:
18 Bagramyan Street, Yerevan 37059, Armenia.
Telephone: +374-1-52-46-61, or, 52-16-11, or, 52-13-41; Fax: +374-1-52-08-00.
All of these agencies are scheduled to move in the Spring 2005 to a new embassy compound located on the shore of Lake Yerevan, around two miles from the city center.
Agencies not currently located in the chancery are:
The USDA office Address: 74 Teryan St., Yerevan.
Telephone: +374-1-560-014; Fax: +374-1-587-928.
The US Peace Corps office - Address: 33 Charents Street, Yerevan.
Telephone: +374-1-524-450; Fax: +374-1-557-991.
Employees arriving at post by air come into Zvartnots International Airport, a 20-minute drive from the embassy. Arrivals are met by an expediter, a local contractor who helps them through the formalities and provides transportation. In the event that an arriving person is not met, he or she should contact the embassy using any of the following numbers: 52-46-61 or 52-16-11 or 52-13-41. After hours, the embassy recording will provide you with the duty officers cell phone number. The duty officer will make the appropriate arrangements. Taxies are also available at the airport. A fare into town is about ten dollars.
In some instances arrival to Armenia is effected by surface from Georgia. In these cases arrangements must be made to have an embassy car meet the arrivals at the Georgian border. Currently, there is no reliable public transportation to post from the Georgian border. In light of the closed borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan, coupled with restrictions on travel through Iran, it is not possible for US officials to enter Armenia over land except through the Georgian border.
Some key administrative points:
· Business hours are from 9:00am to 6:00pm, Monday through Friday, with a one-hour lunch.
· The embassy cashier will cash checks with the following weekly limits: $300 for singles, $500 for families.
· The post has a Community Liaison Office. Its hours are 9:30 am to 6:00pm Monday through Friday. The CLO invites people assigned here to write, call or email with questions. The email address is: CLOyerevan@state.gov
All inquiries will be promptly answered.
Housing Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:21 AM
The housing pool in Yerevan is limited by a scarcity of western standard residences, as in most former Soviet cities. Embassy houses and apartments are among the best available.
Interesting quirks to prepare for include large foyers and bathrooms, smaller than average bedrooms, and few closets. Bonuses include high ceilings, tuff stone facades, interesting architecture, and the abundant fruit trees.
Temporary Quarters Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:22 AM
The post administration makes every effort to assign permanent housing upon arrival. If this is not possible, arriving personnel will be housed in one of three temporary apartments, or in a hotel with full amenities.
Official visitors are also housed in hotels. The three most commonly used are: The Marriott Hotel Armenia (5 star), The Hotel Yerevan (5 star), and The Congress Hotel (4 star).
Permanent Housing Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:24 AM
The mission leases U.S. Government-furnished houses and apartments for all direct-hire staff. Houses are detached or semi-detached and are assigned according to FAM guidelines by an Inter-Agency Housing Board. Houses typically have small terraced yards with little or no grass, but are usually planted with fruit trees and grape arbors. Houses are walled and have gates with security intercom systems. Apartments are located in secure buildings and offer the advantage of being sotuated in the center of the city.
The housing pool is currently in the process of a slight geographic shift, with all new residences being acquired in close proximity to the new embassy site, around two miles from the center of town. One of the advantages of this change is that a growing number of residences in the housing pool are newly constructed and built to the Embassys specifications.
Furnishings Last Updated: 11/29/2004 4:16 AM
Each home has a standard queen-sized bed in the master bedroom and twin beds in the other bedrooms. Other bedroom furniture, such as dressers and wardrobes, is provided as well, as is living room, dining room and rec-room furniture. Rugs and curtains, mirrors and some bookshelves and desks are also provided. Additional shelving would help if you have many books.
There is furniture available in Yerevan, but it is expensive.
Utilities and Equipment Last Updated: 11/29/2004 4:17 AM
The city water supply can be intermittent. A system of on-site holding tanks and pumps is employed to ensure that all of the US Missions houses have 24-hour hot and cold running water. All quarters have telephones, flush toilets, and bathtubs with European shower hose attachments, or American style showers. Several homes have boilers, either diesel or electric, installed for heating. All houses have split-unit air-conditioner / heater units.
Electric ranges, refrigerators, freezers, microwaves, washers and dryers are provided. Dishwashers are supplied by each agency, if there is sufficient space. Humidifiers are supplied on request.
Electricity is 220v~50hz. There are frequent, sometimes extremely powerful, spikes. Bring surge protectors and uninterruptible power supplies (UPSs) for computers and any other expensive or delicate electrical equipment. European-style round-prong sockets are used in all housing. Adapter plugs for appliances with power-switching properties are needed and available locally, or should be brought with you. Non-power switching electrical appliances with 110v~60hz input require a transformer. Some appliances like electric clocks cannot be adapted in this way; others, like turntables may require special parts from the manufacturer for full adaptation. Transformers (three 1200 watt units) are provided by GSO, but most old hands know to bring one or two of their own, particularly heavy-duty ones (1000 watts or greater).
Not all houses have grounded outlets, though post is actively upgrading residences to address this concern, so extra care should always be exercised around appliances. Hand-held equipment (hair dryers, shaver) requires extra caution.
All houses are equipped with auto-switching diesel generators to bridge gaps in electric service. These lapses are not as frequent as they once were, but short outages are not uncommon. Generators have the capacity to supply all power needs indefinitely.
Food Last Updated: 11/29/2004 4:25 AM
For most of the year an amazing cornucopia of delicious, very inexpensive raw fruits and vegetables overflow the stalls at the open-air markets. Many of the best fruits and vegetables (the delicious cherries, buckets of raspberries, and sweet peaches, apricots and melons) are only available in season. Winter sees a marked reduction in the selection available. That being said, the basics can be found year round, though for higher prices. Tomatoes, lettuce, bell peppers, oranges, grapefruit, bananas, onions, carrots, garlic, basil, cilantro, mushrooms, even salad greens are always. The architecturally notable covered market in the city center boasts the most consistent supply, and features a variety of imported products.
Fresh pork, lamb, beef, chicken and a limited variety of excellent quality fresh fish are available year round. Fresh farm eggs are available everywhere. UHT boxed milk in 0.5%, 2% and 3.5% fat content, as well as full-fat powdered milk can be purchased at a number of western oriented grocery stores. High-quality butter, yogurt, and a limited variety of very good cheeses are widely sold. (Neither recognizable cheddar nor mozzarella are easy to come by, however.)
A variety of Western soft drinks, candy, cigarettes, ice-cream bars, beer, wine and liquor are available. Diet Pepsi is available, but not Diet Coke. Other than some cereal products, baby foods are not generally available. The embassy commissary is excellent and well-stocked with products unavailable on the local market (peanut butter, chocolate chips) but at higher than U.S. prices due to shipping costs. Many in the embassy community organize orders through the commissary with an international supplier (Peter Justesen) that offers a huge range of products. Membership in the Employee Association is required to access the commissary. The Fee: $60 per year and for one month - temporary $5.
NetGrocer, and other Internet shopping options allow for those with mail privileges to top off their pantries within the restrictions of the pouch (e.g., no liquids).
Dried fruits like raisins, apricots and figs, as well as many kinds of salami and cured meat, can be found in abundance. An excellent selection of international coffees can be purchased whole bean or ground from several new high-end specialty stores and cafes. Also available are pasta, flour, rice, dried beans, baking soda, sugar, and other basic cooking supplies. More obscure ingredients should be included in HHE or consumables shipments.
Though several Western oriented supermarkets operate in Yerevan, their inventory is not always the reliable. A shopping trip might include a run through all of them to find a particular ingredient. Frozen food is available at these stores, but the selection is limited. (Frozen shrimp are definitely priced as an extravagance.) The huge city markets are an entertaining and well supplied, but a little intimidating at first. One will find there most of the goods carried in the supermarkets, and at much better prices, but with none of the convenience.
Plan your food shipment carefully for this post. The great majority of your grocery needs can be met, though the product may not always be immediately recognizable. The price of a few select staple items (most notably boxes of cereal) will take you aback, therefore, ask someone at post to give you a list, and bring these items with if possible.
There is a cafeteria-style restaurant at the embassy that serves breakfast and lunch on weekdays. Lunch is about $2.50. A coffee bar that serves hot beverages, fresh pastries, snack food and soft drinks is also open during business hours.
Yerevan is home to hundreds of restaurants, more and more with an international focus. There are Italian, Thai, Mexican, Chinese, Bulgarian, Belgian, Irish, Georgian, Middle Eastern, classic American, and other exotic cuisines to complement the profusion of dining establishments offering tasty Armenian specialties.
Fried chicken, donuts and pizza as well as croissants and baguettes- are readily available and rival any back home.
Armenia food is excellent. It is a straight-forward cuisine that relies on the countrys excellent produce and demands the freshest ingredients. Lavash (a flat bread), white cheese, and marinated grilled meat provide the non-vegetable foundation of a typical meal. Local wine, beer, or Armenias internationally renowned cognac, are served along side a wide variety of fruit juices. (Apricot juice and sour cherry juice are particular favorites.) Fresh fruit, baklava, and other baked goods finish off the meal, washed down with strong coffee or fragrant tea.
Clothing Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:30 AM
The supply of ready-made clothes available here is limited and often not to American taste. Bring all that you need, and be ready to order a lot from the Internet.
The sun can be quite strong, especially in the mountains, so hats, sun block, and good sunglasses are needed. Bring some effective winter gear. It does not stay cold, but temperatures can get very low. Long underwear will be appreciated on some days. Dark clothing is traditional. Keep in mind that many local buildings are not heated.
Washable fabrics should be chosen where possible. Although dry-cleaning services are available here, they are pricey and not as versatile as those in the US.
Sturdy walking shoes are a must; walking is a good way to get around in Yerevan.
NB: Shorts are not worn by men and very rarely by women.
Men Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:31 AM
Officers should bring business suits of different weights for winter and summer. A heavy winter overcoat is very useful.
Tuxedos may be worn at some formal events generally open to all members of the Embassy community, such as the Marine Ball and the Scottish Burns Ball. Most evening formal occasions require dark business suits.
Women Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:32 AM
Officers should bring business suits and dresses of different weights for summer and winter.
Floor-length dresses and gowns may be worn at some formal events generally open to all members of the Embassy community, such as the Marine Ball and the Scottish Burns Ball. Most evening formal occasions require suits or dresses.
Children Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:33 AM
As with adult clothing, the local market offers a limited selection of high-quality clothing. Sizes are limited and prices are inflated. It is recommended that all clothing is shipped to post or ordered (via the Internet, catalogs etc.) from U.S.-based retailers.
There is a local womens craft cooperative that does make beautiful high-quality hand-knit childrens clothing. This is not typical everyday wear, however.
Office Attire Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:34 AM
Standard business attire is worn throughout the year.
Supplies and Services
Supplies Last Updated: 12/1/2004 6:06 AM
What you bring by way of supplies is mainly a matter of preference, not absolute necessity. Most household goods are available here, from cleaning supplies to paper goods. But they seldom bear a familiar brand name and often the quality is not up to U.S. standards.
Prices can also be quite high for some things, such as sponges, zip lock bags, welcome mats, high-quality mops, etc.
Basic Services Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:42 AM
The following services are available and adequate (sometimes excellent, and almost always very affordable): haircutting, shoe repair, taxi, tailoring, dress making, upholstery & draperies, auto repair, lock smithy, picture framing etc. In short, most average needs can be met. In addition, the GSO provides many services.
The talent pool available through the US Missions local-employee network is large; in all probability, someone knows somebody who can provide any needed service.
Parking
Most houses have secured garages for parking at home.
There is street parking near the chancery, but it is becoming increasingly tight during the day. A secure and ample parking area will be available for employees on the new Embassy compound that will open in the spring of 2005.
The Embassy has a dedicated car wash available to employees for a minimal fee.
Domestic Help Last Updated: 12/1/2004 3:42 AM
Domestic help is available and runs about $120 per month for day help ($1.25 -$2.00 dollars per hour). Houses do not have special facilities for live-in maids.
Many people employ gardeners and some also hire drivers.
Nannies are not difficult to find.
Religious Activities Last Updated: 11/29/2004 4:54 AM
Of the numerous churches in Yerevan, most are Armenian Apostolic. That being said, there are also many other local congregations including Baptist, Roman Catholic, Seventh-day Adventist, Mormon as well as those served by a Synagogue and Mosque. All of these services are conducted in Armenian (sometimes with translation).
Yerevan Protestant Gathering Fellowship - The English Service of the Evangelical Church of Armenia was established at the initiative of the Armenian Missionary Association of America(AMAA) over four years ago.
Services are on Sundays. Sunday School is available for children ages 5 - 8.
There is also a small Jewish Synagogue , the Services are on Saturdays and high hollidays and conducted in Hebrew.
Education
Dependent Education
At Post Last Updated: 11/29/2004 2:00 AM
Pre-School:
There are several options available for pre-school instruction. Embassy families have organized a cooperative preschool group based out of their homes. Each participating family hosts their childs classmates and teacher at their home according to a scheduled rotation. Other traditional schools are also available, though few teach in English. There are plans for establishing a pre-school on the New Embassy Compound as well. Contact the CLO for more information.
Currently there is only one school in Armenia suited to the needs of the international community.
The QSI INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL OF YEREVAN
Organization:
The school is governed by the Board of Directors of Quality Schools International, the membership of which is formed as set forth in the Bylaws of Quality Schools International. An Advisory Board, composed of 6 to 10 members who reside in Armenia and are appointed by the president of Quality Schools International and the director of the QSI International School of Yerevan, assists the School in its operation.
Curriculum:
The School offers an outcomes-based educational program with a curriculum similar to that of U.S. public and private schools. Instruction, leading to individual mastery, takes advantage of small class sizes and the diverse educational backgrounds of the students. Instruction is in English. The elementary grades are accredited by the Middle States Association of Colleges and Schools.
Faculty:
In the 2004-2005 school year, there are 19 full-time faculty members, 6 of whom are U.S.(5) Can (1) citizens and 13 are third-country nationals. In addition, the School has part-time teachers for physical education, Russian, French, art, and music. Soccer, basketball, karate, dance, Brownies, chess, Armenian language, and other activities are offered as after-school activities.
Enrollment:
At the beginning of the 2004-2005 school year, the student enrollment is 80. Of the total, 44 are U.S. citizens and 36 from other country nationals. Of the U.S. citizen enrollment, 30 are dependents of U.S. government direct-hire and contract employees, and 14 are dependents of private U.S. citizens.
Facilities:
In August 1999 the School moved to a new location. It is located above the offices located next to a furniture factory. There are, at present, 5 large and 4 small, bright classrooms. The school also has a library, a computer lab, offices, a multipurpose room, and 4 bathrooms. The school grounds include a large playground, a soccer pitch, a volleyball court, and an outside stage. A wall surrounds the school, and there are 24-hour security watchmen. Expansion in 2004-05 will give us 9-11 large bright classrooms and a variety of smaller classrooms.
Finances:
In the 2004-2005 school year, the School's income derives from regular day school tuition. Annual tuition rates are as follows: pre-school (3-4 years olds): $2,900; Kdg. (5 years olds): $9,200; and ages 6-17: $11,800. The School also charges a one-time registration fee of $100, as well as an annual non-refundable capital fund fee of $1,600 per year or a one-time refundable capital fund deposit of $4,000 for ages 5 and above. These quoted U.S. dollar fees are to be paid in U.S. dollars.
Accreditation:
QSI is fully accredited. Currently, the school's financial system and curriculum have both received accreditation from The Middle States Association of Colleges and Schools and the Commission on International and Trans-Regional Accreditation. The school holds a Provisional Certificate from the Department of Defense.
Contact Information:
QSI International School of Yerevan
c/o DOS Administrative Officer
7020 Yerevan Place
Washington, DC 20521-7020
Email: yerevan@qsi.org
Home Page: http://www.gsi.org/ARM
International telephone: +3741-391030
Fax: +3741- 397-599
Away From Post Last Updated: 12/1/2004 6:04 AM
The Family Liaison Office in Washington maintains a listing of international boarding schools.
There are none operating in Armenia or neighboring countries.
Special Needs Education Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:50 AM
School programs for special needs children are not currently available in Yerevan. The main international school lacks both the faculty and the facilities to provide special needs education.
Higher Education Opportunities Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:55 AM
American University of Armenia offers graduate level study in a U.S. accredited institution. Many of the teachers split time with top universities in the U.S. Classes are conducted in English.
There are several other Armenian universities in Yerevan offering undergraduate and graduate level courses, though primarily in Armenian.
Recreation and Social Life
Sports Last Updated: 2/24/2004 4:56 AM
A number of sporting activities are available, featuring soccer and tennis, but also basketball, horse back riding, go-carts etc.
The current Embassy includes a brand new fitness center operated by the Employee Association, offering a full series of the Nautilus weight machines, treadmills, elliptical machines, stationary bikes and a stair stepper. Lower-weight barbells, benches and other equipment are also included - as is an excellent sauna.
Facilities will be much expanded with the opening of the New Embassy Compound in the spring of 2005. The 12-acre lakeside recreation area will include a huge lawn with soccer goals and a baseball/softball diamond, a large U.S. standard playground, outdoor basketball and volleyball courts, and a running track. Plans are currently in the works for an even greater array of recreational facilities.
Fishing is an attractive prospect in Armenia, a country with more than 100 mountain lakes, and countless clear fast rivers. Lake Sevan is only about 70 kilometers from Yerevan. It is one of the world's largest mountain lakes, is a popular summer tourist spot, and the reputed home of vast numbers of brown trout.
The Tsakhkadzor ski resort, less than an hour from Yerevan, is a popular destination in both summer and winter. Beautifully situated, it is ill maintained with a lift that is open year round but prone to mechanical problems. You can't beat the $1 lift price, however. The skiing and snowboarding can be quite good, especially after a good snow - but the area has limited grooming equipment, and snowmobiles intermingle with skiers and snowboarders, so ice and uneven surfaces offer a challenge. Cross-country skiing and snowshoeing can be accomplished almost anywhere in the countryside you choose. While some equipment is available for rental, for all winter sports it is recommended that you bring your own equipment.
In the spring, summer and fall, there are several peaks to climb, and unlimited hiking trails. If you are up for a serious climb, Mt. Aragats offers the highest peak in Armenia, amazing views, and a strenuous 12 hours of trekking.
For those who like to run and socialize, the venerable Hash House Harriers have an active chapter in Yerevan.
Touring and Outdoor Activities Last Updated: 12/1/2004 6:04 AM
Yerevan is an excellent base for exploring Armenia's many ancient churches, monasteries, and natural wonders.
Some of the oldest Christian monuments in the world can be found here. The architecture is fascinating and the settings dramatic; the mountainous Armenian landscape is unforgettable. Many people like to hike, climb and camp, especially since the countryside is safe for overnight camping.
There is much to see in Armenia: the intricately carved stone crosses, called "khachkars"; the soaring walls of the once impregnable fortress of Amberd; Roman mosaics at the pagan temple of Garni; the huge chambers hewn out of solid rock at the cave monastery of Geghard; dozens of other churches and ruins that hide in the country's rough, wild landscape.
The Cathedral at Etchmiadzin, built in 480, is the spiritual center of the Armenian Apostolic Church. Located about thirty minutes from Yerevan by car, Etchmiadzin Cathedral is short drive away and is especially memorable when visited for Sunday services. The church, its grounds, and museum, contain a fine collection of ancient religious artifacts.
The city of Yerevan itself has a surprising amount to offer. The opera, ballet, and world-class symphony, as well as many museums, are within a short walk of the American Embassy. The symphony performs twice a week much of the year and tickets are very inexpensive.
An excellent open-air art market is held near the opera house every weekend. The Vernisage, a huge open market a few blocks from Republic Square with rows of carpets, Soviet memorabilia, jewelry, and any number of other intriguing artifacts, is central to Christmas shopping, and worth a regular stroll just to absorb the ambiance.
Entertainment Last Updated: 11/29/2004 5:05 AM
Cultural Life:
Yerevan is rich in culture. The capital is home to opera, ballet, and a world-class symphony. The symphony performs twice a week much of the year and tickets are very inexpensive.
The Armenian Song Theater is also excellent, as is the Chamber Ensemble.
The National Art Museum on Republic Square is a must see, as is the Matenadaran Manuscript Library, which houses illuminated tomes from ancient times in Armenian, Greek and Latin.
A visit to the open-air art market held near the opera house every weekend is a must, as are periodic trips to the Vernisage, the large crafts market located in the park near Republic Square.
Victory Park, overlooking the city, is a favorite place for runners and joggers, especially during the warm weather. And there is a small amusement midway in the park complete with a working Ferris wheel and other rides. There are also rowboats to rent on the park pond, which is ringed by several small cafes.
The American University of Armenia has several English-speaking clubs to which members of the American community are welcome.
Several individuals receive personal instruction from world-class musicians.
Recently released movies are shown a couple of times a month in the U.S. Embassy auditorium.
Dining Out:
Yerevan is home to hundreds of restaurants, more and more with an international focus. These restaurants include: Italian, Thai, Mexican, Chinese, Bulgarian, Belgian, Irish, Georgian, Russian ,Middle Eastern, classic American, and other exotics to compliment the profusion of dining establishments offering tasty Armenian specialties.
Friends gather after work or on the weekends on a regular basis. Delicious food and very affordable prices combine to encourage the exploration of new restaurants every week.
Social Activities
Among Americans Last Updated: 12/1/2004 6:03 AM
Social activities in Yerevan tend to be focused around friends gathering at each other's homes, meeting regularly at favorite restaurants, and catching up for an after-work drink.
In addition, the Marines hold occasional get-togethers at their house, people watch movies in the auditorium on a regular basis, a large contingent from the embassy participates in the Hash House Harriers, and weekends with nice weather encourage groups to explore Armenia's mountains, monasteries and churches.
Weekly basketball and softball games are usually followed by a group dinner, and other folks gather for a weekly poker game and regular bridge group. The Marines organize paintball and go-cart outings, and a large part of the embassy can be found together at the Water Park on summer days.
Those with kids will find a close-knit community getting together often for play groups, birthday parties ... etc. This is facilitated by post's attempt to house families in proximity with one another.
People even organize dog play sessions - meeting at a local park on weekends.
The recreation facilities planned for the New Embassy compound will provide a further boost to community activities when completed. The large playground, athletic fields, and other community areas will be welcome additions.
International Contacts Last Updated: 2/24/2004 5:12 AM
Armenians are very warm and inclusive people. You are sure to make friends quickly and enjoy their famed hospitality.
Yerevan's small expatriate community interacts often. From formal events, to a Guinness at the pub, you are likely to see your expatriate friends in almost every social situation.
Hash House Harriers is a particularly international group.
Official Functions
Nature of Functions Last Updated: 12/1/2004 6:02 AM
Officers are asked to attend official functions organized by the mission, National Day events at other embassies, host country receptions, and other diplomatic luncheons and dinners.
Dark business suits for men and dresses, or suits, for women are recommended as the appropriate attire. Neither tuxedoes nor long formal gowns are required.
All U.S.-Mission personnel assist in hosting the official Fourth of July reception.
Standards of Social Conduct Last Updated: 2/24/2004 5:13 AM
The rules of social conduct and etiquette standard in the Foreign Service apply in Armenia.
Business cards are used and can be printed locally in English and Armenian.
Special Information Last Updated: 11/22/2004 7:40 AM
Travel by American officials to Nagorno-Karabakh is not permitted.
TDY personnel should be aware that certain items are proscribed for export and should not be purchased and removed from Armenia without the permission of the Ministry of Culture and payment of a 100% duty. This includes old carpets, old manuscripts, antiques. (Anything older than fifty years is subject to this levy).
*As in any big city visitors should take security precautions.
Post Orientation
All employees receive a welcome packet upon arrival that contains much needed information.
Prior to arrival employees are advised to contact the CLO by letter or email to ask any questions they may have concerning life in Yerevan. The CLO email address is: cloyerevan@state.gov All inquiries will be answered.
Employees are also encouraged to contact a colleague in their section of the Embassy for guidance on what consultations to schedule before departure from Washington, DC.
A series of one-on-one orientation briefings is usually required and should be scheduled by the employee upon arrival. In addition, post organizes regular orientation assemblies featuring presentations by representatives of each of the mission agencies and sections. Dependents are encouraged to attend. A security briefing by the Regional Security Office is required before the issuance of permanent Embassy badges for employees or their dependents.
In addition, it is requested that all new employees make a separate appointment with the Ambassador upon arrival. Spouses are invited and are encouraged to come.
The New Embassy Compound
Embassy Yerevan looks forward to moving to a new compound in the spring of 2005. On the shore of Lake Yerevan, the 23- acre site is one of the largest embassy compounds in the world. The new chancery will offer over 100,000 sq ft of office space, more than ten times that of our current building. The warehouse and large GSO annex and the Marine house will all be co-located on the site.
The compound is separated into two levels. The main buildings are all at the top of a bluff, offering spectacular views of Mt. Ararat. The lower level, about 12 acres on the lakeshore, will be used primarily as a recreation and community area. A number of recreation facilities are planned.
Notes For Travelers
Getting to the Post Last Updated: 12/1/2004 6:01 AM
Five main carriers currently serve Yerevan:
Armenian International Airlines, Aeroflot International Airlines, Czech Airlines, British Airways and Austrian Airlines.
Post encourages the use of Austrian Airlines or British Airways for official travel. The problematic transit through Moscow, i.e., the confusing and sometimes costly transfer between two airports and regular difficulties in attaining the necessary Russian visa, handicap Aeroflot. Armenian International Airlines is simply unreliable.
Other small carriers offering regional flights operate from Yerevan as well.
Though the list seems to change on a weekly basis, there are flights to and from Yerevan to the following cities:
Vienna, Moscow, London, Paris, Frankfurt, Prague, Amsterdam, Tbilisi, Istanbul, Dubai, Aleppo, Beirut, Tehran, Kiev, St. Petersburg, and a dozen other CIS cities.
Flight time examples:
From the East Coast: 6 hours to London, 5 hours to Yerevan.
From Yerevan: 3.5 hours to Vienna, 3.5 hours to Moscow, 3 hours to Istanbul.
Some personnel arrive at post overland from Georgia. This is usually achieved through an arranged border swap with Embassy Tbilisi, where an official vehicle from Tbilisi provides for the Georgian leg of the trip, and an Embassy Yerevan driver meets the traveler at the Armenia/Georgia border and completes the drive to Yerevan. Total drive time is approximately 5.5 hours. (You will need both a Georgian and an Armenian visa.)
Customs, Duties, and Passage Last Updated: 2/24/2004 5:20 AM
Specifications for Personal Effects
Air shipments should be sent to:
American Embassy
18 Baghramyan Ave.
Yerevan, Armenia
Full Name
Surface shipments should be sent to:
Full Name ("Agency" - Yerevan)
European Logistical Support Office
(ELSO-Antwerp)
Noorderlaan 147
Bus 12A B-20230 Antwerp
APO AE 09724
Shipping times to Armenia tend to be long (two to four months), even for air freight (up to four weeks). Make sure to bring with you the essentials of dress and personal care. Remember that seasons can change in eight weeks. Be sure to bring enough business clothes; they are generally not available. What is available tends to be very expensive and in limited sizes.
All personnel assigned to Armenia must have a visa. The Armenian Embassy is located at 2225 R Street NW, Washington DC 20008.
Customs and Duties Last Updated: 2/24/2004 5:21 AM
An expediter who handles the formalities of Armenian Customs meets all official personnel reporting to Yerevan. Diplomatic cargoes, including UAB, are not subject to import duties, although standard restrictions concerning drugs, inflammables, explosives and firearms of course apply. There are no restrictions on the type of car you can ship in. (See section on Transportation, Automobiles).
When leaving Yerevan book your flights at least two weeks in advance to ensure space.
Items of cultural significance (antiques over fifty years old) must be cleared by the Ministry of Culture before they can be legally exported.
NB: For persons traveling without diplomatic passports the Armenian Customs regime can be strict. There is a genuine problem with smuggled antiquities, some of great value and cultural significance, so inspections upon leaving the country can be thorough. Also, there are currency export restrictions in Armenia: $500 is the maximum. If you are bringing in a lot of money, declare it on your customs entry form along with anything else of substantial valueespecially jewelry. Failure to do so could cause problems upon departure.
Pets Last Updated: 12/1/2004 5:59 AM
Armenian regulations are friendly in regards to pets' importation , however most pets must transit though the EU and meet EU transit regulations. All pets arriving to any EU airport will have to meet the following requirements (and they must be completed in this order):
1. Fitted with an ISO (or compatible ) microchip for identifying purposes.
2. Vaccinated against rabies.
3. Have a satisfactory blood test for rabies at an EU-recognized laboratory three (3) months prior to travel.
4. Given an official PET Scheme Certificate from the laboratory to verify the rabies test results.
5. Given a tick and tapeworm treatment 48 to 24 hours prior to departure.
All of the above, must be preformed by a licensed Veterinarian . Be sure to check with the airlines you are using to ensure you have all necessary documentation for your pet(s) to travel.
Please be advised that not all the airlines serving Yerevan will accept live animals for transportation. And some may
refuse to transport pets during hot summer months. Post also highly recommends on transfers with long stopovers
check-in the pets to the stop-over point to have an opportunity to take care of them during extended layover or hire a pet
transporter service such as Goldenway to take care of them.
Airlines and Airport authorities sometimes fail to fulfill their responsibilities in regards to the pet care while in-transit.
If your pet is healthy and accompanied by the proper Animal Health Certificate issued not earlier than 3 weeks before travel it will have no problems when entering Armenia.
It is always recommended to check with the OBC and post to verify current pet transporttation requirements.
Veterinary services in Armenia are rudimentary. Only the most basic shots and non-invasive treatment
is available with any degree of safety. Be cautious about bringing a very old , or chronically ill animal that may require
regular veterinary care.
Dog food and cat food are readily available, though western brands are more expensive than in the U.S.
Cat litter is not available.
Firearms and Ammunition Last Updated: 12/1/2004 5:59 AM
The Armenian police authorities state they will permit American personnel with diplomatic passports to import any firearm legally owned in the US.
Armenian authorities request only that owners produce registration or licensing documents proving legal ownership in the US. Authorities also ask owners of such weapons to produce a signed statement as to the purpose of the weapon; that is, hunting, target practice, self protection, etc. Further, they suggest that those who wish to use their weapons for hunting should also join a local hunting society to gain knowledge of official seasons and required licenses. There are no commercial target shooting ranges in Armenia.
The Regional Security Office is designated as the focal point within the Mission for this policy. As such, the office is authorized to process weapons permits with the host government and to make recommendations to the Chief of Mission to either approve or disapprove each request. The following procedures should be completed:
A. For personal firearms, complete a "Request for authorization to utilize firearms" and forward it to the RSO.
B. For official firearms, complete a "Request to carry an official firearm" and forward it to the RSO.
C. The RSO will review the request to determine if it is consistent with this policy and forward it to the Chief of Mission with a recommendation for approval or disapproval.
D. Upon Chief of Mission approval, the RSO will register the firearm with the Mission and notify the employee.
All registered official firearms will be retained by the RSO except when being used in the performance of official duties.
The RSO is the primary point of contact for any individual seeking to import or carry a firearm or wanting additional information on this policy.
Currency, Banking, and Weights and Measures Last Updated: 11/22/2004 7:09 AM
The dram is the official currency. It is internally convertible. Currently, one US dollar equals 510-520 dram. This rate is fairly stable, and has stayed within 10 dram (2 cents) for a couple of years.
Armenia is a cash-based economy. Banks are not generally used. There is one Western bank, U.K. operated HSBC Bank
There is an HSBC ATM machine at post, which is located next to the State Cashir.
If you do not have an HSBC account you will be charged a $1.00 transaction fee by HSBC. If you do have an HSBC account then the withdrawal is free. The maximum withdrawal amount is $500 daily.
The cashier will post the HSBC exchange rate for dollars daily.
American Express Travelers Checks are accepted at the largest of the hotels, but there are added fees.
Mission employees may cash personal checks to meet currency needs: $500 per week. There are many money exchanges throughout Yerevan. They operate seven days a week. By law all transactions must be in Armenian drams.
Employees should consider setting up automatic banking services in the US before departing for post. Internet bill pay services are particularly handy.
The metric system of weights and measures is used here: fabric is bought by the meter, potatoes by the kilo, gasoline by the liter, and distances are measured in kilometers.
Taxes, Exchange, and Sale of Property Last Updated: 12/1/2004 6:00 AM
American employees of the US Government are exempt from local value-added taxes and may import personal property duty free.
Automobile liability insurance is required by the State Department. Insurance is arranged automatically through the Employee Association.
Employees may not retain proceeds from sale of personal property in excess of the original cost of the property.
This applies to automobiles as well.
Recommended Reading Last Updated: 12/1/2004 6:00 AM
These titles and internet sites are provided as a general indication of the material published on this country.
The Department of State does not endorse unofficial publications or World Wide Web sites.
Books
Arlen, Michael J. Passage to Ararat. 1975.
Baliozian, Ara. The Armenians: Their History and Culture. 1980.
Darlymple, William. From the Holy Mountain. 1999.
Der Hovanessian, Diana and Margossian, Marzbed. Anthology of Armenian Poetry.
1978.
Der Nersessian, Sirarpic. The Armenians. 1970.
Kaplan, Robert D. Eastward to Tartary. 2000.
Kudian, Mischa. Lamentations of Narek. 1977
Lang, David Marshall. The Armenians: A People in Exile. 1988
Mirak, Robert. Torn between Two Lands. 1983
Suny, Ronald Grigor. Looking Toward Ararat. 1993
Walker, Christopher. Armenia, Survival of a Nation. 1980
Werfel, Franz. The Forty Days of Musa Dagh. 1934.
World Wide Web Sites
U.S. Embassy Yerevan
http://www.usa.am
Cilicia.com
http://www.cilicia.com
Armenian Research Center
http://www.umd.umich.edu:80/dept/armenian/
City.Nets Armenia Page
http://www.city.net/countries/armenia/
Hayknet
http://www.hayknet.com
National Academy of Sciences of Armenia
http://www.sci.am
State Engineering University (SEUA)
http://www.seua.am
Yerevan Physics Institute (Yerphi)
http://www.yerphi.am
Yerevan State University (YSU)
http://www.ysu.am
Local Holidays Last Updated: 12/3/2004 3:24 AM
Local Holidays | ||||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 35 | https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/the-armenian-genocide-1915-16-in-depth | en | The Armenian Genocide (1915-16): In Depth | [
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] | null | [] | null | Learn more about the Armenian Genocide, which was the physical annihilation of ethnic Armenian Christians living in the Ottoman Empire between 1915-1916. | en | /favicon.ico | https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/the-armenian-genocide-1915-16-in-depth | The Armenian genocide refers to the physical annihilation of ethnic Armenian Christian people living in the Ottoman Empire from spring 1915 through autumn 1916. There were approximately 1.5 million Armenians living in the Empire. At least 664,000 and possibly as many as 1.2 million died during the genocide. Armenians call these events Medz Yeghern (the great crime) or Aghet (catastrophe).
