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correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 78 | https://apnews.com/article/lifestyle-arts-and-entertainment-weddings-6b296647a0149ebd38438b3db92fe0be | en | Danish prime minister gets wedding on third scheduling try | https://dims.apnews.com/dims4/default/c379bc7/2147483647/strip/true/crop/3000x1688+0+156/resize/1440x810!/quality/90/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fstorage.googleapis.com%2Fafs-prod%2Fmedia%2F562f3562267a4c39acee099d3c3e7633%2F3000.jpeg | https://dims.apnews.com/dims4/default/c379bc7/2147483647/strip/true/crop/3000x1688+0+156/resize/1440x810!/quality/90/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fstorage.googleapis.com%2Fafs-prod%2Fmedia%2F562f3562267a4c39acee099d3c3e7633%2F3000.jpeg | [
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] | 2020-07-15T17:26:38+00:00 | HELSINKI (AP) — Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has managed to get married after her wedding was postponed and then rescheduled due to a busy first year in office that included the coronavirus pandemic. | en | /apple-touch-icon.png | AP News | https://apnews.com/article/lifestyle-arts-and-entertainment-weddings-6b296647a0149ebd38438b3db92fe0be | HELSINKI (AP) — Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has managed to get married after her wedding was postponed and then rescheduled due to a busy first year in office that included the coronavirus pandemic.
Danish media reported that Frederiksen, 42, married filmmaker and photographer Bo Tengberg, 55, Wednesday at the medieval Magleby Church on Moen island in southeastern Denmark.
Frederiksen published a photo from the wedding on her Facebook page with only the word “ja” - Danish for yes — and a heart. The picture shows the smiling newlyweds coming out of the church.
Danish tabloid Ekstra Bladet called the couple’s nuptials “a secret wedding” with only a handful of invited quests present, including former Danish Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen.
Frederiksen was sworn in as Denmark’s youngest ever prime minister on June 27, 2019, becoming the second woman to hold the post.
She postponed her and Tengberg’s wedding last year because of the June 5 national election that ended up putting her Social Democratic Party in charge of a minority government.
Frederiksen announced last month she would need to reschedule her wedding a second time because it conflicted with a European Union summit this week. | ||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 17 | https://www.refworld.org/reference/annualreport/usdos/1994/en/25060 | en | U.S. Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 1993 - Denmark | [
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] | 2023-10-28T20:38:46+02:00 | en | /themes/custom/unhcr_rw/favicon.svg | Refworld | https://www.refworld.org/reference/annualreport/usdos/1994/en/25060 | Denmark is a constitutional monarchy with a tradition of democratic parliamentary rule. Queen Margrethe II is Head of State. The Cabinet, accountable to the unicameral Folketing (parliament), leads the Government. A majority coalition led by Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen took office in January 1993. Denmark has a unified national police. Its higher ranks are often filled with lawyers on internal rotation from the civil service. It is fully controlled by and responsible to civilian authorities. Personal freedoms and the right to pursue private interests and to hold private property are protected by law and respected in practice. An advanced industrial state, Denmark has an economy with limited public ownership, except in utilities and public transportation. The Government continues to seek ways to reduce the public sector's share of the economy. In 1993, for example, the Government sold 51 percent of the Giro Bank, Denmark's fifth largest bank, and also privatized parts of the Copenhagen regional bus system. Deeply rooted democratic principles, an egalitarian tradition, a lively press, and highly developed educational and social welfare systems have made Denmark a leading defender of human rights domestically and in the world. Anyone may protest to the Ombudsman, established by the Folketing as mandated by the Constitution, if he or she feels wrongly treated by any national authority.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing
Such killings did not occur.
b. Disappearance
There were no abductions or disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
Such practices are prohibited by law. Torture does not occur. Allegations of inhuman treatment are rare, and there are legal means of redress if it occurs. Two cases alleging excessive use of police force against two African tourists were investigated; the result was a 1992 finding by a judicial inquiry that the force used was excessive, but that it was the result of individual action of one officer, not the result of government policy. While the Danish Government considers the case closed, it resurfaced in the Danish press in 1993, as some, including Amnesty International (AI), were unhappy with the result. AI expressed concern that the report of the inquiry had not accepted that force used against a detainee can qualify as cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment, whether or not that treatment is deliberate or intended to frighten or coerce the detainee. An innovative center for torture victims (from abroad) at a Copenhagen hospital, supported by the Foreign Ministry, treats patients, assists torture victims, and studies ways to counter the use of torture worldwide.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
No person may be deprived of personal liberty without due process of law. Those arrested must appear before a judge within 24 hours. A judge may order that they be held in pretrial detention, including detention in isolation, for a period up to the length of the prison sentence for the crime for which they were arrested. All accused have the right to obtain their own attorney or a public attorney. Bail is allowed. There is no exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The Danish judicial system consists of a series of local and regional courts, and the Supreme Court at the apex. Trials are usually public; however, judges may make exceptions, e.g., in paternity and divorce cases. In criminal cases, trials are closed when necessary to protect a victim's privacy, such as in rape cases, or to safeguard a witness' identity. The rights of the accused are carefully protected. Defendants have the right to be present, to confront witnesses, and to present evidence. They are presumed innocent until proven guilty. Both the defendant and the prosecution may appeal a sentence. The judiciary is fully independent. Judges appointed by the Minister of Justice serve until age 70. They may not be dismissed but may be impeached for negligence or criminal acts. There are no political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
The constitutional prohibition against searching homes, seizing papers, and breaching the secrecy of communications without a court order is respected.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
An independent press, an effective judiciary, and a democratic political system ensure freedom of speech and press. There is one large state-owned radio and television company. Editorial control is exercised by a board independent of the Government. A second national television channel is one-third government subsidized. In both cases, management decides programming content, but operational decisions are restricted by the television-radio law, which limits, for example, broadcast time reserved for commercials. Programs critical of the Government appear on both channels. Cable television and satellite dishes, which are now common, have greatly increased access to foreign news broadcasts. Private stations are restricted to transmitters of 10 watts for radio or 100 watts for television. Direct relay transmission of foreign radio broadcasts is prohibited, although they may be carried on the cable net. Publications, including books and newspapers, reflect a wide variety of political opinion. Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Danes may freely assemble and form associations. Public meetings require permits, which are routinely given. Any organization may affiliate with international bodies in its field.
c. Freedom of Religion
The Constitution provides for religious freedom. The Evangelical Lutheran Church is the state church and is state supported. There is religious instruction in the schools in the state religion, but any student may without sanction be excused from religion classes with parental permission. No religion is banned or discouraged and conversion is unrestricted. No one may be discriminated against for one's religious beliefs.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
Danes have full freedom of travel and movement. People determined to be refugees are never repatriated against their will. However, there is a growing popular desire to repatriate those who have been unsuccessful in establishing a legitimate claim to political asylum. A 1991 decision by the Folketing made clear that, following due process, those denied asylum would be returned to their homelands. Meanwhile, asylum seekers who arrive in Denmark via another safe country are returned directly to that country, pursuant to the Dublin Convention. A large influx of asylum seekers from the former Yugoslavia began in September 1992 and continued in 1993. Denmark's financial and logistical resources were stretched to help absorb the new arrivals. In 1992, 14,000 new asylum seekers entered Denmark. This was more than three times as many as came in 1991, and significantly more than came in the previous record years of the mid-1980's (the era of the Iran-Iraq war). In 1993 more than 15,000 asylum seekers arrived in Denmark, more than 10,000 of whom came from the former Yugoslavia. As a result of this influx, the Government modified the country's liberal asylum rules effective October 10, 1992, and again on June 24, 1993. The first change revamped asylum claims processing to make it easier to determine a case to be "obviously groundless." The latter change imposed a requirement that would-be asylum seekers from the former Yugoslavia had to be prescreened by Danish authorities resident in Zagreb. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in the former Yugoslavia can also refer needy cases to the Danish refugee adjudication center in Zagreb. These changes permitted Denmark to control the inflow of asylum seekers from the former Yugoslavia in order to select refugees from the most troubled areas. After a slow startup and initial criticism from the Human Rights Center, the program has met with broad support in Denmark. The Government of Prime Minister Poul Schlueter fell in January as a result of the "Tamilgate" scandal. An investigation led by an independent prosecutor concluded that Schlueter knew of the illegal activities of a justice minister who had ordered his ministry to slow its processing of family reunification petitions from Tamil refugees living in Denmark, with a view to pressuring the Tamils to return home. Although the investigation's conclusions were contested and denied, including by Schlueter himself (who nevertheless announced his intention to resign the day the report was released), the scandal indicated that there was at least some high-level tolerance of, if not active support for, actions to limit the number of refugees in Denmark. This scandal led to the first impeachment in 83 years by the Folketing. The case is now before a special court for trials of cabinet ministers.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government
Danes have the right to change their government peacefully. Ministers are responsible to the Folketing and may be removed by a vote of no confidence. The Prime Minister is appointed by the Queen after consultation with parties in the Folketing. Parliamentary elections must take place every 4 years or earlier by decision of the Prime Minister. The Folketing's 179 members are chosen in free and open elections under a complex system of proportional representation designed to help small parties and to reflect the popular vote. Twelve parties ran in the 1990 election; eight, with a wide range of political views, achieved the minimum 2 percent of the vote needed to obtain seats. The current Government is a four-party majority coalition. Danes 18 years of age or over may vote. Foreigners who are permanent residents may both vote and run in local elections; such persons hold 13 city council seats nationwide. There are no restrictions, in law or in practice, on the participation of women in government or politics. Women head 7 ministries in the new Government, compared to 4 under the former Government, and hold 59 seats in the Parliament. The territories of Greenland (which has a primarily Inuit population) and the Faroe Islands (whose inhabitants have their own language) have democratically elected home rule governments with broad powers encompassing all but foreign and security affairs. Greenlanders and Faroese are Danish citizens and enjoy the same human rights as people in the rest of Denmark. Each territory elects two representatives to the Folketing.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Domestic human rights organizations operate freely. The Danish Center for Human Rights, a government-funded institution, conducts research and provides information on human rights. Denmark is party to various international human rights conventions that promote and protect human rights.
Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or Social Status
The extensive state welfare system ensures that every member of Danish society regardless of race, religion, sex, age, disability, or ethnic background is provided with food, shelter, health care, education, and training. The rights of indigenous people are carefully protected. Discrimination based on sexual orientation is prohibited.
Women
Denmark places no restrictions on the participation of women in the civilian work force. Women hold positions of authority throughout society, including in politics, though they are less well represented at the top of the business world. Some 75 percent of all women between the ages of 16 and 66 belong to the work force; 46 percent of the work force is female, while 23 percent of all supervisors are women. Wage inequality exists, but wages are generally high for both men and women. Denmark has laws that guarantee equal pay for equal work and that prohibit job discrimination on the basis of sex. Women have and use the legal recourses available to them when they feel discriminated against. Danish authorities do not tolerate, in law or in practice, violence or abuse against women or children. Crimes against women and children are considered serious; cases are investigated promptly by the State, and appropriate action is taken swiftly. However, according to the Danish National Institute of Social Research, less than 10 percent of cases involving domestic violence are reported. Denmark has no specific programs for the prevention of rape and domestic violence, although the Council for Prevention of Crime publishes a pamphlet entitled "Rape Can Be Prevented." There are 34 crisis centers for counseling and housing victims (plus a number of counseling centers without overnight facilities) which are supported by local governments, volunteer workers, and donations. In addition, Denmark has centers for abused men, women, and families.
Children
Children in Denmark are protected by law; parents are required to protect children from physical and psychological abuse. The authorities act quickly to protect children from actually or potentially abusive or neglectful parents. Parents, regardless of income, receive the equivalent of about $1,300 per year for each child younger than 7 years old and about $1,000 per year for children from 7 to 17 years old. At least 20 percent of the total Danish social welfare budget is allocated to children and youths younger than 18 years.