The origin of the term genocide and its codification in international law have their roots in the mass murder of Armenians. Lawyer Raphael Lemkin, the coiner of the word and its later champion at the United Nations, repeatedly stated that early exposure to newspaper stories about Ottoman crimes against Armenians was key to his beliefs about the need for legal protection of groups. (In 1948, in part due to the tireless efforts of Lemkin, the UN approved the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.)
Ottoman authorities, supported by auxiliary troops and civilians, committed most of the murders of 1915-16. The government, controlled by the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP; also called the Young Turks), aimed to solidify Turkish Muslim dominance in the region of eastern Anatolia by eliminating the sizeable Armenian population there.
From 1915-16, the Ottomans killed large numbers of people in mass shootings; many others died during mass deportations due to starvation, dehydration, exposure, and disease. In addition, tens of thousands of Armenian children were forcibly removed from their families and converted to Islam.
Historical Background
Armenian Christians were one of many distinct ethnic groups in the Ottoman Empire. In the late 1880s, some Armenians formed political organizations seeking greater autonomy, reinforcing Ottoman doubts about the loyalty of the wider Armenian community within its borders.
On October 17, 1895, Armenian revolutionaries seized the National Bank in Constantinople, threatening to blow it up along with more than 100 hostages unless the authorities granted Armenian regional autonomy. Though French intervention allowed for a peaceful end to the incident, the Ottomans conducted a series of massacres.
In all, at least 80,000 Armenians were killed between 1894 and 1896.
The Young Turk Revolution
In July 1908, a faction that called itself the Young Turks seized power in Constantinople (the Ottoman capitol). The Young Turks was a group primarily composed of Balkan-born military officers and bureaucrats, which in 1906 had taken over a secret society known as the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), and reformed it into a political movement.
The Young Turks aimed to establish a liberal, secular constitutional regime that put all peoples on equal footing. They argued that non-Muslims would accept Turkish nationalism if modernization and prosperity were the result.
Initially, it seemed that the new government would accommodate some Armenian social grievances. But in spring 1909, Armenian demonstrations for autonomy boiled over into violence. Ottoman soldiers, irregular troops, and civilians murdered as many as 20,000 Armenians in and around the city of Adana; up to 2,000 Muslims were killed by Armenians during the fighting.
Between 1909 and 1913, CUP activists veered increasingly towards a strident, nationalist vision for the Empire. They envisioned a future state that was not multi-ethnic and “Ottoman,” but culturally and homogeneously Turkish. Dense areas of Armenian settlement across eastern Anatolia presented a demographic obstacle to these ambitions. Following several years of political upheaval, CUP leaders seized dictatorial power in a coup on January 23, 1913.
World War I
Mass atrocities and genocide are often perpetrated within the context of war. The destruction of the Armenians was closely linked to the events of World War I in the Near East and the Russian Caucasus. The Ottoman Empire formally entered the war in November 1914 on the side of the Central Powers (Germany and Austria-Hungary), who fought against the Entente Powers (Great Britain, France, Russia, and Serbia).
In anticipation of threatened Allied landings at the strategically important Gallipoli peninsula, Ottoman authorities arrested 240 Armenian leaders in Constantinople on April 24, 1915, and deported them east. This roundup is commemorated today by Armenians as the beginning of the genocide. The Ottomans claimed that Armenian revolutionaries had established contact with the enemy and were preparing to facilitate a Franco-British landing. When challenged by the Entente Powers and the then-neutral United States, they explained the deportations as a precautionary measure.
Beginning in May 1915 the government expanded the deportations—regardless of distance from combat zones—marching civilians to holding camps in desert regions to the south [today: northern and eastern Syria, northern Saudi Arabia, and Iraq]. Many of these convoys originated in six heavily Armenian provinces in eastern Anatolia—Trabzon, Erzurum, Bitlis, Van, Diyarbakir, Mamuretü'l Aziz, and the district of Maras—and, eventually, from virtually all areas of the Empire.
Due to the Ottoman wartime alliance with Germany, many German military officers, diplomats, and relief workers witnessed firsthand the atrocities committed against Armenians. Their reactions ranged from horror and formal protests to, in some instances, tacit support of the Ottomans. This generation of Germans would carry the memory of these violent events with them into the 1930s and 40s, coloring their view of actions against Jews under the Nazis.
Massacres and Deportations
Taking orders from the central government in Constantinople, regional officials implemented mass shootings and deportations, assisted by local civilians. Ottoman military and security organs and their collaborators murdered the majority of Armenian men of fighting age, as well as thousands of women and children.
During forced marches through the desert, convoys of surviving elderly men, women, and children were exposed to arbitrary attacks from local officials, nomadic bands, criminal gangs, and civilians. This violence included robbery (e.g., stripping victims naked to take their clothing and conducting body cavity searches for valuables), rape, abduction of young women and girls, extortion, torture, and murder.
Hundreds of thousands of Armenians died before reaching the designated holding camps. Many were killed or abducted, others committed suicide, and vast numbers died of starvation, dehydration, exposure, or disease en route. While some civilians sought to assist the Armenian deportees, many more killed or tormented the people in the convoys.
Centralized Orders
Although the term genocide was not coined until 1944, most scholars agree that the mass murder of Armenians fits this definition. The CUP government systematically used an emergency military situation to effect a long-term population policy aimed at strengthening Muslim Turkish elements in Anatolia at the expense of the Christian population (primarily Armenians, but also Christian Assyrians). Ottoman, Armenian, US, British, French, German, and Austrian documents from the time reveal that the CUP leadership intentionally targeted the Armenian population of Anatolia.
The CUP issued instructions from Constantinople and ensured enforcement through agents in its Special Organization and local administrations. The central government also required close monitoring and data collection on the number of Armenians deported, the amount and type of housing they left behind, and the number of deportees reaching holding camps.
Initiative and coordination came from the highest levels of the CUP ruling circle. At the center of the operation were: Talât Pasa (minister of interior), Ismail Enver Pasa (minister of war), Baheddin Sakir (field director for the Special Organization), and Mehmed Nâzim (leader of demographic planning).
Government regulations restricted the Armenian population to no more than 10 percent in designated areas (in some areas no more than two percent), required settlements be limited to 50 families, and specified they be located far from both the Baghdad rail line and from each other. To meet these demands, local officials continued to move deportees, without adequate clothing, food, or water, back and forth across the desert under lethal sun during the day and in freezing cold at night. The deportees were regularly exposed to attacks from nomads as well as from their own guards. Consequently, human and natural forces devastated the Armenian deportees until they reached the mandated lower population levels.
Motivations
The Ottoman regime sought to consolidate its wartime position and to finance the “Turkification” of Anatolia by confiscating the assets of murdered or deported Armenians. This redistribution of property also provided incentive for large numbers of ordinary people to join in the assault on their neighbors. Many in the Empire believed that Armenians were wealthy; in fact, a large proportion of Armenians were poor.
In some cases, Ottoman authorities accepted conversion to Islam in exchange for the right to live or to remain in places of residence. Though responsible for the deaths of many thousands of Armenian children, the Ottomans often sought to convert and assimilate children to Muslim and specifically Turkish society. Ottoman authorities generally refrained from mass deportations in the cities of Istanbul and Izmir, both to hide their crimes from foreigners and to capitalize on the economic value of urban Armenians to the modernization of the Empire. | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 96 | https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/biden-recognizes-armenian-deaths-genocide-prompting-relief-armenia-fury-turkey-n1265040 | en | Biden recognizes Armenian deaths as genocide, prompting relief in Armenia and fury in Turkey | [
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] | 2021-04-24T16:41:00+00:00 | President Joe Biden made history on Saturday, breaking with past U.S. administrations to designate the massacre of Armenians during World War I as genocide. | en | https://nodeassets.nbcnews.com/cdnassets/projects/ramen/favicon/nbcnews/all-other-sizes-PNG.ico/favicon.ico | NBC News | https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/biden-recognizes-armenian-deaths-genocide-prompting-relief-armenia-fury-turkey-n1265040 | With one weighty word, President Joe Biden made history on Saturday.
Recognizing the historical massacre of Armenians by the Ottoman Empire during World War One as genocide, Biden went further than any previous occupant of the White House and departed from decades of carefully calibrated language on the subject.
Biden's statement was greeted with praise in the Armenian capital, Yerevan — and among the country's diaspora, whose activists have long campaigned for such recognition — but met with anger in Ankara, where Turkey has denied that the deaths of 1.5 million Armenians between 1915-17 should be considered a genocide.
"The American people honor all those Armenians who perished in the genocide that began 106 years ago today," Biden said in a statement on Saturday, marking the annual Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day.
Download the NBC News app for breaking news and politics
As a presidential candidate, Biden last year commemorated those killed in the final throes of the Ottoman Empire, modern Turkey's predecessor, and pledged to back efforts to recognize the deaths as genocide if elected.
Earlier this week, Representative Adam Schiff and a group of 100 bipartisan lawmakers sent a letter to Biden urging him to "right decades of wrongs." This follows a 2019 non-binding unanimous resolution passed by the Senate in favor of recognizing the killings as genocide.
The president's decision to fulfil his campaign pledge now in office will prove largely symbolic, according to political experts. But the move does signal a return to the championing of human rights from the White House, they said, although likely to infuriate America's NATO ally.
"This is very important for every Armenian," said Suren Sargsyan, co-founder of the Yerevan-based think tank the Armenian Center for American Studies. He added that almost all Armenian families had ancestors who died in the historic massacres, including his own.
"Unfortunately, this recognition is not a legal recognition; it is not legally binding in order to lead to any compensation," he added.
But Sargsyan said he was hopeful the U.S. recognition would pave the way for other nations to follow suit.
So far, about 30 countries have officially recognized the deaths as genocide — among them France, Russia, Canada and Lebanon — according to the Armenian National Institute, a Washington D.C.-based non-profit.
Turkey accepts that many Armenians were killed in clashes with Ottoman forces and in 2014 Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan spoke of a "shared pain" regarding the deaths during World War One. But the country contests the figures and denies the killings were systematically orchestrated or constitute a genocide.
Former President Ronald Reagan made a passing reference to Armenian genocide in a 1981 statement comparing "the genocide of the Armenians" to genocide in Cambodia and the Holocaust.
For decades since then, U.S. presidents have refrained from labelling the killings as genocide, stymied by concerns about geo-political relations with an important strategic ally, mostly in the Middle East.
Recently, however, relations have been strained over a host of issues including Turkey's purchase of Russian weapons systems and policy differences in the Syrian conflict.
Since becoming president more than three months ago Biden had yet to call Erdogan until Friday, a day ahead of the announcement, a delay widely viewed as a cold shoulder towards Erdogan.
Neither the White House statement on the phone call nor a readout from the Turkish presidency made any mention of the Armenian issue. Instead, the leaders spoke of a "constructive bilateral relationship" and agreed to meet on the sidelines of a NATO summit in June, the White House said in a statement.
On Saturday, Turkey's Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu hit back writing on Twitter that "words cannot change or rewrite history," and said the country "entirely reject" Biden's statement.
Kemal Kirişci, a Turkish academic and non-resident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution thinktank, said the "hardcore" position taken by Armenia made discussion of the topic in Turkey difficult.
He also said any U.S. criticism could be weaponized by Erdogan.
"When criticism from outside the country comes in an authoritarian environment it kind of plays into the hands of the authoritarian leader, because the leader can distract attention from problems inside the country," Kirişci said.
But in reality, although Erdogan may adopt "very aggressive" language towards the U.S. in response to Biden's speech, he will have few retaliation options, Kirişci added, as Turkey battles the coronavirus pandemic and a stalling economy.
Ali Çınar, a U.S.-Turkish foreign policy analyst said the Turkish public would be "very disappointed" at Biden's statement and that the "emotional topic" would provoke a strong reaction.
"It was 100 years ago, why is United States getting involved in this historical debate between Turks and Armenians?" he said.
Armenia, a tiny country nestled between Asia and Europe in the Caucasus region with a population of around 3 million, has a large American diaspora. Among them are high-profile celebrities such as singer Cher, who was born Cherilyn Sarkisian, and the Kardashian dynasty of reality television fame.
Although small, the diaspora wields influence far greater than its numbers.
U.S. politicians have courted the Armenian-American vote for decades, including Vice President Kamala Harris who built her career in California, the state with the largest Armenian-American population.
"From an Armenian perspective it's significant in terms of moral clarity," said Richard Giragosian, founding director of the Regional Studies Center, an independent thinktank in Yerevan. Adding that Biden's statement was more than a gesture and signaled a "return by the U.S. to the moral high ground."
Biden's words also ended the "disingenuous" performances of previous U.S. administrations, he said, and came at a time of "grief and mourning" for many in Armenia, fresh from a defeat by neighbor and Turkish ally, Azerbaijan.
Last September saw weeks of fighting over 1,700 square miles of the disputed border territory Nagorno-Karabakh, with Armenians setting fire to their homes as they ceded land to Azerbaijan under a fragile armistice. The disputed region has a majority ethnic Armenian population but is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan.
Armenia's military defeat sparked demands for the downfall of the government and has been an open wound and source of humiliation for the country. Biden's words will provide a boost to national pride, said Giragosian.
"Such a move by Washington is especially welcome and especially emotional," he added.
For Aram Hamparian, executive director of the Armenian National Committee of America, a U.S.-based political organization, Biden's "recognition is profoundly meaningful for our families," he said. Adding that all four of his grandparents were genocide survivors and credited America with saving many lives.
But he urged Biden to translate the "symbolism" of Saturday's statement into hard policy, including supporting Armenia's security, suspending aid programs to Azerbaijan and stopping arms deals with Turkey, despite any "temper tantrum" the country may throw as a result. | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 79 | https://www.nbclosangeles.com/news/national-international/the-nagorno-karabakh-conflict-why-armenia-and-azerbaijan-are-fighting-again/2439618/ | en | The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Why Armenia and Azerbaijan Are Fighting Again | [
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] | null | [] | 2020-10-06T09:21:37-07:00 | Deadly new fighting between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed Caucasus Mountains territory of Nagorno-Karabakh has deep roots and fallout beyond the... | en | NBC Los Angeles | https://www.lx.com/news/national-international/the-nagorno-karabakh-conflict-why-armenia-and-azerbaijan-are-fighting-again/5449229/ | The mountainous region of Nagorno-Karabakh, where deadly new fighting has erupted in recent days between Armenian and Azerbaijani military forces, has been in a tense limbo since a 1994 truce. The conflict reignited Sept. 27 and has killed scores of troops and civilians on both sides.
Iran, which borders both countries, said it was working on a peace plan in the decades-old conflict, but it also warned against any fighting spilling into its territory. Turkey, meanwhile, sent its top diplomat to the capital of Azerbaijan on Tuesday to show solidarity with that country. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu criticized calls for a truce and urged the international community to stand by Azerbaijan, saying that previous cease-fires had failed to end what he called Armenia’s occupation of the Azerbaijani territory.
The Associated Press explains what’s behind the long-unresolved conflict:
WHAT AND WHERE IS NAGORNO-KARABAKH?
Karabakh is a region within Azerbaijan that has been under the control of ethnic Armenian forces and the Armenian military since the 1994 end of a full-scale separatist war that killed about 30,000 people and displaced an estimated 1 million.
Nagorno-Karabakh proper has an area of about 4,400 square kilometers (1,700 square miles) — about the size of the U.S. state of Delaware — but Armenian forces occupy large swaths of adjacent territory.
HOW DID THE CONFLICT START?
Long-simmering tensions between Christian Armenians and mostly Muslim Azeris began boiling over as the Soviet Union frayed in its final years. Once the USSR collapsed in 1991 and the republics became independent nations, war broke out.
A 1994 cease-fire left Armenian and Azerbaijani forces facing each other across a demilitarized zone, where clashes were frequently reported.
WHAT’S HAPPENED SINCE?
International mediation efforts to determine the region’s final status have brought little visible progress.
The conflict has been an economic blow to the Caucasus region because it has hampered trade and prompted Turkey to close its border with landlocked Armenia.
Fighting periodically breaks out around Nagorno-Karabakh’s borders, often deadly, notably in 2016 and this July. Since new fighting erupted last month, dozens have been killed and wounded in apparent shelling by both sides. Each country blamed the other for sparking the clashes.
Armenia accused Azerbaijan of firing missiles into the capital of the separatist territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, while Azerbaijan said several of its towns and its second-largest city were attacked.
WHAT’S THE BROADER IMPACT?
In addition to causing local casualties and damage, the conflict in the small, hard-to-reach region is also of concern to major regional players.
Orthodox Christian Russia is Armenia’s main economic partner and has a military base there, while Turkey has offered support to Azerbaijanis, ethnic brethren to Turks and fellow Muslims. Iran neighbors both Armenia and Azerbaijan and is calling for calm.
Meanwhile, the United States, France and Russia are meant to be guarantors of the long-stalled peace process, under the auspices of the Vienna-based Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. In a joint statement, the three countries called for a ceasefire and urged Armenia and Azerbaijan to “commit without delay to resuming substantive negotiations, in good faith and without preconditions” under what is called the Minsk process.
In California, home to the nation's largest population of Armenian immigrants, expats have taken to the streets to call attention to the conflict and demand the U.S. government do more to intervene, NBC Los Angeles reports.
"We demand that our government in Washington engage immediately and aggressively to bring an end to this violence, and to hold the Azeri and Turkish governments fully accountable for these crimes,'' said Los Angeles City Councilman Paul Krekorian, who is of Armenian decent and said his children were "christened'' in that country.
WHY IS TURKEY SUPPORTING AZJERBAIJAN?
Turkey and Azerbaijan are bound by strong ethnic, cultural and historic ties and refer to their relationship as being one between “two states, one nation.” Turkey was the first country to recognize Azerbaijan’s independence in 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the two have forged robust economic ties. Turkey is the main conduit for Azerbaijan’s oil and gas exports, and the ex-Soviet republic has become a major investor in Turkey.
On the other hand, Turkey has no diplomatic relations with Armenia and sealed its border with the nation in 1993 to show solidarity with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. Relations between Armenia and Turkey already were tenuous due to the the mass killings and deporations of Armenians by Ottoman Turks a century ago, Scholars consider those events to be the first genocide of the 20th century, which Turkey denies.
In 2009, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan stepped back from reconciliation efforts with Armenia that had angered Azerbaijan. Erdogan made the establishment of formal ties with Armenia conditional on its withdrawal from Nagorno-Karabakh.
HOW IS TURKEY INVOLVED IN THE CONFLICT?
Turkey’s military has been training Azerbaijani officers for decades. In August, their armed forces conducted large-scale military exercises in Azerbaijan. Turkey is also Azerbaijan's third-largest supplier of military equipment after Russia and Israel. It is known to have sold drones and rocket launchers, according to Ozgur Unluhisarcikli, Ankara director of the German Marshall Fund. Turkey may have sent military drone operators to help Azerbaijan in the current fighting, he said.
Turkey has repeatedly said that it would come to Azerbaijan’s aid, if asked, but there is no evidence so far that Turkey is actively involved in the conflict. Ankara has asserted that Azerbaijan has the capacity to fight without Turkish support.
The Turkish government has denied sending Syrian mercenaries to help Azerbaijan in the battle even though the Britain-based opposition war monitor, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, reported that as many as 850 Syrian fighters have arrived in Azerbaijan.
Turkey has also dismissed as “propaganda” claims by Armenia that a Turkish F-16 fighter jet shot down an Armenian SU-25 jet.
Turkey’s military involvement in the conflict for now is “more rhetoric than substance,” Unluhisarcikli said.
WHAT IS RUSSIA'S POSITION?
Although Russia and Armenia do not share a border, Armenia is a close Russian ally of Russia in the Caucasus region between the Black and Caspian seas, including hosting a large Russian military base. The base, with a garrison of about 3,000 soldiers, is in Gyumri, about 200 kilometers (124 miles) west of Nagorno-Karabakh and less than 10 kilometers (6.2 miles) from the Turkish border.
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian has characterized the base as a key bulwark against a possible Turkish invasion.
Armenia and Russia are members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, a military alliance of some former Soviet republics, not including Azerbaijan, raising the possibility that Armenia could call for military help from the alliance. Pashinian this week said he does not see an immediate need for calling on Russian forces to take action. | |||||
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] | null | [] | null | en | https://static.newworldencyclopedia.org/favicon.ico | https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Armenia | Հայաստանի Հանրապետություն
Hayastani Hanrapetut’yun
Republic of Armenia
Flag Coat of arms
Anthem: Մեր Հայրենիք (Armenian)
Mer Hayrenik (transcription)
"Our Fatherland"
Capital Yerevan
40°11′N 44°31′E Largest city capital Official languages Armenian[1] Ethnic groups Armenian 98.1%,
Yezidi (Kurd) 1.1%,
other 0.7%
(2011 est.)[2] Government Unitary parliamentary republic - President Armen Sarkissian - Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan Formation and independence - Traditional date August 11th, 2492 B.C.E. - Nairi 1200 BCE - Kingdom of Ararat 840s B.C.E. - Orontid Dynasty 560 BCE - Kingdom of Armenia
formed
190 BCE - Democratic Republic of Armenia established
28 May 1918 - Independence
from the Soviet Union
Declared
Recognised
Finalized
23 August 1990
21 September 1991
25 December 1991 Area - Total 29,743 km² (143rd)
11,484 sq mi - Water (%) 4.71[2] Population - 2017 estimate 3,045,191[2] - Density 108/km²
280/sq mi GDP (PPP) 2017 estimate - Total $28,282 billion[3] - Per capita $9,456[3] GDP (nominal) 2017 estimate - Total $11,548 billion[3] - Per capita $3,861[3] HDI (2015) 0.743 ({{{HDI_category}}}) Currency Dram (դր.) (AMD) Time zone UTC (UTC+4) - Summer (DST) DST (UTC+5) Internet TLD .am Calling code +374
Armenia (Armenian language: "Hayastan"), officially the Republic of Armenia, is a landlocked, mountainous country located in the Southern Caucasus between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea.
During World War I in the western portion of Armenia, Ottoman Turkey instituted a policy of forced resettlement coupled with other harsh practices that resulted in an estimated one million Armenian deaths. Tens of thousands of ethnic Armenians died during Soviet Union leader Joseph Stalin's Great Purge.
Armenia has been populated since prehistoric times, and has been proposed as the site of the Biblical Garden of Eden. Armenia lies in the highlands surrounding the Biblical mountain of Ararat, upon which, in the Judeo-Christian tradition, Noah's Ark came to rest after the flood. (Gen. 8:4).
Armenia prides itself on being the first nation to adopt Christianity as its official religion. A former republic of the Soviet Union, today Armenia is constitutionally a secular state, but the Christian faith plays a major role.
Etymology
The original Armenian language name for the country was Hayq. The name later evolved into Hayastan a combination of Hayasa (Հայասա) or Hayk (Հայկ) with the Persian language suffix "-stan" (land) in the Middle Ages. Hayk was one of the great Armenian leaders after whom the The Land of Hayk was named.
Pre-Christian accounts suggest that “Nairi,” meaning "land of rivers," was once an ancient name for the country's mountainous region, first used by Assyrians around 1200 B.C.E.
The name Armenia came from Armenak or Aram, the great-grandson of Haik's great-grandson, another leader who is, according to Armenian tradition, the ancestor of all Armenians. Akkadian language inscriptions (2400 B.C.E.) mention Armani, locating them in the southern Armenian Highlands near Lake Van. Armani was the earlier form of Armens who were of Proto-Indo-European descent. To this day Assyrians (direct descendents of Akkadians) refer to Armenians as Armani.
Geography
Located between the Black and Caspian Seas, Armenia is bordered on the north and east by Georgia and Azerbaijan, and on the south and west by Iran and Turkey.
The Republic of Armenia, covering an area of 11,600 square miles (30,000 square kilometres) is located in the north-east of the Armenian Highland. The highland, covering 154,000 square miles (400,000km²), is considered to be the original homeland of Armenians. Armenia is slightly smaller than the state of Maryland in the United States.
Twenty-five million years ago, a geological upheaval pushed up the earth's crust to form the Armenian Plateau, creating the complex topography of modern Armenia. The lesser Caucasus range extends through northern Armenia, runs southeast between Lake Sevan and Azerbaijan, then passes roughly along the Armenian-Azerbaijani border to Iran. Thus situated, the mountains make travel from north to south difficult.
The terrain is mostly mountainous, with fast flowing rivers and few forests. The climate is highland continental, which means that the country is subjected to hot summers and cold winters. The land rises to 13,435 feet (4095 meters) above sea-level at Mount Aragats, and no point is below 1312 feet (400 meters) above sea level.
Mount Ararat, which was part of Armenia, is the highest mountain in the region. One of the national symbols of Armenia, it was given to Turkey by the Soviet Union in the Treaty of Kars in 1921.
The climate in Armenia is markedly continental. Summers are dry and sunny, lasting from June to mid-September. The temperature fluctuates between 72° Fahrenheit (22° Celsius) and 96.8°F (36°C). However, the low humidity level softens the effect of high temperatures. Evening breezes blowing down the mountains provide a welcome cooling effect. Springs are short, while falls are long. Autumns are known for their vibrant and colorful foliage. Winters are quite cold with plenty of snow, with temperatures ranging between 23°F (-5°C) and 14°F (-10°C). Winter sports enthusiasts enjoy skiing down the hills of Tsakhkadzor, located 30 minutes outside Yerevan.
Lake Sevan nestled up in the Armenian highlands, 45 miles (72.5km) across at its widest point and 233 miles (376km) long is the second largest lake in the world relative to its altitude, 6233 feet (1900 meters) above sea level.
The valleys of the Debet and Akstafa rivers form the chief routes into Armenia from the north as they pass through the mountains. Terrain is most rugged in the extreme southeast, which is drained by the Bargushat River, and most moderate in the Aras River valley to the extreme southwest. Most of Armenia is drained by the Aras, or its tributary the Razdan, which flows from Lake Sevan.
Armenia is located in what geographers call the Aral Caspian Lowland. The country has broad sandy deserts and low grassy plateaus. The region is home to European bison, snow leopards, cheetahs, and porcupines. Geological turmoil continues in the form of devastating earthquakes, which have plagued Armenia. In December 1988, the second largest city in the republic, Leninakan (now Gyumri), was heavily damaged by a massive quake that killed more than 25,000 people.
Environmental issues include: soil pollution from toxic chemicals such as DDT; deforestation, which was caused by citizens scavenging for firewood during an energy blockade in the conflict with Azerbaijan; pollution of Hrazdan (Razdan) and Aras Rivers; diminishing drinking water supplies, as a result of draining Lake Sevan for hydropower; and the unsafe restart of the Metsamor nuclear power plant.
Most of the population lives in the western and northwestern areas of the country, where the two major cities, Yerevan and Gyumri (which was called Aleksandropol' during the tsarist period), are located. Yerevan is Armenia's industrial, transportation, and cultural center.
History
Armenia has been populated since prehistoric times, and has been proposed as the site of the Biblical Garden of Eden. Armenia lies in the highlands surrounding the Biblical mountains of Ararat, upon which, in the Judeo-Christian tradition, Noah's Ark came to rest after the flood. (Gen. 8:4).
Archaeologists continue to uncover evidence that Armenia and the Armenian Highlands were among the earliest sites of human civilization. A tomb has been dated to 9000 B.C.E. From 6000 B.C.E. to 1000 B.C.E., spears, axes and trinkets of copper, bronze and iron were produced in Armenia and traded in neighboring lands where those metals were less abundant.
The territory of Armenia is also one of the candidates for the legendary Aratta, mentioned in Sumerian records. In the Bronze Age, several states flourished in the area of Greater Armenia, including the Hittite Empire (at the height of its power), and Mitanni (South-Western historic Armenia).
The existence of Armenia as a cultural entity begins with the Hayasa-Azzi (fifteenth to twelfth centuries B.C.E.), and the Armens. The legendary founder of Armenia was Hayk, a chieftain who united his kinsmen into a single nation. The legend says Hayk was a great-great-grandson of Noah (son of Togarmah, who was a son of Gomer, who was a son of Japheth, who was a son of Noah), and a forefather of all Armenian people.
In the Iron Age, the Indo-European Phrygians and Mushkis arrived in the Near East, and toppled the Mitanni Kingdom. Then, the Nairi people (twelfth to ninth centuries B.C.E.) and the Kingdom of Urartu (ninth to sixth centuries B.C.E.) successively established their sovereignty over the Armenian Highland. Yerevan, the modern capital of Armenia, was founded in 782 B.C.E. by the Urartian king Argishti I.
Around 600 B.C.E., the Kingdom of Armenia was established under the Orontid Dynasty, which existed under several local dynasties till 428 C.E. The kingdom reached its height between 95 - 66 B.C.E. under Tigranes the Great.
Religion in ancient Armenia was historically related to a set of beliefs which, in Persia, led to the emergence of Zoroastrianism. It particularly focused on the worship of Mihr (Avestan Mithra) and also included a pantheon of native Aryan gods, such as Aramazd, Vahagn, Anahit, and Astghik. Armenian Church tradition says that two of Jesus' twelve apostles, Thaddaeus and Bartholomew, preached Christianity in Armenia between 40-60 C.E. A number of Christian communities were established there since that time. In 301, Armenia became the first country to adopt Christianity as its official religion. Tiridates III (238-314 C.E.) was the first ruler to Christianize his people, his conversion ten years before the Roman Empire granted Christianity official toleration under Galerius, and 36 years before Constantine the Great was baptized.
After the fall of the Armenian kingdom in 428 C.E., most of Armenia was incorporated as a marzpanate within the Persian Sassanid Empire. Armenians rebelled in 451 C.E. Christian Armenians maintained their religious freedom, and Armenia gained autonomy and the right to be ruled by an Armenian marzpan, whereas other imperial territories were ruled exclusively by Persians. The Marzpanate of Armenia lasted until the 630s, when Sassanid Persia was destroyed by the Arab Caliphate.
Medieval Armenia
Armenia emerged from the Marzpanate period as an autonomous principality within the Arabic Empire, ruled by the Prince of Armenia, who was recognized by the Caliph and the Byzantine Emperor. It was part of the administrative division Arminiyya created by the Arabs, which included parts of Georgia and Caucasian Albania, and had its center in the Armenian city Dvin. The Principality of Armenia lasted till 884, when it regained independence from the weakened Arabic Empire.
The re-emergent Armenian kingdom was ruled by the Bagratuni dynasty, and lasted till 1045. Several areas separated as independent kingdoms and principalities. In 1045, the Byzantine Empire conquered Bagratid Armenia, and soon controlled the other Armenian states.
In 1071 Seljuk Turks defeated the Byzantines and conquered Armenia at the Battle of Manzikert, establishing the Seljuk Empire. To escape death or servitude, Gagik II, King of Ani, an Armenian named Ruben I, with some of his countrymen went into the Taurus Mountains, and then into Tarsus of Cilicia. The Byzantine governor gave them shelter. The Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia was eventually established.
As the Seljuk Empire collapsed, in the early 1100s, Armenian princes of the Zakarid noble family established a semi-independent Armenian principality in Northern and Eastern Armenia, known as Zakarid Armenia. The Orbelian Dynasty shared control of various parts of the country.
Foreign rule
During the 1230s, the Mongol Ilkhanate conquered the Zakaryan Principality, as well as the rest of Armenia. Other Central Asian tribes invaded, from the 1200s until the 1400s, weakening Armenia. During the 1500s, the Ottoman Empire and Safavid Persia divided Armenia. The Russian Empire later incorporated Eastern Armenia (consisting of the Erivan and Karabakh khanates within Persia) in 1813 and 1828.
Under Ottoman rule, the Armenians were granted considerable autonomy within their own enclaves, but as Christians under a strict Muslim social system, they faced pervasive discrimination. When they pushed for more rights, Sultan ‘Abdu’l-Hamid II organized massacres, between 1894 and 1896, resulting in an estimated death toll of 80,000 to 300,000 people. The "Hamidian massacres," as they came to be known, gave Hamid an international reputation as the "Bloody Sultan."
Mount Ararat fell into the hands of the Russian Empire after the last Russo-Persian War (1826-1828). The Democratic Republic of Armenia briefly gained control of the mountain, which was ceded to Turkey as part of the Treaty of Kars in 1921.
World War I and the Armenian Genocide
Young Turks overthrew the government of Sultan Hamid, bringing hope to Armenians living in the empire. However, during World War I and the Ottoman assault on Russia, the new government began to distrust the Armenians, because Armenian volunteers fought with the Russian army. Between 1915 and 1917, a large proportion of Armenians living in Anatolia perished in what is known as the Armenian Genocide. Armenians and Western historians regard this as state-sponsored mass killings, while Turkish authorities say the deaths were the result of a civil war coupled with disease and famine. Death toll estimates range from 650,000 to 1.5 million. These events are commemorated yearly on April 24, the Armenian Martyr Day.
The Russian army gained most of Ottoman Armenia during World War I, but lost in 1917 when the Bolshevik Revolution caused the army to withdraw. Eastern Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan united in the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic, until May 28, 1918, when that republic dissolved and eastern Armenia became independent as the Democratic Republic of Armenia, which lasted until December 4, 1920.
The Treaty of Sèvres, signed on August 10, 1920, promised to maintain the existence of the democratic republic and to attach the former territories of Ottoman Armenia to it. But the Turkish National Movement rejected the treaty, and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk used the treaty as the occasion to declare itself the rightful government of Turkey, replacing the monarchy based in Istanbul with a republic based in Ankara.
Soviet Armenia
A violent conflict, known as the Turkish-Armenian War, broke out in late 1920. The Treaty of Alexandropol, signed on December 2, forced Armenia to disarm, to cede more than 50 percent of its pre-war territory, and to give up territories granted by the Sèvres treaty. Meanwhile, the Soviet Eleventh Army had invaded Armenia at Karavansarai (present-day Ijevan) on November 29. By December 4, Soviet forces entered Yerevan, Bolshevist Russia annexed Armenia, and in 1922 was incorporated into the Soviet Union as part of the Transcaucasian SFSR along with Georgia and Azerbaijan. The 1921 Treaty of Kars, between Turkey and the Soviet Union, superseded the Treaty of Alexandropol. In it, Turkey allowed the Soviet Union to assume control over Ajara with the port city of Batumi in return for sovereignty over the cities of Kars, Ardahan, and Iğdır, all of which were part of Russian Armenia.
The TSFR existed from 1922 to 1936, when it was divided up into the Armenian SSR, Azerbaijan SSR, and the Georgian SSR. Soviet rule brought relative stability. Armenians received medicine, food, and other provisions from Moscow. The church struggled under Soviet rule. After the death of Vladimir Lenin, when Joseph Stalin took power, tens of thousands of Armenians were either executed or deported during Stalin's Great Purge.
Stalin died in 1953. Under Nikita Khruschev, life in Soviet Armenia improved. The church was revived when Catholicos Vazgen I assumed the duties of his office in 1955. In 1967, a memorial to the victims of the Armenian Genocide was built at the Tsitsernakaberd hill above the Hrazdan gorge in Yerevan after mass demonstrations took place the tragic event's 50th anniversary in 1965.
During Mikhail Gorbachev’s leadership in the 1980s, Armenians began to demand better environmental care for their country, opposing the pollution that Soviet-built factories brought. Tensions developed between the Armenian and Azerbaijani republics over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh. Armenia suffered the devastating 1988 Spitak earthquake. Gorbachev's inability to solve Armenia's problems (especially Karabakh) led many Armenians to become disillusioned, creating a hunger for independence.
Independence
In 1991, the Soviet Union broke apart and Armenia re-established its independence. The initial post-Soviet years were marred by the continued confrontation with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. A Russian-brokered cease-fire was put in place in 1994. Since then, Armenia and her neighbor have held peace talks, mediated by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. The status over Karabakh has yet to be determined and the economies of both countries have been hurt in the absence of a complete resolution.
Politics
As a former republic of the Soviet Union, Armenia is a unitary, multi-party, democratic nation-state. The politics of Armenia take place in a framework of a presidential representative democratic republic.
According to the Constitution of Armenia, the president, who is elected by popular vote for a five-year term, and is eligible for a second term, is the chief of state. The prime minister, who is appointed by the president and confirmed with the majority support of the National Assembly, is the head of government. The cabinet comprises a Council of Ministers appointed by the prime minister. The prime minister and Council of Ministers must resign if the National Assembly refuses to accept their program.
The unicameral parliament, called the Azgayin Zhoghov or National Assembly, comprises 131 members elected by popular vote to serve four-year terms. Ninety members are elected by party list, and 41 by direct vote. Universal suffrage begins above the age of 18.
Justice is administered by tribunal courts, review courts, and the Court of Appeal. There are military courts and a Constitutional Court comprising nine members, five appointed by the National Assembly and four by the president. The judiciary is nominally independent. The president is head of the Council of Justice and appoints its 14 members. In 1999, the Court of Appeal replaced the Supreme Court in criminal-military and civil-economic matters.
The Armenian government's stated aim is to build a Western-style parliamentary democracy. However, international observers have questioned the fairness of Armenia's parliamentary and presidential elections and constitutional referendum since 1995, citing polling deficiencies, lack of cooperation by the electoral commission, and poor maintenance of electoral lists and polling places.
The Armenian army, air force, air defense, and border guard comprise the four branches of the armed forces. The Armenian military was formed after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and with the establishment of the Ministry of Defense in 1992. The President of Armenia is Commander-in-Chief of the military. The Ministry of Defense is in charge of political leadership, while military command remains in the hands of the general staff, headed by the chief of staff.
Active forces number about 60,000 soldiers, with an additional reserve of 32,000, and a "reserve of the reserve" of 350,000 troops. Armenian guards are in charge of borders with Georgia and Azerbaijan, while Russian troops monitor its borders with Iran and Turkey. In the case of an eventual attack, Armenia is prepared to mobilize every able-bodied man between the age of 15 and 59, with military preparedness.
Armenia is divided into 10 regions known as marzes, with the city of Yerevan having special administrative status as the country's capital. The chief executive in each marze is the marzpet (marz governor), appointed by the government of Armenia. In Yerevan, the chief executive is the mayor, appointed by the president. The regions are: Aragatsotn, 1; Ararat, 2; Armavir, 3; Gegharkunik, 4; Kotayk, 5; Lori, 6; Shirak, 7; Syunik, 8; Tavush, 9; Vayots Dzor, 10; and Yerevan, 11.
Armenia is a member of the United Nations, the Council of Europe, Asian Development Bank, the Commonwealth of Independent States, the World Trade Organization and the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation. It is a Partnership for Peace (PfP) member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and in a military alliance of CSTO. It is also an observer member of the Eurasian Economic Community, La Francophonie, and the Non-Aligned Movement.
Economy
Before independence, Armenia's economy was largely industry-based – chemicals, electronics, machinery, processed food, synthetic rubber, and textiles – and highly dependent on outside resources. Agriculture contributed only 20 percent of net material product and 10 percent of employment before the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991. The republic had developed a modern industrial sector, supplying machine tools, textiles, and other manufactured goods to sister republics in exchange for raw materials and energy.
Armenian mines produce copper, zinc, gold, and lead. The vast majority of energy is produced with fuel imported from Russia, including gas and nuclear fuel (for its one nuclear power plant); the main domestic energy source is hydroelectric. Small amounts of coal, gas, and petroleum have not yet been developed.
Like other newly-independent states of the former Soviet Union, Armenia's economy suffers from the legacy of a centrally planned economy and the breakdown of former Soviet trading patterns. Soviet investment in and support of Armenian industry has virtually disappeared, so that few major enterprises are still able to function.
The effects of the 1988 Spitak Earthquake, which killed more than 25,000 people and made 500,000 homeless, are still being felt. The conflict with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh has not been resolved. The closure of Azerbaijani and Turkish borders has hindered the economy, because Armenia depends on outside supplies of energy and most raw materials. Land routes through Georgia and Iran are inadequate or unreliable.
Gross domestic product fell nearly 60 percent from 1989 until 1992–1993. The national currency, the dram, suffered hyperinflation for the first years after its introduction in 1993.
Nevertheless, the government was able to make wide-ranging economic reforms that paid off in dramatically lower inflation and steady growth. The 1994 cease-fire in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has helped the economy. Armenia has had strong economic growth since 1995, building on the turnaround that began the previous year, and inflation has been negligible for the past several years. New sectors, such as precious stone processing and jewelry making, information and communication technology, and even tourism are beginning to supplement more traditional sectors in the economy, such as agriculture.
Loans to Armenia, which since 1993 exceed $1.1-billion, are targeted at reducing the budget deficit, stabilizing the currency; developing private businesses; energy; the agriculture, food processing, transportation, and health and education sectors; and ongoing rehabilitation in the earthquake zone. One of the main sources of foreign direct investments remains the Armenian diaspora, which finances major parts of the reconstruction of infrastructure and other public projects.
A liberal foreign investment law was approved in June 1994, and a Law on Privatization was adopted in 1997, as well as a program on state property privatization. Unemployment remained at around 30 percent. In 2007 due to the influx of thousands of refugees from the Karabakh conflict.
According to the 2006 Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), Armenia ranked 93rd of 163 countries, a slight increase since it was first ranked in 2003, at 80th. In the 2007 Index of Economic Freedom, Armenia ranked 32nd, ahead of countries like Portugal and Italy.
Exports totaled $1.056-billion in 2006. Export commodities were diamonds, mineral products, foodstuffs, and energy. Export partners were Germany 15.6 percent, Netherlands 13.7 percent, Belgium 12.8 percent, Russia 12.2 percent, Israel 11.5 percent, the United States 11.2 percent, Georgia 4.8 percent, and others 18.2 percent.
Imports totaled $1.684-billion in 2006. Import commodities were natural gas, petroleum, tobacco products, foodstuffs, and diamonds. Import partners were Russia 13.5 percent, Belgium 8 percent, Germany 7.9 percent, Ukraine 7 percent, Turkmenistan 6.3 percent, U.S. 6.2 percent, Israel 5.8 percent, Iran 5 percent, Romania 4.2 percent, others 36.1 percent.
Per capita GDP was $4270 in 2005, or ranked 115 on a list of 181 countries.
Demographics
Armenia's nearly-homogeneous population is close to 3 million—the third most densely populated of the former Soviet republics. There has been increased emigration after the break-up of the USSR, and a moderate influx of Armenians returning.
Armenia has a relatively large diaspora – eight million by some estimates, greatly exceeding the 3.2 million population of Armenia itself. The largest diaspora communities are in Russia, France, Iran, the United States, Georgia, Syria, Lebanon, Argentina, and Ukraine. From 40,000 to 70,000 still live in Turkey mostly in and around Istanbul.
Western medicine is practiced, and under the Soviet system, health care was state-run and universal. A number of private clinics operate, some under the sponsorship of diaspora voluntary associations, such as the Armenian General Benevolent Union and the Armenian Relief Society. Life expectancy at birth for the total population in 2006 was 71.84 years, 68.25 years for males, 76.02 years for females.
Ethnicity
Ethnic Armenians make up the vast majority of the population, with a small number of Yazidis (Kurds). Other minorities include Russians,Assyrians, Ukrainians, Greeks, Poles, Caucasus Germans, Udis, and Tats. Most Azerbaijanis who lived in Armenia left the country for Azerbaijan at the beginning of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. During the same period, a large number of Armenians fled from Azerbaijan to Armenia.
Religion
Christianity is the predominant religion. The roots of the Armenian Apostolic Church go back to the first century. According to tradition, two of Jesus' 12 apostles—Thaddaeus and Bartholomew—who preached Christianity in Armenia between 40-60 C.E. started the Armenian Church. Because of these two founding apostles, the official name is the Armenian Apostolic Church. Armenia was the first nation to adopt Christianity as a state religion, in 301.
Over 93 percent of Armenian Christians belong to the Armenian Apostolic Church, a form of Oriental Orthodoxy, which is a very ritualistic, conservative church, roughly comparable to the Coptic and Syriac churches. Armenia also has a population of Catholics (both Roman and Mekhitarist - Armenian Uniate (180,000)), evangelical Protestants, and followers of the Armenian traditional religion.
The Yazidi Kurds, who live in the western part of the country, practice Yazidism. The Armenian Catholic Church is headquartered in Bzoummar, Lebanon. The non-Yazidi Kurds practice Sunni Islam.
The Jewish community in Armenia has diminished from 5000 to 750 persons since independence due to Armenia's economic difficulties, with most emigrants leaving for Israel. Two synagogues operate, one in the capital, Yerevan, and in the city of Sevan. Intermarriage with Christian Armenians is frequent.
Language
The Armenian language, an Indo-European language, is the official language. The Armenian language has been spoken since at least 800 B.C.E. The alphabet was written in 405 C.E. by the monk Mesrob Mashtots and comprises 38 letters. Western Armenian, based on a version of nineteenth century Armenian, is spoken in Istanbul and is used in the diaspora, and Eastern Armenian, based on the Armenian spoken in Yerevan, is used in the ex-Soviet countries and Iran. There is also "Grabar" Armenian, the original written language, which is still used in the liturgy of the church. When Armenia was under Russian and Soviet rule, Russian was the second official language. Ninety six percent of the population speak Armenian, while 75.8 percent additionally speaks Russian although English is becoming increasingly popular.
Men and women
Women do the household chores, and the grandmother or mother-in-law is the household manager. Women and men both work outside the home, and have equal access to all jobs. Many women work, although more work in lower paid jobs. In 1991, during the first elections in the newly independent republic, women candidates won in nine constituencies out of 240. No parliamentary committees include female members.
Marriage and the family
Some marriages are arranged. The elaborate wedding process begins when the man and woman are "promised." The man's parents, grandparents, and often uncles and aunts, visit the woman's house seeking permission from the woman's father for the relationship to prosper. Once the father grants permission, the man gives the woman a "promise ring." To celebrate, the woman's family opens a bottle of Armenian cognac.
Most families have a substantial engagement party, organized and paid for by the girl's family. At the party, a priest prays for the soon-to-be husband and wife. They slide wedding bands on each other's right hands. The ring is moved to the left hand once a formal marriage ceremony is conducted by the Armenian church, usually one year later. The man and his family pay for the wedding, which is organized by the bride and groom to be.
Housing shortages in Soviet Armenia, meant the new couple resided with the groom's family, although the preference is that they form a new household. The most common domestic unit before and during Soviet rule consisted of a multi-generational family including paternal grandparents, their married offspring, and unmarried aunts and uncles. In 2007, the married couple and their children constituted the domestic unit. Armenians are known for having large and close family bonds. Regarding inheritance, men and women are treated equally.
Mothers are the main providers of infant care, and are responsible for child-rearing. Under Soviet rule, free day care was available, but many preferred to leave their infants with grandmothers. A Soviet pattern in which women were guaranteed employment after a long, paid maternity leave has continued. Children are the center of attention until puberty, when they are disciplined and are expected to take on responsibilities.
Education
Education, which is valued, is compulsory and free at primary and secondary level. Reflecting Soviet influence, the system places importance on science and technology, although by the mid-1990s more emphasis was placed on Armenian culture and history. In 2000, 155,423 pupils attended primary schools, and 389,131 pupils attended secondary schools, while 75,474 students were enrolled in higher education.
A private higher education system was introduced in 1992. By mid-1997, 75 of the 90 higher education institutions were private. The American University of Armenia has graduate programs in Business and Law, among others, and forms a new focal point for English-language intellectual life in the city.
Ninety percent of health-care students were women, and in arts and education women constitute 78 percent. Men accounted for 55.3 percent of economics courses, 59 percent of agriculture, and 40 percent for industry, transportation, and communications.
In 2001–2002 education spending amounted to 3.1 per cent of gross national product. The Armenian education system achieves a high literacy rate. In 2003, 98.6 percent of the entire population over the age of 15 could read and write.
Class
From the eleventh to fourteenth centuries, there were aristocratic noble houses with court responsibilities. Later, a middle class emerged. Most Armenians were peasants until the beginning of the twentieth century. The Soviet era brought a so-called classless society, although higher government positions brought political power and wealth. Since then a new elite has emerged, following the pattern under Soviet rule. Refugees form an underclass.
Culture
Armenian cuisine is closely related to eastern and Mediterranean cuisine. Staple foods are bread and salt. An Armenian saying of friendship is: "we have bread and salt among us." Dignitaries are welcomed with a presentation of bread and salt. The preparation of a large number of meat, fish and vegetable dishes in the Armenian kitchen requires stuffing, frothing and pureeing. Harissa a traditional meal, consists of wheat grain and lamb cooked over low heat. Meats and vegetables are barbecued. Breakfasts on non-working days are major get-togethers. Khash, cattle legs boiled in huge pots and served with spices and garlic, is consumed with Armenian brandy. Armenia is famous for its wine and brandy, which is renowned worldwide. The pomegranate is the national fruit.
Armenian hospitality is legendary and stems from ancient tradition. Social gatherings center on sumptuous presentations of course after course of elaborately prepared and well-seasoned food. Hosts will replenish a guest's plate or glass. After several replenishments, it is acceptable to refuse politely or just leave a little uneaten food. Cognac, vodka, and red wine is served during meals and gatherings. It is rare to enter an Armenian household and not be offered coffee, pastry, food, or water.
Architecture
Armenia’s long history as a crossroads of the ancient world has resulted in a landscape with innumerable fascinating archaeological sites. Medieval, Iron Age, Bronze Age and even Stone Age sites are all within a few hours drive of the city.
Contemporary Armenian architecture has followed a tradition of simplicity, reliance on local materials, and use of volcanic tufa for facings. During the Soviet era, prefabricated panels were used in apartment buildings, many of which collapsed during the 1988 earthquake.
Art
The National Art Gallery in Yerevan has more than 16,000 works that date back to the Middle Ages, illustrating Armenia's rich tales, as well as paintings by many European masters. The Modern Art Museum, the Children’s Picture Gallery, and the Martiros Saryan Museum are only a few of the other noteworthy collections of fine art on display in Yerevan.
Dance
In Armenia there are rock paintings of scenes of country dancing from the fifth to the third millennia B.C.E. In the fifth century Moses of Khorene had heard of how the old descendants of Aram (Armenians) recorded traditions in the ballads for the lyre and their songs and dances. Traditional dancing is popular among expatriate Armenians, and has been `exported' to folk dance groups all over the world.
Cinema
Soviet Armenia (1924) was the first Armenian documentary film. Namus was the first Armenian silent black-and-white film (1926, directed by Amo Bek-Nazaryan and based on a play of Alexander Shirvanzade describing the ill fate of two lovers, who were engaged by their families to each other since childhood, but because of violations of namus (a tradition of honor), the girl was married by her father to another.
Lacemaking
Like Lacis, or Filet lace, Armenian needlelace seems to be a descendant of netmaking. Where lacis adds decorative stitches to a net ground, Armenian needlelace involves making the net itself decorative. There is some archaeological evidence suggesting the use of lace in prehistoric Armenia and the prevalence of pre-Christian symbolism in traditional designs would certainly suggest a pre-Christian root for this art form. Unlike Europe, where lace was the preserve of the nobility, Armenian lace decorated everything from traditional headscarves to lingerie. Thus lacemaking was part of many women's lives.
Literature
The Armenians once had a temple literature of their own, which was destroyed in the fourth and fifth centuries by the Christian clergy, so thoroughly that barely 20 lines of it survive in the history of Moses of Khorene. Literature began in Armenia around 400 C.E. Most literary arts were created by Moses of Khorene, in the fifth century. Stories and myths changed as they were passed on through generations. During the nineteenth century, writer Mikael Nalbandian worked to create a new Armenian literary identity. Nalbandian's poem "Song of the Italian Girl" may have been the inspiration for the Armenian national anthem, Mer Hayrenik. Notable writers during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries include Siamanto, Hagop Baronian, Vahan Tekeyan, Levon Shant, Krikor Zohrab, Rupen Zartarian, Avetis Aharonian, Garegin Njdeh, Atrpet, Gostan Zarian and Nigol Aghpalian.
Music
The world-class Armenian Philharmonic Orchestra performs at the beautifully refurbished Yerevan Opera House, where one can attend a full season of opera. There are several highly regarded chamber ensembles, including the National Chamber Orchestra of Armenia and the Serenade Orchestra. Classical music can be heard at the Yerevan Komitas State Conservatory and the Chamber Orchestra Hall. Jazz is popular, especially in the summer when live performances are a regular occurrence at one of the city’s many outdoor cafés and parks. Members of the nu-metal band called "System of a Down" are all of Armenian descent, although only bassist Shavo Odadjian is from the country.
Sports
Armenian princes and nobles contested the ancient Olympics. In the twenty first century, many types of sports are played in Armenia, including football (soccer), chess, boxing, basketball, hockey and volleyball. Armenia's mountainous terrain gives the opportunity for skiing and climbing. Water sports can be practiced on Lake Sevan. Competitively, Armenia has been successful in weightlifting and wrestling. Armenia belongs to the Union of European Football (soccer) Associations and International Ice Hockey Federation. It hosts the Pan-Armenian games.
Notes
References
ISBN links support NWE through referral fees
Agatʻangeghos, and Robert W. Thomson. History of the Armenians. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1976. ISBN 0873953231
Bauer-Manndorff, Elisabeth, and Jacob Schmidheiny. Armenia, past and present. Lucerne: Reich Verlag, 1981.
Cox, Caroline, John Eibner, and Elena Bonnėr. Ethnic cleansing in progress: war in Nagorno Karabakh. Zürich: Institute for Religious Minorities in the Islamic World, 1993. ISBN 3952034525
Bournoutian, George A. A concise history of the Armenian people: (from ancient times to the present). Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, 2003. ISBN 1568591411
Lang, David Marshall. Armenia, cradle of civilization. London: Allen & Unwin, 1978. ISBN 0049560085
Movsisyan, A. E. The sacred highlands: Armenia in the spiritual geography of the ancient Near East. Yerevan: Yerevan University Publishers, 2004. ISBN 5808405866
Russell, James R. Zoroastrianism in Armenia. Boston, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987. ISBN 978-0674968509
Russell, James R. Armenia and Iran: iii. Armenian religion Encyclopedia Iranica. Retrieved July 2, 2018.
Thierry, Jean Michel, Patrick Donabédian, and Nicole Thierry. Armenian art. New York: H. N. Abrams in association with Prelacy of the Armenian Apostolic Church of America-Catholicosate of Cilicia, 1989. ISBN 0810906252
Utudjian, Edouard. Armenian architecture, 4th to 17th century. Paris: Editions A. Morancé, 1968. OCLC 464421
Walker, Christopher J. Armenia, the survival of a nation. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press, 1980. OCLC 6280619
All links retrieved August 15, 2023. | ||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 58 | https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54522278 | en | Karabakh war leaves civilians shell-shocked and bitter | [
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"BBC News"
] | 2020-10-13T23:05:47+00:00 | As heavy fighting continues in the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, the BBC reports from both sides. | en | /bbcx/apple-touch-icon.png | https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-54522278 | A ceasefire agreed by Armenia and Azerbaijan last weekend appears to be unravelling over the disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh.
Armenia's prime minister has spoken of troops retreating in the face of heavy fighting. Meanwhile, Azerbaijan says it has destroyed missile sites inside Armenia itself, and its president has said military operations are continuing.
Nagorno-Karabakh is internationally recognised as part of Azerbaijan, but the enclave is controlled by ethnic Armenians.
BBC correspondents Orla Guerin and Steve Rosenberg report from both sides.
The tree-lined main street of Ganja, Azerbaijan's second-largest city, was bathed in morning sunlight and carpeted in glass. Just behind it a cluster of apartment blocks had been ripped open like tin cans.
Ganja lies 100km (62 miles) from the frontlines of Nagorno-Karabakh, but on Sunday - the first full day of a shaky ceasefire - that wasn't far enough.
Azerbaijan accused Armenia of firing a ballistic missile at a residential part of Ganja. Armenia accused Baku of shelling civilians.
We found 60-year-old Nushabe Haiderova in her headscarf and slippers, with a cardigan over her night clothes. Her arms were slack with shock. "This is how I ran out, with only what I was wearing," she said. "We barely escaped. It was horrible."
We picked our way through the debris in her damaged home, to the bedroom where her grandchildren had been sleeping. Their injuries were minor. But now a new generation - on both sides - is being scarred by this decades-old conflict. At times it feels like a mirror image.
"Armenians should leave peacefully," she said. "We don't want war. We just want to free our own motherland."
People here view Nagorno-Karabakh as a missing piece of their territory. That is both an article of faith and a well-rehearsed national narrative, which has the backing of the international community.
At 22 years old, Ihtiyar Rasulov has never set foot in the disputed mountain region. But the clean-shaven young man, with a boy-band look, says he's ready to die to get it back. When we met in Azerbaijan's capital, Baku, he had just signed up to fight.
"I am ready to fight for my nation and my motherland with my soul and my blood," he said earnestly. "My father, my mother and my grandfather lived in those areas. My brother is fighting right now."
Ihtiyar lives in a rundown housing complex teeming with families who fled Nagorno-Karabakh, and surrounding areas, during the war in the early 1990s. He has been raised on the folk memory of lost land, atrocities and historic enmity with Armenia. It has been bred in the bone. That goes for many here.
"Karabakh is Azerbaijan," he said. "Armenians came there and they did a lot of bad things to our nation. Of course, I haven't witnessed it, but I have heard about it."
He also said he agreed with whatever Azerbaijan's President, Ilham Aliyev, had to say. In this tightly controlled country - where the presidency was passed from father to son - you hear that a lot.
One of Ihtiyar's neighbours rushed to show me his veteran's identity card. Asef Haqverdiyev, balding and animated, fought in the war for Nagorno-Karabakh last time around.
"I am 51 now," he said, "and I am ready to die for my country.
"I have sent my own son to the war, and he is fighting at the border. Even if my family dies, even if everyone dies, we are not willing to give one inch of our land."
We got a similar message from a grandmother in the frontline city of Terter. Despite rounds of shelling back and forth, Aybeniz Djaffarava refused to leave, though she did move underground. We found her in a makeshift shelter with several relatives, including her six-month old grandson Fariz, cradled in her arms.
"We have been waiting for this for 28 years," she told me, smiling in the half light.
"We are very excited about what's happening. My son and daughter are fighting on the frontline. We are staying in the shelter to wait for victory day and move to our land."
Few here expect the Russian-brokered ceasefire to last. Many don't want it to. Their troops have already recovered some areas alongside Nagorno-Karabakh. They have been primed for a victory on the battlefield and want their president to stick to his guns.
In the hills overlooking Stepanakert, Ashot Agajanyan invites me into his house. Or what's left of it.
The living room is strewn with broken glass and bits of ceiling that have fallen down. Shrapnel has shredded his brand-new sofa. The kitchen and bathroom have been blown apart.
Ashot's house was struck by a long-range missile, fired he believes from Azerbaijan. We find fragments in the garden. He says the attack happened after the official ceasefire had come into effect. Fortunately, Ashot and his son were in their cellar at the time. That saved them. But the house Ashot built with his own hands has been ripped apart.
I ask Ashot if he thinks Armenians and Azerbaijanis can ever live in peace. He shakes his head. "Never."
Air raid sirens echo across Stepanakert several times a day, prompting residents to rush for cover. Sergei Avanisyan was in his local shelter - in the basement of his apartment block - when he heard a deafening explosion.
"The whole building shook," Sergei recalls. When he emerged, he saw a giant crater metres from his house. The building opposite had been reduced to rubble. The blast was so powerful, it had sent pieces of the road flying into the air.
One giant chunk of asphalt landed on the roof of Sergei's block of flats. He accuses Azerbaijan's closest ally, Turkey, of fuelling the war and encouraging the violence. To counter that, many in Nagorno-Karabakh want Russia to side openly with Armenia and provide military support. Sergei doesn't believe that will happen.
"I used to respect [President Vladimir] Putin," he says, "but he betrayed us long ago.
"He does business with Turkey. He's building them a nuclear power station. What Putin needs to realise is that if we're destroyed, the whole of the Caucasus and southern Russia will end up under Turkish rule. If we die, so will Russia."
To the ethnic Armenians who form the majority in Nagorno-Karabakh - or "Artsakh" as Armenians call it - this land has been their home for generations.
But Karabakh has a spiritual and emotional significance for Armenians further afield. In a Stepanakert cafe I meet Ara Shanlian. Ara lives in Los Angeles, but he is of Armenian descent. When he heard Nagorno-Karabakh was under attack, he rushed here to show solidarity.
"I had to come," Ara tells me. "Whatever I can do, whatever I can give to my land, and my people, that's what I want to do."
From the people I've talked to here, it's clear that emotions are running high. It feels there is little appetite for compromise.
"After so many aggressions against Artsakh, Azerbaijan has abandoned any moral right to claim that it belongs to Azerbaijan," Robert Avetisyan tells me. Nagorno-Karabakh appointed him its permanent representative in the US. But I meet Robert in Stepanakert.
"But the residential block that was hit in Ganja wasn't a military target."
"I don't know," Robert responds. "I'm just saying. We have never intentionally targeted objects of non-military importance." | |||||
6007 | dbpedia | 0 | 41 | https://worldwidescience.org/topicpages/v/vine%2Bpaederia%2Bfoetida.html | en | vine paederia foetida: Topics by WorldWideScience.org | [
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] | null | [] | null | en | null | A new species, of Aceria neopaederiae (Acari: Eriophyidae), infesting Paederia foetida L. (Rubiaceae) in Thailand, Hong Kong and Singapore
Science.gov (United States)
Aceria paederiae (Nalepa) infesting leaves of Paederia foetida L. (Family Rubiaceae) in Thailand, Hong Kong and Singapore is reported for the first time. The mite induces small, round galls on both leaf surfaces. The complete descriptions of both males and females, including line drawings and SEM ...
Studies on the Asian sawflies of Formosempria Takeuchi (Hymenoptera, Tenthredinidae, with notes on the suitability of F. varipes Takeuchi as a biological control agent for skunk vine, Paederia foetida L. (Rubiaceae in Florida
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
David Smith
2014-09-01
Full Text Available Formosempria Takeuchi, 1929, is distributed in southeastern Asia from Taiwan and China to Vietnam, Myanmar, and possibly northern India. Three species are included: F. crassicornis Wei & Nie, 2002, F. shanensis Malaise, 1961, and F. varipes Takeuchi, 1929 (= F. annamensis Malaise, 1961, syn. n.; = F. metallica Wei, 2003, syn. n.. Formosempria varipes was reared from larvae feeding on Paederia foetida L. (Rubiaceae in Hong Kong and was a potential biological agent for the invasive P. foetida in Florida. Larval feeding tests indicate more than one species of Paederia are suitable hosts for F. varipes and further study for use as a biological control agent in Florida is unwarranted. Descriptions and illustration of the species are given, and life history notes on F. varipes are presented.
Paederia foetida Linn. promoted biogenic gold and silver nanoparticles: Synthesis, characterization, photocatalytic and in vitro efficacy against clinically isolated pathogens.
Science.gov (United States)
Bhuyan, Bishal; Paul, Arijita; Paul, Bappi; Dhar, Siddhartha Sankar; Dutta, Pranab
2017-08-01
Development of newer improved therapeutic agents with efficient antimicrobial activities continues to draw attention of researchers till date. Moreover, abatement of polluting dyes released from industry with enhanced efficiency is currently being considered as challenging task for people working on material sciences. In the present study, we report a facile biogenic synthesis of gold and silver nanoparticles (NPs) in which aqueous extracts of Paederia foetida Linn. was used as reducing as well as stabilizing agent. The biosynthesized Au and Ag NPs were characterized by UV-visible spectroscopy (UV-vis), Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR), powder X-ray diffraction analysis (XRD) and transmission electron microscopy (TEM). The photocatalytic activity of these nanoparticles were tested against Rhodamine B (RhB). The antimicrobial activity of these biosynthesized NPs were investigated against four human pathogens viz. B. cereus, E. coli, S. aureus and A. niger. Biogenic silver nanoparticles presented a strong antimicrobial activity against B. cereus (26.13) followed by E. coli (26.02), S. aureus (25.43) and A. niger (22.69). Ag NPs owing to their small size (5-25nm) could have easily penetrate into the cell membrane, disturb the metabolism, cause irretrievable damage finally leading to the microbial cell death. Interestingly biogenic gold nanoparticles didn't show any antimicrobial activity. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
Growth promotion and protection against Orobanche foetida of ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
Fetid broomrape (Orobanche foetida Poir.) is a chlorophyll lacking holoparasite that subsists on the roots of plants and causes significant damage to the culture of leguminous plants particularly chickpea (Cicer aerietinum L.). The investigation was done about potential of Rhizobium strains for biological control of O. foetida ...
earthworm Eisenia foetida (Oligochaeta)
African Journals Online (AJOL)
Influence of temperature on the reproduction of the earthworm Eisenia foetida ... feeding supplements for poultry, fish and other livestock ... of earthworm reproduction. ..... invertebrate populations in artificial soil made of sewage sludge and.
VINE ROUTES IN BULGARIA
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Lyuben Hristov
2015-03-01
Full Text Available The article deals with a scheme for the modern vine route in Bulgaria. Five basic vine routes and one international, between Bulgaria, Macedonia and Greece are defined. All routes consider characteristic varieties of grapes and kinds of vine products. Vine tourist products combined with visits of important natural and anthropological object are in the bases of the defined routes. The described routes are an important contribution to development of alternative tourist products in the country.
Osmoregulation and nutritional relationships between Orobanche foetida and faba bean
Science.gov (United States)
Kharrat, Mohamed; Delavault, Philippe; Chaïbi, Wided; Simier, Philippe
2009-01-01
The present study aims at comparing the phloem composition of the tolerant XBJ90.03-16-1-1-1 and the susceptible Bachaar genotypes and the impact of the faba bean genotype on the levels of the major solutes and invertase activities in the parasite Orobanche foetida. In comparison to Bachaar, the XBJ90.03-161-1-1 genotype limited the growth of orobanche tubercles under in vitro conditions. The limited growth was due to low soluble invertase activity, low osmotic potential of the infected roots and the organic nitrogen deficiency of the host phloem sap. The faba bean genotype did not affect the osmoregulation process of O. foetida. Among the organic solutes, stachyose, hexoses, starch and free amino acids, mainly asparagine and aspartate were highly accumulated in orobanche. However, asparagine/aspartate, glutamine/glutamate, alanine, serine, gamma amino butyric acid, stachyose, sucrose were identified as the main organic components in the host phloem exudates. The key role of the enzymes α-galactosidase, asparagine synthetase and aspartate oxaloglutarate aminotransferase in the utilization of the host solutes is proposed in O. foetida parasitizing faba bean. PMID:19794856
Acute and subchronic toxicity assessment model of Ferula assa-foetida gum in rodents
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Ayman Goudah
2015-05-01
Full Text Available Aim: The present study was performed to investigate acute and subchronic oral toxicity of Ferula assa-foetida gum (28 days in Sprague Dawley rats. Materials and Methods: Acute oral administration of F. assa-foetida was done as a single bolus dose up to 5 g/kg in mice and subchronic toxicity study for 28 days was done by oral administration at doses of 0 (control and 250 mg/kg in Sprague Dawley rats. Results: The obtained data revealed that oral administration of F. assa-foetida extract in rats for 28 successive days had no significant changes on body weight, body weight gain, the hematological parameters in rats all over the period of the experiment, and there are no significant increases in the activity of aspartate aminotransferase, alanine aminotransferase, alkaline phosphatase, creatinine and urea. Liver of treated rats showed mild changes as thrombosis and sinusoidal leukocytosis. It also showed portal infiltration with inflammatory cells, while kidney of treated rat showed an atrophy of glomerular tuft, thickening of parietal layer of Bowman capsule, and focal tubular necrosis. It also showed dilatation and congestion of renal blood vessels. Conclusion: We concluded that F. assa-foetida gum had broad safety and little toxicity for short term use in dose of 250 mg/kg.
Acute and subchronic toxicity assessment model of Ferula assa-foetida gum in rodents.