Indigenous People
The rights of the people in Greenland and the Faroe Islands are fully protected. Greenlandic law is specially designed for Inuit customs. It provides for the use of lay people, rather than experts, as judges. Most prisoners are sent to holding centers rather than prisons where they are encouraged to work, hunt, or fish during the day. The Greenlandic Government again in 1993 rejected suggestions that the treatment of criminals be made more severe. This rejection was based partly on the experience of Greenlandic prisoners in Danish jails (they have a very difficult time adapting to confinement) and partly on the expense of building a prison. In Greenland, education is provided to the native population in the Inuit language.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
The inflow of ethnically and racially diverse refugees and immigrants (mostly Iranians, Palestinians, and Sri Lankans, but since late 1992, overwhelmingly former Yugoslavs) has provoked a degree of tension between Danes and immigrants. Incidents of random, racially motivated violence do occur, but are rare. The Government effectively investigates and deals with all cases of racially motivated violence. Overtly racist or neo-Nazi groups are few and small in size, and monitored closely by police. Swastikas and antiforeigner graffiti do exist in certain areas. Violent acts against refugees are rare. A woman active on behalf of refugees was beaten in Copenhagen, and two Albanian asylum seekers were attacked by three young Danish men. The case against the woman's assailant remains unresolved, but in the other case, the three men were prosecuted. Several politicians who have openly called for greater tolerance towards refugees have received hate mail and telephone calls. The former Turkish-born deputy mayor of Farum, the first immigrant ever to be elected to so high a post in Denmark, received telephone threats within the first week of taking office. The authorities investigated the threats, but did not find those responsible for the calls. Refugees and asylum seekers can apply for Danish citizenship upon completing 6 years' residence and passing a language examination. Foreign-born, non-Nordic Danish citizens and legal permanent residents, however, suffer from significantly higher unemployment rates than Nordic residents and citizens. Some naturalized citizens have complained of job discrimination on the basis of race but have so far been unable to prove that they were discriminated against. Legislation prohibits job discrimination on the basis of race and provides for legal remedies. In 1991 the Supreme Court rejected discriminatory racial and ethnic quotas in public housing which had been imposed by some towns to limit the number of immigrants who can live in a building. As a result, the quota system was dropped. Proponents claimed such limitation prevented ghettos. In 1993 about 5 municipalities refused to accept their share of the recent arrivals, despite rules and directives that they do so, because they objected to the cost and did not want the ethnic mix of the communities to be upset. The Government responded by forcing the municipalities to accept the refugees. In one case, the dissenting city councilors were found in contempt, and fines were imposed. The fines were never collected as the city council eventually accepted the Government's position and took the refugees.
People with Disabilities
The extensive social safety net ensures that the special needs of the disabled are addressed. Danish building regulations provide for special installations for the handicapped in public buildings built or renovated after 1977. Older buildings which change the nature of their use also must meet the regulations for public access. The code calls for easy access for the handicapped, defined as level-free access to the ground floor and at least one restroom equipped for use by the handicapped. The Danish Act on Social Welfare includes the provision of financial assistance for the alteration of private dwellings to accommodate the special needs of those in wheelchairs or needing other special equipment and for assistance in purchasing vehicles with special accessories for the disabled. The Center for Equal Treatment of the Handicapped was launched in August 1993. The Center is a consultative body that assists communities and individuals to ensure that existing regulations concerning the handicapped are followed. There is no Danish antidiscrimination legislation in connection with equal employment for the handicapped. However, a written rule on hiring in the civil service states that preference should be given to the handicapped individual when other factors are the same.
Section 6 Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
The law states that all workers, including military personnel and the police, may form or join unions of their choosing. Approximately 80 percent of Danish wage earners belong to unions, which are independent of the Government and political parties. The Danish Confederation of Trade Unions (LO), which includes about half of the country's work force, remains closely associated with the Social Democratic Party. Over the years (but not in 1993) there have been a few but widely reported incidents in which workers who joined trade unions not affiliated with the LO were harassed or rejected by members of the mainstream unions in the workplace. All but civil servants and the military have the right to strike. The number of days not worked due to labor conflicts in 1992 was 62,800 (down from 101,000 in 1991). Unions may affiliate freely with international organizations and do so actively. Worker rights, including full freedom of association, have the same respect in Greenland and the Faroe Islands as in the rest of Denmark.
b. The Right To Organize and Bargain Collectively
Workers and employers acknowledge each other's right to organize. Collective bargaining is widespread. The law prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers against union members and organizers, and there are mechanisms to resolve disputes. Employers found guilty of antiunion discrimination are required to reinstate workers fired for union activities. In the private sector, salaries, benefits, and working conditions are agreed upon in biennial negotiations between the various employers' associations and the union counterparts. In the event of a stalemate, the Confederation of Danish Employers' Associations and the LO conduct these negotiations. If the negotiations fail, a national conciliation board mediates, and its proposal is voted on by management and labor. If the proposal is turned down, the Government may force a legislated solution on the parties (usually based upon the mediators' proposal). The agreements, in turn, are used as guidelines by the rest of the labor market, including the public sector. Collective bargaining in the public sector is conducted between the public sector employees' unions and government representatives, led by the Finance Ministry. Labor relations in Greenland are conducted in the same manner as in Denmark. Working conditions are negotiated through collective bargaining, usually led by the largest Greenlandic union, SIK, which has about 8,000 members, about one-half of the indigenous work force. In disputes, Greenlandic courts are the first recourse, but Danish mediation services or the Danish Labor Court may also be used. In the Faroes, there are unions but no umbrella labor organization. Labor relations in principle are a matter between management and labor. Between them, they decide on salaries, wages, and terms of employment. Should the parties not be able to reach an agreement, a mediator is called in to resolve the dispute. Faroese legislation regulates conditions of apprenticeship, cost-of-living adjustments to negotiated wages, minimum wages in the fisheries sector, length of the workweek, and annual vacations. There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
Forced or compulsory labor is prohibited and does not exist.
d. Minimum Age for Employment of Children
The minimum age for full-time employment is 15. The law prescribes specific limitations on the employment of those between 15 and 18 years of age, and it is enforced by the Agency for Supervision of Labor Standards, an autonomous arm of the Ministry of Labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
There is no legally mandated national minimum wage, but the lowest wage in any national labor agreement is sufficient for a decent standard of living for a worker and family. The law provides for 5 weeks of paid vacation, and a 37-hour workweek is generally observed. The law prescribes conditions of work, including safety and health; duties of employers, supervisors, and employees; work performance; rest periods and days off; and medical examinations. The Labor Inspection Service ensures compliance with labor legislation. Workers may remove themselves from hazardous situations without jeopardizing their employment, and there are legal protections for workers who file complaints about unsafe or unhealthy conditions. Similar conditions of work are found in Greenland and the Faroes, except that their workweek is 40 hours. Unemployment benefits in Greenland are either contained in labor contract agreements or come from the general social security system. A general unemployment insurance system in the Faroe Islands was established in August 1992, replacing former unemployment compensation covered by the social security system. Sick pay and maternity pay, as in Denmark, fall under the social security system. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 6 | https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/exchange-with-reporters-prior-discussions-with-prime-minister-poul-nyrup-rasmussen-denmark | en | Exchange With Reporters Prior to Discussions With Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen of Denmark in Copenhagen | [
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Q. Have you been—[inaudible]?
President Clinton. We've made a very clear statement that every democracy in Europe who wishes to join should be eligible to join at the appropriate time and that we will take regular reviews, the first one in 1999. And that applies to the Baltics as well as other countries. I must say that I want to thank the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister for taking the same position. We should remain open for business, if you will, for all, because we're trying to bring Europe together, including Russia and Ukraine and others, and that is our mission.
Q. Are they in a better position today than before the Madrid Summit—the Baltic countries?
President Clinton. I think they are, because it's the first time NATO has taken this public position, with the heads of governments saying we would be open to all. They've said it before, but in a different forum. So this is the first sort of public statement about our long-term plan over the next decade or two.
Denmark-U.S. Relations
Q. Will you—[inaudible]?
President Clinton. Sorry, I'm hard of hearing. Well, let me say, we have had a wonderful partnership with Denmark. It's been an unusual one, and I think we will continue our partnership.
President's Visit
Q. How do you like your visit?
President Clinton. I love it. You know, I was last here in 1969 as a poor student, and I had a wonderful time and I have never forgotten it. I've always wanted to come back. I only wish I could stay longer, especially because it's so warm and the jazz festival is going on.
Prime Minister Rasmussen. We wish that too, President.
Q. How do you like the Danish hospitality?
President Clinton. I love it, don't you?
Q. Is this the first time you've been here?
President Clinton. Since 1969. I was here in December of 1969. I loved it then, and I like it now, a lot.
Q. Mr. President, is this a fitting end to a busy week?
President Clinton. It's a wonderful end to a busy week because we have had no stronger ally and freedom has had no stronger friend than Denmark over the last several years. Denmark has taken a leading role in NATO and is working for expansion and working for the resolution of our agreement with Russia and Ukraine and in Bosnia. Denmark has been with us in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Denmark has been in Albania, where we have not been. It is a remarkable country, and this is a fitting end of the week because this is the week in which together, we with our NATO allies, I believe went a very long way toward creating a Europe which will be free of war, which will have more freedom, and which will be undivided, really for the first time in its history.
Bosnia
Q. You know Congress has voted that you— we cease any operations or any participation in Bosnia after June 1998. Do you go along with that?
President Clinton. I believe the present operation will have run its course by then, and we'll have to discuss what, if any, involvement the United States should have there. I will say this. Our involvement there in the last—the SFOR operation, which is much, much reduced; we have fewer than half the troops we had there when we started. It's been much less expensive and much less hazardous to America than a resumption of full-scale war in Bosnia would be. So I think it's been a very good thing we've done, and I would hope the American people are very proud of it. | |||||||
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LETTER TO PRIME MINISTER RASMUSSEN OF DENMARK
Barbaric 'Experiments' by Nazi Dr. Værnet, War Criminal
The Prime Minister,
Statsministeriet,
Christinsborg,
Prins Jorgens Gaard 11,
Copenhagen 1218,
Denmark.
16th March, 1998
Dear Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen,
We are writing to request the help of your government to discover the fate of the Nazi doctor, Carl Værnet, who fled to Argentina after the war and was last known to be working in the Buenos Aires public health department in late 1947.
Dr. Værnet was a pro-Nazi Danish citizen who served in the SS, conducting barbaric medical experiments --including castration and forced hormonal implants-- on gay concentration camp prisoners at Buchenwald and Neuengamme.
Unlike other Nazi doctors, he was never put on trial at Nuremberg (Nürnberg), and was allowed to flee to Argentina soon after the war was over.
Dr. Værnet's role in the medical abuse of gay prisoners is documented in the archives at the International Tracing Service at Arolsen (example: ITS Arolsen, book 36, folder 405). It is also cited in the books The Pink Triangle by Richard Plant (Mainstream Publishing, Edinburgh 1987) and Hidden Holocaust? by Dr. Günter Grau (Cassell, London 1995).
Dr. Værnet's gruesome experiments on gay internees are also cited in the German documentary film Wir hatten ein grosses 'A' am Bein (We Were Marked With A Big 'A'), directed by Elke Jeonrond and Joseph Weishaupt, and made for NDR. in 1991 by Mediengruppe Schwabing Filmproduktion.
According to our information, which remains incomplete, at the end of the war Dr. Værnet was interned in the British-run Alsgade Skole prisoner-of-war camp in Copenhagen.
On 29th May 1945, the chairman of the Danish Medical Association sent the Ministry of Justice an affidavit signed by a Danish police officer who had been incarcerated in Buchenwald. This affidavit identified Værnet as having been a serving SS officer. The report from the chairman of the Danish Medical Association was, apparently, ignored by the Justice Ministry in Copenhagen.
In the autumn of 1945, the British handed over Dr. Værnet to the Danish authorities. What these authorities did with him at this stage remains unknown. Was he placed in a Danish prison? Or was he moved to hospital for the treatment of his alleged heart problem? This, too, demands an investigation and an answer.
On 2nd January 1946, the Danish Medical Association received a letter from Dr. Værnet's lawyer, informing them that he had resigned -- apparently in a bid to preempt the Association's plan to have him struck off for his wartime activities,
It is known that Dr. Værnet was eventually transferred to hospital, on the grounds that he was allegedly suffering from a heart complaint, (which may well have been fictional in order to facilitate his release from detention). When did this transfer take place? Who authorised it? What independent medical report, if any, confirmed his heart condition?
Dr. Værnet is said to have told fellow doctors that his heart trouble could only be treated in Sweden. Astonishingly, despite being accused of perpetrating war crimes, Dr. Værnet was allowed by the Danish authorities to travel to Sweden.
In Sweden, he made contact with the Nazi escape network, which spirited him away to Argentina, probably in late 1946 or early 1947.
On 19th November 1947, the Copenhagen newspaper, Berlingske Tidende, carried a letter from a Danish exile living in Argentina which reported that Dr. Værnet was working in the Buenos Aires health department.
It is our formal request that the Danish government explain:
Why was Dr. Værnet never put on trial on charges of war crimes, alongside other Nazi doctors?
What explanation is there for the way the Ministry of Justice ignored the serious allegations made by the Danish Medical Association concerning Dr. Værnet's wartime activities?
Who authorised him to leave prison unguarded and attend hospital for treatment without supervision?
How did Dr. Værnet --a former Nazi SS officer accused of war crimes-- get official permission to travel to Sweden for medical treatment?
Was there any disciplinary action taken against those who allowed him to leave prison and go to hospital and, later, to leave Denmark for Sweden?
What action has been taken by the Danish government over the last 50 years to track down Dr. Værnet and bring him to trial on charges of crimes against humanity?
Is he now dead or alive? If he is still living, what action does the Danish government propose to take to put him on trial?
OutRage! is an organisation dedicated to the promotion of lesbian, gay and bisexual human rights in Britain and worldwide.
Dr. Værnet committed acts which are, according to our understanding of international law, crimes against humanity.
We would greatly appreciate your government's assistance in discovering Dr. Værnet's fate. Thank you.
Yours sincerely,
Peter Tatchell
Dr. Værnet -- British Military Collusion?
Dr. Værnet -- Danish Correspondence
Letter to President Menen of Argentina -- Barbaric 'Experiments' by Nazi Dr. Værnet
German Embassy pursues redress for gay holocaust victims
Letter to Helmut Kohl -- Compensation for Nazi Victims
Gays demand share of looted Nazi Gold
Gay Holocaust: Værnet
Gay Holocaust Memorial and Modern Hate-Crimes
Simon Wiesenthal Center
BBC: Queen opens Holocaust exhibition 6-June-2000
OutRage! Home Page I Can See Queerly Now Queer Intelligence Queer History Links to other Sites | ||||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 50 | http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/1668439.stm | en | Analysis: Denmark's shift to the right | [
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] | null | [] | 2001-11-21T12:45:03 | null | By Line Vaaben Juhl and Thomas Vennekilde in Copenhagen
The new Prime Minister of Denmark, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, was greeted with rapturous applause from colleagues as the scale of his election victory became clear.
The Danes had a wish for change - for new faces - after nine years with the same people in power
Social Democrat ex-minister
Not only did the right-wing in Parliament - a coalition of his Venstre (Liberal) Party, and the Conservatives - gain power after nine years in opposition, but Venstre is now also the biggest party in Denmark.
The right's triumph appears to have built on a mixture of two key elements.
Firstly, it seems the electorate was ready for change after nine years of Social Democrat-led government, presided over by the European Union's longest-serving Prime Minister, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen.
Secondly - and perhaps more importantly - the opposition campaign successfully tapped into public concerns over immigration, which increased dramatically in the wake of the 11 September attacks, but which had already been dominating political debate.
In the end, the campaign focused almost entirely on immigration.
Mr Fogh Rasmussen, who was behind in the polls when the snap election was called three weeks ago, has now pledged to run a broad-based administration.
"Uniting the Danish people is a great challenge. The necessary reforms must be carried out with support from a broad spectrum of political parties," he said.
But he will probably not find much co-operation from the left wing parties in parliament.
The Social Democrats had a disastrous election, losing 11 out of 63 seats in parliament.
Social Democrats have already begun analysing the reasons for their defeat.
"The Danes had a wish for change - for new faces - after nine years with the same people in power," the Minister of Tax Affairs, Frode Sorensen, said.
Analysts also point to the fact that the party spent more energy during the campaign attacking the opposition, than actually explaining their own policies.
I will not run away with my tail between my legs - the party will raise itself again
Outgoing PM Poul Nyrup Rasmussen
As soon as the disappointing result was known, speculation began on whether defeated Prime Minister Rasmussen would resign as party leader.
But Mr Rasmussen, visibly moved, refused.
"I will not run away with my tail between my legs. The party will raise itself again," he declared, before striking up an old labour battle song.
The election was historical in a number of ways.
Eighty-seven per cent of Danes participated in the polls, which is almost as many as the biggest turnout ever in 1943, during the German occupation.
We are in charge now
Far-right leader Pia Kjaersgaard
The election's other great winner was the extreme right wing party, Dansk Folkeparti. It gained nine new seats, taking its total in parliament to 22 of the 179 seats.
Even though the MPs will not be invited to be part of the government, their support will be heavily relied on by Mr Fogh Rasmussen.
"We are in charge now," Dansk Folkeparties leader Pia Kjaersgaard declared, and promised to work hard for stricter policy towards immigration and refugees.
There is a hypnotic concern with immigration issues in Denmark, which we haven't seen anywhere else, except from Austria
Professor Ole Borre, Aahhus University
This underlines what many commentators predicted before the elections - that xenophobia has had a great impact on how the Danes chose to vote.
"It is obvious to compare the situation with the one in Austria, even though Dansk Folkeparti will not take part in the government as Joerg Haider did," says Professor Ole Borre, of Aarhus University.
"There is a hypnotic concern with immigration issues in Denmark, which we haven't seen anywhere else, except from Austria."
At the same time, the election was the first-ever for a Dane with an immigrant background to enter the Danish parliament.
Thirty-eight-year-old Naser Khader, who has a Syrian background, said: "It is a great victory for me and for the integration policy in Denmark. It sends a signal, that Denmark not solely xenophobic." | ||||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 46 | https://michaelbooth.substack.com/p/that-time-i-danced-with-the-danish | en | That time I danced with the Danish prime minister. | https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:best,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fmichaelbooth.substack.com%2Ftwitter%2Fsubscribe-card.jpg%3Fv%3D1676760300%26version%3D9 | https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:best,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fmichaelbooth.substack.com%2Ftwitter%2Fsubscribe-card.jpg%3Fv%3D1676760300%26version%3D9 | [
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] | null | [
"Michael Booth"
] | 2024-01-14T07:00:24+00:00 | (I wrote this for Politiken in the run-up to the last election in Denmark). Grumpy Man in a Happy Land is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. | en | https://substackcdn.com/icons/substack/favicon.ico | https://michaelbooth.substack.com/p/that-time-i-danced-with-the-danish | (I wrote this for Politiken in the run-up to the last election in Denmark).
Last month, in the council chamber of my local town hall, the mayor shook my hand and, like a municipal fairy godmother waving a magic wand (in his case, a glass of warm cava), bestowed upon me Danish citizenship.
Back in my homeland England, the queen died, the pound collapsed and the national football team lost to Italy. A regrettable yet proportionate response to events, I feel.
I now finally have the same legal status as our elderly labradoodle, Luna, who has held a Danish pet passport for many years. Thus I am entitled to a number of perks and privileges to which the indigenous population are born: I may break the speed limit without fear of being deported; I can talk in the quiet carriage on the train, I may submit a photograph of a sunset to the TV weather; and I can participate in the greatest democratic show on earth: a Danish general election.
So, what can the Danes learn from British democracy? Given that Britain’s prime ministers are often elected by a couple of hundred racist dementia patients from Kent (the surviving members of the Conservative party) on behalf of a handful of hedge fund billionaires and non-resident media moguls, my answer is clearly: ‘Nothing whatsoever’. As with everything - apart from pop music and bagels - Danes do democracy better.
My first glimpse of the refreshingly grounded way in which things function here was seeing the Danish prime minister being totally ignored by the public during an election walkabout on Amagertorv.
This was Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, back in the late Nineties. I was visiting for the first time with my then fiancé (now wife), who is Danish. “But shouldn’t we, like, heckle him, or ask for his autograph or something?” I asked. My fiancé frowned and pulled me away, as one might a rubber-necker from a car accident.
I’ve often thought back to Nyrup’s walkabout that day. The accessible, relatively low key nature of Danish politics it seemed to embody has stayed with me ever since. The crowd’s apathy towards Rasmussen was not to be confused with any apathy towards democracy of course, as Danish election turnouts of well over 80% attest (vs 67% in the last UK one). Danes take voting seriously as well as which, away from election time, the democratic system functions exceptionally well too. When a prime minister loses his or her head and arrests a spy chief, for instance, or orders the premature slaughter of millions of mink, various checks and balances swing into action and… eventually, we get a chance to vote again.
Even better, your verdict is delivered within a month, so you can all go back to trying to book a padel court and watching dramas about hair curlers.
Not only that but, Danish politicians tend to agree on most things too. Middle ground is sought, consensus and coalition demanded, and usually achieved - around 80% of the time according to recent research. Do you realise how extraordinary that is? How beneficial it is for your economy, not to mention your emotional well being? It’s the kind of efficient legislature we in Britain can only dream of; as smooth running and efficient as a Swiss watch. If British democracy were a time piece, on the other hand, it would be an old station clock which stopped in 1952.
One reason for all this might be that the Danish education system is responsible for creating the best civil servants in the world. On global university ranking lists, Danish universities generally rank in the low 100s, which isn’t bad for a country of Denmark’s size and alcohol intake. But there is one subject in which, according to the 2022 Shanghai Ranking, Aarhus University is the world’s leader: its Political Science department is ranked No1. For the third year running.
Yet, still, I hear many complaints from Danes about the current crop of politicians, mostly concerning the way they behave towards each other - the accusations and name calling, the blame shifting, the selectivity, and the lies. I get it. I hear them too, especially at this point in the political cycle when they are scrambling to differentiate themselves, with roughly 50% of voters looking to switch parties this year. Hence all the blithe promises to shower us with nurses and tax cuts, promises which the politicians know they will never have to fulfil.
But here’s my problem. In Denmark I have 14 potential parties to choose from, spanning from the looney left to the rabid right. There are Ayn Rand liberals (economic flat-earthers, basically), convicted criminals (how avante garde!), marxists who dress like they have just come from doing some gardening, and somewhere, sitting alone in a remote village hall, virulent right wing Morten Messcherschmidt, weeping into his Grand Cru. There are even some eternally hopeful Christians, which is sweet, but can I find one political leader I would trust with my vote? I can not. I have examined them closely, and every one of them has a critical ‘ick’ factor.
An ‘ick’ factor is defined by the Guardian as “a point at which your initial attraction to a person flips into a feeling of disgust”. In relationship terms it can be the way your boyfriend licks his finger before turning a page, say, or how, in profile, your girlfriend bears a weird resemblance to Ernest Borgnine. That kind of thing.
In terms of Denmark’s politicians, the ick factors for me range from the things Søren Pape doesn’t say about discrimination against muslims (and he does seem extravagantly untrustworthy, even for a politician), to the way Jakob Elleman-Jensen always looks like he has just dented your paintwork with his car door in the car park but is totally denying it (that, and his party’s ostrich-like climate policies. And the ongoing fetish about headscarves - what do these people have against nuns?).
I understand Lars Løkke Rasmussen’s Falstaffian appeal, but the man helped create the Trumpian monster, Støjberg, so he’s a no too. Meanwhile, I could imagine at least two of the other party leaders holding Mussolini’s coat while he bludgeon’s an opponent with his bare fists. Mai Villadsen seems to have the same relationship to NATO as I do to God (I don’t believe in him, but if I lost my car keys, or were Russia to invade, you can damn well bet I’d start praying), while Sofie Carsen Nielsen seems to have tied herself up in Kafka-esque knots.
So I took one of those online tests to see if that could help me find a political home: based on the parties’ previous voting records, the test concluded there were six which scored precisely 52% on the Michael-ometer, ranging from Frie Grønne to Liberal Alliance. I was none the wiser.
I can’t help but feel the choice might have been easier a decade or so ago. Over the years I’ve met many Danish politicians, including several prime ministers, in a professional context, in private, and in one case, on the dance-floor. Some, like Bertel Haarder and Magrethe Vestager, left a deep and positive impression of thoughtful, responsible, open-minded people. The kind you would vote for in a heartbeat. Others, like Helle Thorning Schmidt and the current environment minister whose name I can’t be bothered to look up, left me wondering how on earth they managed to convince anyone of their ability to run anything.
And then there is Mette Frederiksen with whom I have indeed shared a dancefloor. There is much to admire in the current PM: her communication throughout the COVID crisis was exemplary, and she is always convincing in interviews. Teflon coated. She seems to believe herself destined to decide over Denmark; I can imagine she was reorganising the maternity ward within minutes of being born. Nothing wrong with that. Tony Blair possessed the same messianic confidence, and it worked brilliantly. Right up until it didn’t. Good dancer too. Frederiksen, not Blair.
For this election she appears laser-focused on pleasuring Denmark’s g-spot: security and safety. I suspect it will prove highly effective election foreplay. So why wouldn’t I vote for her? I am actually not all that bothered by the mink stuff, or the selfies and social media nonsense (the kind of shit professional politicians have always had to do), but I do find the anti-immigrant rhetoric, the ostentatious absurdity of the Rwanda policy, and the self-harming demonisation of private enterprise a bit of a turn-off.
Ultimately whom I vote for is a minor issue, but the majority of the Danes I have spoken to over the past couple of weeks share my quandry. Perhaps this is why Lars Løkke finds himself surfing an unexpected wave: we think of him as an archetypal Dane despite all the evidence to the contrary (I’ve always thought that if he looked like Nikolaj Coster Waldau he wouldn’t be anywhere near as popular), and perhaps because of that no one is bothered by his various minor scandals. Or, you know, his record.
But ultimately I do sometimes wonder if the real problem is that there is too much democratic choice in this country. Do you realise that you have one member of parliament for every 32,400 Danes, compared to the UK, which has one for every 103,076? The French and Germans have even fewer MPs per capita. Seems excessive, doesn’t it? Not to mention expensive.