Science.gov (United States)
Goudah, Ayman; Abdo-El-Sooud, Khaled; Yousef, Manal A
2015-05-01
The present study was performed to investigate acute and subchronic oral toxicity of Ferula assa-foetida gum (28 days) in Sprague Dawley rats. Acute oral administration of F. assa-foetida was done as a single bolus dose up to 5 g/kg in mice and subchronic toxicity study for 28 days was done by oral administration at doses of 0 (control) and 250 mg/kg in Sprague Dawley rats. The obtained data revealed that oral administration of F. assa-foetida extract in rats for 28 successive days had no significant changes on body weight, body weight gain, the hematological parameters in rats all over the period of the experiment, and there are no significant increases in the activity of aspartate aminotransferase, alanine aminotransferase, alkaline phosphatase, creatinine and urea. Liver of treated rats showed mild changes as thrombosis and sinusoidal leukocytosis. It also showed portal infiltration with inflammatory cells, while kidney of treated rat showed an atrophy of glomerular tuft, thickening of parietal layer of Bowman capsule, and focal tubular necrosis. It also showed dilatation and congestion of renal blood vessels. We concluded that F. assa-foetida gum had broad safety and little toxicity for short term use in dose of 250 mg/kg.
Effects of Ferula assa-foetida extract on spermatogenesis of rats
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2017-11-01
Full Text Available Background and objectives: Ferula assa-foetida is an herbaceous perennial plant which belongs to Apiaceae family. It is native to the east and central parts of Iran. This old traditional medicine has been used as antispasmodic, carminative, expectorant, laxative, sedative, stimulant, emmenagogue and vermifuge. In addition to the several therapeutic effects of the plant, it is known as an aphrodisiac herb traditionally; therefore, the present study has evaluated the effect of hydro-alcoholic extract of F. assa-foetida on spermatogenesis of rats. Methods: The seeds of the plant (500 g were identified and extracted by aqueous ethanol 80% using maceration methods (3Ã48 h.Adult male rats (6 weeks were orally treated with 50 mg/kg body weight of extract for 6 weeks. The extract was dispersed in distilled water. Control group received distilled water for the same duration. Some fertility parameters including sperm count, morphology and mobility of sperms with serum levels of testosterone, estrogen, luteinizing hormone (LH and follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH were evaluated using immunoassay methods. Results: Sperm parameters and levels of testosterone and LH were significantly improved in the treated group compared to the control group. Conclusion: The results revealed that extract of F. assa-foetida significantly (p
Mapping of quantitative trait loci controlling Orobanche foetida Poir ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
Mapping of quantitative trait loci controlling Orobanche foetida Poir. resistance in faba bean (Vicia faba L.) R DÃaz-Ruiz, A Torres, MV Gutierrez, D Rubiales, JI Cubero, M Kharrat, Z Satovic, B Román ...
Quantitative determination of vitexin in Passiflora foetida Linn. leaves using HPTLC
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Aussavashai Shuayprom
2016-03-01
Conclusions: The method was evaluated for sensitivity, accuracy, precision and reproducibility. Each analysis by HPTLC is less expensive than current methods. This method is suitable for routine quality control of raw material of the leaves of P. foetida extract and its products.
Chemical modifications of Sterculia foetida L. oil to branched ester derivatives
NARCIS (Netherlands)
Manurung, Robert; Daniel, Louis; van de Bovenkamp, Hendrik H.; Buntara, Teddy; Maemunah, Siti; Kraai, Gerard; Makertihartha, I. G. B. N.; Broekhuis, Antonius A.; Heeres, Hero J.
An experimental study to modify Sterculia foetida L. oil (STO) or the corresponding methyl esters (STO FAME) to branched ester derivatives is reported. The transformations involve conversion of the cyclopropene rings in the fatty acid chains of STO through various catalytic as well as stoichiometric
BiologÃa floral de Passiflora foetida (Passifloraceae
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MarÃa T. Amela GarcÃa
1998-06-01
Full Text Available Un experimento reproductivo muestra que Passiflora foetida es autocompatible. Observaciones de las caracterÃsticas florales y de los visitantes durante la antesis, más el análisis del polen transportado, permitieron identificar el sÃndrome floral (melitofilia y las funciones de cada visitante. La antesis ocurre desde las 6 hasta las 11 hs. Se identificaron 3 fases florales: 1 estigmas por encima de las anteras, 2 estigmas a la altura de las anteras, 3 estigmas por encima de las anteras; los radii, los pétalos y los sépalos se incurvan. Los estigmas están receptivos durante toda la antesis. La concentración de azúcares del néctar es 34 %. El color predominante en el espectro visible es el blanco. En el espectro UV, los estambres y el gineceo contrastan con el limen y el androginóforo; pueden ser una guÃa de néctar. Tres especies de himenópteros fueron los visitantes más frecuentes y constantes: Ptiloglossa tarsata (Colletidae siempre contactan las anteras y los estigmas cuando liban, transportan un alto porcentaje de polen de P. foetida y visitan flores en fase 1 y 2; pueden ser considerados los principales polinizadores. Pseudaugochloropsis sp. (Halictidae raramente contactan las anteras o los estigmas cuando perforan el limen para acceder al néctar y visitan flores en fase 2 y 3; son ladrones de néctar que raramente polinizan. Augochlorella sp. (Halictidae recolectan polen sin tocar los estigmas y visitan flores en fase 2 y 3; son hurtadores de polen.A reproductive experiment shows that Passiflora foetida is autocompatible. Observations of floral characteristics and visitors during anthesis, plus the analysis of pollen allowed identification of floral syndrome (melittophily and functions for each visitor. Anthesis occurs from 6 to 11 AM. Three floral phases were identified: 1 stigmas above anthers, 2 stigmas at anther level, 3 stigmas above anthers; radii, petals and sepals become incurved. The stigmas are receptive during the
Application of Vine Copulas to Credit Portfolio Risk Modeling
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Marco Geidosch
2016-06-01
Full Text Available In this paper, we demonstrate the superiority of vine copulas over conventional copulas when modeling the dependence structure of a credit portfolio. We show statistical and economic implications of replacing conventional copulas by vine copulas for a subportfolio of the Euro Stoxx 50 and the S&P 500 companies, respectively. Our study includes D-vines and R-vines where the bivariate building blocks are chosen from the Gaussian, the t and the Clayton family. Our findings are (i the conventional Gauss copula is deficient in modeling the dependence structure of a credit portfolio and economic capital is seriously underestimated; (ii D-vine structures offer a better statistical fit to the data than classical copulas, but underestimate economic capital compared to R-vines; (iii when mixing different copula families in an R-vine structure, the best statistical fit to the data can be achieved which corresponds to the most reliable estimate for economic capital.
The Relaxant Effect of Seed's Essential Oil and Oleo-Gum-Resin of Ferula Assa-Foetida on Isolated Rat's Ileum.
Science.gov (United States)
Bagheri, Sm; Hejazian, Sh; Dashti-R, Mh
2014-03-01
In Iranian folk medicine, several plants are used for treatment of gastrointestinal disorders, such as diarrhea and spasm. One of these herbal medications are the essential oil yielded from seeds of Ferula assa-foetida L. and an oleo-gum-resin known as asafetida, which is exudated from its root. F. assa-foetida grows wildly in south and central mountains of Iran. In this study, relaxant effect of asafoetida and seed's essential oil of F. assa-foetida was investigated in isolated rat's ileum in three doses. A total of 5 cm of ileum was removed and sets for recording its isotonic contractions. The amplitude of contractions induced by different doses of asafoetida and essential oil before and after exposing the specimens with cumulative logarithmic concentrations of acetylcholine (Ach) was evaluated. The relaxant effect of asafoetida and seed's essential oil of F. assa-foetida was investigated in isolated rat's ileum in three doses (0.1 0.2 and 0.3%). All statistical analysis was by GraphPad Prism 5 (San Diego, California) and comparisons were made by means of the analysis of variances followed by Tukey's test. The statistical significance was considered as P essential oil has significant antispasmodic action against cumulative concentrations of 10(-12) up to 10(-2) M Ach. In spasmolytic evaluation, our findings showed that the essential oil derived from F. assa-foetida seed in concentrations of 0.2% and 0.3% significantly reduced Ach (10(-4) M) induced contractions. Exposure to the 0.2% and 0.3% asafoetida, reduced the percentage of maximum contraction induced by 10(-4) M Ach to 43% and 12% respectively, which this reduction was statistically significant. The results of the present study, supports the traditional claim of asafoetida as an antispasmodic therapeutic.
Reproducción de Eisenia foetida en suelos agrÃcolas de áreas mineras contaminadas por cobre y arsénico Reproduction of Eisenia foetida in agricultural soils from mining areas contaminated with copper and arsenic
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Gonzalo Ãvila
2007-03-01
Full Text Available El objetivo del trabajo fue evaluar la toxicidad del cobre y arsénico en suelos agrÃcolas, mediante bioensayos estandarizados de toxicidad aguda y crónica sobre Eisenia foetida y relacionar la respuesta de ésta con las concentraciones de cobre y arsénico en los suelos. Los suelos agrÃcolas fueram muestreados en las inmediaciones de áreas mineras en la cuenca del rÃo Aconcagua, Chile. E. foetida expuesta a los suelos estudiados mostró una baja mortalidad, indicando la ausencia de toxicidad aguda. Además, se observó una disminución en la producción de capullos y desarrollo de juveniles, indicando la existencia de toxicidad crónica. Dicha disminución fue relacionada con las concentraciones de cobre y arsénico en los suelos. El cobre y arsénico en conjunto disminuyeron la producción de capullos, mientras que sólo el arsénico disminuyó el desarrollo de juveniles. Suelos agrÃcolas provenientes de áreas mineras de la cuenca poseen potenciales caracterÃsticas tóxicas para el desarrollo de la macrofauna edáfica.The objective of this work was to evaluate copper and arsenic toxicity in agricultural soils, by means of standardized bioassays of chronic and acute toxicity on Eisenia foetida, and to relate E. foetida response to copper and arsenic concentrations in soils. The agricultural soils were sampled in the proximity of copper mining industries, in the Aconcagua river basin, Chile. E. foetida exposed to the studied soils exhibited a low mortality, indicating the absence of acute toxicity. Besides, a decrease in the cocoon production and juvenile development was observed, indicating the existence of chronic toxicity. Reduction in the cocoon production and juvenile development was related to soil concentrations of copper and arsenic. Both copper and arsenic reduced the cocoon production, while only arsenic diminished the juvenile development. Agricultural soils from mining areas of the basin have potentially toxic characteristics
Modeling stochastic frontier based on vine copulas
Science.gov (United States)
Constantino, Michel; Candido, Osvaldo; Tabak, Benjamin M.; da Costa, Reginaldo Brito
2017-11-01
This article models a production function and analyzes the technical efficiency of listed companies in the United States, Germany and England between 2005 and 2012 based on the vine copula approach. Traditional estimates of the stochastic frontier assume that data is multivariate normally distributed and there is no source of asymmetry. The proposed method based on vine copulas allow us to explore different types of asymmetry and multivariate distribution. Using data on product, capital and labor, we measure the relative efficiency of the vine production function and estimate the coefficient used in the stochastic frontier literature for comparison purposes. This production vine copula predicts the value added by firms with given capital and labor in a probabilistic way. It thereby stands in sharp contrast to the production function, where the output of firms is completely deterministic. The results show that, on average, S&P500 companies are more efficient than companies listed in England and Germany, which presented similar average efficiency coefficients. For comparative purposes, the traditional stochastic frontier was estimated and the results showed discrepancies between the coefficients obtained by the application of the two methods, traditional and frontier-vine, opening new paths of non-linear research.
The dynamics of faba bean (Vicia faba L. parasitism by Orobanche foetida
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Zouhaier ABBES
2010-09-01
Full Text Available Normal 0 14 false false false MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 The dynamics of Orobanche foetida parasitizing faba bean are examined using Petri dish experiments. Rates of broomrape seed germination and seedling attachment to the host roots were quantified on three resistant genotypes (the Egyptian line Giza 429, the Spanish cultivar Baraca, and the Tunisian cultivar Najeh [XBJ90.03-16-1-1-1] and the susceptible cv. Bachaar. The percentage of O. foetida seed germination (11 to 38% was lower near the roots of resistant host plants than it was near the roots of âBachaarâ (67%. O. foetida parasitism was followed using three parametric logistic functions. In this way some major parameters of the infection process were quantified: the maximal number (Nmax and the maximal rate (Rmax of broomrape attachments to the host roots, the median time required for attachment (T50, the maximal percentage of established tubercles reaching the final growth stage at 70 days after inoculation (DAI (%max, and the maximal rate of established tubercle growth (Râmax. Broomrape attachment was lower and slower in resistant plants, as indicated by low Nmax and Rmax values combined with high T50 values. Furthermore the precocity of the resistant genotypes was correlated with low attachment. The parameters %max and Râmax did not discriminate the susceptible cultivar Bachaar from Giza 429 or Baraca. On the other hand, the %max and the Râmax were lower in the âNajehâ plants. The findings indicated that both low attachment and limited growth of established tubercles contributed to resistance in the Najeh cultivar.
Thunder God Vine
Science.gov (United States)
... T U V W X Y Z Thunder God Vine Share: On This Page Background How Much ... This fact sheet provides basic information about thunder god vineâcommon names, usefulness and safety, and resources ...
VineSens: An Eco-Smart Decision-Support Viticulture System
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Josman P. Pérez-Expósito
2017-02-01
Full Text Available This article presents VineSens, a hardware and software platform for supporting the decision-making of the vine grower. VineSens is based on a wireless sensor network system composed by autonomous and self-powered nodes that are deployed throughout a vineyard. Such nodes include sensors that allow us to obtain detailed knowledge on different viticulture processes. Thanks to the use of epidemiological models, VineSens is able to propose a custom control plan to prevent diseases like one of the most feared by vine growers: downy mildew. VineSens generates alerts that warn farmers about the measures that have to be taken and stores the historical weather data collected from different spots of the vineyard. Such data can then be accessed through a user-friendly web-based interface that can be accessed through the Internet by using desktop or mobile devices. VineSens was deployed at the beginning in 2016 in a vineyard in the Ribeira Sacra area (Galicia, Spain and, since then, its hardware and software have been tested to prevent the development of downy mildew, showing during its first season that the system can led to substantial savings, to decrease the amount of phytosanitary products applied, and, as a consequence, to obtain a more ecologically sustainable and healthy wine.
VineSens: An Eco-Smart Decision-Support Viticulture System.
Science.gov (United States)
Pérez-Expósito, Josman P; Fernández-Caramés, Tiago M; Fraga-Lamas, Paula; Castedo, Luis
2017-02-25
This article presents VineSens, a hardware and software platform for supporting the decision-making of the vine grower. VineSens is based on a wireless sensor network system composed by autonomous and self-powered nodes that are deployed throughout a vineyard. Such nodes include sensors that allow us to obtain detailed knowledge on different viticulture processes. Thanks to the use of epidemiological models, VineSens is able to propose a custom control plan to prevent diseases like one of the most feared by vine growers: downy mildew. VineSens generates alerts that warn farmers about the measures that have to be taken and stores the historical weather data collected from different spots of the vineyard. Such data can then be accessed through a user-friendly web-based interface that can be accessed through the Internet by using desktop or mobile devices. VineSens was deployed at the beginning in 2016 in a vineyard in the Ribeira Sacra area (Galicia, Spain) and, since then, its hardware and software have been tested to prevent the development of downy mildew, showing during its first season that the system can led to substantial savings, to decrease the amount of phytosanitary products applied, and, as a consequence, to obtain a more ecologically sustainable and healthy wine.
Evaluación de la toxicidad de cobre en suelos a través de biomarcadores de estrés oxidativo en eisenia foetida Assessment of copper toxicity in soils using biomarkers of oxidative stress in eisenia foetida
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Hernán Gaete
2010-01-01
Full Text Available Copper toxicity in soil was evaluated using biomarkers of oxidative stress (catalase enzyme activity, superoxide dismutase and lipid peroxidation in the earthworm Eisenia foetida. Agricultural topsoils from mining areas of the Aconcagua river basin were collected. Total copper concentrations were in the range of 94-959 mg kg-1, while the exchangeable copper concentrations were in the range of 46-2225 µg kg-1. Earthworms exposed to soil with exchangeable copper concentrations above 32 µg kg-1 showed an increase in catalase activity. Parameters of antioxidant activity were more sensitive than the weight change and thus can be used as appropriate biomarkers in Eisenia foetida.
Population survey of phytoseiid mites and spider mites on peach leaves and wild plants in Japanese peach orchard.
Science.gov (United States)
Wari, David; Yamashita, Jun; Kataoka, Yoko; Kohara, Yoko; Hinomoto, Norihide; Kishimoto, Hidenari; Toyoshima, Shingo; Sonoda, Shoji
2014-07-01
A population survey of phytoseiid mites and spider mites was conducted on peach leaves and wild plants in Japanese peach orchards having different pesticide practices. The phytoseiid mite species composition on peach leaves and wild plants, as estimated using quantitative sequencing, changed during the survey period. Moreover, it varied among study sites. The phytoseiid mite species compositions were similar between peach leaves and some wild plants, such as Veronica persica, Paederia foetida, Persicaria longiseta, and Oxalis corniculata with larger quantities of phytoseiid mites, especially after mid-summer. A PCR-based method to detect the ribosomal ITS sequences of Tetranychus kanzawai and Panonychus mori from phytoseiid mites was developed. Results showed that Euseius sojaensis (specialized pollen feeder/generalist predator) uses both spider mites as prey in the field.
Performance of faba bean genotypes with Orobanche foetida Poir. and Orobanche crenata Forsk. infestation in Tunisia
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Imen Trabelsi
2015-03-01
Full Text Available Orobanche foetida Poir. and O. crenata Forsk. are major constraints to faba bean (Vicia faba L. cultivation in Tunisia. To evalúate the different levels of resistance of seven small-seeded faba bean genotypes to these parasitic weed species, three trials were conducted in fields infested and non-infested with O. foetida in the Oued Beja Agricultural Experimental Unit and O. crenata in an experimental field at Ariana of the National Institute of Agricultural Research during three cropping seasons. Compared to the susceptible cv. Bad'i, the seven genotypes showed moderate to high levels of resistance to both Orobanche species. The number and dry weight of emerged broomrapes and underground tubercles recorded on the new improved genotypes were lower than those recorded on released and resistant 'Najeh' and 'Baraca'. The parasitism index on the new genotypes varied from 2-6 times less than susceptible 'Bad'i' in both Oued-Beja and Ariana. Yield reduction due to O.foetida infection varied from 13.5% on genotype XAR-VF00.13-89-2-1-1-1-1 to 59.7% on 'Baraca', whereas the yield loss was about 92% on the susceptible control. Parasitic infection did not affect dry grain protein accumulation in the tested genotypes.
Acute and chronic toxicity testing of TPH-contaminated soils with the earthworm, Eisenia foetida
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Stewart, A.J.; Wicker, L.F.; Nazerias, M.S.
1995-01-01
Responses of Eisenia foetida to petroleum-contaminated soils are being assessed using a 21-day test described previously. The authors prepared dilutions of two soils, referred to as A and B, using their reference-soil counterparts, collected from near the contaminated sites. The total petroleum hydrocarbon (TPH) content of each soil was measured by latroscan before the dilutions were prepared. References for the A and B soils contained 167 and 1,869 ppm of TPH, respectively. Thus, neither reference soil was pristine. Dilutions of the A soil tested with E. foetida contained from 179 to 305 ppm TPH; dilutions of the B soil contained from 1,875 to 1,950 ppm TPH. E foetida survival was 100% in both dilution series. Mean growth of Eisenia in dilutions of the A soil ranged from 48 to 74 mg dry-weight growth per pair of worms; these values were lower than those in any dilution of the B soil series. Lipid levels of worms in higher concentrations of the A and B soils were similar to one another and to published values, suggesting little inhibition of feeding in either dilution series. Earthworm reproduction was zero in the A series, but moderately high in the B series. Thus, the A soil apparently contained materials other than TPH that inhibited earthworm growth and reproduction. This study shows that (1) TPH at concentrations as high as 1,800 ppm may not always be inhibitor to earthworm growth or reproduction and (2) that earthworm survival, as a test endpoint, is much less sensitive than either growth or reproduction
Biochemical analysis of induced resistance in chickpea against broomrape (Orobanche foetida by rhizobia inoculation
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Yassine MABROUK
2016-05-01
Full Text Available This study examined the capacity of Rhizobium sp. strain PchAZM to reduce parasitism of chickpea by Orobanche foetida under greenhouse conditions, and assessed the relative impact of rhizobia on the expression of chickpea defense response against broomrape. Growth chamber experiments using Petri dishes revealed that rhizobia infection on chickpea roots reduced broomrape seed germination, and restricted the broomrape attachment to host roots while retarding tubercle formation and development by the parasite. In pot experiments, chickpea roots inoculated with rhizobia reduced the total number of broomrape by up to 90%. Broomrape necrosis was observed both before and after parasite attachment to inoculated chickpea roots in Petri dishes and pot experiments. Reduction in infection was accompanied by enhanced levels of the defence-related enzymes phenylalanine ammonia lyase (PAL and peroxidase (POX. Increased levels of phenolics were recorded in the roots of rhizobia-inoculated plants grown in the presence of broomrape. The results suggest that rhizobia could be used for protection of chickpea against O. foetida.
Quality comparison of hydroponic tomatoes (Lycopersicon esculentum) ripened on and off vine
Science.gov (United States)
Arias, R.; Lee, T. C.; Specca, D.; Janes, H.
2000-01-01
There is a general belief that the quality of tomatoes ripened on vine is better than tomatoes ripened off the vine, influencing among other parameters, the price of this commodity. We compared the quality of hydroponic tomatoes ripened on and off vine by chemical, physical, and sensory evaluation to find what attributes are affected and to what extent. Lycopene, beta-carotene, total and soluble solids, moisture content, ascorbic acid, acidity, pH, texture, and color were analyzed. Tomatoes ripened on vine had significantly more lycopene, beta-carotene, soluble and total solids, higher a* and lower L*, and were firmer. However, a 100-judge panel rated only the color and overall liking of the vine-ripened tomatoes as more intense than the fruit ripened off vine. Therefore, the chemical and physical differences were mostly not large enough to influence the panelist's perception. The characterization of tomatoes ripened on and off vine may help to guide post-harvest handling and treatment and to improve the quality of tomatoes ripened off vine.
Effect of benzyl amino purine and indole-3-acetic acid on propagation of Sterculia foetida in vitro
Science.gov (United States)
Yuniastuti, E.; Widodo, C. E.; Samanhudi; Delfianti, M. N. I.
2018-03-01
Sterculia foetida is an oval seed plants that can be used as biofuel, which is one of the environmental friendly fuels. This plant is quite hard to find because not many peoples cultivate the plants. An in vitro propagation is one way to preserve the plant. This research aimed to determine optimum concentration of benzyl amino purine (BAP) and indole-3-acetic acid (IAA) to propagate S. foetida in vitro. The results showed that woody plant medium (WPM) added by 4 mg L BAP-1 and 0.5 mg L IAA-1 was able to produce complete plantlet, whereas those added by 4 mg L BAP-1 and 1 mg L IAA-1 generated the best growth of shoot and leaves.
Reproducción de Eisenia foetida en suelos agrÃcolas de áreas mineras contaminadas por cobre y arsênico.
OpenAIRE
ÃVILA, G.; GAETE, H.; MORALES, M.; NEAMAN, A.
2008-01-01
El objetivo del trabajo fue evaluar la toxicidad del cobre y arsénico en suelos agrÃcolas, mediante bioensayos estandarizados de toxicidad aguda y crónica sobre Eisenia foetida y relacionar la respuesta de ésta con las concentraciones de cobre y arsénico en los suelos. Los suelos agrÃcolas fueram muestreados en las inmediaciones de áreas mineras en la cuenca del rÃo Aconcagua, Chile. E. foetida expuesta a los suelos estudiados mostró una baja mortalidad, indicando la ausencia de toxicidad agu...
Polyphenols, including the new Peapolyphenols A-C, from pea root exudates stimulate Orobanche foetida seed germination.
Science.gov (United States)
Evidente, Antonio; Cimmino, Alessio; Fernández-Aparicio, Monica; Andolfi, Anna; Rubiales, Diego; Motta, Andrea
2010-03-10
Three new polyphenols, named peapolyphenols A-C, together with an already well-known polyphenol and a chalcone (1-(2,4-dihydroxyphenyl)-3-hydroxy-3-(4-hydroxyphenyl)-1-propanone and 1-(2,4-dihydroxyphenyl)-3-(4-methoxyphenyl)propenone) were isolated from pea root exudates. They were found to strongly stimulate Orobanche and Phelipanche species seed germination. Interestingly, only peapolyphenol A, 1,3,3-substituted propanone, and 1,3-disubstituted propenone had specific stimulatory activity on O. foetida, excluding any other Orobanche or Phelipanche species tested. This species specificity is relevant, as O. foetida does not respond to the synthetic strigolactone analogue GR24, commonly used as a standard for germination assays. As characterized by spectroscopic methods, peapolyphenols A-C proved to be differently functionalized polyphenols with hydroxy and methoxy groups on both the aromatic rings and the propyl chain.
Forecasting VaR and ES of stock index portfolio: A Vine copula method
Science.gov (United States)
Zhang, Bangzheng; Wei, Yu; Yu, Jiang; Lai, Xiaodong; Peng, Zhenfeng
2014-12-01
Risk measurement has both theoretical and practical significance in risk management. Using daily sample of 10 international stock indices, firstly this paper models the internal structures among different stock markets with C-Vine, D-Vine and R-Vine copula models. Secondly, the Value-at-Risk (VaR) and Expected Shortfall (ES) of the international stock markets portfolio are forecasted using Monte Carlo method based on the estimated dependence of different Vine copulas. Finally, the accuracy of VaR and ES measurements obtained from different statistical models are evaluated by UC, IND, CC and Posterior analysis. The empirical results show that the VaR forecasts at the quantile levels of 0.9, 0.95, 0.975 and 0.99 with three kinds of Vine copula models are sufficiently accurate. Several traditional methods, such as historical simulation, mean-variance and DCC-GARCH models, fail to pass the CC backtesting. The Vine copula methods can accurately forecast the ES of the portfolio on the base of VaR measurement, and D-Vine copula model is superior to other Vine copulas.
Toxicity of azodrin on the morphology and acetylcholinesterase activity of the earthworm Eisenia foetida
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Rao, J.V.; Kavitha, P.
2004-01-01
The acute toxicity of azodrin (monocrotophos, an organophosphorus insecticide) was determined on a soil organism, Eisenia foetida. The median lethal concentrations (LC 50 ) were derived from a 48-h paper contact test and from artificial soil tests. The LC 50 of azodrin in the paper contact test was 0.46±0.1 μg cm -2 (23±6 mg L -1 ) and those in the 7- and 14-day artificial soil tests were 171±21 and 132±20 mg kg -1 , respectively. The neurotoxic potentiality of azodrin was assessed by using a marker enzyme, acetylcholinesterase (AChE; EC 3.1.1.7) in both in vitro and in vivo experiments. The progressive signs of morphological destruction are correlated with percentage inhibition of AChE in the in vivo experiments. The kinetics of AChE activity in the presence and absence of azodrin indicated that the toxicant is competitive in nature. This study demonstrated that azodrin causes concentration-dependent changes in the morphology and AChE activity of the earthworm E. foetida
Sampling methods for titica vine (Heteropsis spp.) inventory in a tropical forest
Science.gov (United States)
Carine Klauberg; Edson Vidal; Carlos Alberto Silva; Michelliny de M. Bentes; Andrew Thomas. Hudak
2016-01-01
Titica vine provides useful raw fiber material. Using sampling schemes that reduce sampling error can provide direction for sustainable forest management of this vine. Sampling systematically with rectangular plots (10ÃÂ 25 m) promoted lower error and greater accuracy in the inventory of titica vines in tropical rainforest.
FERTILIZATION OF VINE BY A 5-AMINOLEVULINIC ACID-BASED FERTILIZER AND ITS PROFITABILITY
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VLADIMR IMANSK
2013-03-01
Full Text Available In this work we investigated the effect of different doses of NPKS fertilizer added into the soil for nutrient contents in the soil, as well as the quantity and quality of grapes. During the vegetation of the vine, we tested the 5-aminolevulinic acid-based fertilizer (ALA. We summarize that higher doses of fertilizer added into soil caused higher amounts of available nutrients. During the vegetation of the vine an increase of ALA had a positive effect on the optimal balance of nutrients. Fertilization also increased the grape-vine yield, with the strongest effect (by 68% observed due to the application of ALA during the vegetation period of the vine. Added fertilizers had a statistically significant influence on decreased sugar concentration in the grape-vine however the addition of fertilizer into the soil, mainly the application of ALA during vegetation of the vine (by 57% had a positive effect on increase of the total content of sugar in the grape-vine, produced on 1 hectare. The year had a significant influence on the economical evaluation.
Chemical Composition of Ballota macedonica Vandas and Ballota nigra L. ssp. foetida (Vis.) Hayek Essential Oils - The Chemotaxonomic Approach.
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ÄorÄeviÄ, Aleksandra S; JovanoviÄ, Olga P; ZlatkoviÄ, Bojan K; StojanoviÄ, Gordana S
2016-06-01
The essential oils isolated from fresh aerial parts of Ballota macedonica (two populations) and Ballota nigra ssp. foetida were analyzed by GC and GC/MS. Eighty five components were identified in total; 60 components in B. macedonica oil (population from the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia), 34 components in B. macedonica oil (population from the Republic of Serbia), and 33 components in the oil of B. nigra ssp. foetida accounting for 93.9%, 98.4%, and 95.8% of the total oils, respectively. The most abundant components in B. macedonica oils were carotol (13.7 - 52.1%), germacrene D (8.6 - 24.6%), and (E)-caryophyllene (6.5 - 16.5%), while B. nigra ssp. foetida oil was dominated by (E)-phytol (56.9%), germacrene D (10.0%), and (E)-caryophyllene (4.7%). Multivariate statistical analyses (agglomerative hierarchical cluster analysis and principal component analysis) were used to compare and discuss relationships among Ballota species examined so far based on their volatile profiles. The chemical compositions of B. macedonica essential oils are reported for the first time. © 2016 Verlag Helvetica Chimica Acta AG, Zürich.
Vine snake (Thelotornis capensis bite in a dog : clinical communication
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J. Otto
2003-06-01
Full Text Available A vine snake bite in a dog is reported. There was continued minor bleeding from the assumed nose bite site for 4 days. Currently manufactured snakebite antivenom is not effective against vine snake bites and treatment is supportive.
ARBOLITCONCRETE ON SILICATESODIUM COMPOSITE BINDER AND SCRAPS OF VINE
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Z. A. Manturov
2016-01-01
Full Text Available Aim.The results of experimental studies produce siliÑatеsodium composite binder of calcareous stone sawing waste, anhydrous sodium silicate, and based on them wood concrete using as an organic filler vine cuttings for the production of heat-insulating, heat-insulating, structural and structural wall material.Methods.The main technological operations of the developed arbalitconcrete are given : preparation of a composite binder; production of organic filler from the vine; preparation of arbolit concrete mass; formation of arbolit concrete mass; low-temperature treatment (drying.Results. It is found that the composite binder derived from waste stone sawing and anhydrous sodium silicate at their joint fine grinding (Ssp = 3000 cm2 / g, acquires binding properties and with the appropriate seal and heat treatment hardens and gains strength characteristics sufficient for making arbolitconcrete using crushed vine.Conclusion. It was determined that arbolitobeton obtained on the basis of the crushed vine and silikatnatrievogo composite binder strength exceeds arbolitobetona from other types of binders and organic fillers of vegetable origin.
Survey of mycoflora and ochratoxin A in dried vine fruits from Argentina markets.
Science.gov (United States)
Magnoli, C; Astoreca, A; Ponsone, L; Combina, M; Palacio, G; Rosa, C A R; Dalcero, A M
2004-01-01
The aims of this work were to identify the mycoflora and to evaluate the natural occurrence of OA in dried vine fruits. Likewise, the capacity to produce OA by Aspergillus section Nigri was studied. Fifty samples of dried vine fruits were obtained from Mendoza and San Juan provinces. The surface disinfection method was used for mycoflora determination using the medium dichloran 18% glycerol agar (DG18) and dichloran Rose Bengal chloramphenicol agar (DRBC). Statistical analysis demonstrated that the species A. niger var. niger and Aspergillus niger var. awamori were isolated in higher frequency from black dried vine fruits from DRBC and DG18 media (P < 0.01). OA was found in 74% of the dried vine fruits samples. Sixty-two strains (28%) of Aspergillus section Nigri, were OA producers. In the species A. carbonarius the highest percentages of ochratoxigenic strains were detected (82.6%). The presence of ochratoxigenic strains of Nigri section in dried vine fruits suggests that they may be an important source of OA in this substrate. Dried vine fruits can also be an important source of OA people who consume large amounts. The dried vine fruits contamination with Aspergillus section Nigri and OA was significant.
Application of selection and estimation regular vine copula on go public company share
Science.gov (United States)
Hasna Afifah, R.; Noviyanti, Lienda; Bachrudin, Achmad
2018-03-01
The accuracy of financial risk management involving a large number of assets is needed, but information about dependencies among assets cannot be adequately analyzed. To analyze dependencies on a number of assets, several tools have been added to standard multivariate copula. However, these tools have not been adequately used in apps with higher dimensions. The bivariate parametric copula families can be used to solve it. The multivariate copula can be built from the bivariate parametric copula which is connected by a graphical representation to become Pair Copula Constructions (PCCs) or vine copula. The application of C-vine and D-vine copula have been used in some researches, but the use of C-vine and D-vine copula is more limited than R-vine copula. Therefore, this study used R-vine copula to provide flexibility for modeling complex dependencies on a high dimension. Since copula is a static model, while stock values change over time, then copula should be combined with the ARMA- GARCH model for modeling the movement of shares (volatility). The objective of this paper is to select and estimate R-vine copula which is used to analyze PT Jasa Marga (Persero) Tbk (JSMR), PT Waskita Karya (Persero) Tbk (WSKT), and PT Bank Mandiri (Persero) Tbk (BMRI) from august 31, 2014 to august 31, 2017. From the method it is obtained that the selected copulas for 2 edges at the first tree are survival Gumbel and the copula for edge at the second tree is Gaussian.
Specialised Sweetpotato Vine Multiplication in Lake Zone, Tanzania: What âSticksâ and What Changes?
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McEwan Margaret A.