Ironically, the solution to this might lie with the least democratic of your institutions. A couple of weeks ago, Queen Margrethe made a few decisive cuts to her own excess family, and I wonder if the Danish people shouldn’t do likewise with their political family.
So here’s my idea, as a newly-minted Danish citizen: less democracy.
How about we get rid of, say, a few dozen members of parliament to create a slimmed down, focused, lean and agile Danish parliament, for the coming years of belt-tightening global turbulence.
That I’d vote for.
END | |||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 13 | https://www.aau.dk/apology-to-those-placed-in-special-care-aau-historian-helps-pave-the-way-n92157 | en | Apology to Those Placed in Special Care: AAU-Historian Helps Pave the Way | [
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] | null | [] | 2023-09-08T09:15:00 | As a member of Special Care Commission, Professor Poul Duedahl has helped to investigate the conditions of those placed on Livø and Sprogø in 1933-1980. Now they are getting an official apology. | /apple-touch-icon.png | Aalborg Universitet | https://www.aau.dk/apology-to-those-placed-in-special-care-aau-historian-helps-pave-the-way-n92157 | By Charlotte Tybjerg Sørensen, Department of Sociology and Social Work. Translated by LeeAnn Iovanni, AAU Communication. Photos: Løgstør Lokalarkiv and Hjortlund Medier
The 11th of September will be a very special day for the living former residents in special and mental health care and their relatives, as well as the relatives of those now deceased. They will receive an apology from the government for failures and abuses committed while they were forcibly placed in institutions around the country – including Livø and Sprogø, the two small isolated islands in the Limfjord and the Storebælt, respectively.
In 2020, the government set up a commission to investigate the consequences for children, adolescents and adults placed in care homes in the period 1933-1980.
The complete report (in Danish) can be found on the Danish Parliament's website and can be read here.
- I took part in the investigation and found many examples of institutions with well-functioning departments, but also examples of departments characterized by what were considered even at the time to be failures, abuses and erroneous placements. Often these can be explained by a lack of supervision, overcrowding and understaffing. Whether an apology should be given based on this is purely a political decision. But there is no doubt that this is an acknowledgement and makes a difference to those previously placed in such institutions, Poul Duedahl says.
The apology to those previously placed in care will be given by the Minister for Social Affairs and Housing, Pernille Rosenkrantz-Theil, at an event at Hotel Bygholm Park in Horsens.
- Those previously placed in special and mental health care have waited a long time for an apology which I am pleased to finally be able to offer on behalf of the government. These are fates and stories that have touched me deeply, and it is important that we listen to and learn from them. Therefore, the only right thing is to also give an apology from the state to the people who, in state custody, were subjected to horrible abuses that were also illegal at the time, says Pernille Rosenkrantz-Theil in a press release from the Ministry of Social Affairs, Housing and Senior Citizens.
What has made the biggest impression on you during your research on the history of mental health care?
- The big difference there often is between the official narrative about the institutions – that for many years was referred to in the media as progress in humanity – and by the employees who referred this to as a wonderful time in their working lives versus the reality of those placed in these institutions. The reality is, for example, that during its lifetime, Livø was the subject of over 400 escape attempts and 10 escape-related deaths, says Poul Duedahl.
Made TV series with Poul Nyrup Rasmussen
Poul Duedahl authored the book Billeder fra en anden verden: De Kellerske Anstalters historie [Pictures from Another World: The History of the Kellers Institutions], and recently released the highly acclaimed book, Afvigernes ø [Island of Deviants], about Livø, that he wrote in collaboration with Vesthimmerland Museum curator, Maria Clement Hagstrup, with a postscript by former Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen.
All three are also part of a documentary series on DR where they follow the path of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen's father, who in his youth was placed on Livø for seven years – branded as morally deficient. The series is called Nyrup – søn af en udstødt [Nyrup – Son of an Outcast] and can be seen on dr.dk.
The event with the apology to those previously placed under the Special and Mental Health Service will be live-streamed from the ministry's website. See it here. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 44 | http://www.oldsite.transnational.org/SAJT/features/Indictment_of_NATO.html | en | TFF FEATURES | [
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] | null | [] | null | null | International Criminal Tribunal
to Investigate NATO Leaders
TO:
Madam Justice Louise Arbour, Prosecutor,
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia,
Churchillplein 1, 2501 EW, The Hague, Netherlands.
AND TO:
William J. Clinton, Madeleine Albright and William S. Cohen,
C/o William J. Clinton, President
The White House, 1600 Pennsylvania Ave NW
Washington, District of Columbia 20500, United States of America
Tony Blair, Robin Cook and George Robertson,
C/o Rt. Hon. Tony Blair, Prime Minister
10 Downing St. SW1A 2AA London United Kingdom
Javier Solana, Jamie Shea, Wesley K. Clark, Harold W. German, Konrad Freytag.
D.J.G. Wilby, Fabrizio Maltinti, Giuseppe Marani and Daniel P. Leaf,
C/o Javier Solana, Secretary General
NATO Headquarters, 1110 Brussels, Belgium
Jean Chrétien, Lloyd Axworthy and Arthur Eggleton,
C/o Jean Chretien, M.P., Prime Minister
House of Commons, PO Box 1103, Ottawa, Ontario K1A 0A6, Canada
Jean-Luc Dehaene, E. Derycke and J.-P. Poncelet,
C/o M. Jean-Luc Dehaene, Premier Ministre
rue de la Loi 16, B-1000 Brussels, Belgium
Vaclav Havel, J. Kavan and V. Vetchy,
C/o Vaclav Havel, President
Office of the President of the C.R., Hrad (Castle), 119 08 Praha 1, Czech Republic
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, N.H. Petersen and H. Haekkerup,
C/o Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, Prime Minister
Prime Minister`s Office
Christiansborg, Prins Jorgens Gaard 11, DK-1218 Copenhagen, Denmark
Jacques Chirac, Lionel Jospin, H. Védrine and Alain Richard,
C/o M. Jacques Chirac, President de la Republique
Palais de l`Elysee, 55 et 57, rue du Faubourg Saint-Honore, 75008 Paris, France
Gerhard Schröder, J. Fischer and R. Scharping
C/o Gerhard Schoeder, Chancellor
Adenauerallee 141, PA: Briefpost, PLZ 53106, 53113 Bonn, Germany
Kostas Simitis, G. Papandreou and A. Tsohatzopoulos,
C/o Kostas Simitis, Prime Minister
Office of the Prime Minister, Greek Parliament Bldg, Constitution Square, Athens, Greece
Viktor Orban, J. Martonyi and J. Szabo,
C/oViktor Orban, Prime Minister
Kossuth Lajos ter 1-3, 1055 Budapest, Budapest fovaros, Hungary
David Oddsson, H. Asgrimsson and G. Palsson,
C/o David Oddsson, Prime Minister
Office of the Prime Minister, Stjornarradshusinu, 150 Reykjavik, Iceland
Massimo D'Alema, L. Dini and C. Scognamiglio,
C/o Massimo D'Alema, Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri (Prime Minister)
Piazza Colonna, 37, 00187 Rome, Italy
Jean-Claude Juncker, J. Poos and Alex Bodry,
C/o Jean-Claude Juncker, Prime Minister
Ministere d`Etat, 4, rue de la Congregation, L-2910 Luxembourg
Willem Kok, J. van Aartsen and F.H.G. de Grave,
C/o Willem Kok, Prime Minister
Binnenhof 20, 2513 AA, Postbus 20001, 2500 EA, The Hague, Netherlands
Kjell Magne Bondevik, K. Vollebæk and D.J. Fjærvoll,
C/o Kjell Magne Bondevik, Prime Minister
Akersgt. 42, blokk H, P.O. Box 8001 Dep, N-0030 Oslo, Norway
Jerzy Buzek, B. Geremek and J. Onyszkiewicz,
C/o Jerzy Buzek, Prime Minister
Prime Minister's Office, al. Ujazdowskie 1/3, 00-583 Warsaw, Poland
Antonio Manuel de Oliveira Guterres, J.J. Matos da Gama and V. Simão,
C/o Antonio Manuel de Oliveira Guterres, Prime Minister
Gabinete do Primeiro-Ministro, Lisboa, Portugal
Jose Maria Aznar, A. Matutes and E. Serra Rexach,
C/o Excmo. Sr. Jose Maria Aznar
Presidente del Gobierno, Complejo de la Moncloa, Edf. Semillas
28071 Madrid, Spain
Bulent Ecevit, I. Cem and H. S. Turk,
C/o Bulent Ecevit, Prime Minister
Office of the Prime Minister, Basbakanlik, 06573 Ankara, Turkey
FROM:
Professor Michael Mandel, Professor W. Neil Brooks, Professor Judith A. Fudge,
Professor H. J. Glasbeek, Professor Reuben A. Hasson and Sil Salvaterra,
Barrister and Solicitor, Community Legal Aid Services Programme,
Osgoode Hall Law School, York University,
Toronto, Ontario,
Canada M3J 1P3
David Jacobs and Brian Shell, Barristers and Solicitors,
Shell, Jacobs Lawyers
672 Dupont Street,
Suite 401
Toronto, Ontario
Canada M6G 1Z6
Christopher Black, Barrister and Solicitor,
121 Nymark Avenue,
Toronto, Ontario
Canada M2J 2H3
John Philpot, Barrister and Solicitor,
Alariel Legault Beachemin Paquin Jobin Brisson & Philpot
1259 rue Berri suite 1000
Montréal, Québec
Canada H2L 4C7
Fred Stasiuk, Barrister and Solicitor,
296 Mill Road,
Unit B6
Etobicoke, Ontario,
Canada M9G 4X8
Professor Peter Rosenthal, Barrister and Solicitor,
Mathematics Department,
The University of Toronto,
Toronto, Ontario
Canada
Professor Roberto Bergalli,
Departament de Dret Penal i Ciences Penals
Universitat de Barcelona,
Av. Diagonal 684 E-08034
Barcelona, Spain
The American Association of Jurists:
Alejandro Teitelbaum,
Permanent Representative to the United Nations in Geneva.
80 Quai Gillet
69004 Lyon, France
Alvaro Ramirez Gonzalez, President,
Del Porton Oriental de la UCA 1 y media cuadra arriba
Apdo Postal 3348
Managua, Nicaragua
Vanessa Ramos,
Secretary General
200 Mercer Street 4E
New York, NY 10012
Beinusz Szmukler,
President, Consultative Council,
Peru 971 8 piso, B
1068 Buenos Aires, Argentina
IN THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA
RE: William J. Clinton, Madeleine Albright, William S. Cohen, Tony Blair, Robin
Cook, George Robertson, Javier Solana, Jamie Shea, Wesley K. Clark, Harold W.
German, Konrad Freytag. D.J.G. Wilby, Fabrizio Maltinti, Giuseppe Marani,
Daniel P. Leaf, Jean Chrétien, Lloyd Axworthy, Arthur Eggleton, Jean-Luc
Dehaene, E. Derycke, J.-P. Poncelet, Vaclav Havel, J. Kavan, V. Vetchy, Poul
Nyrup Rasmussen, N.H. Petersen, H. Haekkerup, Jacques Chirac, Lionel Jospin, H.
Védrine, Alain Richard, Gerhard Schröder, J. Fischer, R. Scharping, Kostas
Simitis, G. Papandreou, A. Tsohatzopoulos, Viktor Orban, J. Martonyi, J. Szabo,
David Oddsson, H. Asgrimsson, G. Palsson, Massimo D'Alema, L. Dini, C.
Scognamiglio, Jean-Claude Juncker, J. Poos, Alex Bodry, Willem Kok, J. van
Aartsen, F.H.G. de Grave, Kjell Magne Bondevik, K. Vollebæk, D.J. Fjærvoll,
Jerzy Buzek, B. Geremek, J. Onyszkiewicz, Antonio Manuel de Oliveira Guterres,
J.J. Matos da Gama, V. Simão, Jose Maria Aznar, A. Matutes, E. Serra Rexach,
Bulent Ecevit, I. Cem and H. S. Turk.
NOTICE OF THE EXISTENCE OF INFORMATION CONCERNING SERIOUS VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW WITHIN THE JURISDICTION OF THE TRIBUNAL;
REQUEST THAT THE PROSECUTOR INVESTIGATE NAMED INDIVIDUALS FOR VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW AND PREPARE INDICTMENTS AGAINST THEM PURSUANT TO ARTICLES 18.1 AND 18.4 OF THE TRIBUNAL STATUTE.
WHEREAS the International Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible
for Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law Committed in the
Territory of the Former Yugoslavia since 1991 was established by the UN
Security Council with "the power to prosecute persons responsible for serious
violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of the
former Yugoslavia since 1991 in accordance with the provisions of" its Statute
(Article 1);
AND WHEREAS by Article 2 of the said Statute, the Tribunal has the power "to
prosecute persons committing or ordering to be committed grave breaches of the
Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, namely the following acts against persons
or property protected under the provisions of the relevant Geneva Convention
including the following:
(a) wilful killing;
(c) wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to body or health;
(d) extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity
and carried out unlawfully and wantonly.
AND WHEREAS by Article 3 of the said Statute, the International Tribunal shall
have the power to prosecute persons violating the laws or customs of war. Such
violations shall include, but not be limited to:
(a) employment of poisonous weapons or other weapons to cause unnecessary
suffering;
(b) wanton destruction of cities, towns or villages, or devastation not
justified by military necessity;
(c) attack, or bombardment, by whatever means, of undefended towns, villages,
dwellings, or buildings;
(d) seizure of, destruction or wilful damage done to institutions dedicated to
religion, charity and education, the arts and sciences, historic monuments and works of art
and science.
AND WHEREAS by Article 6 of the said Statute "the International Tribunal shall
have jurisdiction over natural persons pursuant to the provisions of the
present Statute;"
AND WHEREAS Article 7 of the said Statute provides for individual criminal
responsibility thus:
1. A person who planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and
abetted in the planning, preparation or execution of a crime referred to in
articles 2 to 5 of the present Statute, shall be individually responsible for
the crime.
2. The official position of any accused person, whether as Head of State
or Government or as a responsible Government official, shall not relieve such person of criminal
responsibility or mitigate punishment.
3. The fact that any of the acts referred to in articles 2 to 5 of the present
Statute was committed by a subordinate does not relieve his superior of
criminal responsibility if he knew or had reason to know that the subordinate
was about to commit such acts or had done so and the superior failed to take
the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or to punish the
perpetrators thereof.
4. The fact that an accused person acted pursuant to an order of a Government
or of a superior shall not relieve him of criminal responsibility, but may be
considered in mitigation of punishment if the International Tribunal determines
that justice so requires.
AND WHEREAS Article 8 of the said Statute provides that the territorial and
temporal jurisdiction of the Tribunal shall extend to the territory of the
former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, including its land surface,
airspace and territorial waters. The temporal jurisdiction of the International
Tribunal shall extend to a period beginning on 1 January 1991;
AND WHEREAS by Article 9 of the said Statute the International Tribunal and
national courts shall have concurrent jurisdiction to prosecute persons for
serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory
of the former Yugoslavia since 1 January 1991 but the International Tribunal
shall have primacy over national courts;
AND WHEREAS Article 18 of the said Statute provides inter alia that:
1. The Prosecutor shall initiate investigations ex-officio or on the basis of
information obtained from any source, particularly from Governments, United
Nations organs, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations. The
Prosecutor shall assess the information received or obtained and decide whether
there is sufficient basis to proceed.
2. The Prosecutor shall have the power to question suspects, victims and
witnesses, to collect evidence and to conduct on-site investigations. In
carrying out these tasks, the Prosecutor may, as appropriate, seek the
assistance of the State authorities concerned.
4. Upon a determination that a prima facie case exists, the Prosecutor shall
prepare an indictment containing a concise statement of the facts and the crime
or crimes with which the accused is charged under the Statute. The indictment
shall be transmitted to a judge of the Trial Chamber.
AND WHEREAS the President of the Tribunal, Judge Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, in a
press release of April 8, 1999, urged that:
All States and organisations in possession of information pertaining to the
alleged commission of crimes within the jurisdiction of the Tribunal should
make such information available without delay to the Prosecutor.
AND WHEREAS on April 30 in Geneva the United Nations High Commissioner for
Human Rights Mary Robinson in a speech to the Commission cited a letter from the
Prosecutor in which the Prosecutor stated:
The actions of individuals belonging to Serb forces, the Kosovo Liberation Army
(KLA), or NATO may come under scrutiny, if it appears that serious violations
of international humanitarian law have occurred.
AND WHEREAS High Commissioner Robinson also stated in her speech:
In the NATO bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, large numbers of
civilians have incontestably been killed, civilian installations targeted on
the grounds that they are or could be of military application and NATO remains
sole judge of what is or is not acceptable to bomb¹In this situation, the
principle of proportionality must be adhered to by those carrying out the
bombing campaign. It surely must be right to ask those carrying out the bombing
campaign to weigh the consequences of their campaign for civilians in the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
AND WHEREAS NATO has carried out between 5,000 and 10,000 bombing missions over
the territories of the former Yugoslavia since March 24, 1999;
AND WHEREAS NATO leaders have openly admitted targeting civilian infrastructure
as well as military targets;
AND WHEREAS the list of targets has included fuel depots, oil refineries,
government offices, power stations and communications links, such as roads,
tunnels, bridges and railway links, including those not inside the region of,
or in the vicinity of, Kosovo;
AND WHEREAS in addition to these deliberate attacks on civilian infrastructure
and objects, there have been a great number of attacks which have caused direct
physical harm and death to civilians;
AND WHEREAS it appears that these bombing missions have directly caused the
death of approximately 1,000 civilian men, women and children and serious
injury to 4,500 more;
AND WHEREAS instances of this nature include the 12 April bombing of a train
travelling from Belgrade to Ristovac as it crossed the bridge spanning the
Yuzhna Morava river at the Grdelica gorge, killing at least 10 passengers and
wounding 16; the 15 April bombing of a refugee convoy in four separate
locations along a 12 mile stretch of the road that runs from Prizren to
Djakovica, killing approximately 74 people; the 23 April bombing of Serbian
Television editorial offices, killing approximately 15 people; the 27 April
bombing of a residential district in Surdulica, killing 16 people including 12
children; and the May 1 bombing of a bus on the Luzan bridge in Kosovo killing
at least 34 people including 15 children;
AND WHEREAS, though the above-named NATO leaders have claimed that these
incidents were accidents, they have also admitted that they were an inevitable
result of their bombing strategy, a strategy which they appear to have
continued unmodified and even to have intensified throughout these incidents;
AND WHEREAS there is ample evidence in the public statements of NATO leaders
that these attacks on civilian targets are part of a deliberate attempt to
terrorize the population to turn it against its leadership;
AND WHEREAS the NATO bombing has done an estimated $100 billion dollars in
property damage and completely destroyed or seriously damaged dozens of
bridges, railways and railway stations, major roads, airports, including
civilian airports, hospitals and health care centres, television transmitters,
medieval monasteries and religious shrines, cultural-historical monuments and
museums, hundreds of schools, faculties and facilities for students and
children, thousands of dwellings and civilian industrial and agricultural
facilities;
AND WHEREAS refineries and warehouses storing liquid raw materials and
chemicals have been hit causing environmental contamination and exposing the civilian
population to the emission of poisonous gases;
AND WHEREAS the NATO bombings have also made use of weapons banned by
international convention, including cruise missiles utilizing depleted uranium
highly toxic to human beings;
AND WHEREAS credible detailed reports of the civilian death and destruction
inflicted by the NATO bombing are attached as an Annex to this Notice;
AND WHEREAS THEREFORE there is abundant evidence that many instances of serious
violations of international humanitarian law within the jurisdiction of the
Tribunal have been committed by NATO forces in the attack on Yugoslavia
commencing March 24 and continuing to this day;
AND WHEREAS this evidence is readily available to the Prosecutor in eyewitness,
videotaped, televised and publicly broadcast reports, in press reports and on
the Internet, and in the evidence presented by the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia in its current complaint against the NATO countries before the
International Court of Justice;
AND WHEREAS all of the above-named persons, Heads of State and Government
of the 19 NATO countries, their Foreign Ministers and Ministers of Defence, and
officials and military leaders of NATO, have admitted publicly to having agreed
upon and ordered these actions, being fully aware of their nature and effects;
AND WHEREAS the above-named persons have acted in open violation of the United
Nations Charter, which provides in so far as is relevant:
Article 2
3. All Members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in
such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not
endangered.
4. All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat
or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of
any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United
Nations.
Article 33
1. The parties to any dispute, the continuance of which is likely to endanger
the maintenance of international peace and security, shall, first of all, seek
a solution by negotiation, enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration,
judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies or arrangements, or other
peaceful means of their own choice.
Article 37
1. Should the parties to a dispute of the nature referred to in Article 33 fail
to settle it by the means indicated in that Article, they shall refer it to the
Security Council.
2. If the Security Council deems that the continuance of the dispute is in fact
likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security, it
shall decide whether to take action under Article 36 or to recommend such terms
of settlement as it may consider appropriate.
Article 39
The Security Council shall determine the existence of any threat to the peace,
breach of the peace, or act of aggression and shall make recommendations, or
decide what measures shall be taken in accordance with Articles 41 and 42, to
maintain or restore international peace and security.
Article 41
The Security Council may decide what measures not involving the use of armed
force are to be employed to give effect to its decisions, and it may call upon
the Members of the United Nations to apply such measures. These may include
complete or partial interruption of economic relations and of rail, sea, air,
postal, telegraphic, radio, and other means of communication, and the severance
of diplomatic relations.
Article 42
Should the Security Council consider that measures provided for in Article 41
would be inadequate or have proved to be inadequate, it may take such action by
air, sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore
international peace and security. Such action may include demonstrations,
blockade, and other operations by air, sea, or land forces of Members of the
United Nations.
Article 51
Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or
collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the
United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to
maintain international peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the
exercise of this right of self-defence shall be immediately reported to the
Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and
responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any
time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore
international peace and security;
AND WHEREAS the International Court of Justice has stated in ruling against
United States intervention in Nicaragua:
In any event, while the United States might form its own appraisal of the
situation as to respect for human rights in Nicaragua, the use of force could
not be the appropriate method to monitor or ensure such respect. With regard to
the steps actually taken, the protection of human rights, a strictly
humanitarian objective, cannot be compatible with de mining of ports, the
destruction of oil installations, or again with de training, arming and
equipping of the contras.
(CASE CONCERNING THE MILITARY AND PARAMILITARY ACTIVITIES IN AND AGAINST NICARAGUA (NICARAGUA v. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA) (MERITS) Judgment of 27 June, 1986, I.C.J. Reports, 1986, p.134-135, paragraphs 267 and 268)
AND WHEREAS the above-named persons, Heads of State and Government of the 19
NATO countries, their Foreign Ministers and Ministers of Defence, and officials
and military leaders of NATO have acted in open violation of the NATO Treaty
which provides in so far as is relevant:
Article 1
The Parties undertake, as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, to
settle any international dispute in which they may be involved by peaceful
means in such a manner that international peace and security and justice are
not endangered, and to refrain in their international relations from the threat
or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United
Nations.
Article 7
This Treaty does not affect, and shall not be interpreted as affecting in any
way the rights and obligations under the Charter of the Parties which are
members of the United Nations, or the primary responsibility of the Security
Council for the maintenance of international peace and security;
AND WHEREAS the above-named persons have acted in open violation of the
Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the
Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol I), 8 June
1977, which provides as follows:
Art 51. Protection of the civilian population
1. The civilian population and individual civilians shall enjoy general
protection against dangers arising from military operations. To give effect to
this protection, the following rules, which are additional to other applicable
rules of international law, shall be observed in all circumstances.
2. The civilian population as such, as well as individual civilians, shall not
be the object of attack. Acts or threats of violence the primary purpose of
which is to spread terror among the civilian population are prohibited.
3. Civilians shall enjoy the protection afforded by this section, unless and
for such time as they take a direct part in hostilities.
4. Indiscriminate attacks are prohibited. Indiscriminate attacks are:
(a) those which are not directed at a specific military objective;
(b) those which employ a method or means of combat which cannot be directed at
a specific military objective; or
(c) those which employ a method or means of combat the effects of which cannot
be limited as required by this Protocol;
and consequently, in each such case, are of a nature to strike military
objectives and civilians or civilian objects without distinction.
5. Among others, the following types of attacks are to be considered as
indiscriminate:
(a) an attack by bombardment by any methods or means which treats as a single
military objective a number of clearly separated and distinct military
objectives located in a city, town, village or other area containing a similar
concentration of civilians or civilian objects;
and
(b) an attack which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life,
injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof,
which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military
advantage anticipated.
Art 79. Measures or protection for journalists
1. Journalists engaged in dangerous professional missions in areas of armed
conflict shall be considered as civilians within the meaning of Article 50,
paragraph 1.
Article 85 - Repression of breaches of this Protocol
3. In addition to the grave breaches defined in Article 11, the following acts
shall be regarded as grave breaches of this Protocol, when committed wilfully,
in violation of the relevant provisions of this Protocol, and causing death or
serious injury to body or health:
(a) making the civilian population or individual civilians the object of
attack;
(b) launching an indiscriminate attack affecting the civilian population or
civilian objects in the knowledge that such attack will cause excessive loss of
life, injury to civilians or damage to civilian objects, as defined in Article
57, paragraph 2 (a)(iii);
5. Without prejudice to the application of the Conventions and of this
Protocol, grave breaches of these instruments shall be regarded as war crimes.