2017-02-01
Full Text Available In Lake Zone, Tanzania, farmers were trained to multiply and distribute quality sweetpotato planting material. The objectives of this study were to assess changes in skills and practices among the trained farmers as vine multiplication became a specialized task. Nine months after the project ended, all 88 decentralized vine multipliers (DVMs operating as groups (72% or individuals (28% were visited and qualitative data on their current multiplication practices collected through a questionnaire, checklists and observations. Results showed that 69% of DVMs were still multiplying vines, but less than half were using the seed production technologies promoted by the project. 34% used rapid multiplication beds; 61% used conventional plant spacing on ridges for roots and vines and 5% used both. As the vine multiplication cycle became a specialised activity, the multiplication and root production cycles were separated. Vines were treated differently in terms of site selection, length of cutting and spacing, depending on whether the objective of their use was for high root or high vine production. Capacity building of specialised vine multipliers and scaling-up seed interventions should consider the implications of skilling and task segregation in a broader context based on societyâs choice of technologies and agrarian change.
Toxic responses of Sox2 gene in the regeneration of the earthworm Eisenia foetida exposed to Retnoic acid.
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Tao, Jing; Rong, Wei; Diao, Xiaoping; Zhou, Hailong
2018-01-01
Exogenous retinoic acid delays and disturbs the regeneration of Eisenia foetida. The stem cell pluripotency factor, Sox2, can play a crucial role in cell reprogramming and dedifferentiation. In this study, we compared the regeneration of Eisenia foetida in different segments after amputation and the effects of retinoic acid on the regeneration of different segments. The results showed that the regeneration speed of the head and tail was slightly faster than the middle part, and retinoic acid disrupted and delayed the regeneration of the earthworm. The qRT-PCR and Western blot analysis showed that the expression of the Sox2 gene and Sox2 protein was highest on the seventh day in different segments (pregeneration of earthworms and the formation of blastema are related to the expression of the Sox2 gene and protein. Retinoic acid delays and interferes with the regeneration of the earthworm by affecting the expression levels of the Sox2 gene and protein. Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Effect of the methanolic extracts of different parts of Ferula assa-foetida on naloxone-induced withdrawal behavior in morphine-dependent mice
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Mahnaz Khanavi
2017-08-01
Full Text Available Objective: Ferula assa-foetida, a native species in Iran, is used for treatment of several diseases particularly for neurological disorders in Iranian Traditional Medicine. The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of methanolic roots, fruits, and aerial parts extracts of Ferula assa-foetida on withdrawal syndrome in morphine-dependent mice. Materials and Methods: Aerial parts, roots, and fruits of the plant were separately extracted with 80% MeOH. For induction of dependence, morphine (50, 50 and 75 mg/kg was injected subcutaneously three times daily (10 am, 1 pm and 4 pm for three days and a last dose of morphine (50 mg/kg was administrated on the fourth day. Withdrawal syndrome was induced by injection of naloxone (5 mg/kg, intraperitoneal 2 hr after the final dose of morphine. Different doses of the extracts were administered i.p. 60 minutes before naloxone injection and withdrawal sign was recorded 2 minutes after naloxone injection for a period of 60 minutes. Â Results: Pre-treatment of animals with different doses (2.5, 5, 10, 20 mg/kg of methanolic extract of the aerial parts of F. assa-foetida caused a significant decrease in naloxone-induced behavior. Intraperitoneal administration of different doses (10, 15, 20, 25 mg/kg of methanolic extract of the fruit significantly reduced the naloxone-induced withdrawal behavior (p
Exposure to extremely low frequency (50 Hz electromagnetic field changes the survival rate and morphometric characteristics of neurosecretory neurons of the earthworm Eisenia foetida (Oligochaeta under illumination stress
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BanovaÄki Zorana
2013-01-01
Full Text Available An in vivo model was set up to establish the behavioral stress response (rate of survival and morphometric characteristics of A1 protocerebral neurosecretory neurons (cell size of Eisenia foetida (Oligochaeta as a result of the synergetic effect of extremely low frequency electromagnetic fields (ELF-EMF - 50 Hz, 50 μT, 17 V/m and 50 Hz, 150 μT, 17 V/m, respectively and constant illumination (420-450 lux. If combined, these two stressors significantly (p<0.05 increased the survival rate of E. foetida in the 150 μT-exposed animals, because of delayed caudal autotomy reflex, an indicator of stress response. In addition, morphometric analysis indicated that there were changes in the protocerebral neurosecretory cells after exposure to the ELF-EMF. The present data support the view that short-term ELF-EMF exposure in âwindowsâ of intensity is likely to stimulate the immune and neuroendocrine response of E. foetida.
Vine vigor components and its variability - relationship to wine composition
Science.gov (United States)
Lafontaine, Magali; Tittmann, Susanne; Stoll, Manfred
2015-04-01
It was pointed out that a high spatial variability for canopy size and yield would exist within a vineyard but a high temporal stability over the years was observed. Furthermore, a greater variability in grape phenolics than in sugars and pH was detected within a vineyard. But the link between remote sensing indices and quality parameters of grapes is still unclear. Indeed, though in red grape varieties anthocyanins content was spatially negatively correlated to vigor parameters, it seemed that yield, Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) and Plant Cell Density (PCD) indices were poorly correlated. Moreover, the link to quality parameters of wines remains uncertain. It was shown that more vigorous vines would lead to wines with less tannins while anthocyanins in wines would be highest when the vines were balanced but the question is if vine size or architecture, yield or nitrogen assimilation would play major contribution to those differences. The general scope of our project was to provide further knowledge on the relationship between vigor parameters and wine composition and relate these to the information gained by remote sensing. Variability in a 0.15 ha vineyard of Pinot noir planted in 2003 and grafted on SO4 rootstock at Geisenheim (Germany) was followed. Vine vigor was assessed manually for each of the 400 vines (cane number, pruning weight, trunk diameter) together with yield parameters (number of bunches per vine, crop yield). Leaf composition was assessed with a hand-held optical sensor (Multiplex3® [Mx3] (Force-A, Orsay, France) based on chlorophyll fluorescence screening providing information on leaf chlorophyll (SFR_G) and nitrogen (NBI_G) content. A micro-scale winemaking of single vines with a 3 factorial design on yield (L low, M middle, H high), SFRG (L, M, H) and canopy size (pruning weight, trunk diameter) (L, M, H) was performed for 2013 and 2014 to completely reflect variability. Wine tannin concentration represented the highest
Energetic exploitation of vine shoot by gasification processes
Energy Technology Data Exchange (ETDEWEB)
Ganan, J.; Al-Kassir Abdulla, A. [Dpto. Ingenieria Quimica y Energetica, Escuela de Ingenierias Industriales, Universidad de Extremadura, Avda de Elvas s/n, E-06071 Badajoz (Spain); Cuerda Correa, E.M. [Dpto. Quimica Inorganica, Facultad de Ciencias, Universidad de Extremadura, Avda de Elvas s/n, E-06071 Badajoz (Spain); Macias-Garcia, A. [Dpto. Electronica e Ingenieria Electromecanica, Escuela de Ingenierias Industriales, Universidad de Extremadura, Avda de Elvas s/n, E-06071 Badajoz (Spain)
2006-10-15
In this study the energy potential generated by the biomass remnants of vine shoot produced in Extremadura (Spain) by a gasification process is evaluated. The raw material was characterised by elemental and proximate analysis, its Higher Heating Value (HHV) being evaluated as well. In order to determine the optimal gasification temperature for the production of gases, the vine shoots were treated at different temperatures, i.e., 650, 700, 750 and 800 {sup o}C in air atmosphere. The optimal temperature (800 {sup o}C) was selected and the vine shoot remnants were gasified in air stream (200 mL min{sup -1}) and for different times (8 and 50 min). The yield of the so-obtained phases was calculated and the study was focused on solid and gaseous phases. The solid phase was characterised by elemental and proximate analysis as well as by HHV. In order to determine their properties as precursors of activated carbons, the adsorption isotherms of N{sub 2} at 77 K were measured. Finally, the electric power that could be obtained by a combustion process in a vapor boiler was calculated. (author)
Vine spacing on cv. Tempranillo in the Appellation of Origin Cigales (Spain: Agronomy and quality effects
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Yuste Jesús
2014-01-01
Full Text Available This paper studies the vegetative, productive and qualitative behavior of the Tempranillo variety, vertically trellised trained, according to a placement of vines with three different distances (1.04, 1.40 and 1.80 meters in the row and a common distance between rows (2.40 meters, in order to determine the most suitable vine distance for the growing conditions. The experimental test has been developed for the period 2007â2011 in the Appellation of Origin Cigales, in Valladolid (Spain. The reduction of vine distance has favored the vegetative growth, through the shoot weight, while the grape yield has been slightly higher in the intermediate vine distance, 1.40âm, through the cluster weight. Ravaz index showed some increase with the increasing of vine distance, derived from the decrease of pruning wood. In qualitative terms, the variation of the vine distance did not significantly modify the basic composition of the grape. Therefore, the choice of the vine distance involves the convenience to assess both potential effects in terms of production and economic objectives of the new plantations, in accordance with the characteristics of each growing situation.
Typical Vine or International Taste: Wine Consumers' Dilemma Between Beliefs and Preferences.
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Scozzafava, Gabriele; Boncinelli, Fabio; Contini, Caterina; Romano, Caterina; Gerini, Francesca; Casini, Leonardo
2016-01-01
The wine-growing sector is probably one of the agricultural areas where the ties between product quality and territory are most evident. Geographical indication is a key element in this context, and previous literature has focused on demonstrating how certification of origin influences the wine purchaser's behavior. However, less attention has been devoted to understanding how the value of a given name of origin may or may not be determined by the various elements that characterize the typicality of the wine product on that territory: vines, production techniques, etc. It thus seems interesting, in this framework, to evaluate the impacts of several characteristic attributes on the preferences of consumers. This paper will analyze, in particular, the role of the presence of autochthonous vines in consumers' choices. The connection between name of origin and autochthonous vines appears to be particularly important in achieving product "recognisability", while introducing "international" vines in considerable measure into blends might result in the loss of the peculiarity of certain characteristic and typical local productions. A standardization of taste could thus risk compromising the reputation of traditional production areas. The objective of this study is to estimate, through an experimental auction on the case study of Chianti, the differences in willingness to pay for wines produced with different shares of typical vines. The results show that consumers have a willingness to pay for wine produced with typical blends 34% greater than for wines with international blends. However, this difference is not confirmed by blind tasting, raising the issue of the relationship between exante expectations about vine typicality and real wine sensorial characteristics. Finally, some recent patents related to wine testing and wine packaging are reviewed.
Shrubs and vines for northeastern wildlife
Science.gov (United States)
John D. Gill; William M. Healy
1974-01-01
A non-technical handbook in which 34 authors discuss management of 97 native and 3 naturalized shrubs or woody vines most important to wildlife in the Northeast,-Kentucky to Maryland to Newfoundland to Ontario. Topics include range, habitat, life history, uses, propagation, and management; but not identification.
Vine water deficit impacts aging bouquet in fine red Bordeaux wine
Science.gov (United States)
Picard, Magali; van Leeuwen, Cornelis; Guyon, François; Gaillard, Laetitia; de Revel, Gilles; Marchand, Stéphanie
2017-08-01
The aim of this study was to investigate the influence of vine water status on bouquet typicality, revealed after aging, and the perception of three aromatic notes (mint, truffle, and undergrowth) in bottled fine red Bordeaux wines. To address the issue of the role of vine water deficit in the overall quality of fine aged wines, a large set of wines from four Bordeaux appellations were subjected to sensory analysis. As vine water status can be characterized by carbon isotope discrimination (δ13C), this ratio was quantified for each wine studied. Statistical analyses combining δ13C and sensory data highlighted that δ13C values discriminated effectively between the most- and least-typical wines. In addition, Principal Component Analysis revealed correlations between δ13C values and truffle, undergrowth, and mint aromatic notes, three characteristics of the red Bordeaux wine aging bouquet. These correlations were confirmed to be significant using a Spearman statistical test. This study highlighted for the first time that vine water deficit positively relates to the perception of aging bouquet typicality, as well as the expression of its key aromatic nuances.
Vine Water Deficit Impacts Aging Bouquet in Fine Red Bordeaux Wine
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Magali Picard
2017-08-01
Full Text Available The aim of this study was to investigate the influence of vine water status on bouquet typicality, revealed after aging, and the perception of three aromatic notes (mint, truffle, and undergrowth in bottled fine red Bordeaux wines. To address the issue of the role of vine water deficit in the overall quality of fine aged wines, a large set of wines from four Bordeaux appellations were subjected to sensory analysis. As vine water status can be characterized by carbon isotope discrimination (δ13C, this ratio was quantified for each wine studied. Statistical analyses combining δ13C and sensory data highlighted that δ13C-values discriminated effectively between the most- and least-typical wines. In addition, Principal Component Analysis (PCA revealed correlations between δ13C-values and truffle, undergrowth, and mint aromatic notes, three characteristics of the red Bordeaux wine aging bouquet. These correlations were confirmed to be significant using a Spearman statistical test. This study highlighted for the first time that vine water deficit positively relates to the perception of aging bouquet typicality, as well as the expression of its key aromatic nuances.
Hybridization and adaptation to introduced balloon vines in an Australian soapberry bug.
Science.gov (United States)
Andres, J A; Thampy, P R; Mathieson, M T; Loye, J; Zalucki, M P; Dingle, H; Carroll, S P
2013-12-01
Contemporary adaptation of plant feeding insects to introduced hosts provides clear cases of ecologically based population divergence. In most cases the mechanisms permitting rapid differentiation are not well known. Here we study morphological and genetic variation associated with recent shifts by the Australian soapberry bug Leptocoris tagalicus onto two naturalized Neotropical balloon vines, Cardiospermum halicacabum and C. grandiflorum that differ in time since introduction. Our results show that these vines have much larger fruits than the native hosts (Whitewood tree -Atalaya hemiglauca- and Woolly Rambutan -Alectryon tomentosus-) and that bugs living on them have evolved significantly longer beaks and new allometries. Genetic analyses of mitochondrial haplotypes and amplified fragment length polymorphic (AFLP) markers indicate that the lineage of bugs on the annual vine C. halicacabum, the older introduction, is intermediate between the two subspecies of L. tagalicus found on native hosts. Moreover, where the annual vine and Whitewood tree co-occur, the morphology and genomic composition of the bugs are similar to those occurring in allopatry. These results show that hybridization provided the genetic elements underlying the strongly differentiated 'Halicacabum bugs'. In contrast, the bugs feeding on the recently introduced perennial balloon vine (C. grandiflorum) showed no evidence of admixture, and are genetically indistinguishable from the nearby populations on a native host. © 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
Vines and canopy contact: a route for snake predation on parrot nests.
Science.gov (United States)
SUSAN E. KOENIG; JOSEPH M. WUNDERLE; ERNESTO C. ENKERLINHOEFLICH
2007-01-01
Ornithologists have hypothesized that some tropical forest birds avoid snake predation by nesting in isolated trees that do not have vines and canopy contact with neighbouring trees. Here we review two complementary studies that support this hypothesis by demonstrating (1) that an abundance of vines and an interlocking canopy characterized Jamaican Black-billed Parrot...
VITICULTURAL POTENTIAL AND VINE TOURISM IN ROMANIA
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Adrian NEDELCU
2010-12-01
Full Text Available Romania, a member of the International Organization of Vine and Wine in 1927, has a wine heritage of European notoriety and worldwide, privileged positions it occupies in economic statistics every year, confirm this fact. Vine are grown, especially in areas traditionally enshrined, located mainly in the hilly area, on the sands, and in other fields with favourable conditions, and disposed as an architectural viticulture landscape grouped in 8 wine regions of the assigned three growing areas of the European Union.Wine tourism is on an incipient phase in Romania, compared to other countries of Europe with significant wine heritage, but it has real chances of development, sustained especially, by the potential value of wine recently indicated, once again, by the studies undertaken in order to implement reform wine sector of the European Union.
A functional-structural kiwifruit vine model integrating architecture, carbon dynamics and effects of the environment.
Science.gov (United States)
Cieslak, Mikolaj; Seleznyova, Alla N; Hanan, Jim
2011-04-01
Functional-structural modelling can be used to increase our understanding of how different aspects of plant structure and function interact, identify knowledge gaps and guide priorities for future experimentation. By integrating existing knowledge of the different aspects of the kiwifruit (Actinidia deliciosa) vine's architecture and physiology, our aim is to develop conceptual and mathematical hypotheses on several of the vine's features: (a) plasticity of the vine's architecture; (b) effects of organ position within the canopy on its size; (c) effects of environment and horticultural management on shoot growth, light distribution and organ size; and (d) role of carbon reserves in early shoot growth. Using the L-system modelling platform, a functional-structural plant model of a kiwifruit vine was created that integrates architectural development, mechanistic modelling of carbon transport and allocation, and environmental and management effects on vine and fruit growth. The branching pattern was captured at the individual shoot level by modelling axillary shoot development using a discrete-time Markov chain. An existing carbon transport resistance model was extended to account for several source/sink components of individual plant elements. A quasi-Monte Carlo path-tracing algorithm was used to estimate the absorbed irradiance of each leaf. Several simulations were performed to illustrate the model's potential to reproduce the major features of the vine's behaviour. The model simulated vine growth responses that were qualitatively similar to those observed in experiments, including the plastic response of shoot growth to local carbon supply, the branching patterns of two Actinidia species, the effect of carbon limitation and topological distance on fruit size and the complex behaviour of sink competition for carbon. The model is able to reproduce differences in vine and fruit growth arising from various experimental treatments. This implies it will be a valuable
Lytic activities in coelomic fluid of Eisenia foetida and Lumbricus terrestris.
Science.gov (United States)
Tucková, L; Rejnek, J; SÃma, P; Ondrejová, R
1986-01-01
Coelomic fluids of the two earthworm species E.foetida (E.F.) and L.terrestris (L.T.) have not only the ability to lyse various vertebrate erythrocytes but also to digest vertebrate serum proteins. Both activities are carried by different molecules since hemolysis but not proteolysis was inhibited by simple sugars. In contrary, proteolysis was blocked by PMSF which did not influence hemolysis. Coelomic fluids of E.F. digest effectively vertebrate serum proteins (PIgG, HSA) but not the proteins of L.T. coelomic fluids. The proteolytic activity was detected in approximately 40 000 mol. wt. fraction. After digestion proteolytic fragments were analyzed by immunoelectrophoresis, SDS-PAGE and TCA precipitation. Two of the fragments reacting with PIgG antisera remained intact even after 120 h digestion.
Risk Measurement and Risk Modelling Using Applications of Vine Copulas
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David E. Allen
2017-09-01
Full Text Available This paper features an application of Regular Vine copulas which are a novel and recently developed statistical and mathematical tool which can be applied in the assessment of composite financial risk. Copula-based dependence modelling is a popular tool in financial applications, but is usually applied to pairs of securities. By contrast, Vine copulas provide greater flexibility and permit the modelling of complex dependency patterns using the rich variety of bivariate copulas which may be arranged and analysed in a tree structure to explore multiple dependencies. The paper features the use of Regular Vine copulas in an analysis of the co-dependencies of 10 major European Stock Markets, as represented by individual market indices and the composite STOXX 50 index. The sample runs from 2005 to the end of 2013 to permit an exploration of how correlations change indifferent economic circumstances using three different sample periods: pre-GFC (January 2005âJuly 2007, GFC (July 2007â September 2009, and post-GFC periods (September 2009âDecember 2013. The empirical results suggest that the dependencies change in a complex manner, and are subject to change in different economic circumstances. One of the attractions of this approach to risk modelling is the flexibility in the choice of distributions used to model co-dependencies. The practical application of Regular Vine metrics is demonstrated via an example of the calculation of the VaR of a portfolio made up of the indices.
Intake, digestibility and toxic effects of vine husks and pips fed to ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
Veekunde
Abstract. The potential of red vine husks and pips as a component of animal feed was investigated. Twenty-five. Dohne Merino ram lambs (mean live weight ± s.d. = 41.4 ± 2.3 kg) were used. A completely randomised design was used and the animals were assigned to five diets including 0, 12.5, 25.0, 37.5 and 50% vine ...
Relations between Polyphenols Content and Antioxidative Activity in Vine Grapes and Leaves
Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database
BalÃk, J.; Kyseláková, M.; Vrchotová, NadÄžda; TÅÃska, Jan; KumÅ¡ta, M.; Veverka, J.; HÃc, P.; TotuÅ¡ek, J.; Lefnerová, D.
2008-01-01
RoÄ. 26, special (2008), s. 25-35 ISSN 1212-1800. [Quality of Moravian and Czech Wines and their Future. Lednice, 11.09.2008-12.09.2008] R&D Projects: GA ÄR(CZ) GA525/06/1757 Institutional research plan: CEZ:AV0Z60870520 Keywords : vine grapes * vine leaves * stems * piceid * resveratrol * caftaric acid * catechin Subject RIV: GM - Food Processing Impact factor: 0.472, year: 2008
Correlations between Natural Radionuclide Concentrations in Soil and Vine-Growth Potential
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Modisane, T.G.D.
2008-01-01
Stellenbosch district is known as one of the best wine-producing regions in South Africa and lies 45 km east of Cape Town. It has a large number of estates, of which one of them was earmarked for vineyard development and is of much importance to this study. Soil plays an important role in the development of the vine and ultimately the grapes harvested from the vine. It is therefore important to characterise vineyard soils (quantitatively and qualitatively) and to study the impact of soil properties on the vine. These properties include among others and of importance to this study, the soil ph, concentrations of trace elements, clay content and natural radioactivity concentrations (1). In this study correlations between radiometric data and traditional chemical data in vineyard soils used to infer growth potential were studied. Discussed below are experimental techniques used in the determination of activity concentration of natural radionuclide ( 40 K, 232 Th and 238 U) in soil, data analysis, results and conclusions
Volatile components of vine leaves from two Portuguese grape varieties (Vitis vinifera L.), Touriga Nacional and Tinta Roriz, analysed by solid-phase microextraction.
Science.gov (United States)
Fernandes, Bruno; Correia, Ana C; Cosme, Fernanda; Nunes, Fernando M; Jordão, António M
2015-01-01
The purpose of this work was to study the volatile composition of vine leaves and vine leaf infusion prepared from vine leaves collected at 30 and 60 days after grape harvest of two Vitis vinifera L. species. Eighteen volatile compounds were identified by gas chromatography-mass spectrometry in vine leaves and in vine leaf infusions. It was observed that the volatile compounds present in vine leaves are dependent on the time of harvest, with benzaldehyde being the major volatile present in vine leaves collected at 30 days after harvesting. There are significant differences in the volatile composition of the leaves from the two grape cultivars, especially in the sample collected at 60 days after grape harvest. This is not reflected in the volatile composition of the vine leaf infusion made from this two cultivars, the more important being the harvesting date for the volatile profile of vine leaf infusion than the vine leaves grape cultivar.
MELNIK VINE-GROWING REGION â HISTORY AND TRADITIONS
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Radoslava Ganeva
2017-06-01
Full Text Available The region of Melnik (Southwest Bulgaria has exclusively appropriate climate for wine growing. Its borders are defined by the dissemination of the wide Melnik grape vine, revealed by experts as an old local variety. Few are the wine-growing centers that carry such an effective ampelographic tradition. A few are the viticulture centers, bearing such effective tradition. The vine is grown here from the Thracian antiquity and is the basis for a livelihood, preserved and retransmitted for many generations. It is characterized by a specialization in the production and marketing of high quality red dry wines. The article deals with the development of the Melnik vineyard as a result of different political and economic conditions in the course of historical development. Various archival materials, specialized studies and personal fieldwork research have been used.
Rooting of jade vine (Strongylodon macrobotrys A. Gray cuttings treated with indolbutiric acid
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Fabiana Rezende Muniz
2015-12-01
Full Text Available The jade vine (Strongylodon macrobotrys A. Gray, is native plant from Philippines. It has long blue-green pseudoracemes inflorescence, which makes it unique and incomparable. It is considered one of the most admired and sought vines, although rare in gardens. This study evaluated the effect of indolbutiric acid (IBA on the stalks rooting of this ornamental specie. Stem cuttings without leaves and with a couple of leaves cut in half, were collected from branches of a well developed jade vine plant and were immerged into dipping solutions with a concentration range of IBA (0, 500, 1.000, 2.000 and 4.000 mg L-1 for 15 seconds. Subsequently, the bases of the cuttings was planted in polystyrene trays containing vermiculite (one cutting per cell and maintained in an intermittent water mist chamber for a 80 days period. Then the percentage of stem rooting was assessed as well as the number of roots and the length of the main root. Jade vine plants can be produced byr stem cutting treated in a dipping solution containing an IBA concentration of 2.000 mg L-1.
Rapid bioassessment methods for assessing the toxicity of terrestrial waste sites at the Savannah River Site using the earthworm, Eisenia foetida
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Specht, W.L.
1995-08-01
Studies were conducted to assess the feasibility of using the earthworm, Eisenia foetida, to evaluate the toxicity of contaminated soils at the Savannah River Site. Survival was assessed in several uncontaminated soils, including sandy loams and clayey loams, as well as in soils contaminated with coal fines, ash, diesel fuel, and heavy metals. In addition, behavior responses, changes in biomass, and bioaccumulation of heavy metals were assessed as sublethal indicators of toxicity. The results indicate excellent survival of Eisenia foetida in uncontaminated sandy and clayey soils. No amendment of these uncontaminated soils or addition of food was necessary to sustain the worms for the 14-day test period. In contaminated soils, no significant mortality was observed, except in soils which have very low pH (< 3). However, sublethal responses were observed in earthworms exposed to several of the contaminated soils. These responses included worms clumping on the surface of the soil, worms clumping between the sides of the test container and the soil, increased burrowing times, reductions in biomass, and elevated concentrations of heavy metals in worm tissue
Effects of Sludge Dry Solid Content and Residual Bulking Agents on Volatile Solids Reduction Using Eisenia foetida
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Mohammad ali Abdoli
2009-06-01
Full Text Available In the first stage of this study, the compound effects of sludge dry solid content and residual bulking agent type (paper, saw dust, straw mixed with activated sludge (10, 15, and 20% dry solids on volatile solids (V.S. reduction were investigated using Eisenia foetida in pilot scale experiments with batches of fifty earthworms in each of the 10 experimental treatments over a period of 10 weeks. The maximum V.S. reduction was attained in the mixture of sludge and paper, with a D.S. of 15% (0.42 ± 0.03 % day-1 while the minimum V.S. reduction was achieved in the mixture of sludge and straw, with a D.S. of 10% (0.26 ± 0.01 % day-1. In the second stage, the survival of Eisenia foetida in the anaerobic sewage sludge was investigated. In the unmixed raw anaerobic sludge, all the earthworms died during the first 9 weeks of the study period due to acute toxicity. From week 10, however, their survival rate improved so that by week 12 when toxicity reduced to 25.40%, they completely survived. This is while in the mixture of anaerobic sludge with paper (D.S. 15%, 100% of the earthworms survived from week 8 after the volatile solids reduced to 20.42% and 17.40%.
O vine e o diálogo audiovisual na cultura participativa
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Sheron Neves
2014-12-01
Full Text Available No atual ambiente midiático, a audiência possui ferramentas não apenas para consumir mas para produzir e distribuir conteúdo. Em um mercado onde as fronteiras entre entretenimento e publicidade se tornam cada vez menos claras, o conteúdo audiovisual e as comunidades formadas ao seu redor se tornam temas de estudo relevantes. Dominado pelo YouTube na primeira década do milênio, o mercado do vÃdeo online vem se ampliando em função da tecnologia mobile, e aplicativos para rápida produção e consumo de vÃdeo, como o Vine, que se destaca pelo seu caráter social e colaborativo. A proposta deste trabalho é examinar o potencial do Vine na publicidade â não aquela tradicionalmente interruptiva e unilateral, mas sim uma publicidade que entretém, envolve e convida a participar. Para isto, o caso da campanha Hollywood and Vines, da Airbnb, será analisado.
Retracing recurring vine mortality patterns over a long duration: case study of a Mediterranean viticultural estate
Science.gov (United States)
Vaudour, Emmanuelle; Leclercq, Léa; Gilliot, Jean-Marc; Chaignon, Benoît
2017-04-01
This study was aimed at performing both long term historical and spatial tracing, focusing on the vine mortality patterns and their temporal repetition, across a 6 ha-farm, "Domaine des Chauvets", mainly planted with rainfed black Grenache and Syrah varieties in the Southern Rhone Valley in France. In this estate of long-standing wine-growing history, were mortality patterns randomly distributed or were they related to soil or historical management? Along with soil parameters, soil surface condition, vine biological parameters including vigour, presence of diseases, stock-unearthing were collected in the field at a total of 112 sampling locations. A total of 25 aerial photographs in digitized format from the French National Institute of Geographic and Forest Information (IGN) were examined over the 1947-2010 period, of which 7 were retained for further rectification and processing. This dataset was used to retrace the landuse and planting history for each plot, and then extract the frequency of missing vines. Within-field terroir units were demarcated using support vector machine classification of a set of present-day very high resolution data, including soil apparent electrical conductivity EM38 maps and very high resolution Pléiades satellite images of May 2014 and July 2015. Field and recent data revealed important soil erosion rates which are likely to ruin terroir sustainability and pointed out those units for which soil restoration practices are urgently needed, while the temporal dataset exhibited a repeated spatial pattern of missing vines, throughout several plantings, uprootings, and vine replacements. The frequency of missing vines was related to within-field terroir units and also to past landuse, particularly forest or orchard dating back the 1940s, and current soil organic carbon content. This brings renewed questions about the determinism of vine decline, suggesting contribution of soil degradation processes.
EVALUATION OF TEMPORALVARIATIONS IN MOISTURE AND CALORIFIC VALUE OF VINE AND OLIVE PRUNING
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Pier Riccardo Porceddu
2012-06-01
Full Text Available In Italy arboreal crops, in particular vine and olive, cover a surface area of around 19.6Ã109 m2 from which about 4.6Ã109 kg of pruning are cut. These by-products are currently ploughed into the soil or else harvested and burned in open fields. On the other hand such materials would be more useful as an energy source. If these materials are to be used as fuel, it is important to know their calorific value. The calorific value is significantly influenced by the moisture content of wood. This work has evaluated the changes in moisture content and calorific value with time for different harvesting and storage systems of vine and olive pruning. The observed decrease in the moisture content of the vine and olive pruning depended on the storage system utilized, in particular on the product compression ratio and air circulation. Some differences were observed between the results obtained for vine and olive pruning. The time required for these materials to obtain their best energetic performance was identified at 32 weeks from their harvesting. Harvesting with balers and forwarding costs are about 6.21Ã10-2 â¬/kg for vine pruning and 4.64Ã10-2 â¬/kg for olive pruning. They are very similar to the price currently offered for energy biomass in Italy (5.00Ã10-2 â¬/kg. While the cost actually paid to plough pruning into the soil amounts to about 2.50Ã10-2 â¬/kg. Therefore the energy chain encourages a cost-and-benefit analysis.
An automatized frequency analysis for vine plot detection and delineation in remote sensing
OpenAIRE
Delenne , Carole; Rabatel , G.; Deshayes , M.
2008-01-01
The availability of an automatic tool for vine plot detection, delineation, and characterization would be very useful for management purposes. An automatic and recursive process using frequency analysis (with Fourier transform and Gabor filters) has been developed to meet this need. This results in the determination of vine plot boundary and accurate estimation of interrow width and row orientation. To foster large-scale applications, tests and validation have been carried out on standard ver...
Phenotypical and biochemical characterisation of resistance for parasitic weed (Orobanche foetida Poir.) in radiation-mutagenised mutants of chickpea.
Science.gov (United States)
Brahmi, Ines; Mabrouk, Yassine; Brun, Guillaume; Delavault, Philippe; Belhadj, Omrane; Simier, Philippe
2016-12-01
Some radiation-mutagenised chickpea mutants potentially resistant to the broomrape, Orobanche foetida Poir., were selected through field trials. The objectives of this work were to confirm resistance under artificial infestation, in pots and mini-rhizotron systems, and to determine the developmental stages of broomrape affected by resistance and the relevant resistance mechanisms induced by radiation mutagenesis. Among 30 mutants tested for resistance to O. foetida, five shared strong resistance in both pot experiments and mini-rhizotron systems. Resistance was not complete, but the few individuals that escaped resistance displayed high disorders of shoot development. Results demonstrated a 2-3-fold decrease in stimulatory activity of root exudates towards broomrape seed germination in resistant mutants in comparison with non-irradiated control plants and susceptible mutants. Resistance was associated with an induction of broomrape necrosis early during infection. When infested, most of the resistant mutants shared enhanced levels of soluble phenolic contents, phenylalanine ammonia lyase activity, guaiacol peroxidase activity and polyphenol oxidase activity, in addition to glutathione and notably ascorbate peroxidase gene expression in roots. Results confirmed enhanced resistance in chickpea radiation-mutagenised mutants, and demonstrated that resistance is based on alteration of root exudation, presumed cell-wall reinforcement and change in root oxidative status in response to infection. © 2016 Society of Chemical Industry. © 2016 Society of Chemical Industry.
Prototype Design of Smart System as A Vines Medium of Javanese Long Pepper (Piper Retrofractum Vahl)
Science.gov (United States)
Pramudia, M.; Umami, K. K.
2018-01-01
Javanese long pepper is one of the Indonesiaâs native medicinal plants which is included in the family Piperaceae. This plant has a characteristic thrives on plains which high rainfall between 1,200 - 3,000 mm per year and the level of soil moisture ranges from 80-100%. In the area of Bluto, Madura, these plants are generally grown on farmland by using a moringa tree as a vines medium. However, in line with technological developments, the vines media plants of Javanese long pepper begin to be replaced by technology that utilizes a concrete cylindrical as the vines media. In this research, the vines media are made from hollow concrete cylindrical with a height of 180 cm which is controlled automatically by the device of Arduino Uno as a microcontroller and its connected with ultrasonic sensors, light dependent resistor sensors, soil moisture sensors, and solar cell as an alternative energy source which called smart system. It has several main functions such as medium vines of Javanese long pepper plants, keep the moisture of plants, store the water as well as being able to do the watering automatically. This prototype design is expected to be an alternative solution to improve the quality of plant growth, especially in the dry season.
Indução de ivermectina na hormese sobre Eisenia foetida durante a vermicompostagem de esterco bovino
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Sandro M. Tuerlinckx
2015-07-01
Full Text Available Os medicamentos veterinários são, em sua maioria, excretados nas fezes de animais tratados demonstrando que os fármacos da classe das avermectinas podem ter efeitos nocivos sobre os organismos não alvo, caso se utilizem das fezes. O objetivo deste estudo foi determinar os efeitos subletais da ivermectina sobre as minhocas Eisenia foetida expostas à s concentrações de ivermectina a 0, 1, 5, 10, 50 e 100 mg kg-1; amostras foram tomadas nos dias 7, 14 e 28 de exposição para determinação da sobrevivência, crescimento, produção de casulos e atividades enzimáticas, além de estudadas as alterações quÃmicas e a atividade microbiana do vermicomposto não se observando, no entanto, efeitos negativos da ivermectina quanto à mortalidade de minhocas; da mesma forma, as caracterÃsticas quÃmicas e a atividade microbiana do vermicomposto não foram afetadas porém os resultados demonstraram que a ivermectina induz, quando em baixas concentrações, a um aumento na atividade da fosfatase alcalina e no crescimento de E. foetida mas altas concentrações inibiram esses parâmetros, o que foi refletido numa curva em forma de U invertido, uma representação gráfica do efeito hormético.
Fumonisin contamination and fumonisin producing black Aspergilli in dried vine fruits of different origin.
Science.gov (United States)
Varga, J; Kocsubé, S; Suri, K; Szigeti, Gy; Szekeres, A; Varga, M; Tóth, B; Bartók, T
2010-10-15
Aspergillus niger isolates are able to produce fumonisins in high quantities on agar media with a low water activity. Several agricultural products fit this criterion, including dried vine fruits, dates and figs. Data on the occurrence and role of this species in fumonisin contamination of agricultural products with high sugar content are needed to clarify the importance of A. niger in human health. The mycobiota and fumonisin contamination of various dried vine fruit samples collected from different countries were examined to clarify the role of black Aspergilli in fumonisin contamination of such products. All except two of the examined samples were contaminated with black Aspergilli. Species assignment of the isolates was carried out using sequence analysis of part of the calmodulin gene. The range of fumonisin isomers present in the raisins samples, and produced by A. niger isolates collected from dried vine fruits was also examined using reversed-phase high-performance liquid chromatography/electrospray ionization-ion trap mass spectrometry (RP-HPLC/ESI-ITMS). Among the 30 A. niger/A. awamori isolates identified, 20 were found to be able to produce fumonisins (average contamination: 5.16 mg/kg; range: 0.017-19.6 mg/kg). The average fumonisin content of the 7 dried vine fruit samples which were found to be contaminated by potential fumonisin producing black Aspergilli was 7.22 mg/kg (range: 4.55-35.49 mg/kg). The isolates produced several fumonisin isomers also present in the dried vine fruit samples, including fumonisins B(1-4), 3-epi-FB(3), 3-epi-FB(4), iso-FB(1), and two iso-FB(2,3) forms. Fumonisin B(1) was detected for the first time in A. niger cultures. Most of these isomers have previously only been identified in Fusarium species. Our data indicate that A. niger and A. awamori are responsible for fumonisin contamination of dried vine fruits worldwide. The observed levels of contamination are alarming and pose a new threat for food safety. Copyright Â
Effect of biostimulant sprays on Phaeomoniella chlamydospora and esca proper infected vines under greenhouse and fi eld conditions
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S. Di Marco
2009-05-01
Full Text Available Biostimulants are compounds that infl uence physiological processes in plants, producing better growth and enhancing stress tolerance. The effect of some biostimulants on vines was investigated over a number of years to assess their effect both on the incidence of esca leaf symptoms in the vineyard and on the growth of Phaeomoniella chlamydospora artifi cially inoculated into potted vines. Field trials were carried out for 4â7 years in fi ve 15-20-yearold vineyards infected with esca proper. Potted plants were sprayed with biostimulants, after which the vine trunks were inoculated with P. chlamydospora, and then the vines were sprayed again with biostimulants in the following 2 or 3 growing seasons. On the whole, biostimulants in the fi eld did not reduce foliar symptoms. The percentage of symptomatic vines that had shown symptoms in previous years was higher in the biostimulant-sprayed plots. In the greenhouse, a certain reduction of internal necrosis caused by P. chlamydospora was seen with three of the four biostimulants tested. Prospects for biostimulants as a means control esca are discussed.
Quality parameters of wine grape varieties under the influence of different vine spacing and training systems
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O. Tkachenko
2017-06-01
Full Text Available Physicochemical and biochemical indices, which characterize quality of white wine grape varieties Zagrey and Aromatnyi of selection of NNC «IV&W named after V. Ye. Tairov», (harvest of 2016 were determined. The field trial which includes various variants of planting density and vine training systems, made it possible to study the influence of viticulture practices on the criteria of carbohydrate-acid and phenolic complex, oxidative enzyme system of grapes. Low-density plantings of Aromatnyi variety (2222 vines per ha were characterized by harvest that slightly exceeded the grapes obtained from dense plantations (4000 vines per ha in terms of carbohydrate-acid and phenolic complexes. The most optimal in terms of the mass concentration of sugars, phenolic substances, polymer forms, macerating ability of must, activity of oxidizing enzyme system was cultivation of this variety on a 160 cm â high trunk. Growing grapes of Zagrey variety with vine spacing, corresponding to 4000 plants per ha, contributed to obtaining harvest with optimal parameters of carbohydrate-acid complex, low technological reserve and mass concentration of phenolic compounds, moderate macerating ability and activity of monophenol monooxygenase in must. Training vines of this variety on a 40 cm high trunk with vertical shoot positioning led to significant deterioration of grape quality due to increased content of phenolic substances and their polymer forms, high macerating capacity of must.
Measuring Value-at-Risk and Expected Shortfall of crude oil portfolio using extreme value theory and vine copula
Science.gov (United States)
Yu, Wenhua; Yang, Kun; Wei, Yu; Lei, Likun
2018-01-01
Volatilities of crude oil price have important impacts on the steady and sustainable development of world real economy. Thus it is of great academic and practical significance to model and measure the volatility and risk of crude oil markets accurately. This paper aims to measure the Value-at-Risk (VaR) and Expected Shortfall (ES) of a portfolio consists of four crude oil assets by using GARCH-type models, extreme value theory (EVT) and vine copulas. The backtesting results show that the combination of GARCH-type-EVT models and vine copula methods can produce accurate risk measures of the oil portfolio. Mixed R-vine copula is more flexible and superior to other vine copulas. Different GARCH-type models, which can depict the long-memory and/or leverage effect of oil price volatilities, however offer similar marginal distributions of the oil returns.
The use of non-lethal defoliation to minimize the foliar Cs-uptake by vine
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Carini, F.; Montruccoli, M.; Anguissola-Scotti, I.; Silva, S.
1994-01-01
The chemical non-lethal defoliation of fruit trees might be used to minimize the translocation of radionuclides from the leaves to the fruits and to the internal ligneous tissues, reducing their redistribution in next harvest. The current paper describes a study on vine - a Mediteranian arboreous specie of high economical value. The leaf-fruit translocation of radiocaesium has been analyzed from different points of view, in particular, the possibility of reducing the foliar uptake of such radionuclide by means of a nonlethal defoliation. Vines grown in pots have been directly contaminated in two different years by sprinkling a carrier free solution of 134 Cs on leaves. Grapes have been covered during sprinkling to avoid their direct contamination. Other vines have been defoliated after contamination to evaluate the influence of leaf removal on the radiocaesium translocation to the fruits. The radiocaesium concentration has been determined in grapes at the ripening stage in the must. The radiocaesium interception measured on removed leaves is about 30% of the sprinkled activity. The radioactivity of covered grapes is with 20% lower than uncovered ones. Such a lower activity is likely ascribable only to leaf-fruit translocation without direct contamination of the grapes. The translocation factor expressed as percentage of fruit activity compared to the total intercepted one is about four times lower when the leaf removal treatment is affected just after the contamination. Grapes of plants contaminated a year before have a 134 Cs residual activity about 17 times lower than plants contaminated in the same year. When the vines have been contaminated and defoliated the year before, the residual activity of grapes is about 70 times lower. The ratio between defoliated and non-defoliated plants is still 1:4. Radioactivity of the must is five times lower for defoliated vines than for non-defoliated ones. (author)
Biofabrication of Ag nanoparticles using Sterculia foetida L. seed extract and their toxic potential against mosquito vectors and HeLa cancer cells
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Rajasekharreddy, Pala; Rani, Pathipati Usha
2014-01-01
A one-step and eco-friendly process for the synthesis of silver-(protein-lipid) nanoparticles (Ag-PL NPs) (coreâshell) has been developed using the seed extract from wild Indian Almond tree, Sterculia foetida (L.) (Sterculiaceae). The reaction temperature played a major role in controlling the size and shell formation of NPs. The amount of NPs synthesized and qualitative characterization was done by UVâvis spectroscopy and transmission electron microscopy (TEM), respectively. TEM studies exhibited controlled dispersity of spherical shaped NPs with an average size of 6.9 ± 0.2 nm. Selected area electron diffraction (SAED) and X-ray diffraction (XRD) revealed âfccâ phase and crystallinity of the particles. X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy (XPS) was used to identify the proteinâlipid (PL) bilayer that appears as a shell around the Ag core particles. The thermal stability of the Ag-PL NPs was examined using thermogravimetric analysis (TGA). Further analysis was carried ou | |||||||
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] | 2024-01-19T20:37:02+00:00 | A village in Armenia sees peaceful coexistence between locals and post-Ukraine invasion Russian émigrés, ICWA fellow Aron Ouzilevski reports. | en | Institute of Current World Affairs | https://www.icwa.org/russian-exiles-armenia/ | DILIJAN, Armenia — A group of cosmonauts is forced to land its spaceship on the planet Dzaghidzo—coincidentally the former name of the Armenian village Tumanyan—when it runs out of fuel. The vessel, the legend goes, is fueled by tales. The travelers eventually come across an elderly Armenian woman who knows every little about Dzaghidzo’s local inhabitants.
For weeks, this local Scheherazade tells her tales, eventually providing enough to propel the cosmonauts back on their journey.
That is the premise of a puppet show a group of recently exiled Russian artists staged for locals in northern Tumanyan, roughly 100 miles north of the capital Yerevan. The play was intended to symbolize the relationship between the performers and their new neighbors.
Shortly after Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, an abandoned textile factory was transformed into Abastan, a colony for artists who fled the militaristic and increasingly authoritarian regime of Vladimir Putin’s Russia. Most locals are confused about what these Russians are doing there. Nevertheless, they welcome the newcomers with open arms. Some parents even allow their children to wander up to the old factory to learn from the artists. It helps that all the locals, young and old, still speak Russian.
Although relations are sometimes fraught in other former Soviet countries, the phenomenon of peaceful coexistence between post-invasion Russian émigrés and their Armenian hosts is not unique to Tumanyan.
In Dilijan, a more developed town roughly an hour’s drive from Abastan, recently settled Russians—primarily young tech workers with children—have also integrated successfully, introducing recycling initiatives and vaccinating the town’s stray dogs.
That phenomenon is also not new.
Along the highway connecting Dilijan to Tumanyan, an old Russian woman in a headscarf sells vegetables at a stand to Armenian passersby. Behind her stands Fioletovo, one of two remaining villages in the country that has been inhabited by Molokans, a Russian sectarian community that has lived on these lands, since the 19th century.
Like many of the more recently arrived Russians, the Molokans were also pushed into exile by the policies of an authoritarian leader. Tsar Nicholas I banished the sectarians for their refusal to serve in the imperial army as well as their conflicts with the state-supported Russian Orthodox Church. Even throughout its time as a secular Soviet republic—when the USSR was notorious for persecuting religious groups—Armenia allowed this community to exist largely untouched.
The welcoming climate in rural Armenia has enabled new Russian exiles to recalibrate their lives and even leave a tangible impact on their host country. In contrast to neighboring Georgia, which has a strained history with Russia partly due to the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, the willingness of Armenians to engage with Russians, coupled with the country’s policy of allowing Russians to enter the country without a passport, has eased the process of integration.
At the same time, Russia is home to the world’s largest Armenian diaspora—over 1 million people—further strengthening ties between the two peoples.
But while Armenia’s rustic charm, distance from the war in Ukraine and ever-growing repressions at home may lull Russian émigrés into a depoliticized state, the country’s own unresolved conflict with neighboring Azerbaijan has dragged Russians into an entirely different context of war.
Decades of violent post-Soviet territorial clashes between Armenia and Azerbaijan erupted in 2020 and 2023 with the deaths of thousands of servicemen and the displacement of over 100,000 ethnic Armenians into Armenia, further exacerbating soaring housing crisis initially triggered by the arrival of Russians.
Even some Molokans, whose creed forbids them from taking up arms, were forced to the front lines of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war.
‘Evil persists’
Trudging down Fioletovo’s bumpy dirt road, which runs between two rows of wooden houses adorned with ornate window carvings, you could be excused for thinking you are walking through a village in central Russia. Withered cabbages and carrots hang on signposts in front of some homes, indicating vegetables for sale. All the street signs are in Cyrillic script.
But the snowy mountain range that soars above the village immediately situates visitors in the South Caucasus.
Fioletovo was founded in 1842 by Molokans, who in many ways resemble Western Christian denominations such as the Quakers who believe in seeking divine guidance directly from the Bible. Churches, priests and other elements of institutionalized religion are seen as more likely to corrupt God’s word than convey it.
“Our ancestors chose this location because there was an imperial army outpost nearby,” said Tolik, one of the Fioletovo residents who agreed to speak with me and my travel companion Yakov Lurie, a Russian social anthropologist who fled St. Petersburg after Russia invaded Ukraine. With the help of European grants, Tolik recently opened a Molokan Heritage Museum in the village. Back then, the outpost protected Molokans, resolute pacifists, from roaming bandits.
“We try to live as Christ lived: equality, brotherhood and love,” he explained. “But humanity is such a creature… that evil persists.” With his long bushy beard and warm, beady eyes, he spoke a Russian dialect that was simultaneously clear to modern ears and dated in its simplicity.
“There just can’t be a place like this, people like this,” wrote the Russian writer Pyotr Vail of the Molokan community. Vail, who emigrated to the United States from Soviet Latvia in the 1970s and whose mother was born into a Molokan community, visited Fioletovo in 2007 for an article of his own.
“In the 21st century, it is unthinkable that such immersion into the beginning of the 19th century could exist. A camera isn’t just forbidden here, it’s anachronistic,” he wrote for Geo Magazine.
The name derives from the Russian word for milk, moloko, referring to the tradition of drinking milk during Lent. The practice stems from the interpretation of a passage from the First Epistle of Peter, “Like newborn infants, desire the pure milk of the Word.”
A typical Molokan village has an elder who is chosen to serve for life. During weekly congregations, he leads the prayers and baptizes children. The congregation sings psalms and recites prayers. They also gather for weddings and matchmaking ceremonies.
Separately, a village council elected through a democratic voting system looks after the well-being of the locals. Children attend Russian-language schools, where teachers use standardized Russian textbooks.
When Vail asked locals if the Russian government did anything for their community, they responded that “Russia is not a cash cow.” A Russian parliament deputy who visited the village in the late 1990s, he writes, responded to requests for donations with: “They’re your children, you pay for them.”
“Such a response feels odd against the backdrop of [Moscow’s] declared concerns about compatriots abroad,” Vail quips.
While they appear to be relics of a bygone era, the Molokans have been slowly edging toward modernity over the last two decades. During his visit to Fioletovo, Vail noted that a modern public bath, heating, electricity and a medical center had been installed with funding from an American NGO.
These days, many younger Molokans use smartphones with internet access. “You can’t do anything without the internet these days,” Tolik told us, smiling.
They also continue securing financial aid from foreign institutions. Tolik opened his museum with the help of a German tourism nonprofit. “It’s funny,” he mused. “We’re being helped by a European institution at a time when Europe is Russia’s main enemy.”
A defining feature of the Molokans that probably contributes to their long-held status as Armenia’s hardest-working community is that they do not consume alcohol or tobacco. Vail commented on the aberration: “Where else can you find such a compact community of Russian people who for 300 years have remained sober?”
Scholars speculate that the Molokans sustained their work ethic through forced adaptation to a new and inhospitable climate. “The fertile black soils of central Russia” were swapped for “more challenging mountain environments in the Caucasus,” the American academic Susan Hardwick writes in her essay “Religion and Migration: The Molokan Experience.” Nevertheless, she adds, the Molokans “were able to establish self-sustaining agricultural operations… and mechanization of all kinds was used on [their] farms by the 1890s.”
Although the local Armenian populace was initially suspicious of the newcomers, contact was gradually established “on the basis of economic and trade relations,” writes academic Ivan Semyonov in his History of the Transcaucasian Molokans and Dukhobors.
“The local population had a lot to learn from the newcomers, since the Russians brought more advanced tools, new and better breeds of livestock and more advanced farming methods, which contributed to the development of vegetable gardening in the region,” he says. The Molokans, in turn, learned from indigenous residents how to adapt their materials to the local lands and to raise sheep.
Now Molokan men work primarily in carpentry and construction and are known as some of Armenia’s most skillful builders. In Dilijan, they can also occasionally be spotted selling their cabbage and milk to the locals.
According to Tolik, the Molokans of Fioletovo are not just aware of the newly arrived Russians but try to engage with them regularly, inviting them to make traditional Russian dumplings and go mushroom hunting. The Molokans call the post-invasion emigres nashi, “our people.”
Irina, a 39-year-old marketing specialist who moved with her husband and son to Dilijan shortly after Russia invaded Ukraine, joined the mushroom hikes but has mixed feelings about Molokan practices. “People keep romanticizing them as some sort of sacred community, preserved from a bygone era,” she told me. “But at the end of the day, they’re very conservative and patriarchal, and many still prevent their children from getting a higher education, which is not really my cup of tea.”
Networking in the playground
Tucked away between densely forested mountains, Dilijan—a spa town of about 18,000 that was formerly a resort for Soviet artists and composers—now hosts roughly 1,000 Russian émigrés. From the town square, where a memorial to the iconic 1977 Soviet film comedy Mimino—which celebrates the friendship of a Russian, Georgian and an Armenian native of Dilijan—welcomes visitors with warmth and whimsy, the main road snakes up into the hills where every tenth wooden home is now inhabited by Russians.
One afternoon in March 2023, Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan was dining with his wife at a new, upscale restaurant in town when he noticed a group of Russians picking up trash on the street outside. According to a waitress, he immediately asked his security guards to bring him latex gloves from the shop across the street.
Slipping them on, he ran outside to join the Russians for their subbotnik—a Soviet-era tradition in which people take part in community-service activities on a Saturday, from which the word is derived. Shortly after, the prime minister’s wife, Anna Hakobyan, shared a photograph of her husband working with the émigrés on her Facebook page, with a caption in Russian: “Don’t think it’s just [Russian] relokanty [picking up trash]. Locals have joined the effort too!”
The term relokant, which loosely translates to “relocated person,” is a common self-identifier used by many Russians who fled their country in 2022. Terms like “exile” may have too heavy a political connotation, implying an inability to return.
Many Dilijan locals to whom I spoke, both Armenians and Russians, said the newly arrived relokanty have injected the town with a new, urban middle-class culture. In addition to introducing recycling and vaccinating most of the town’s stray dogs, they have opened yoga and Pilates studios.
While it’s unclear how Pilates studios could benefit the predominantly working-class locals who can’t afford them, residents told me they welcome such “improvements.” Ivanes, a 30-year-old bartender, was happy they’ve made his hometown “more attractive” and that the businesses they open provide work for locals.
Artemy, an Armenian cab driver who zooms between Tbilisi, Dilijan and Yerevan almost daily, says business has been booming. Ninety percent of his customers are Russian relokanty. He said he had lived in Russia half of his life, when he would experience racism from Russians “weekly.”
“But I know that [the Russians here] are different, otherwise they wouldn’t be here,” he told me. “They often tell me, ‘Artemy, we’re so sorry for all the horrible experiences you had in our country. Thank you for welcoming us here.’”
For recent émigrés like Irina and her programmer husband, who represent the majority of Russians in Dilijan, the town may feel a bit like an American suburb. Armenia’s capital, Yerevan, is just an hour and a half away. Dilijan boasts two well-reputed private schools, and the large homes available for rent or purchase are well-suited for remote work.
“The playground has been our main networking space,” Irina said, chuckling over a Zoom call while on holiday in Moscow. In the background, I overheard her six-year-old son listing the names of his closest Dilijan friends—Russians, Armenians and children of foreign teachers.
Even before the influx of Russians, Dilijan’s economy was already on the rise, pushed by investments from the notorious Armenian oligarch Ruben Vardanyan and the Armenian diaspora. In 2014, the international educational network United World Colleges opened a Dilijan branch. Now Irina and her husband send their son there for preschool, where alongside both Russian and Armenian children, he hears lessons taught by foreign teachers in English.
The school charges $200 a month, “significantly cheaper than a private school in Moscow, and the education here is certainly better—I can tell from how our son is responding,” Irina told me. “We’ve built a community here that will enable us to stay at least a few years.”
‘Too young’ for politics
One of the driving forces behind Dilijan’s development is Impuls, an Armenian holding company that “manages assets and investments in the fields of development and territorial planning,” according to its website. Its boxy new headquarters, which look as if copy-pasted from Silicon Valley, peer over the town’s newly renovated park.
Over 50 percent of its staff is Russian, including a young woman from Russia’s Republic of Mordovia named Yulya, whose move here with her husband, Zhenya, unintentionally coincided with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
“Because we had already planned to move here for work, our departure was much easier than those of others who fled because of the invasion,” she told me at the wine bar they recently opened as “Zhenya’s pet project.”
Having worked in parks and recreation between the relatively small cities of Saransk and Yalta—in the occupied Ukrainian Crimea region—the move to Dilijan did not seem like much of a downshift. Asked whether they felt ethical dilemmas working in Crimea at the time, they said they were “too young” to grasp the political implications.
“Growing up in a far-flung republic like Mordovia, you feel distant from Moscow’s politics,” she told me.
Now they plan to stay until a job offer abroad comes along.
Impuls hired Yulya and her Russian colleagues for their wealth of experience in a much stronger economy.
“With colleagues who worked in Russia, it’s easier but with our colleagues who worked only in Armenia, there is a difference,” she explained. “We often need to teach them things.”
Our conversation was interrupted when an older Armenian couple entered for a drink. Downing a few glasses of wine, the man—who owns an automotive repair shop in Dilijan—began raising toasts to Russia. He placed an emphasis on the country and its people rather than its politics. He had lived in Russia for a large portion of his life and had fond memories of the notably higher salary he had earned there.
Abastan means ‘refuge’
The locals of Tumanyan have a few theories about the peculiar Russians occupying the former textile factory that looms like a fortress above their homes. One rumor has it that the Russians are part of an LGBTQ+ sex cult. The more conspiratorial townsfolk suspect they’re spies working on behalf of Armenia’s regional foe Azerbaijan.
The optimists hope the Armenian American businessman who purchased the building over a decade ago brought in the Russians to restore it. The structure was a school during Soviet times and later a textile factory that employed many of the town’s women, a symbol of local prosperity. However, Armenia’s post-Soviet embrace of capitalism left it vacant and in disrepair.
The last rumor holds some truth. Тhe new owner did lend the building to the Russians for use as an arts center in the hope they would make it habitable for the long term. But the decay was so pervasive it would take professional builders just to prevent the roof from collapsing.
A scholar of medieval Anatolia named Polina Ivanova, who earned a doctorate at Harvard and was acquainted with the businessman, came up with the idea of creating a haven for artists at political risk in their home country after Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The artists chose to call their colony Abastan, “refuge” in Armenian.
The plan was also to offer short-term residencies to artists from all over the world to collaborate with Russian colleagues. The colony has hosted Russian artists since spring 2022, with occasional visits from a few Iranian artists, one Vietnamese and a few Armenians.
After Putin declared mass military mobilization in September 2022, Armenia’s proximity to Russia and Georgia—another post-invasion Russian emigre hub—transformed Abastan into a literal refuge for army deserters and others fleeing the increasingly militaristic Kremlin regime.
During the invasion’s first year, the Russian residents felt cognitive dissonance whenever hearing admiration from Tumanyan locals about Putin’s “strength.” While praise diminished after Russian peacekeeping troops stationed in the breakaway Azerbaijani region Nagorno-Karabakh failed to protect ethnic Armenians living there from an Azerbaijani offensive in September 2023, Tumanyan’s locals still welcome the Russians.
Which is not to say they always see eye-to-eye. As part of an attempt to provide some use to the village, the artists hosted a workshop for local children making crafts from repurposed materials. But when children brought home pigs crafted from plastic bottles, many parents questioned the utility of “making art out of trash.”
The artists occasionally host shows and markets in the town square, where locals pensively examine ornaments they lack funds to purchase. Davit Sahakyan, a local Armenian musician and programmer, said he was worried about the potential for disconnect between the newcomers and locals. “Residents here are quite conservative, working-class people who just focus on their own survival,” he said. “They are the last people who need modern art.”
But the head of the local community center—located in the former Soviet House of Culture building—praises the artists for their work with children. The shared language and cultural history from Soviet and tsarist eras links Tumanyan locals to the Russians, however cosmopolitan they may be. During my visit, two young Armenian drivers hired to bring Russian artists from Tbilisi to Abastan were so enchanted with the colony that they stayed overnight, sitting around a campfire and singing songs with the residents.
Whether the artists will leave an enduring impact on the Tumanyan community or whether the dilapidated state of the building will force them to move elsewhere remains to be seen.
‘Just part of everyday life’
Kirill, an activist from Moscow who is an old friend of mine and now lives in Dilijan with his partner, told me he’s skeptical about any long-term impact the émigrés might have on locals, considering the prospect of soaring rents and overall effects of gentrification of which residents may not yet be wary.
Many of the young families left Russia to protect their children, he noted. “They could have continued to live their politics-free life in Russia and earn decent salaries without uprooting their lives,” he said. “Yet they came here because they wanted to shelter their children from the militaristic propaganda infecting Russia’s schools.”
Kirill came to Dilijan shortly after Russia invaded Ukraine. His partner, also an activist and an artist, was born to a Ukrainian mother and has strong ties to that country and its language. In St. Petersburg, where she grew up, her father garnered a reputation for his provocative poetry. He died a year after the invasion. Soon after, an independent Russian media outlet accused him of a series of sexual-abuse and assault incidents.
Traumatized by revelations that unearthed unpleasant memories of her own childhood interactions with her father, his daughter now conflates her experience living in Russia with her father’s abuses. She finds it difficult interacting with Russians. In Dilijan, the couple helps Ukrainians through various remote initiatives, working far from the flocks of other Russian émigrés in Tbilisi and Yerevan.
Aleksei, a Russian journalist who writes about alcohol for lifestyle magazines, also found refuge in Dilijan’s hills. In 2021, he had published an investigative piece exposing local police in Russia’s Buryatia Republic of inflicting sexual violence against underage detainees. Following the article’s publication, the officers were arrested.
However, one was released from prison in 2022 after signing a contract to join the Wagner paramilitary group. After completing six months of military service in Ukraine, he returned to Russia and filed a criminal case accusing Aleksei of slander. The story typifies the current socio-political climate in Russia, where Aleksei is now a marked man.
Other émigrés in the town to whom I spoke, however, were reticent about discussing the war in Ukraine and their own country’s fate. On a Telegram channel called “Move to Dilijan” created by relokanty, one of the many rules pinned at the top reads: “Politics are not discussed here.”
In Tbilisi, anti-Russian graffiti and Ukrainian flags hanging from many balconies remind Russian émigrés of the context of their arrival. In Armenia, however, the absence of such vivid expression of sentiment may be playing a role easing relokanty into a state of depoliticization. “We don’t read the news these days at all,” Yulya, from Russia’s Mordovia Republic, told me at her husband’s bar in Dilijan. “Nothing becomes easier from reading it, so there’s no point.”
The fact that the war will soon enter its third year may also fuel such escapism. “We categorically understand that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is a bad thing, but now, almost two full years down the line, it doesn’t feel like a pressing issue anymore,” Yulya’s husband Zhenya said. “It has somehow become just part of everyday life.”
The Molokans also try to avoid news to “keep their minds at ease,” Tolik said as he drove Lurie and me from Fioletovo to Tumanyan. “We have always been distant from politics. If the Whites come, we’ll greet them. If the Reds come, we’ll greet them too,” he explained, using Russian 1920s civil war-era terms for monarchists and Bolsheviks.
The pacifism has made it difficult for the Molokans to wrap their heads around Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. “It must be over resources,” Tolik mused. “Otherwise, how can a brother nation attack another brother nation?”
Even in the artists’ colony among an impressive array of paintings, light installations, found objects and puppet theaters, there was a glaring absence of politically charged work that could somehow shed light on Russia’s invasion and the country’s current political and social status quo. Nowhere on Abastan’s website is the war in Ukraine mentioned even though many of its artists left Russia because of the conflict.
Regina Abuzhenova, 29, who volunteers as a manager in Abastan, justified the omission saying that writing actively pro-Ukrainian messages could compromise the colony’s reputation in a country whose population and government does not unequivocally support either side. “Instead, we figured we would just make it an open space for any discussions in person,” she said.
Abastan resident Kiriyenkova took issue with my observations about the lack of political art saying much of the work produced during colony’s first year was heavily politicized. “At the time, it was actually difficult not to make something politicized,” she said. “But a year down the line, things have changed. I was pumping out so much anti-war art at the start, and what did it do? It didn’t make any one feel better.”
Armenia’s ‘war of its own’
Another common response I received when asking Russians about the issue was that Armenia has a war of its own over which it is counting on Moscow’s support. “Armenia has its own history, its own war, which just happened—and when you show up with your terrorist state which you are fighting against and begin to publicly condemn it in Armenia, a country still seeking [military] aid from Russia, this might appear strange and intrusive,” Kiriyenkova said.
After the Soviet collapse, Armenia and Azerbaijan fought repeatedly over Nagorno-Karabakh, which, while recognized internationally as a part of Azerbaijan, was always inhabited by a large majority of ethnic Armenians.
As a result of a cease-fire following the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, Russia deployed a peacekeeping force to the exclave. That partly explains why Armenians generally viewed the Russian government favorably until September 2023. But during Azerbaijan’s most recent offensive, followed by a months-long blockade of the region, the peacekeepers largely stood by without intervening. Experts saw Russia’s inaction as a move to punish Armenia’s pro-Western Prime Minister Pashinyan after a series of spats with Putin.
Protests erupted in Yerevan following Armenia’s latest capitulation, this time with an unprecedented anti-Moscow slant.
Still, the Russians I spoke to say that hasn’t affected their lives in Armenia. While faith in the Russian government may have waned, Armenians’ appreciation for Russian émigrés has not.
“I was very worried that after this conflict, the Armenian population would direct its animosity against the Russians, but I am so proud they didn’t,” the Armenian writer Narine Agbaryan told the exiled Russian journalist Katerina Gordeeva in a recent YouTube interview. Agbaryan was echoing a sentiment I had heard from dozens of locals, pride in the ability to separate people from the actions of their governments.
Part of Armenians’ resolute acceptance of Russian migrants could be explained by the fact that they played a large role in providing aid to families who suffered from the latest Azerbaijani attack. During Azerbaijan’s September 2023 offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh, which displaced over 100,000 ethnic Armenians, Russians in Dilijan were some of the first to organize donation drives for the refugees.
In her interview with Gordeeva, Agbaryan praised the contributions of newly arrived Russians. “In Dilijan there is now a large, intelligent diaspora from Russia which mobilized to collect clothes, food and find housing for [the refugees],” she says in the interview, which shot in her hometown Dilijan.
“It was a show of humanity and unity which felt very natural, and we [the locals of Dilijan] were so warmed by these gestures as they showed us that us Armenians are not alone.”
Armenia is sandwiched between two hostile countries that have strong alliances of their own—Azerbaijan and Turkey, which still refuses to acknowledge its genocide of Armenians at the start of the 20th century. Armenia’s neighbor to the north, Georgia, lacks the resources or political will to present itself as a reliable partner. Perhaps that helps explain why the Armenian people welcome any help they get, including from immigrants fleeing the country that once colonized them.
Wine bar owners Zhenya and Yulya were among the Russians in Dilijan who participated in the initiatives to help Artsakh refugees. “We felt the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis here more because you see how it affects the locals around you,” Zhenya said. “In Russia, the war is somewhere distant. Here, it’s just 30 minutes away, which is quite frightening.”
At Abastan, residents donated all they earned from selling art to various initiatives helping refugees. “As immigrants ourselves, we collectively felt that since we’re living here, we needed to prioritize [those in need] in this country first, while Ukraine was secondary,” Abuzhenova said. “We had enough resources for Armenians, but not for Ukraine unfortunately.”
When she’s not managing the artist colony, Abuzhenova works remotely out of her rented apartment in Armenia’s second-largest city, Gyumri, where in addition to few-hundred Russians relokanty, Russian soldiers patrol the streets. Roughly 3,000 are reported to be stationed at the base there, which has existed since Soviet times.
Just a week after we spoke, a Russian conscript named Dmitry Setrakov who deserted his unit in Ukraine and fled for Armenia, was detained by Russian military police officers in the city before they swiftly sent him back to Russia. That was the first known case a Russian military deserter was arrested outside the country. His whereabouts are unknown but it is likely he is back on the front lines of Ukraine.
In her interview with Gordeeva, Agbaryan also shared an interaction she had had with an 18-year-old Russian who fled his country just after Putin’s September 2022 mobilization order. She met him when he was working as a food courier in Dilijan. The teenager called her saying he was unable to carry up her order, so she came out to greet him thinking he was lost.
After spotting him crouching on the ground, weeping, she took him into her arms to console him, she told Gordeeva. “Your mother must be relieved, she must be happy that you are here, and not out there on the front lines in Ukraine—and this is a good thing,” she recalled telling the draft-dodger.
Unavoidable realities
Faces of young men who died in the Nagorno-Karabakh wars are painted on tufa stone walls, peering down at pedestrians across Armenia’s cities. Along highways, billboards almost exclusively display military recruitment ads.
At the artist colony, I came across a photograph of a young Armenian artist-in-residence with two prosthetic legs. He is a veteran of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war now ensconced in his apartment in Yerevan writing a book about his experiences on the front lines. His friend and fellow veteran, Davit Sahakyan, played guitar for us around a campfire.
When I met Sahakyan for a follow-up conversation in Yerevan, I noticed he would wait for the green light at every crosswalk even when other pedestrians were jaywalking left and right. He, too, has a prosthetic leg.