AND WHEREAS the above-named persons have acted in open violation of the
Principles of International Law Recognized in the Charter of the Nüremberg
Tribunal and in the Judgment of the Tribunal, as adopted by the General
Assembly of the united Nations (1950), which provide in so far as is
relevant:
Principle III
The fact that a person who committed an act which constitutes a crime under
international law acted as Head of State or responsible Government official
does not relieve him from responsibility under international law.
Principle IV
The fact that a person acted pursuant to order of his Government or of a
superior does not relieve him from responsibility under international law,
provided a moral choice was in fact possible to him.
Principle VI
The crimes hereinafter set out are punishable as crimes under international
law:
(a) Crimes against peace:
(i) Planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression or a war
in violation of international treaties, agreements or assurances;
(ii) Participation in a common plan or conspiracy for the accomplishment of any
of the acts mentioned under (i).
(b) War crimes:
Violations of the laws or customs of war include, but are not limited to,
murder wanton destruction of cities, towns, or villages, or devastation not
justified by military necessity.
Principle VII
Complicity in the commission of a crime against peace, a war crime, or a crime
against humanity as set forth in Principle VI is a crime under international
law;
THEREFORE we respectfully request that the Prosecutor immediately investigate
and indict for serious crimes against international humanitarian law:
THE FOLLOWING HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT, MINISTERS OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AN MINISTERS OF DEFENCE OF THE NATO COUNTRIES:
William J. Clinton, Madeleine Albright, William S. Cohen (United States of America), Tony Blair, Robin Cook, George Robertson (United Kingdom), Jean Chrétien, Lloyd Axworthy, Arthur
Eggleton (Canada), Jean-Luc Dehaene, E. Derycke, J.-P. Poncelet (Belgium),
Vaclav Havel, J. Kavan, V. Vetchy (Czech Republic), Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, N.H.
Petersen, H. Haekkerup (Denmark), Jacques Chirac, Lionel Jospin, H. Védrine,
Alain Richard (France), Gerhard Schröder, J. Fischer, R. Scharping (Germany),
Kostas Simitis, G. Papandreou, A. Tsohatzopoulos (Greece), Viktor Orban, J.
Martonyi, J. Szabo (Hungary), David Oddsson, H. Asgrimsson, G. Palsson
(Iceland), Massimo D'Alema, L. Dini, C. Scognamiglio (Italy), Jean-Claude
Juncker, J. Poos, Alex Bodry (Luxembourg), Willem Kok, J. van Aartsen, F.H.G.
de Grave (Netherlands), Kjell Magne Bondevik, K. Vollebæk, D.J. Fjærvoll
(Norway), Jerzy Buzek, B. Geremek, J. Onyszkiewicz (Poland), Antonio Manuel de
Oliveira Guterres, J.J. Matos da Gama, V. Simão (Portugal), Jose Maria Aznar,
A. Matutes, E. Serra Rexach (Spain), Bulent Ecevit, I. Cem and H. S. Turk
(Turkey);
AND THE FOLLOWING OFFICIALS AND MILITARY LEADERS OF NATO:
Javier Solana, Jamie Shea, Wesley K. Clark, Harold W. German, Konrad Freytag, D.J.G. Wilby, Fabrizio Maltinti, Giuseppe Marani and Daniel P. Leaf;
AND WHOEVER ELSE shall be determined by the Prosecutor's investigations to have
committed crimes in the NATO attack on Yugoslavia commencing March 24, 1999.
Respectfully submitted, this 6th day of May, 1999__________________________
Michael Mandel
(Professor)
for
W. Neil Brooks
Judith A. Fudge
H. J. Glasbeek
Reuben A. Hasson
(Professors)
Sil Salvaterra
David Jacobs
Brian Shell
Christopher Black
John Philpot
Fred Stasiuk
(Barristers and Solicitors)
Peter Rosenthal
(Professor, Barrister and Solicitor)
Roberto Bergalli (Professor)
Alejandro Teitelbaum
Alvaro Ramirez Gonzalez
Vanessa Ramos
Beinusz Szmukler
(American Association of Jurists)
ANNEX:
CIVILIAN DEATH AND DESTRUCTION IN THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA
The following are two reports from Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia (a designated source of information under Article 18.1
of the Stature of the Tribunal):
1) NATO Crimes Against Civilians and Civilian
Infrastructure in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (MINISTRY OF FOREIGN
AFFAIRS YUGOSLAV DAILY SURVEY -
www.mfa.gov.yu/Bilteni/Engleski/si290499_1-e.html); and
2) Civilian Victims and
Devastation in NATO Aggression on Yugoslavia (SERBIAINFO -
www.serbia-info.com/news/1999-04/23/11210.html)
NATO CRIMES AGAINST CIVILIANS AND CIVILIAN INFRASTRUCTURE IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA (April 29, 1999)
The NATO criminal aggression represents the most flagrant violation
of the Charter of the United Nations since the inception of the
world Organization, a violation of the Helsinki Final Act and the
undermining of the very foundations of the international legal
order. At the same time, this aggression is a crime against peace,
stability and humanity.
The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has warned on time the
United Nations Security Council of a possible aggression, and during the
aggression itself it requested that it be immediately halted and
most strongly condemned. Had this legitimate request of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia been met, enormous human sufferings and
destruction would have been avoided. The most illustrative examples
are given below.
KILLING AND PLIGHT OF THE CIVILIANS
During the last thirty-six days of NATO aggression, the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia has been exposed to extensive civilian
destruction, unprecedented in modern history of the world. NATO
aggressors have focused their attacks primarily on civiliantargets,
directly threatening the lives and fundamental human rights of the
entire population of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. By bombing
relentlessly the cities, towns and villages throughout Yugoslavia,
the NATO aggressor has killed so far, in nine hundred attacks, more
than a thousand civilians, including a great number of children.
Over five thousand people sustained injuries, many of whom will
remain crippled for life. At the same time, several thousand private
homes and flats have been ruined, mostly in Belgrade, Nis, Cuprija,
Aleksinac, Pristina, etc. We shall present the most tragic instances
of the killings and plight of the innocent civilian population.
Fifty-five passengers were killed and twenty-six injured in an
international passenger train on the Belgrade-Thessaloniki line.
More than four hundred civilians were killed by NATO bombs in
Kosmet: in the centre of Pristina, in Djakovica, Prizren, Kosovo
Polje, Urosevac, Kosovska Mitrovica, in refugee camps in Orahovac
and Srbica, Vitina, etc.
Thirteen civilians were killed and twenty-five wounded in an attack on Kursumlija.
Twelve civilians were killed and forty wounded in the bombing of Aleksinac.
Sixteen RTS workers were killed and seventeen wounded in the bombing of the
headquarters of this biggest adio and Television outlets in
the FRY. Unfortunately, the final number of victims has not been
established yet since more victims have remained buried in the rubble.
In Pancevo, Cacak, Vranje and Nis the number of casualties has been
increasing each day.
KILLING OF CHILDREN
Children are the most vulnerable category of the population,
innocent and defenceless which suffer in particular due to the
barbaric bombing of NATO aircraft, which is illustrated by the
following examples:
The killing of seven children in Srbica from cluster bombs;
The killing of five children from the Kodza family in the village
of Doganovici near Urosevac on 24 April 1999 as a result of the
delayed effect of bombs (Edon, aged 3, Fisnik, aged 9, Osman, aged 13,
Burim, aged 14 and Vajdet, aged 15. Six other children were also
injured in the same incident, two of them were seriously wounded.
The killing of a three-year old Milica Rakic in the Belgrade
suburb of Batajnica;
The killing of six children in the refugee centre in Djakovica and
19 children in the refugee column on the Prizren-Djakovica road;
The death of a child in Kosovo Polje;
The killing of five years old girl Arta Lugic while her brothers
Neron and Egzon and her sister Arijeta were seriously wounded in
Lipljane;
The killing of nine children in Kursumlija;
The killing of two children in Aleksinac, as well as other numerous examples.
Children are most often victims of the sprinkle cluster bombs
with delayed effect. The death toll on children would have been even
more tragic, had the missile struck the biggest Maternity Hospital in
Belgrade (It exploded some thirty metres away from the Hospital).
KILLING AND PLIGHT OF REFUGEES
Particularly tragic is the fate of refugees, who convinced that
they should not believe the propaganda ploys on the alleged "ethnic
cleansing" decided to return to their homes. Legitimate authorities
of the FRY encourage them every day to do so and guarantee their
safety. On the occasion of a return of a large group of refugees,
on 14 April, on the Djakovica-Prizren road, NATO aircraft killed 75
citizens of the FRY and wounded 111. The attack of NATO aircraft
was systematically prepared and lasted for three hours. In this way,
NATO has in the most brutal way "demonstrated" that the story of
"humanitarian catastrophe" suits it only if it fits in the
legitimate aggression on the FRY, as well as that innocent
civilians are constantly taken advantage of for NATO interests in the
Balkans.
In addition, NATO bombed several refugee camps in which Serbs
expelled from Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina were accommodated
(Djakovica, Pristina, Kursumlija, etc). Several dozens of refugees
were killed, mostly children and the frail, ruthlessly ending their
tragedy which came about in the wake of the break-up of Yugoslavia.
BOMBING OF SURDULICA
The aggressors war planes bombed at noon, on 27 April 1999, the
residential area of the town of Surdulica. On that occasion 16
citizens were killed (including 12 children), while several dozen
were wounded out of which twenty persons remained in hospital for
further medical treatment. Hundreds of houses were raised to the
ground or damaged. Special teams are still clearing up the debris
so that it is not possible at the moment to estimate the real
proportions of this notorious crime.
ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT ON PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERAL
REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA SLOBODAN MILOSEVIC
An assassination attempt on the President of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia on 22 April 1999 represents an organised terrorist act
without precedent in the history of modern Europe. This is not only
a crime against a Head of a sovereign State, but primarily an
attack on the democratically expressed will of a people and thus against
the foundations of the democratic values of the civilisation.
Although the residence of the President of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia was targeted, this attack has also a symbolic meaning as
if the targets had been the homes of all Yugoslav citizens. This
crime has caused abhorrence and condemnation by international
public. However, it is incomprehensible that the United Nations
Security Council has remained silent and failed to condemn this
terrorist act or the killings of civilians and children.
CRIME AGAINST THE FREEDOM OF SPEECH
The destruction of more than ten private radio and television
stations, two dozen TV transmitters, as well as the bombing of the
Radio and Television of Serbia building on 23 April 1999 represents
the biggest aggression against freedom of thought and a disgrace to
the civilization at the threshold of a third millennium.
Transmitters at Iriski venac, Krnjaca, Mt Cer, Bukulja, Tornik,
rnivrh, Jasetrebac, Ovcar, Grmija and others were destroyed, so that
the transmitter infrastructure at the entire territory of Serbia
was severely damaged. Two times in six days the studios and transmitter
located at the business centre "Usce" which housed TV stations: BK
TV, Pink, Kosava and SOS Channel, as well as several other radio
stations were bombed.
Transmitter of the TV station Palma was bombed and destroyed on 28
April 1999.
The satellite station "Yugoslavia" in the village of Prilike near
Ivanjica was severely damaged.
BOMBING OF THE BUILDING OF THE RADIO AND
TELEVISION OF SERBIA
The building was demolished taking a heavy toll during the bombing
of the largest Radio and TV company in the Balkans with 7000 employees
and the state-of-the-art infrastructurewhich was made available to hundreds
of foreign correspondence.
The aim of this crime, in which 16 RTS workers were killed and 19
wounded, was more than obvious: to suppress the right to a
different opinion and its being publicly expressed with a view to pursuing
further war-mongering manipulation with the world public. Clearly,
the intention of NATO aggressors is to prevent the world public
from learning the extensive scope of their crimes and to impose on the
world their totalitarian and single-minded perception. Many
newspapers in the world and renowned journalists have already
raised their voice against the propaganda fabrications of the NATO
aggressors.
For all champions of the freedom of speech and for all
people committed to the right to freedom of expression, this destructive
act represents the last warning alarm before NATO generals take
control over the aggressors' media.
DESTRUCTION OF VITAL YUGOSLAV ECONOMIC FACILITIES
According to the assessment of experts from Western countries, the
damage done to date by NATO air strikes is well in excess of one
hundred billion US dollars. By the destruction of factories,
business capacities and production facilities, more than half a
million people have lost their jobs and over two million of them
remained without any kind of income. Destroyed are the industrial
complexes in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Kragujevac, Nis, Pancevo, Cacak,
Kraljevo, Valjevo, Pristina, Vranje, Kursumlija, Krusevac, Kula,
Gnjilane, Sremska Mitrovica and in other towns and cities.
The petrochemical industry of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
has been totally destroyed, as well as the largest Yugoslav factory of
artificial fertilisers.