In 2020, at the age of 19, Sahakyan was handed a conscription notice. He had never held a gun in his life and was unaware he would soon be embroiled in what would become Armenia’s bloodiest military conflict in over two decades. In August that year, a month before Azerbaijan launched its operation in Nagorno-Karabakh, Sahakyan and his regiment were deployed in what became a buffer zone on the Azerbaijani border.
“I learned how to fight only after I was in the war,” he told me in Russian with native fluency. Of his regiment of 100 men, only six survived. “We were completely surrounded and rather than fleeing toward Armenia where Azerbaijani troops were moving, we ran behind enemy lines through mountains and forests,” he said as we sat in Ilik, a popular café in the center of Yerevan where Armenian artists and poets gather.
He wore his long black hair in a ponytail, and even though his face was youthful, his eyes looked weary. “A cease-fire agreement was signed on November 10, but we got out only on December 10,” he said. “We would take food from homes in villages abandoned by Armenians,” he added. Sahakyan and his comrades eventually escaped through Azerbaijan into Iran, where they were greeted by International Red Cross volunteers.
“I saw horrors in the war. I saw my sergeant decapitated,” he said. “I would see how Azerbaijani soldiers would commit atrocities and then post videos online, and Azerbaijani social media users would cheer them on. This wasn’t war anymore; it was something animalistic.”
He said he found rations provided by the Russian government for Azerbaijani troops in abandoned Azerbaijani positions. He came to the conclusion that Moscow had been playing both sides against each other.
The Azerbaijani government has since cracked down on internal criticism of its Nagorno-Karabakh policies. “What’s happening in Azerbaijan reminds me of what’s happening in Russia,” Sahakian said. “They lay claim to a contested territory, insist on the narrative that it belongs to them and jail anyone who dares speak out against it.”
When I asked how he was coping after witnessing such brutality, he told me that he learned how to “compartmentalize.”
“No matter how much we want to believe there is, there is no real concept of humanity yet,” he said. “People are still barbarians. And when you acknowledge that, it becomes easier to process.” It was difficult to imagine how such a young, bright man—well-read, with an incredible sense of humor, who composes indie rock music in his free time—could endure such horrors.
In Russia, the fact that the army is primarily comprised of undereducated men from the country’s far-flung regions makes the war in Ukraine feel distant for residents of cities like Moscow and St. Petersburg. But in much-smaller Armenia, a country whose population is under 3 million, it was difficult to escape the 2020 draft. During my travels, I asked almost all the men I spoke with if they had served and about half said they had.
Cases like Sahakyan’s show the profound impact the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has had. Across the country, the fear that another Azerbaijani attack may be imminent is palpable. On January 13, Azerbaijan’s autocratic president, Ilham Aliyev, posted a video online in which he made dubious claims questioning Armenia’s territorial integrity, placing particular emphasis on its capital, Yerevan. His rhetoric was eerily reminiscent of statements Putin made when justifying his invasion of Ukraine.
Although his injury would exempt Sahakyan from another draft, he still recently attended a military training program “to be ready to defend myself and my loved ones.”
Sahakyan said there was one Molokan soldier in his initial regiment of 100 men despite the sect’s longstanding adherence to radical pacifism. “I don’t know what happened to him, but he could very well be dead,” he told me.
But most who were forced into the military refused to take up arms, serving as medics or cooks for their regiments instead. “We are categorically against war,” Tolik, the Molokan, told us. “‘Do not kill’ is one of our main rules. There is no justification for killing.”
Still, “no matter how much we try to shelter our people from all the conflicts around the world, some realities are just unavoidable.”
Top photo: Visitors at the Abastan residency | |||
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Demographics
Armenia Demographics
Armenia Demographics
Population of Armenia (2024)
View live population, charts & trends: Population of Armenia
Median Age
The median age in Armenia is 36.1 years (2024).
Fertility in Armenia
A Total Fertility Rate (TFR) of 2.1 represents the Replacement-Level Fertility: the average number of children per woman needed for each generation to exactly replace itself without needing international immigration. A value below 2.1 will cause the native population to decline
Life Expectancy in Armenia
See also: Countries in the world ranked by Life Expectancy
Infant Mortality Rate and Deaths of Children under 5 Years Old in Armenia
Armenia Urban Population
Currently, 63.1 % of the population of Armenia is urban (1,877,736 people in 2024)
Population Density
The 2024 population density in Armenia is 104 people per Km2 (271 people per mi2), calculated on a total land area of 28,470 Km2 (10,992 sq. miles).
Largest Cities in Armenia
See also
Population of Armenia
GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of Armenia
Demographics of Asia
World Demographics
Demographics
Population
Sources
World Population Prospects: The 2024 Revision - United Nations Population Division
World Urbanization Prospects - Population Division - United Nations
GeoNames
United Nations Statistics Division
World Bank
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)
Definitions
Population Pyramid
A Population pyramid (also called "Age-Sex Pyramid") is a graphical representation of the age and sex of a population.
Types:
Stages:
Dependency Ratio
There are three types of age dependency ratio: Youth, Elderly, and Total. All three ratios are commonly multiplied by 100.
Youth Dependency Ratio
Definition: population ages 0-15 divided by the population ages 16-64.
Formula: ([Population ages 0-15] ÷ [Population ages 16-64]) × 100
Elderly dependency ratio
Definition: population ages 65-plus divided by the population ages 16-64.
Formula: ([Population ages 65-plus] ÷ [Population ages 16-64]) × 100
Total dependency ratio
Definition: sum of the youth and old-age ratios.
Formula: (([Population ages 0-15] + [Population ages 65-plus]) ÷ [Population ages 16-64]) × 100
NOTE: Dependency Ratio does not take into account labor force participation rates by age group. Some portion of the population counted as "working age" may actually be unemployed or not in the labor force whereas some portion of the "dependent" population may be employed and not necessarily economically dependent. | |||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 78 | https://cnewa.org/magazine/little-armenia-30950/ | en | ONE Magazine Little Armenia | [
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] | null | [] | 2002-06-28T00:00:00+00:00 | Traditions are important to those who settle in a new country. | CNEWA | https://cnewa.org/magazine/little-armenia-30950/ | There is a little bit of Armenia in Lebanon. Armenians, an Indo-European people historically centered in northeastern Asia Minor and the Caucasus, began to settle in present-day Lebanon almost a thousand years ago. What led them there, however, has never been forgotten.
In the 11th century, a Turkish tribe invaded Armenia, a kingdom sandwiched between the Christian West and Muslim East. Many Armenians, including the catholicos, the head of the Armenian Apostolic Church, fled to Cilicia in southeastern Asia Minor where some Armenian colonies already existed. Members of the nobility, with the support of the pope and the Holy Roman emperor, eventually formed an independent Kingdom of Cilicia, better known as Little Armenia. Little Armenia developed into a center of culture and learning, where the Christian East mingled with the Christian West.
Though this kingdom too was destroyed in the 14th century, Armenians in Asia Minor and the Middle East rallied around their ancient church, which preserved Armenian language and culture.
After the near annihilation of the Armenian community by the Turks between 1895 and 1915 (an estimated 1.5 million Armenians perished), survivors found refuge in French-protected Lebanon and Syria. Most of these refugees settled in Beirut, particularly in the suburb of Bourj Hammoud. Those who settled in rural Lebanon, notably in the village of Anjar in the Bekaa valley, arrived more than two decades later.
Determined to preserve their cultural identity, religion, language and traditions, these Armenian refugees established clubs, schools, churches, hospitals and dispensaries. Today they attend Armenian churches and schools, eat Armenian food, speak Armenian and read Armenian periodicals. Whether members of the Armenian Apostolic, Catholic or Evangelical churches, Lebanons Armenians live in harmony. Although tight-knit, they too are affected by the specters of unemployment, emigration and cultural disintegration haunting all Lebanese.
Roughly 100,000 people 80 percent of the population of Bourj Hammoud are Armenian. One of the most densely populated areas in the country, Bourj Hammoud has become one of the largest manufacturing hubs in Lebanon, a center for jewelry, shoes and clothing, all crafted by Armenians. And while Armenians prefer to work with fellow Armenians, their clients are usually fashion-conscious Maronites, Sunni Muslims and Druze. Yet inflation and regional economic challenges have affected even this affluent quarter:
I have difficulty earning a living today; there is no work here, says Armenak Kaiserian, who has run a shoe repair shop in Bourj Hammoud for 40 years.
In the narrow streets of Bourj Hammoud, traffic is so dense even the most intrepid drivers hesitate to venture there. Casting a rather somber pall on the area, five-story buildings border the narrow streets; drying clothes, hanging on lines along balconies, compete with webs of electric and telephone cable. Although it is hard to imagine, everyone in Bourj Hammoud can distinguish his or her own wires among the mess.
Within five years, says one resident of the quarter, Andranik Messerlian, the problem of wires and cables, of drainage and pipes and other problems related to the infrastructure of Bourj Hammoud will be settled.
Despite their ugly appearance, these cables have their advantages, he adds, laughing.
One day a child fell from a balcony, but the tangled cables kept him from falling to the ground.
But Bourj Hammoud has not always escaped Lebanons web of alliances and pacts. Despite the quarters neutrality, more than 100 residents were killed during Lebanons 15-year civil war (1975-1990). A monument was erected this year in their memory.
As a defensive measure, recalls one resident, Haroutiun Tcholakian, we had 3,000 armed men. While other areas of Beirut were subject to theft and acts of vandalism, we had more security. As a result, many wished to take refuge in Bourj Hammoud, away from the shooting and shelling.
We transformed one of the schools here into a large dispensary and had doctors and nurses volunteering there 24 hours a day, he continues proudly.
While most of postwar Beirut has adopted a modern look, Bourj Hammoud has maintained its prewar appearance; it escaped major destruction during the war. Apart from a number of supermarkets, where one can still smell the aroma of soujouks (Armenian sausages), bastermas (Armenian dried meat), herbs, spices and dried eggplant, the flavor of the Middle East is generally absent. In the cafes, handfuls of men gather to play cards or backgammon, drink coffee and smoke narguile (water pipes). Sadly, they reminisce about the good old days, before the war.
For the elderly Armenian residents of the village of Anjar, the war they call to mind is not Lebanons civil war (Anjar, fortunately, escaped unscathed), but the hostilities inflicted on them by the Turks in 1939.
Overlooking the Mediterranean, on the slope of Musa Dagh (Mount Moses), a stones throw from the Syrian border, more than 5,000 Armenians from six villages, were flushed from their homes by the Turks:
It was in the middle of the night. The church bells started ringing and we were told to leave our village by dawn. We could not take much with us, so we left our yogurt and other winter provisions to our Turkish neighbors. We managed to sell our wheat and our dear goats, remembers 86-year-old Dzaghik Janbazian.
The inhabitants of the six villages of Musa Dagh, the heroes of Franz Werfels 1933 novel, The Forty Days of Musa Dagh, were transferred to the Syrian shore. There they spent 40 days in shacks. As a result of these difficult living conditions, 45 people perished.
Finally, in September 1939, with the help of the French Navy, they were relocated to the rugged, dry land of Anjar, in Lebanons Bekaa valley. While awaiting the construction of 1,000 single-room homes, these refugees lived for two years in tents. During the first months of their exile, malnutrition and malaria caused the death of some 500 Armenians.
It was terribly cold we used to warm the quilts on charcoal-burning heaters before covering our children, says Maria Ibradjian.
Despite the rugged climate of Anjar, the Armenians learned to work the land as they had back in Musa Dagh. In addition to 5,400 square yards of residential land, each family was allotted 9,360 square yards of agricultural land.
The men were employed for the construction of the houses. The French paid them a few cents a day, recalls Movses Janbazian, 94.
Once the lands were distributed, each family received 110 pounds of wheat for planting, he adds. We were able to make a living.
Today, I am unable to earn a living, laments Boghos Taslakian, who is 77. I sell my cabbages for 10 cents a pound at the market. In reality, agriculture has reached a dead end in Lebanon. My children are no longer interested they dont even know the exact location of the family farm. The majority of the youngsters are attracted by other activities, such as jewelry making.
In order to make ends meet, farmers must take on other activities. After working as a farmer for more than 60 years, Assadour Makhoulian was forced to open a small supermarket in the village. Today his son operates it.
Mr. Makhoulian is fortunate to have his son in Anjar. Emigration has affected Lebanons Armenian community, both in urban and rural areas of the country. Today, Anjar has 2,500 inhabitants, all of whom are Armenian. Between 1946 and 1947, 530 families, or half the population of the village, left for ancient Armenia, then a Soviet Socialist republic. During the Lebanese civil war, others left for the United States and Australia.
Our major problem today is the emigration of young people, says Sebouh Saghian, the Mayor of Anjar. We do not have local universities, so our youth go to Beirut for further education. Because of unemployment here, the majority do not return. However, thanks to the construction of a new freeway, which will be completed in 2005 and will connect the Gulf countries to Lebanon, we will be 20 minutes from Beirut. We think people will prefer to make the trip rather than settle in Beirut, he adds.
Yet emigration of the youth continues.
We have to do our best in order to prevent the departure of the younger generation, declares Yessai Havatian, an engineer and a teacher at Gulbenkian College.
For example, we have over 50 apple orchards here, and can consider starting an apple juice factory. Due to Lebanons economic difficulties, local employment possibilities are few; nevertheless, thanks to aid received from the Canadian Embassy, a small factory producing tomato juice, tomato sauce and chili paste has opened in Anjar. The factory employs eight women and its products are sold in Beirut. This is a good start toward creating local employment, he continues.
Another significant problem faced by Lebanons Armenian community an unstable school system is also taking its toll. A few years ago Armenian community leaders encouraged Lebanons Armenian parents to enroll their children in Armenian-speaking schools, even if they could not afford the tuition. This created, however, a huge deficit for many schools.
Today, even the church has difficulty filling this financial gap, remarks Bishop Gegham Khajerian of the Armenian Apostolic Catholicosate of Cilicia, which is now centered in the Beirut suburb of Antelias. A number of schools have been forced to close; a few others have merged with other schools.
Despite aid received from organizations such as CNEWA, LOeuvre dOrient, Red Cross and the Gulbenkian Foundation, states Sister Anais, an Armenian Sister of the Immaculate Conception who directs St. Agnes Armenian Catholic School in Bourj Hammoud, we have serious budget and cash flow problems. We have students here whose parents are unable to provide them with sufficient food. In these conditions, we dont dare ask them for tuition. In a few months, however, if the problem persists, we will be unable to pay the teachers salaries.
The Armenian people are a tough lot. Caught between East and West, Christendom and the Islamic world, flushed from their ancestral lands and nearly annihilated, and now confronted with emigration, unemployment and the preservation of their identity, Armenians have nevertheless adapted and flourished. Undoubtedly the Armenian community in Lebanon will survive. But they will have to remember the tenacity and faith of their ancestors.
Armineh Johannes filed this report from Beirut. | ||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 3 | 0 | https://worldpopulationreview.com/countries/armenia-population | en | Armenia Population 2024 (Live) | https://worldpopulationreview.com/favicon.ico | https://worldpopulationreview.com/favicon.ico | [
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] | null | [] | null | en | /favicon.ico | null | Armenia has experienced population decline since the USSR was broken up, but the decline leveled out between 2008-2010. Based on the medium variant of the UN projections, the population will be nearly 3 million in 2020.
Armenia Population Growth
The annual growth rate of the population in Armenia has been wavering on both sides of zero since the turn of the century, gaining numbers just to lose some a few years later leading to little overall change. As of 2019, the population was close to a standstill growing at just 0.09% a year. Net migration is relatively low, yet negative, and the largest contributing factor to the low amount has been the below-average birth rate of 1.61 children being born to the average Armenian woman. The birth rate was even lower in the 1990s, meaning that there are not many people around child-bearing age around at present. That in combination with socio-economic factors have not inspired people to start large families.
Armenia Population Projections
The decrease in the annual growth rate of Armenia is expected to continue in the coming years, beginning to see a decrease in numbers as soon as the year 2024. Current projections go out to the year 2050 and believe that the net migration will regularly be at least -5,000 annually and the birth rate will remain below the worldwide average, staying close to 1.51, which is not conducive to growth. If these factors remain as expected, the annual growth rate should get down to -0.47% by 2050, and the population of Armenia will be roughly 2,938,679 in 2020, 2,907,463 in 2030, 2,818,399 in 2040 and 2,600,184 by 2050.
The small landlocked nation of Armenia is located along the boundary between Europe and Asia but is technically an Asian nation that shares its border with Georgia, Azerbaijan, Iran, and Turkey. Located in the Southern Caucasus Mountains between the Black and Caspian Seas, Armenia covers 11,484 square miles (29,743 square kilometers) of area, which ranks 141st in the world in terms of size. However, Armenia is the second-most densely populated nation of the former Soviet republics. The population in 2019 was 2,937,026 which gives it a population density of 256 people per square mile (99 people per square kilometer), which ranks 84th in the world in this regard.
Roughly 63% of the people living in Armenia reside in or around a major metropolitan area. Armenia’s largest city, Yerevan, has a population of approximately 1.075 million people - roughly one-third of the entire population. Yerevan is one of the world’s oldest, continually inhabited cities in existence to this day. Yerevan is also the nation's capital and is home to most of the country's major industries and international headquarters. This area of Armenia is where it is speculated that Noah’s Ark would have landed, by all research and accounts. Yerevan is by far the largest city in Armenia, with the second-largest city of Gyumri having a population of 117,000. Other notable cities with populations less than 100,000 include Vanadzor, Vagharshapat (Etchmiadzin), Abovyan, and Kapan. Armenia is urbanizing at a rate of 0.5% but has seen a population decrease by about 6% over the most recent 4 years.
Armenia Demographics
The ethnic tapestry of Armenia is 98% ethnic Armenians, while the rest are primarily Yazidis, with some Russian ethnicity present. Accordingly, the two official languages in Armenia are Armenian, and Kurdish, which is spoken by the Yezidi minority. The life expectancy in Armenia is higher than most other Soviet Republics with men expected to live to 71.6 and women to 78.3 years old. The median age in Armenia is 35.6 years old. Armenia has a large diaspora, with about 8 million Armenians living throughout the world. This is much larger than the current 3 million population of Armenia itself. The largest communities outside of Armenia are in Russia, Iran, France, the U.S., Canada, Syria, Lebanon and elsewhere. The northern portion of the country is more densely populated than the south.
Armenia Religion, Economy and Politics
Religious devotion in Armenia is traditionally Christian. Armenia was the first country to adopt Christianity as a national religion, and antiquity shows this occurred around 301 A.D. Over 93% of the current populous claims to be part of the Armenian Apostolic Church. Catholicism exists in Armenia, as well as Sunni Islam, both practiced by a small fraction of Armenian residents.
In the years since Armenia's independence, they have become increasingly self-reliant for natural resources and mining for copper, zinc, gold, and lead is the most significant portion of the economy. Most of their fuel, however, still comes from Russia. Trade in Armenia is somewhat limited since two of its neighboring countries, Azerbaijan and Turkey, have had their trade borders closed since 1991 and 1993, respectively, leaving just Jordan and Georgia as their most accessible trade partners. This limited trade in addition to the pervasiveness of monopolies throughout many industries has led Armenia to be particularly susceptible to the volatilities of the global market.
Armenia Population History
600,000 - 1,500,000 Armenians were either killed or deported from Western Armenia, their homeland, to the area that is now Syria between the years 1915-1917, at which time the Armenian part of the Ottoman Empire came under the control of the Russian army before being incorporated into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1922. Under Stalin, the economy flourished and there was much industrial development, but the people suffered greatly through the 1930s.
In 1988, Armenians began campaigning for the Nagorno-Karabakh region of neighboring Azerbaijan to be incorporated with the rest of Armenia. Later that year an earthquake killed 25,000 and left hundreds of thousands of people without homes. Shortly after the earthquake, tensions rose over the Nagorno-Karabakh region and thousands were forced to leave their homes. Armenia joined the United Nations in 1992 and became a full member of the Council of Europe in 2002. | ||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 39 | https://www.advantour.com/armenia/armavir.htm | en | Armavir region, Armenia | [
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Area: 1,242 sq km
Administrative centre: Armavir
Distance from Yerevan to Armavir: 44 km
The historical Armavir area (Armavir Region) is situated between Mount Aragats and Mount Ararat and is a part of Ararat Valley, the biggest and the most fertile of 40 valleys of Armenian upland. It is the smallest marz (region) in Armenia, although it is the most densely populated in the country. Traditionally the population there is engaged in agriculture therefore most people live in villages.
The only river which originates there is the Metsamor. It is fed by the river Kasagh, Lake Aikhr and nearby springs. The marz of Armavir is rich in ancient monuments. Historically the most interesting are the ruins of Argishtikhinili, an Urartu city. On the left bank of the former riverbed of the Araks there was the city of Armavir which for centuries was a major economic and cultural centre. A little farther to the west at the confluence of the Araks and the Akhuryan are the ruins of another significant city – Yervandashat – the last capital of Yervandid dynasty.
The main place of interest and the pride of Armavir marz is the religious and spiritual centre of Armenian Apostolic Church – Echmiadzin. There you can visit St. Echmiadzin temple, Catholicosat and the residence of the Catholicos of all Armenians.
Armavir
Modern Armavir is a young and quickly developing city. It is named so in honor of ancient capital of Armenia (Armenia has had 12 capitals) – the city of Armavir, the center of ancient Armenian Airarat kingdom dated the 4th century BC with the ruling Yervandid dynasty.
Ancient Armavir was founded on the site of Argishtikhinili (Urartu). In 316 BC Airarat kingdom gained its independence. But in 220 BC it was conquered by Selevkids. In the2nd century BC the kingdom was annexed to the new state - Great Armenia with the capital in Artashat. After that Armavir started to lose its importance but continued to exist until the 5 th century AD. In the vicinity of Armavir there are two stones bearing Greek inscriptions of Hellenistic epoch containing historical and literary texts. Architecture was highly developed there. The ruins of Cyclopean fortresses, burial places and palace structures have survived from ancient times till nowadays. The ruins of ancient Armavir are located near the present capital of the marz. | ||||||
6007 | dbpedia | 2 | 81 | https://www.alimajlis.gov.az/en/pages/armenia-azerbaijan-conflict | en | Azerbaijan conflict | [
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The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict had gone down in the history of the 20th century as one of the most tragic conflicts, as its implications seriously affected the fates of millions of Azerbaijanis.
The conflict, which began with Armenia’s overt territorial claims to Azerbaijan’s historical lands, provocations on ethnic grounds and acts of terror in the late 1980s, resulted in military aggression against Azerbaijan.
The Armenians represented in the government of the Soviet Union, the leaders of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR) and the Armenian diaspora abroad took advantage of the weakening of the central government of the USSR in the late 1980s and switched to deliberate actions to secede the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region (NKAR), which was established as part of the Azerbaijani SSR in 1923, from Azerbaijan and annex it to the Armenian SSR.
The process of brutal deportation of Azerbaijanis from their historical lands in the Gafan region of the Armenian SSR began in late 1987. The Azerbaijanis living in different cities and regions of Armenia faced the same fate in 1988-1989. More than 250,000 Azerbaijanis living in Armenia were forcibly expelled from their historical lands, 216 of them were mercilessly killed and 1,154 were injured. In an effort to save their lives from Armenian violence, they were forced to seek refuge in Azerbaijan.
Until 1988, the Azerbaijanis lived compactly across Armenia. However, in contrast to the Armenians living in Nagorno-Karabakh, the Soviet government did not grant the status of autonomy to the territories within the Armenian SSR densely populated by Azerbaijanis.
The Beginning
The Azerbaijanis were deliberately expelled and deported from the territory of the present-day Armenia in 1905-1906, 1918-1920 and 1948- 1953. In 1948-1953 alone, more than 150,000 Azerbaijanis were deported en masse from their historical lands in the territory of the Armenian SSR. Some of them, especially the elderly and infants, died due to severe resettlement conditions, unfavorable climate, physical deprivation and mental suffering.
On 13 February 1988, the first Armenian rally on the Karabakh issue was held in Khankendi (then Stepanakert), the center of NKAR. Various rallies were organized in Nagorno-Karabakh from 16 February to 2 March. On 20 February, deputies of Armenian origin from the NagornoKarabakh Council of People’s Deputies voted in favor of the proposal to have the region joined with the Armenian SSR (Azerbaijani deputies and those of other nationalities did not attend the session). On 21 February, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union issued a resolution “On the events in Nagorno-Karabakh”, which described the Council’s decision as one “provoked by nationalist elements”. However, on 22 February, Armenians opened fire on peaceful Azerbaijanis as they were protesting against the above-mentioned decision of the Council of People’s Deputies of Nagorno-Karabakh near the settlement of Asgaran on the Khankendi-Aghdam highway. As a result, two young Azerbaijanis were killed. In early March, two organizations, “Karabakh” and “Krunk”, started to freely operate in Yerevan and Khankendi respectively with the aim of annexing Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia.
On 14 June, the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR decided to “incorporate” the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region in the Armenian SSR. In protest, the Supreme Council of the Azerbaijani SSR reaffirmed on 17 June that NKAR was a part of the Azerbaijani SSR. On 18 July, the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the USSR decided that it was impossible to change the national-territorial division of the Azerbaijani SSR and the Armenian SSR. Thus, the Supreme Council of the USSR, guided by a relevant provision of the USSR Constitution (Article 78), defended the principle of territorial integrity of the republics.
As the overall state structure of the USSR weakened, the situation in the region continued to deteriorate. Armed groups and terrorists, mainly from Armenia, were involved in acts of sabotage in Nagorno-Karabakh. Under such circumstances, the activities of the Special Governance Committee (SGC, 12 January – 28 November 1989), established by a decision of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Council of the USSR, ended in a failure.
On 1 December 1989, the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR adopted a decision “On the unification of the Armenian SSR and Nagorno-Karabakh”. On 9 January 1990, the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR included a plan on the socioeconomic development of the NKAR into the plan of the Armenian SSR for 1990. On 20 May 1990, elections of deputies of the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR from NagornoKarabakh were held in Nagorno-Karabakh.
The decisions of the Supreme Council of the Armenian SSR clearly exposed the Armenia’s aggressive nature. Territorial claims against Azerbaijan were made not only by nationalist groups, but also by Armenian government bodies. Armenia wanted to occupy a part of the territory of Azerbaijan at whatever cost.
As a result of the victory of the Armenian National Movement in the parliamentary elections in Armenia in May 1990, extremist nationalist and chauvinist forces advocating for war ascended to power in the republic. This, in turn, accelerated their preparations for the war of aggression. Yerevan focused all its efforts on creating and arming informal military units, preferring to solve the problem by force in accordance with its goals. This is exactly why Armenia never took the process of negotiation seriously and only tried to create a semblance of it in international public opinion.
Both in the run-up to the war and in the post-war period, Azerbaijan’s position was fully justified in terms of the USSR Constitution and international law. However, the inaction by Azerbaijan’s political elite at the time and the lack of a political leader in the republic further aggravated the situation. Heydar Aliyev, a far-sighted politician, prominent statesman, the national leader of the Azerbaijani people who was capable of thoroughly analyzing the process, seeing the determined and principled position of the people and mobilizing the nation for a common goal had been forced to resign from all of his government posts at the time. His alienation from politics had a direct impact on the deepening of the conflict based on the wishes of the Armenians.
Extreme Pressure Campaign
After the invasion of Baku by Soviet troops on 20 January 1990 and the Bloody January tragedy, the Kremlin and personally President Mikhail Gorbachev completely discredited themselves. After Baku, Soviet troops killed civilians in Neftchala and Lankaran. All in all, 150 people were killed across the country during the January events. The tragedy of 20 January played a critical part in completely changing the attitude of the Azerbaijani people to the USSR and realizing the ideas of national independence. While Azerbaijani communist leaders continued to turn a blind eye to the profound changes in the national consciousness of the people, the national leader Heydar Aliyev visited the permanent representative office of Azerbaijan in Moscow on 21 January to voice his protest at the biased policy of the USSR leadership against the Azerbaijani people. He then gave up his membership of the party.
According to the decision of the Supreme Council of the USSR “On measures to normalize the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh” from 8 November 1989, the Special Governance Committee of Nagorno-Karabakh was abolished, the local Council of People’s Deputies was re-established and the Organizing Committee for the NKAR was set up. However, the Committee was doomed to failure from the very outset, as it relied on the dwindling capabilities of the all-Union system and was only interested in preserving it. After the events of August 1991, which significantly undermined the foundations of the Soviet Union, the activities of this Committee became meaningless. The new political reality showed that the power of the USSR was only nominal in nature and had actually come to an end.
In addition to influencing the course of the conflict, the Armenian diaspora and lobbying organizations were conducting propaganda in their respective countries using fabricated allegations and trying to channel them into a resolution that would meet their interests only.
On 2 September 1991, a self-styled “Nagorno-Karabakh Republic” (“NKR”) was proclaimed in the territory of NKAR and the Shaumyan (rural) district of the Azerbaijan SSR, while a “referendum” was held on 10 December. It was obvious that given the prospect of the collapse of the USSR, Armenia was pretending not to be a party to the conflict, acting upon a special plan in an effort to mislead the international community. In response, on 23 November 1991, the Supreme Council of the Republic of Azerbaijan abolished the status of autonomy for Nagorno-Karabakh.
Armenia, which had been openly voicing its territorial claims to Azerbaijan, now switched to military operations against Azerbaijan without declaring war. This is how the conflict entered the “active phase”.
Large-scale Massacres, Acts of Genocide
During the military campaign, the Armenian armed forces brutally killed Azerbaijanis in the occupied districts and cities without making any distinction between servicemen and the civilian population. The Azerbaijanis were subjected to ethnic cleansing and acts of genocide. The Armenian military-political leadership pursued the goal of annihilation of a part of the Azerbaijani civilian population of Nagorno-Karabakh and breaking the resistance will of the rest to clear the region of them by committing systematic and large-scale massacres of civilians in Meshali village of Asgaran, Malibeyli and Gushchular villages of Shusha, Garadaghli village of Khojavand, Khojaly city, Aghdaban village of Kalbadjar and other places.
In the early hours of 26 February 1992, Armenia committed an act of genocide against the Azerbaijani population of Khojaly. As a result, 613 civilians were killed, including 106 women and 63 children. As part of the “Justice for Khojaly!” campaign, the Khojaly massacre was recognized as an act of genocide by 23 US states, the Scottish Parliament of Great Britain, the House of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the National Assembly of Djibouti, the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Czech Parliament, the Upper House of the National Assembly of Afghanistan, the National Congress of Honduras, the First Commission of the House of Representatives of Indonesia, the Senate of the Jordanian National Assembly, the Second Constitutional Committee and the Foreign Relations Commission of the Colombian Senate, the Second Commission of the House of Representatives, the Guatemalan Congress, the Mexican General Assembly Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the Senate of Pakistan, the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs of the National Assembly, the National Assembly of Panama, the Chamber of Deputies of the National Congress of Paraguay, the Congress of Peru, the National Council of Slovenia and the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the National Assembly of Sudan.
In addition, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and the Turkic Council have recognized the tragedy as an act of genocide.
Armenia’s escalating military aggression in 1993, as well as the threat of civil war in Azerbaijan, the chaos, economic turmoil and paralyzed public institutions, put the country on the verge of elimination. It was at this critical moment that the people of Azerbaijan saw salvation in its great son, wise statesman and national leader Heydar Aliyev, and entrusted the future of the country to him.
National Leader Heydar Aliyev’s Salvation Mission
When national leader Heydar Aliyev returned to power at the insistence of the people on 15 June 1993, the situation in the country was extremely complicated. The great leader came to the conclusion that the settlement of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict required a comprehensive approach that would take into account crucial domestic and foreign policy factors. These included the establishment of the public and political stability, the creation a regular combat-ready army, the re-establishment and effective operation of public institutions, the economic recovery and the implementation of drastic governance reforms, the signing of strategic oil contracts that would secure the country’s development for decades to come, and the pursuit of the ideology of Azerbaijanism as a common cause for the nation.
A ceasefire agreement was reached on 12 May 1994. Up to that moment, as a result of Armenia’s military aggression, 20 percent of the territory of the Republic of Azerbaijan, including Khankendi, Khojaly, Shusha, Lachin, Khojavand, Kalbadjar, Aghdam, Fuzuli, Jabrayil, Gubadli, Zangilan districts, as well as 13 villages of Tartar district, seven villages of Gazakh district and one village of Sadarak district of Nakhchivan, were occupied by the Armenian army.
As a result of Armenian aggression, more than 1 million Azerbaijanis became refugees and internally displaced persons, more than 20,000 Azerbaijanis were killed during the military operations, and more than 50,000 were disabled.
As a result of the first Karabakh war, the whereabouts of 3,890 Azerbaijanis, including 71 children, 267 women and 326 elderly people, as well as 872 people who were taken hostage or prisoner (according to data as of 1 December 2020), are unknown.
A total of 900 settlements, 150,000 houses, 7,000 public buildings, 693 schools, 855 kindergartens, 695 medical institutions, 927 libraries, 44 temples, nine mosques, 473 historical sites, palaces and museums, 40,000 museum exhibits, 6,000 industrial and agricultural enterprises, 160 bridges and other infrastructure facilities were razed to the ground in Karabakh in 1988-1993.
Conflict in International Documents
The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, which had become a grave threat to international peace and security due to its interstate nature, caused a heated debate within international organizations, paving the way for the adoption of a number of important documents on the issue.
On 30 April 1993, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 822, which demanded the immediate withdrawal of Armenian troops from Kalbadjar district and other occupied territories of Azerbaijan.
On 29 July 1993, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 853, which demanded the full, immediate and unconditional withdrawal of Armenian troops from Aghdam district and other occupied territories of Azerbaijan.
On 14 October 1993, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 874, which demanded the withdrawal of Armenian troops from the latest occupied territories in accordance with the timetable for the settlement of the CSCE Minsk Group.
On 11 November 1993, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 884. The resolution condemned the occupation of Zangilan district and Horadiz settlement, the attack on civilians and the bombing of the territory of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and demanded the withdrawal of the occupying forces from Zangilan district and Horadiz settlement and other recently occupied territories of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
The resolutions adopted in connection with the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict of the UN Security Council, which acts as the primary guarantor of international peace and security, have defined the legal groundwork of the political process for resolving the conflict on the basis of norms and principles of international law. The resolutions condemned the occupation of Azerbaijan’s territories, stressed the inadmissibility of the occupation of territories by force, reaffirmed the territorial integrity, sovereignty and inviolability of Azerbaijan’s borders, the fact that NagornoKarabakh is an integral part of Azerbaijan, and demanded an immediate, complete and unconditional withdrawal of occupying forces from Azerbaijan’s territory.
The documents adopted within the framework of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) established the legal basis and mechanisms for the process of negotiations based on the norms of international law, as well as UN Security Council resolutions. After Azerbaijan and Armenia became members of the CSCE at a meeting of the Council of Ministers in Prague on 30-31 January 1992, the CSCE began to deal closely with the conflict. Following the sending of a mission of rapporteurs to Armenia and Azerbaijan in February, the organization’s Committee of Senior Officials adopted a resolution calling on the parties to declare peace, including a ceasefire, and to give up territorial claims against neighboring countries. An additional meeting of the CSCE Council of Ministers, held at the initiative of the Committee of Senior Officials in Helsinki on 24 March 1992, stated that the CSCE should play a key role in resolving the conflict, and a decision was made to call a special conference in the capital city of Belarus – Minsk to serve as a permanent framework for negotiations.
The 1994 Summit of the organization in Budapest agreed to intensify efforts to coordinate efforts to resolve the conflict and to send multinational forces to the conflict zone to maintain peace. The CSCE Chairman-in-Office was tasked with appointing co-chairs of the Minsk Conference.
Despite Armenia’s attempts to obstruct the OSCE summit in Lisbon on 2-3 December 1996, the principles of conflict resolution were discussed and were eventually reflected in the statement of the OSCE Chairman-in-Office attached to the final document. These principles, to which all OSCE participating states acceded, are as follows:
1. Territorial integrity of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia;
2. The legal status of Nagorno-Karabakh, including the highest self-government within Azerbaijan;
3. Guarantees for the security of Nagorno-Karabakh and its entire population, including mutual obligations to comply with the provisions of the settlement.
The approval of the above principles at the Lisbon summit, the establishment of a new co-chairing institution in the Minsk Group in early 1997 and the appointment of Russia, the United States and France as co-chair countries gave an impetus to the process of negotiations. The cochairs started making written proposals on how to resolve the conflict. In the summer of 1997, a draft of a comprehensive peace agreement was submitted to the parties. Despite Azerbaijan’s constructive position, Armenia turned it down. During the visit of the co-chairs to the region in the fall of 1997, the parties were presented with a “step-by-step solution” plan. The plan envisaged the withdrawal of Armenian troops from the occupied territories, the return of IDPs to their homes, the restoration of communications, the deployment of the OSCE peacekeeping mission in the region, and then the consideration of a status of Nagorno-Karabakh. However, Armenia demonstrated an obstructive position in the negotiations yet again.
Azerbaijan’s Peace Policy, Armenia’s Destructive Position
In November 2007, the Minsk Group prepared proposals for a peaceful solution to the conflict, the so-called Madrid Principles, and submitted the initial version of the document to the parties. At the end of 2009, an updated draft of the Madrid document was prepared and re-submitted to the parties. However, due to Armenia’s destructive position, the expected progress was not achieved. Both documents provided for a step-by-step settlement of the conflict, including the withdrawal of Armenian forces from the occupied territories of Azerbaijan, the return of IDPs to their native lands, the restoration of communication lines and other issues.
At subsequent meetings, the heads of state agreed to continue talks on a peaceful solution to the conflict and paid special attention to humanitarian aspects of the problem. However, seeing that the negotiations had intensified and was not going in the direction it would have preferred, Armenia tried to disrupt the talks by resorting to a series of military provocations. Thus, instead of addressing the specific issues on the table after the meeting of the presidents held at the initiative of France in Paris on 27 October 2014, Armenia conducted a large-scale military exercise in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan deploying more than 40,000 personnel. The intensity of negotiations dropped after the Armenian armed forces had provoked Azerbaijan’s Armed Forces on the line of contact by conducting offensive over flights, and the next meeting between the presidents of the two countries was held in Bern, Switzerland only on 19 December 2015.
April 2016 Battles
In early 2016, when tangible plans on resolving the conflict were being discussed, Armenia resorted to yet another military provocation on 2 April by firing at densely populated areas along the line of contact, including schools, hospitals and places of worship.
As a result of Armenian attacks, six people, including children, were killed and 33 were seriously injured. Azerbaijan’s Armed Forces, in turn, gave the enemy a fitting rebuff. As a result of the counterattack, more than 2,000 hectares of the occupied territory in Fuzuli, Jabrayil and the former Aghdara district were liberated. On the one hand, the April events showed the strength of the Azerbaijan’s Army, but, on the other, they demonstrated that the preservation of the status quo and the continued presence of Armenian troops in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan were the primary cause of tensions in the conflict zone and that Azerbaijan would never come to terms with the occupation of its lands.
At the end of the meeting between the Presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia in Moscow on 2 November 2008, the Presidents of Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia signed the Moscow Declaration. The declaration states that the conflict must be resolved through political means on the basis of the norms and principles of international law and the documents and decisions adopted in this framework, which, in turn, created environment for comprehensive cooperation in the region.
During 2016, substantive discussions were held between the Presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia in Vienna and St. Petersburg, but due to Armenia’s obstructive position, there was no headway in resolving the conflict.
Armenia continued its political and military provocations in 2017. In June and July, as OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs stepped up their efforts to resolve the conflict, Armenia sought to escalate the situation along the line of contact amid persistent calls for substantive talks from the international community. Armenian military units continued their aggressive actions and fired heavy artillery shells at frontline positions of Azerbaijan’s Armed Forces and residential settlements. As a result, on 4 July, civilians Sahiba Allahverdiyeva, born in 1966, and her granddaughter, Zahra Guliyeva, born in 2016, were killed in the village of Alkhanli of Fuzuli district. Armenia’s deliberate targeting of civilians and facilities was strongly condemned by the international community, which was further convinced of the fact that Armenia was not interested in a political resolution to the conflict.
Other international organizations also adopted numerous documents supporting Azerbaijan’s fair position on the conflict based on international law and historical justice.
Offensive Diplomacy
The UN General Assembly’s resolution on the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, adopted on 7 September 2006 and entitled “Situation in the Occupied Territories of Azerbaijan”, condemned the fires committed by Armenia in the occupied territories. The resolution of the same name adopted by the UN General Assembly on 14 March 2008 covered the legal, political and humanitarian aspects of the conflict and reaffirmed the principles of its settlement. Those principles included respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, the immediate, complete and unconditional withdrawal of Armenian troops from the occupied territories of Azerbaijan, the right of IDPs to return to their native lands, the coexistence of both communities within Azerbaijan and the unlawful nature of the situation resulting from the occupation of another country’s territory.
The conflict was repeatedly discussed within the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). The organization, guided by the principles and norms of international law, declared that Azerbaijan was subjected to military aggression. The resolution adopted at the 21st meeting of the organization’s foreign ministers in Karachi, Pakistan, in 1993 condemned the Armenian aggression against Azerbaijan, demanded the immediate withdrawal of Armenian troops from all occupied territories and called on Armenia to respect Azerbaijan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
In 1994, another resolution on Nagorno-Karabakh was adopted at the Seventh Summit of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation’s Heads of State and Government in Casablanca, Morocco. The resolution strongly condemned the occupation of 20 percent of Azerbaijan’s territory by Armenia and expressed concern over the fact that more than one million Azerbaijanis have become refugees and internally displaced persons. The document called for the immediate withdrawal of Armenian forces from all occupied territories of Azerbaijan, citing four well-known UN Security Council resolutions, and described the actions targeting civilians as a result of Armenia’s aggression against Azerbaijan as a crime against humanity.
The Summit of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation held in Istanbul in 2016 established a “Contact Group on the aggression of the Republic of Armenia against Azerbaijan”. The Contact Group included nine countries: Azerbaijan, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Malaysia, Morocco, Djibouti, Gambia and Somalia.
The declaration of the Summit of the Cooperation Council of Turkic Speaking States held in Baku on 15 October 2019 expressed support for the settlement of the conflict on the basis of the principles of territorial integrity, sovereignty and inviolability of the borders of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
The Final Document adopted at the 16th Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Movement in Tehran in 2012 stressed the importance of resolving the conflict within the framework of the territorial integrity, sovereignty and internationally recognized borders of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The Final Document adopted at the 17th Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Movement in 2016 on the island of Margarita in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela expressed regret that despite relevant UN Security Council resolutions, the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan remained unresolved. The document also expressed support for the solution of the conflict within the framework of the territorial integrity of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
A new paragraph was included in the Final Document of the 18th Non-Aligned Movement Summit held in Baku on 25-26 October 2019. According to this paragraph, the heads of state and government stressed the inadmissibility of the occupation of territories by force. In addition, the Final Document stated that no state would recognize the legitimacy of the situation created as a result of the occupation of Azerbaijani territories and would not provide any support for maintaining the situation in the occupied territories, including economic activity. The “Document of Appreciation and Solidarity with the People and Government of Azerbaijan” adopted at the summit expressed solidarity with Azerbaijan’s efforts to restore its territorial integrity.
Resolution No. 1416 of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) “On the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group” dated 25 January 2005 confirmed the occupation of Azerbaijani territories and expressed concern over the ethnic cleansing conducted in these territories. It called for the compliance with Resolutions 822, 853, 874 and 884 of the UN Security Council and for the withdrawal of troops from the occupied territories. The organization also reaffirmed the right of IDPs to return to their lands and stressed the inadmissibility of occupation of the territory of a member state by another member state.
The resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe entitled “Deliberate deprivation of the residents of border regions of Azerbaijan of water”, adopted on 26 January 2016, stated that the Sarsang Reservoir, built on the Tartar River in 1976 to provide irrigation water to about 100,000 hectares of land in six districts of Azerbaijan, fell into disrepair as a result of the occupation, depriving residents of irrigation water. It called for the withdrawal of Armenian troops from the said region, described their actions as “ecological terror” and reaffirmed the occupation of a part of Azerbaijan’s territory by Armenia.
The European Court of Human Rights ruled on 16 June 2015 in the case of “Chiragov and Others vs. Armenia” that Armenia had occupied Nagorno-Karabakh and surrounding districts.
In a statement issued on 9 November 1993, the European Union called for the withdrawal of troops from the occupied territories of Azerbaijan and expressed support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
In a Joint Declaration adopted at the EU Eastern Partnership Summit in Brussels on 24 November 2017, the EU expressed its support for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of all partners.
The “Partnership Priorities” document initialed between Azerbaijan and the European Union in 2018 also expressed support for Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, independence, sovereignty and inviolability of its internationally recognized borders.
The final documents of the NATO Summits, including the Chicago Declaration of 2012, the Cardiff Declaration of 2014, the Warsaw Declaration of 2016 and the Brussels Declaration of 2018, express support for Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence.
In addition, when the heads of the CIS member states signed a memorandum on maintaining peace and stability in the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1995, Armenia refused to accept paragraphs 7 and 8 of the document. The said paragraphs stated that “Member States ... shall take measures to prevent any manifestation of separatism, nationalism, chauvinism and fascism in their territories ... and undertake not to provide economic, financial, military or other assistance to such manifestations.”
Thus, throughout the said period, Azerbaijan pursued a resolute and principled policy, succeeded in establishing the legal groundwork for resolving the conflict on the basis of norms and principles of international law, neutralizing Armenia’s information provocations and attempts of the Armenian lobby to mislead the international community. Despite the historical reality, the fact that international law has created a solid foundation for a just settlement of the conflict, as well as Azerbaijan’s obvious superiority over Armenia in terms of economic potential, human resources and military power, Baku has demonstrated its commitment to peace talks. That is why President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev said: “Our biggest compromise is the fact that we are still committed to peace talks.”
However, Azerbaijan’s consistent efforts to resolve the conflict through negotiations were not appreciated by Armenia at all. On the contrary, the military-political leadership of Armenia began to threaten Azerbaijan with a new war and launched endeavors to expand the occupation. Due to Armenia’s hypocritical and obstructive policy, the talks became a virtually meaningless process and were therefore impossible to continue.
“Karabakh is Azerbaijan!”
On 5 August 2019, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan made a statement in Khankendi that “Karabakh is a part of Armenia and full stop”. Up until then, Armenia, aware of the international political, legal and moral implications of its policy of military occupation and annexation, tried to disguise its aggression by portraying it as the right of the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh to self-determination. That statement by Nikol Pashinyan explicitly showed that Armenia’s actual goal was aggression. By calling for the annexation of the occupied territories of Azerbaijan, Armenia violated the norms and principles of international law, the UN Charter, the Helsinki Final Act, and showed its disregard for the international community, in particular the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs tasked with resolving the conflict through negotiations. Addressing the 16th annual meeting of the Valdai International Discussion Club on 3 October 2019, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev responded to Pashinyan’s statement: “... the statement says that ‘Karabakh is a part of Armenia and full stop’. First, this is a lie, to put it mildly. Both Lower and Upper Karabakh are recognized by the world as an integral part of Azerbaijan. Armenia does not recognize this illegal entity itself. Karabakh is historical and ancient land of Azerbaijan. So Karabakh is Azerbaijan and an exclamation mark.”
Also, on 15 February 2020, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev and Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan held panel discussions within the framework of the Munich Security Conference. During the discussions, the President of Azerbaijan once again communicated Azerbaijan’s rightful position on the conflict to the attention of the international community, exposed Armenia’s policy of aggression and shattered false claims using arguments based on historical facts and international law.
The so-called “elections” organized in the occupied territories of Azerbaijan in March 2020 was yet another act of provocation. As was the case with previous “elections”, these were not recognized by the international community, any international organization or state either. On the contrary, they were strongly condemned and denounced.
Armenia deliberately attempted to disrupt the format and nature of the process of negotiations to derail the peace process mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group co-chairs, maintain the status quo in relation to the occupation and achieve the annexation of the occupied territories. In July 2020, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan put forward the unacceptable “seven conditions” for the settlement of the conflict, which clearly demonstrated the true colors of the occupying state. In this regard, President Ilham Aliyev said, “We have the only condition for peace. Armenian armed forces must withdraw from the occupied territories of Azerbaijan. The whole world recognizes Nagorno-Karabakh as an integral part of Azerbaijan.”
Provocations in July-August 2020
In July 2020, Armenia committed yet another military provocation in the direction of Tovuz on the state border with Azerbaijan. The objective of the provocation was to create a new source of tension in the region, to put the issue of occupation of Azerbaijani territories by Armenia on the backburner, to involve third countries in the conflict and to cause damage to Azerbaijan’s strategic infrastructure. As a result, a group of Azerbaijani servicemen and a civilian, including high-ranking military officers, were killed. The Azerbaijani Army responded with a crushing blow to the enemy. Armenia conceded defeat by appealing to the Collective Security Treaty Organization for military support.v
In August 2020, Armenia resorted to another military provocation by sending a sabotage group to Azerbaijan to commit acts of terror. However, on 23 August 2020, the group was neutralized and its leader was detained. Thus, this provocation of Armenia was also thwarted.
Armenia’s adoption of an aggressive and belligerent military doctrine and national security strategy, the creation of armed groups of civilian volunteers to take part in military operations against Azerbaijan, the Armenian defense minister’s call for a “new war for new territories”, the threats by Armenia’s senior government officials to deal a blow to Azerbaijan’s critical civilian infrastructure, Armenia’s involvement of mercenaries and terrorists from various countries, acquisition of large quantities of weapons, etc. openly demonstrated that Armenia was preparing for a new war against Azerbaijan.
Armenia’s new war plan
On 21 September 2020, President of Azerbaijan and Chairman of the Non-Aligned Movement Ilham Aliyev said in his remarks at the High-Level Meeting dedicated to the 75th anniversary of the UN within the framework of the 75th Session of the UN General Assembly that the aggressive rhetoric and provocations were evidence of the fact that Armenia was preparing for renewed aggression against Azerbaijan. “We call on the United Nations and the international community to deter Armenia from further military aggression. Responsibility for the provocations and the escalation of tensions lies squarely with the military-political leadership of Armenia. The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict must be resolved within the framework of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and on the basis of UN Security Council resolutions.”
On 24 September 2020, in his remarks during the general debate of the 75th session of the UN General Assembly, President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev once again stated that Armenia was preparing for a new war against Azerbaijan.
Receiving the EU Special Representative for the South Caucasus on 25 September 2020, the President of Azerbaijan reiterated that the intelligence data of the Azerbaijani side show that Armenia was making very serious military preparations for war against Azerbaijan, that its armed forces were concentrated on the line of contact, on the state border. “If they attack us, they will regret it. I simply want you to know that and convey this message to the European Commission and see what the European Commission can do to stop the new provocations of the aggressor.”
Unfortunately, no tangible steps were taken by the international community to put an end to Armenia’s successive provocations and new war plans. Emboldened by this, on 27 September 2020, Armenia attacked the positions of the Azerbaijan’s Army from several directions. It used heavy artillery to fire at Azerbaijani residential settlements.
Patriotic war – Operation Iron Fist
In response to yet another attempt at military aggression by Armenia, Azerbaijan’s Army launched a counterattack and, as a result of the 44-day Patriotic War, managed to crush the Armenian army, bring it to its knees and liberate the occupied territories. Operation Iron Fist carried out by the victorious Azerbaijani Army under the leadership of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, President Ilham Aliyev is inscribed in the history of the Azerbaijani people in golden letters as it led to Armenia’s capitulation, a country that glorified occupation and Nazism and turned it into a state policy.
On 10 November 2020, the “Statement of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia and the President of the Russian Federation” was adopted and Armenia signed an act of capitulation. This put an end to the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict and Azerbaijan restored its territorial integrity. The President of Azerbaijan said on that occasion, “The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been resolved, Azerbaijan has resolved this conflict alone, both on the battlefield and then at the table. Victory on the battlefield forced the enemy to wave the white flag, surrender and sign an act of capitulation. The document signed on 10 November is an act of capitulation signed by Armenia. Thus, according to this document, Aghdam, Kalbadjar and Lachin districts were liberated without a single martyr. The establishment of the Zangazur corridor has become a historical necessity.
Complete Restoration of Sovereignty
After the Patriotic War, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev put forward the initiative to prepare a peace treaty with Armenia on the basis of five fundamental principles, which envisage mutual recognition of each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty.
During a four-sided meeting held on the sidelines of the European Political Community Summit in Prague on October 6, 2022, Armenia declared that it recognized the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Azerbaijan.
In protest against Armenia’s illegal exploitation of Azerbaijan’s natural resources in the territories of the Republic of Azerbaijan, where the Russian peacekeeping contingent is temporarily stationed, on December 12, 2022, representatives of non-governmental organizations and environmental activists started a peaceful action on the section of the Lachin-Khankendi road passing through Shusha. The protest action lasted for a total of 138 days.
Another historic event took place on April 23, 2023. A border checkpoint was established on the Azerbaijan-Armenia border in the Lachin district. This completed the process of restoration of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and put an end to Armenia's abuse of the Lachin road, transportation of weaponry and ammunition along it, and other illegal acts.
However, the provocations staged by Armenia and the remaining elements of the self-styled regime did not stop at that. On September 2, 2023, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan sent a congratulatory message to the junta leaders on the anniversary of the so-called “Declaration of independence of Nagorno-Karabakh”. On September 9, the so-called “presidential election” was held in the Karabakh region of Azerbaijan.
On September 19, 2023, in an effort to secure the implementation of provisions of the Trilateral Statement, prevent large-scale provocations committed in the Karabakh economic region, disarm and withdraw units of the Armenian armed forces from Azerbaijani territories, neutralize their military infrastructure, ensure the safety of the civilian population returning to the liberated territories, as well as construction personnel engaged in reconstruction activities and military personnel, and restore the Republic of Azerbaijan’s constitutional structure, Azerbaijan launched an anti-terrorism operation in the region.
As a result of the anti-terrorism operation which lasted less than one day, the remaining Armenian armed forces in the region were completely disarmed and withdrawn from the territory of Azerbaijan and the remnants of the so-called regime announced its dissolution. Azerbaijan thus eliminated the separatism and a “gray zone” from its territory. The state sovereignty of the Republic of Azerbaijan was fully restored.
On October 15, 2023, President of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief Ilham Aliyev raised the National Flag of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the city of Khankendi, in the town of Khojaly, in the Asgaran settlement of the Khojaly district, in the towns of Khojavand and Aghdara.
On November 8, 2023, a military parade dedicated to the third anniversary of the Victory in the Patriotic War was held in the city of Khankendi. President of the Republic of Azerbaijan and Commander-in-Chief Ilham Aliyev said in remarks at the parade: “Our victorious Armed Forces have gifted us this day and driven the enemy out of our ancient lands by demonstrating courage, heroism and selflessness on the battlefield. This is an immensely historic event.”
Conflict Consigned to History and New Reality
During the occupation, Armenia looted and destroyed the national and cultural heritage of Azerbaijan (culturcide), destroyed cities (urbicide) and other settlements, and caused severe ecological damage to the region (ecocide). Hundreds of thousands of mines and booby traps have been planted across Azerbaijan’s territory.
Armenia will not evade legal responsibility for the numerous war crimes, massacres and genocides it committed against Azerbaijan during the conflict, for its acts of terror and vandalism, and will be forced to pay reparations for the immense socioeconomic damage caused to Azerbaijan.
Azerbaijan is currently implementing large-scale restoration and reconstruction work in Karabakh and East Zangezur economic regions at its own expense. As part of the Great Return program, thousands of former IDPs have already returned to their native lands. By 2026, some 140,000 former IDPs are expected to return to their homeland. President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev said: “We will turn this region, we will turn Karabakh into a paradise. We will forever live in these lands. No one can ever move us from these lands. Karabakh is ours! Karabakh is Azerbaijan!” | ||||||
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] | null | [] | 2019-05-30T14:46:36-04:00 | A guide to Armenia's capital | en | /favicon.ico | Roads & Kingdoms | https://roadsandkingdoms.com/2019/know-before-you-go-to-yerevan/ | From wine to brandy to dressing for the opera, a smart guide to Armenia’s ancient capital.
Visit! In the last few years, Armenia has granted citizens from a long list of countries, including the United States, visa-free entry. There are no fees or paperwork for visitors as long as they have a valid passport, and tourists can stay in the country for up to six months—a generous time-frame. Daily flights from Paris, Moscow, and Dubai cost around $200 round-trip.
Expect hospitality. In Yerevan, hospitality is king, and residents abide by the adage “A guest has a place over the host’s head,” meaning the guest is more important than the host. In post-independence Yerevan in the 1990s, food was scarce and there was limited electricity and hot water, but Yerevantzis were always eager to help strangers and grateful that people made an effort to visit. When I first traveled to Armenia the country was six years out of Soviet rule and people struggled daily, but our taxi driver invited us for dinner at his home. The evening turned out to be one of the most memorable of the trip, from the juicy khorovadz (barbecue), to an impromptu piano performance by his conservatory-graduate daughter, to playing in the chicken coop with his toddler grandson.
Drink the water. Fresh, cold, and clean water is plentiful in Yerevan. The water system was in bad shape after the fall of the Soviet Union, when there were frequent shortages, but the government’s efforts to reform it with the help of the private sector have been a success story, and the World Bank described Yerevan as having “clean and constant water.” It’s also touted to be some of the tastiest and purest drinking water in the world. When Yerevan celebrated its 2,750th anniversary in 1968, the city built 2,750 water fountains for its residents—and you can drink from them.
Eat like a king. Meals in Yerevan are hearty, delicious, and affordable. Traditional dishes include dolma (grape leaves stuffed with meat or rice), mante (baked meat dumplings served with yogurt), lavash (thin wood-fired bread), lahmajun (thin dough topped with spicy mincemeat) ghapama (a stuffed pumpkin dish so revered a folk song was written in its honor) and khorovadz. Start with Mer Taghe for its thin-crust lahmajun, and Anteb, a Syrian-Armenian influenced restaurant, for the mante. Hit Dolmama—one of Yerevan’s long-running restaurants serving traditional dishes —for its signature dish, dolma, or khashlama, stewed meat cooked in wine. For lunch with a view of Mount Ararat, try Cascade Royal, at the peak of the Cascade, the limestone stairway. The menu is a fusion of Armenian and Italian (for example Lake Sevan whitefish and Penne Arabbiatta) which can be a nice change from local cuisine. Try their signature teas that are made with chunks of fresh fruits, such as strawberries and apricots. (Note, this is an upscale place and there is a dress code.) For a quick on-the-go spot, try the Green Bean Coffee Shop,Yerevan’s first 100 percent non-smoking coffee shop. Breakfast is good here, particularly the vegetable omelet and the mastoun cup—fresh yogurt served with jam or honey.
Tip a little. When you receive a bill at a cafe or restaurant, the price will include tax and tip, but it’s customary to leave an additional tip of 500 drams (around US$1).
Stay online. Public hotspots and Free Wi-Fi in cafes and restaurants are widespread. But for uninterrupted service, buy a prepaid data SIM card from VivaCell at the airport, or at one of the company’s many locations around the city that will cost anywhere from US$5 to US$15, depending on the amount of data and minutes.
Go shopping for money. It’s difficult to exchange Armenian drams outside the country, so bring cash with you and exchange some at the airport for immediate use, and then find better rates once you’re in Yerevan. You can change money in banks, but also, conveniently, in the city’s supermarkets, such as Sas, which has stores throughout Yerevan’s city center and has the most competitive exchange rates.
Carry cash… Many stores, cafes, restaurants, and bars accept credit cards, but cash is always preferred, to avoid foreign transaction rates and fees. If you need to use credit cards, use Visa and Mastercard—American Express service is limited.
… and small bills for taxis. Yerevan is an easy city to get around, and taxis are cheap: The rate is usually 100-150 drams (30 cents) per kilometer, but you can arrange for a flat rate. Bring small bills, because drivers often say they don’t have change. There is also GG Taxi and Uber for cash-free ride-hailing.
Feel at home. An increase in tourism over the last decade has opened up accommodation options, including international chains like Marriott, Radisson, and Hilton. The Marriott, formerly the Armenia Hotel during the Soviet era, has long been a prime spot for people-watching during the summers at the outdoor cafe overlooking the busy Republic Square. Also check out the boutique hotels Tufenkian Heritage Hotel and Grand Yerevan Hotel. There is also Airbnb, and apartments often have picturesque views of Mount Ararat, are in convenient locations, and cost around $30 a night for a one-bedroom. As a bonus, owners are usually living nearby and can be on-hand to help. The best areas to stay in are near Republic Square (Abovyan Nalbandyan and Amiryan Streets) and the Opera (Sayat Nova, Tumanyan, and Mashots Streets).
Gaze upon Mount Ararat. Yerevan has changed during its 2,800 years of history, but the view of Mount Ararat has not. To the world, Mount Ararat is (perhaps) where Noah’s Ark ended up, but for Armenians, it stirs an unfulfilled yearning—for a mountain that can be seen, but not touched. It remains on Turkey’s side of the border, although it is on historically Armenian soil. Thanks to closed borders between the two countries and Turkish blockades, Armenians can only access the mountain through Turkey. But there are many places in Yerevan to get a good view of Mount Ararat. One of the prime spots is from the top of the Cascade, the imposing limestone stairway, at sunrise or sunset. The view from Victory Park is also great, and for an up close and personal perspective, head to the sacred monastery of Khor Virap, about a 40-minute drive outside the city.
Look twice before crossing the street. Even if it is your right of way. Take extra care on the streets, because drivers don’t always obey pedestrian crossings—or traffic laws. Although the city has set up more cameras and traffic lights and has increased punishments for violations, the number of cars on the roads has increased, and there is some aggressive driving.
Dress up for the opera… Yerevan has high culture at low prices. For around US$5, you can see a world-class opera or ballet, from Verdi’s La Traviata to Aram Khachaturian’s Gayane. The Opera Theater has two concert halls: the Aram Khatchaturian Theater (1,400 seats) and the Alexander Spendiaryan Opera (1,200 seats). You can get tickets at the box office before a show, email tickets@opera.am, or go through third-party ticketing sites, such as toms.am. Prices range from US$2-$25—though the cheaper tickets sell out fast. To secure one, the best way is to buy it in advance at the Opera’s ticket booth, which is open 7 days a week. Note that locals get dressed up for a night out at the theater, so follow suit: skip the sneakers, shorts, and jeans. (Note: The Opera Theater is not wheelchair accessible).
…or just soak up the street sounds. You’ll often hear the wailing duduk (a woodwind instrument similar to a flute) or the vibrant accordion on street corners around Yerevan as talented musicians play for fun while people of all ages gather around to shoorch (“circle”) dance on Northern Avenue and Republic Square.
Catch some live music. Local and international bands play at Calumet Ethnic Lounge Bar, where you can sit on floor pillows and drink local beers, such as Kotayk, while listening to rock, folk, and jazz music. Calumet fosters an open atmosphere, welcoming jam sessions and art exhibitions. And don’t forget to visit Malkhas Jazz Club (named for its founder, jazz musician Levon Malkhasian) and write a message on the wall. (Note: The club is not smoke-free.) For a table with a good view of the musicians, make sure to call in advance (+374 10 53 53 50).
Educate yourself. Yerevan has over 50 museums, many of which have free admission. Highlights include the Matenadaran, where visitors can view hand-drawn illuminated manuscripts, and the Sergei Parajanov Museum, dedicated to the renowned filmmaker (one of the few museums open 7 days a week). The National Gallery of Armenia in Republic Square features the rare works of the famous Armenian painter Ivan Aivazovsky, which is well worth the US$3 admission price. The Cafesjian Center for the Arts is the city’s newest museum and focuses on contemporary art (the sculpture garden is a must-see) with modest admission fees of US$2 for adults and free entry for seniors and children up to the age of 12. To learn more about the Armenian Genocide and its aftermath, visit the Armenian Genocide Museum-Institute, (free admission) but be sure to arrive by 4:30 p.m., when the final guests of the day are allowed to enter. Most museums are closed on Mondays and have varied opening times during the week—so check out their websites in advance.
Cool down on the Metro. Each of the Yerevan Metro’s 10 stations are ornately decorated, with walls covered in white marble, sculptures, and paintings. Built during the Soviet era, the Metro, which is 100 drams a ride (25 cents) also provides relief during hot summer months. Keep an eye out for Sasuntsi Davit Metro stop, which has bronze reliefs of animals and symbols from Armenian epic poems around the ticket booth.
Travel like a local. Minibuses (known as marshrutkas) are a relic from the Soviet era, and transport people throughout Yerevan and beyond (including Gyumri, Yeghegnadzor, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Tbilisi). Route numbers are displayed on the dashboard. Each trip only costs 100 drams (to be paid when exiting) and you have to tell the driver when to pull over, because there are no set timetables and stops. But be warned: marshrutkas are often crowded.
Drink brandy… During the 19th century, Armenia had a thriving brandy industry, partly to meet Russia’s demand for cognac. (And, according to popular legend, Winston Churchill acquired a taste for Armenia’s famous brandy, Ararat.) Taste the spirit, made from Armenian white grapes and spring water, at the Ararat Museum. The highlight is the tasting at the end of the tour, when you pair the brandy with chocolate. It’s not just Armenia’s national drink; brandy is also used for medicinal purposes, such as soothing stomach pains and indigestion. The world is also taking note—a 70-year-old bottle of Ararat brandy sold for $120,000 at Sotheby’s in 2016.
…and wine. The wine scene in Yerevan is growing as more wine bars open up along Martiros Saryan Street, including In Vino, which holds wine tastings and special events hosted by local vineyard owners. Armenia is thought to be one of the first wine-producing countries (archaeologists discovered the world’s oldest winery here, which dates back 6,000 years), and it’s become a big business over the last few years. Look out for the local wines Areni (named for the region where winemaking is thought to originate), Karas, and Zohrah, which has been described as one of the best wines in the world.
Play chess. Armenia is the only country in the world that requires chess classes at school. People play chess all over Yerevan, from older men starting impromptu games on the outdoor public chess set in Charles Aznavour Square to kids practicing their skills at the Tigran Petrosian Chess House. Pose with the Monument to the Backgammon Player statue on Gevorg Kotchar Street and join in one of the many games being played nearby.
Go to church. As the first nation to adopt Christianity—in 301 A.D.—it’s no wonder that Armenia is known as the land of churches. Armenia has around 4,000 monasteries and sanctuaries, but its crown jewel is the Holy Etchmiadzin Cathedral, located a few minutes outside Yerevan proper and regarded by some historians as the world’s oldest cathedral and monastery. Thousands from around the world come on pilgrimages to Etchmiadzin, named a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2000. For the most memorable experience, attend the Sunday morning (11 a.m.) Divine Liturgy (Badarak). The full service lasts about two hours, but you can enter and exit as you please. Be mindful of the etiquette: Make the sign of the cross when exiting and entering, don’t chew gum, don’t cross your legs, and women should cover their heads with a veil or scarf. The easiest way to travel to Etchmiadzin is by taxi, which is about a 20-minute ride outside of Yerevan’s center and a US$8-10 cab ride. Minibuses also run on the 108 line every 30 minutes from Yerevan Station to Etchmiadzin for US$1. (Note: the cathedral is undergoing restoration work and parts of it will be under scaffolding until 2020.)
Hit the markets. Visitors can find one-of-a-kind souvenirs such as handmade duduks made from apricot wood and intricately sewn tablecloths at Vernissage, a large open-air market in the city center. For those seeking retail heaven, there is the Yerevan Mall, with the usual international chains. But if you want to shop among locals, head to G.U.M. market for fresh fruits, meat, and vegetables, and traditional Armenian lavash bread. Samples the dried fruits as you enter (including sujukh, threaded walnuts dipped in sweet spiced syrup), taste of basturma (seasoned, air dried cured beef) and get huge blocks of local cheeses. (Keep in mind everything is priced by weight.)
Wander the Pink City. Yerevan is known as The Pink City, thanks to the pink hues of volcanic douf rock used to construct many of the city’s prominent buildings. The city has diverse architecture, from the neoclassical edifices in the Republic Square punctuated with Armenian flourishes to the Soviet homage of the Railway Station and Zvartnots Tower. The douf buildings lend the city an additional color dimension, because the rock changes color throughout the day, depending on the sunlight. To see this mixture up close, walk along Pushkin, Abovyan, and Saryan Streets. Then check out Kond, one of Yerevan’s oldest neighborhoods (about a 20-minute walk from the center) to see remnants from the Ottoman and Persian eras. | ||||
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