Private entrepreneurs are a particular target of NATO aggression
and the most glaring example of it is the destruction of the "Usce"
business centre in Novi Beograd which was hit on 21 and 27 April
1999. That was one of the biggest business centres in the Balkans,
which housed more than a hundred newly established private firms in
full business expansion, foreign representative offices, seven
private Radio and TV stations and one of the most modern
poli-clinics in the FRY. The building of this business centre is
also one of the landmarks of modern Belgrade.
DESTRUCTION OF BRIDGES
On the false pretext of "neutralizing the military power of the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia", the NATO aggressor started
systematic destruction of the major Yugoslav road and rail traffic
routes. About 20 bridges have been totally demolished so far and a
few dozen of them have been damaged. Also, several dozen major and
local roads, airports, railway tracks, railway stations, etc. have
been destroyed. All ruined facilities were part of costly capital
investments, into which the resources and the efforts of several
generations of Yugoslav citizens were pooled. All the facilities
are strategic part of the European traffic infrastructure, and some of
them are of historical and cultural importance ("The Wailing Bridge"
in Novi Sad, on which the Fascists killed several thousand Jews
in the Second World War).
About 30 bridges have been destroyed including those at
the strategic European E-75 corridor. By the destruction of the bridges
on the Danube river the aggressors have blocked the entire river
navigation at this traffic artery of the greatest importance for
European economy and the shortest link between the Northern and
Mediterranean sea (The Rhein-Mein-Danube route). Thus, the European
shipping companies suffer each day the damage of over 20 million
DM.
Examples: Sloboda Bridge, Wailing Bridge, Zezelj Bridge and the
bridge in Beska (all in the city of Novi Sad), several bridges on
the Ibar primary road and on the major railway lines.
ENVIRONMENTAL DISASTER
Concurrently with the humanitarian, NATO strikes have caused an
environmental catastrophe which is endangering not only the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia, but also the neighbouring countries and the
entire European continent. Ecology does not recognize boundaries.
The NATO aggressor is thus teetering on the brink of another
Chernobyl in the heart of Europe. The destruction of petrochemical
installations, the warehouses storing semi-processed and finished
products of the chemical industry have already caused significant
adverse effects on the health of the population of the Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia and the neighbouring countries. During some
of the air strikes it was pure luck that an environmental
catastrophe was not provoked spreading all over Europe.
The aggressor's attacks did not spare even huge forests, tourist
centres and the national parks on the mountains of Serbia
(Kopaonik, Zlatibor, Divcibare, Tara, Prokletije, Sara, Fruska Gora). The
ozone layer was depleted by the exhaust gases. The Black Sea, Aegean and
the Adriatic basins, practically the entire Mediterranean, are
threatened by environmental pollution.
Examples: Nitrogen factory in Pancevo, the oil refineries in
Pancevo and Novi Sad, the chemical company "Prva iskra" in Baric and others.
HOSPITALS AND HEALTH INSTITUTIONS
The aggressors' bombings, calculated to provoke the greatest
possible confusion and panic among innocent people, have damaged
many clinical and hospital centres, inflicting not only great
material damage to property (destruction of buildings and expensive
medical equipment), but also causing new health problems and
intensifying psychological traumas among the sick people. The
destruction of all the three bridges in Novi Sad totally cut off
and left, without the supply of water, the largest Yugoslav centre for
the treatment of cardiovascular diseases, to which several million
people gravitate. The Maternity Hospital in Belgrade, and the
biggest hospital in the Balkans (Military Medical Academy Hospital
VMA), and the Orthopaedic hospital of Banjica, the hospitals in
Cuprija and Aleksinac, as well as the medical centres in Pristina
and in many other towns were damaged.
DESTRUCTION OF PRE-SCHOOL INSTITUTIONS, SCHOOLS
AND UNIVERSITIES
Since the outset of the aggression, NATO has put a stop to the
education of close to one million pupils and students in
Yugoslavia. Over three hundred facilities built for the education and
upbringing of children and young people of all ages were destroyed. This will
inevitably be reflected on the development and social integration
of young people. Hard hit are university centre in Nis (Machine
Engineering, Civil Engineering, Electronical, Technical, Law and
Economics faculties), in Pristina (Agricultural and Machine
Engineering faculty) and Novi Sad (Faculty of Philosophy).
DESTRUCTION OF WORLD CULTURAL HERITAGE
ON THE SOIL OF THE FR OF YUGOSLAVIA
Kosovo and Metohija in particular, but also the entire territory of
the FR of Yugoslavia, is a treasury of European culture and
civilization since ancient times. By violating all international
conventions on the protection of civilization and its heritage, and
in the pursuit of the spirit of aggressive nihilism and new
barbarity, more than 50 monasteries and churches have been severely
damaged thus far, as well as a couple of dozen of other cultural
and historic monuments, some under UNESCO protection. Severe damage was
caused to the monastery of the Patriarchate of Pec (12th century),
Zica (13th century), Decani and Gracanica (14th century, under
UNSECO protection), medieval towns of Zvecan (13th century) and
Smederevo (15th century), Petrovaradin fortress (18th century),
seventeen monasteries on Fruska Gora (15-18th century) and many
other priceless historical monuments. The bombs have even destroyed
many cemeteries all across Yugoslavia.
USE OF PROHIBITED WEAPONS
In NATO attacks, the state-of-the-art weapons have been used, but
also those prohibited under international conventions, such as
cluster bombs and slow activating bombs. In a month-long attacks on
civilian and other facilities in Serbia, NATO aircraft fired more
than 3,500 missiles, including 60 containers with 14,400 cluster
bombs. As many as 3,600 cluster bombs were used in the attacks
against towns in Kosmet - Pristina, Urosevac, Djakovica, Prizren
etc, and many other places and facilities in Serbia. Before the
attacks, radio locators were dropped from the aircraft, found in
the vicinity of many civilian and business facilities in Serbia.
CO-ORDINATION BETWEEN NATO AND TERRORISTS OF THE SO-CALLED "KLA"
While before the onset of the aggression Albanian terrorists
counted on NATO aircraft as air support to their armed groups, now arming,
equipping and transport of Albanians living in the USA and other
western countries is under way, for actions in the FRY, with a view
to making armed formations from them to serve as ground troops of
the "Alliance". Albanian terrorists are being trained and armed in
the camps in northern Albania - in Tropoje, Kukes and Bajram Curri
(they are trained by British, US and Turkish commandos), and then
illegally infiltrated into Kosovo and Metohija. Such activity, in
direct violation of the resolutions of Security Council, has been
particularly stepped up in April when concrete plans for ground
invasion against the FRY started to be hatched. So far, several
hundred terrorists have been transported from the USA to Albania.
Plans are made to equip, arm and train for coordinated actions with
NATO, around 6,000 Albanians. According to western sources,
Albanian terrorists represent the main source of intelligence for NATO, of
military character or those aimed at spreading propaganda against
our country.
At the moment it is difficult to perceive and evaluate all the
humanitarian, economic, environmental, health and other consequences
of the NATO criminal aggression against the FR of Yugoslavia. The
greatest victim of the aggression is the entire Yugoslav people and
its material and cultural resources. At the same time, the
violation of the Charter of the United Nations, the NATO has created a
precedent which may a cast a shadow over the future of all peoples
and sovereign States. The cause for concern is all the grater
because, by combining pressure and promises, NATO is drawing an
increasing number of countries into its aggression against the FR
of Yugoslavia, which will have long-term negative consequences on the
future relations and co-operation between all Southeast European
countries. Attempts by NATO to justify its brutal aggression by an
alleged care for the refugees may bring about an irreversible
degradation of the United Nations and involve this highest
international forum in the crime against a country which is one of
its founding members.
CIVILIAN VICTIMS AND DEVASTATION IN NATO AGGRESSION
ON YUGOSLAVIA (April 23,1999)
OVERVIEW OF DESTRUCTION OF CIVILIAN TARGETS ON THE TERRITORY OF THE FEDERAL
REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA AS A RESULT OF BARBARIC AND CRIMINAL AGGRESSION BY NATO, FROM 24 MARCH TO 19 APRIL 1999
CIVILIAN CASUALTIES
From the onset of NATO aggression against our country up to 19 April 1999, the
North Atlantic Alliance made over 7,000 criminal attacks against the territory
of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. 700 warplanes, of which 530 combat
planes, were used; more than 2000 cruise missiles were launched and over 6,000
tons of explosives were dropped.
About 500 civilians were killed and more than 4,000 sustained
serious injuries e.g.: in Kursumlija: 13 dead and 25 wounded;
in Pancevo: 2 dead and 4 wounded;
in Cacak: one dead and 7 wounded;
in Kragujevac: over 120 workers were wounded during an attack on the car
factory "Zastava";
in Vranje: two dead and 23 wounded;
in Aleksinac: 12 dead and more than 40 wounded;
in Nagavac village, Orahovac municipality: 11 dead and 5 wounded;
in Pristina: 10 dead and 8 wounded;
Grdelicka gorge: 55 killed and 16 wounded;
attack on two refugee columns, with four cruise missiles, on the
Djakovica-Prizren road: 75 killed and 100 wounded, of whom 26 critically;
in the village of Srbica: 10 killed, among whom 7 children;
Belgrade suburb of Batajnica: a three year old girl was killed,and
five civilians wounded.
Three million children are endangered in our country as a result of war and
bombardment by NATO criminals.
After these barbarian attacks hundreds of thousands citizens have
been exposed to poisonous gasses which can have a lasting
consequences on the health of the entire population and the
environment.
After the demolition of the Petrovaradin bridge, Novi Sad and
Petrovaradin were cut of water supply (600 000 citizens) since the
main and city pipeline was constructed into the bridge. About one
million citizens in our country are short of water supply due to the
bombardment of NATO aggressors.
About 500 000 workers became jobless due to the total destruction of industrial
facilities all around the country. Two million citizens have no means for
living and cannot ensure the minimum for existence.
Overall material damage is enormous. Preliminary estimates indicate that
barbaric air strikes of the neo-fascist NATO alliance, since the beginning of
the unprovoked aggression on the SR of Yugoslavia,on industrial, commercial and
civil facilities and structures throughout our peace-loving country, have
incurred damages in excess of 10 billion dollars. In the territory of the
northern province of Vojvodine alone, damages have been estimated in excess of
3,5 billion dollars.
TRAFFIC
The road and railway networks, especially road and rail bridges,
most of which were destroyed or damaged beyond repair, suffered
extensive destruction. The targets of attacks were such
communications as:
1. BRIDGES (11 DESTROYED AND 13 DAMAGED):
1.The Varadin Bridge over the Danube was destroyed (on 1 April
1999);
2.The "Sloboda" (Freedom) Bridge over the Danube was destroyed (on 4 April
1999);
3.The "Mladosti" (Youth) Bridge over the Danube, connecting Backa
Palanka with Ilok, was damaged (on 4 April 1999);
4.The new railway bridge over the Danube connecting Bogojevo and
Erdut was damaged (on 5 April 1999);
5.The road bridge over the Danube, connecting Bogojevo with Erdut
was damaged (on 5 April 1999);
6.The bridge over the Danube along the Beograd-Novi Sad road, near
Beska, Indjija municipality, was damaged (on 1 April 1999);
7.The road bridge along the Magura Belacevac road, 15 kilometres
from Pristina, suffered extensive damage;
8.The "Zezeljov" Bridge in Novi Sad was damaged (on 5 April 1999);
9.The bridge over the Ibar river, Biljanovac municipality, was
damaged (on 5 - 13 April 1999);
10.The bridge over the Vrbacka river near Jezgrovic was destroyed
(on 5 April 1999);
11.The "Lozno" railway bridge near Usce was destroyed (on 5 April
1999);
12.The road bridge on the road leading to Brvenik, near Usce, was
destroyed (on 5 April 1999);
13.The bridge along the Nis-Pristina primary road, near Kursumlija,suffered
extensive damage (on 5 April 1999);
14.The bridge near Zubin Potok was destroyed (on 5 April 1999);
15.The Grdelica gorge railway bridge was damaged (on 12 April 1999);
16.The road bridge over the Kosanica river near Kursumlija was
damaged (on 13 April 1999);
17.The old bridge on the river Rasina in the town of Krusevac (12-13 April
1999);
18.The Krusevac-Pojate bridge on the river Zapadna Morava, at the
village of Jasika, was destroyed (on 13 April 1999);
19.The railway bridge on the river Lim, between Priboj and
Prijepolje, near hydroelectric power station Bistrica was destroyed(on 15 April
1999);
20.The road bridge on the river Toplica, on the Nis-Pristina road
near the town of Kursumlija, was heavily damaged (14 and 19 April
1999);
21.The bridge on the river Ibar, at the village of Biljanovac near
Raska, sustained heavy damages (15.04.1999.);
22.The bridge between Smederevo and Kovin has been destroyed (16
April 1999);
23.The railway bridge on the river Kostajnica, near Kursumlija, has sustained
heavy damages and is out of service (18.04.1999.);
24.The bridge on the river Kosanica, at the village of Selo Visoko,has
sustained heavy damages and is out of service (18.04.1999.);
2. RAILWAYS RAILWAY STATIONS (12):
1.The Kraljevo - Kosovo Polje rail, near Ibarska Slatina;
2.The Belgrade - Bar rail, due to the destruction of the railway
track near the village of Strbce and destruction of the bridge on
the river Lim, between Priboj and Prijepolje;
3.The Kursumlija - Prokuplje rail, near Pepeljevac village;
4.The Kraljevo - Kosovo Polje rail, near Ibarska Slatina;
5.The Nis - Pristina rail, near Kursumlija;
6."Sarpelj" tunnel, near Jerinje village, 15 km north of Leposavic
towards Raska, was destroyed;
7.Railway station in Kraljevo (Bogutovac);
8.Railway station in Kosovo Polje;
9.The Belgrade - Thessaloniki rail, due to the destruction of the
bridge in the Grdelica gorge;
10.Railway station in the town of Biljanovac;
11.Railway track and overpass (Josinacka Banja) near the town of
Biljanovac;
12.Railway track Kursumlija - Podujevo, due to damages on the
railway bridge at Kursumlija;
3. ROADS AND TRANSPORTERS (6 MAJOR ROADS):
1.Ibarska primary road, due to damages to the bridge on the Ibar
river, Biljanovac municipality, and destruction of the road between Pozega and
Cacak;
2.Belgrade-Zagreb highway, near Stari Banovci;
3.Traffic suspended on the Kosovska Mitrovica-Ribarici section of
the Adriatic highway due to the destruction of the bridge over the
Vrbacka river;
4."Jedinstvo" bus station in Vranje sustained extensive damage;
5."Kosmet Prevoz" transporter in Gnjilane (a hangar full of new
buses);
6.Kraljevo-Raska primary road;
7.Bus station in Pristina;
8.Traffic has been suspended on the Krusevac-Pojate road due to the destruction
of the bridge on the Zapadna Morava, in the village of Jasika;
9.Traffic has been suspended on the Nis-Pristina road, due to the
fact that the bridge on the river Toplica, near the town of
Kursumlija, has sustained heavy damage;
4. AIRPORTS (7):
"Slatina" in Pristina; "Batajnica" and "Surcin" in Belgrade; Nis
airport; "Ponikve" in Uzice; "Golubovac" in Podgorica, "Ladjevci"
airport near Kraljevo; agricultural and sports airfield in Sombor.
ECONOMIC AND CIVILIAN TARGETS, PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS
The air strikes have so far destroyed or damaged all over the
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia several thousand economic facilities and
dwellings. In the Leskovac region alone, over 3,500 industrial facilities and
dwellings were either destroyed or damaged.
The devastation of NATO forces was particularly manifest in
Pristina, Novi Sad, Aleksinac, Djakovica, Prokuplje, Gracanica,
Cuprija, etc. Housing blocks on the outskirts of Belgrade - Kijevo
Knecevac, Batajnica, Jakovo, Borca, as well as the area around
Pancevo, were under attack.
1. INDUSTRY AND TRADE:
The NATO aggressor's attacks targeted the factories and industrial
facilities which directly cater for the needs of the population,
among which are:
1."Lola Utva" agricultural aircraft factory in Pancevo;
2."Galenika" drug factory in Belgrade;
3."Zdravlje" pharmaceutical plant in Leskovac;
4."Sloboda" white goods factory in Cacak;
5."Din" tobacco industry in Nis;
6."Elektronska industrija" factory in Nis;
7."Div" cigarette factory in Vranje;
8.Tubes factory in Urosevac;
9."Jastrebac" machine industry in Nis;
10."Milan Blagojevic" chemical plant in Lucani;
11.Plastics factory in Pristina;
12."Binacka Morava" hydro construction company in Gnjilane;
13."Nova Jugoslavija" printers in Vranje;
14.Facilities of the "Beograd" rail company in Nis;
15.Over 250 commercial and crafts shops in Djakovica were destroyed;
16."Dijana" shoe factory in Sremska Mitrovica;
17."Zastava" car factory in Kragujevac;
18."14 Oktobar" machine factory in Krusevac;
19.Cotton yarn factory in PriStina;
20."Krusik" holding corporation in Valjevo;
21."Ciklonizacija" in Novi Sad;
22."Tehnogas" in Novi Sad;
23."Novograp" in Novi Sad;
24."Gumins" in Novi Sad;
25."Albus" in Novi Sad;
26."Petar Drapsin" in Novi Sad;
27."Motins" in Novi Sad;
28."Izolacija" in Novi Sad;
29."Novokabel" in Novi Sad;
30."Istra" fittings factory in Kula;
31.The port of Bogojevo;
32.Industrial complex "Dvadeset Prvi Maj" in Rakovica;
33.Machine building plant "Industrija Motora Rakovica" in Rakovica;
34.Factory "Jugostroj" in Pancevo;
35.Factory "Frigostroj" in Pancevo;
36.Surface coal mine "Belacevac";
2. REFINERIES AND WAREHOUSES
Refineries and warehouses storing liquid raw materials and chemicals intended
for the oil and chemical industry, were hit in Pancevo, Novi Sad, Sombor and
elsewhere, causing large contamination of soil and the air:
1.Fuel storage in Lipovica, which caused a great fire in the Lipovica forest (on 26 March 1999);
2.Oil Refinery in Pancevo - totally demolished (4-16 April 1999);
3."Jugopetrol" installations in Smederevo (on 4-13 April 1999);
4."Jugopetrol" storage in Sombor (on 7 April 1999);
5."Beopetrol" storages in Belgrade and Bogutovac (on 4 April 1999);
6."Beopetrol" fuel storage in Pristina (on 7 April 1999);
7.Fuel storage of the boiler plant in Novi Beograd (on 4 April 1999);
8.Thermo electric power station/boiler plant in Novi Sad (on 5 April1999);
9.Oil Refinery in Novi Sad, storage of bitumen (5 and 6 April 1999);
10.Fuel storage "Naftagas promet" which is located 10 km from Sombor(5 April
1999);
11.Naftagas warehouse between Conoplje and Kljaicevo (Sombor);
12.Jugopetrol warehouse in Pristina (on 12 April 1999);
13.Jugopetrol petrol station in Pristina ( on 13 April 1999);
14.Petrochemical industry "DP HIP PETROHEMIJA" in Pancevo totally demolished
(14-15 April 1999);
15.Fertilizer plant "DP HIP AZOTARA" in Pancevo - totally destroyed (14-15
April 1999);
16.Chemical plant "Prva Iskra" in Baric - destruction of the
production line (19 April 1999);
3. AGRICULTURE:
1.PIK "Kopaonik" in Kursumlija;
2.PIK "Mladost" in Gnjilane;
3.Agricultural Complex "Malizgan" in Dolac;
4.Agricultural Complex "Djuro Strugar" in Kula;
5.In forest fires caused by NATO cruise missiles and bombs over 250 hectares of
forests have been burned down;
6.Several thousand hectares of fertile land, many rivers, lakes and underground
waters have been polluted due to the spillage of petrochemical substances, oil
spills and slicks;
4. HOSPITALS AND HEALTH CARE CENTRES (16):
NATO aviation also targeted many hospitals and health-care
institutions, which have been partially damaged or totally
destroyed, including:
Hospital and Medical Centre in the territory in Leskovac;
Hospital and Poly-clinic in Nis;
Gerontological Centre in Leskovac;
General Hospital in Djakovica;
City Hospital in Novi Sad;
Gynaecological Hospital and Maternity Ward of the Clinical Centre in Belgrade;
Neuropsychiatric Ward "Dr. Laza Lazarevic" and Central Pharmacy of
the Emergency Centre in Belgrade;
Army Medical Academy in Belgrade;
Medical Centre and Ambulance Centre in Aleksinac;
"Sveti Sava" hospital in Belgrade;
Medical Centre in Kraljevo;
Dispensary on Mount Zlatibor;
Health Care Centre in Rakovica;
5. SCHOOLS (MORE THAN 190 FACILITIES):
Over 190 schools, faculties and facilities for students and children were
damaged or destroyed (over 20 faculties, 6 collages, 40 secondary and 80
elementary schools, 6 student dormitories), including:
Elementary schools "16. oktobar" and "Vladimir Rolovic" in Belgrade;
Day-care centre in settlement Petlovo Brdo in Belgrade;
Two secondary schools in the territory of Nis;
Elementary schools "Toza Markovic", "Djordje Natosevic", "Veljko
Vlahovic", "Sangaj" and "Djuro Danicic" and a day-care centre "Duga" in Novi
Sad and creches in Visarionova Street and in the neighbourhood of Sangaj;
Traffic School Centre, Faculty of Philosophy;
Four elementary schools and a Medical high school in the territory
of Leskovac;
Elementary school in Lucane, as well as a larger number of educationfacilities
in the territory of Kosovo and Metohija;
Faculties of Law and Economics and elementary school "Radoje
Domanovic" in Nis;
Elementary schools in Kraljevo and the villages of Cvetka, Aketa and Ladjevci;
In Sombor: elementary schools "Ivo Lola Ribar", "A. Mrazovic", "N.
Vukicevic" and "Nikola Tesla" in Kljajicevo;
School centre in Kula;
Elementary school and Engineering secondary school centre in
Rakovica;
6. PUBLIC AND HOUSING FACILITIES (TENS OF THOUSANDS)
Severe damage to the facilities of the Republican and Federal
Ministry of the Interior in Belgrade (3 April 1999),
Damage to the building of the Institute for Security of the Ministry of the
Interior in Banjica (3 April 1999);
Severe damage to the TV RTS studio in Pristina;
Heavy damage to Hydro-Meteorological Station (Bukulja, near
Arandjelovac);
Post Office in Pristina destroyed (7 April 1999);
Refugee centre in Pristina destroyed (7 April 1999);
"Tornik" ski resort on Mount Zlatibor (on 8 April 1999);
"Divcibare" mountain resort (on 11 April 1999);
"Baciste" Hotel on Mount Kopaonik (on 12 April 1999);
City power plant in the town of Krusevac (12-13 April 1999);
Meteorological Station on Mount Kopaonik damaged (on 13 April 1999);
Four libraries in Rakovica sustained heavy damage: "Radoje Dakic",
"Isidora Sekulic", "Milos Crnjanski" and "Dusan Matic";
Refugee camp "7 juli" in Paracin has sustained heavy damage;
Office building of the Provincial Executive Council of Vojvodina,
Novi Sad;
Several thousand housing facilities damaged or destroyed, privatelyor State
owned, across Yugoslavia - most striking examples being housing blocks in
downtown Aleksinac and those near Post Office in Pristina.
7. INFRASTRUCTURE:
Electrical Power Supply in Batajnica (26 March 1999);
Damage to water supply system in Zemun (5 April 1999);
Damage to a power station in Bogutovac (10 April 1999);
Telephone lines cut off in Bogutovac (10 April 1999);
Damage to a power station in Pristina (12 April 1999);
Damage to Bistrica hydroelectric power station in Polinje (13 April 1999);
TELECOMMUNICATIONS
TV TRANSMITTERS (17):
1.Jastrebac (Prokuplje)
2.Gucevo (Loznica)
3.Cot (Fruska Gora)
4.Grmija (Pristina)
5.Bogutovac (Pristina)
6.TV transmitter on Mt Goles (Pristina)
7.Mokra Gora (Pristina)
8.Kutlovac (Stari Trg)
9."Cigota" (Uzice)
10."Tornik" (Uzice)
11.Transmitter on Crni Vrh (Jagodina)
12.Satellite station (in Prilike near Ivanjica)
13.TV masts and transmitters (Novi Sad)
14.TV transmitter on Mt Ovcara (Cacak)
15.TV transmitter in Kijevo (Belgrade)
16.TV transmitter on Mt Cer
17.Communications relay on Mt Jagodnji (Krupanj)
CULTURAL-HISTORICAL MONUMENTS AND RELIGIOUS SHRINES
MEDIEVAL MONASTERIES AND RELIGIOUS SHRINES (16):
1.Monastery Gracanica from 14th century (24 March - 6 April 1999);
2.Monastery Rakovica from 17th century (29 March 1999);
3.Patriarchate of Pec (1 April 1999);
4.Church in Jelasnica near Surdulica (4 April 1999);
5.Monastery of the Church of St. Juraj (built in 1714) in
Petrovaradin (1 April 1999);
6.Monastery of Holy Mother (12th century) at the estuary of the Kosanica in the
Toplica - territory of municipality of Kursumlija (4 April 1999);
7.Monastery of St. Nicholas (12th century) in the territory of the
municipality of Kursumlija (4 April 1999);
8.Monastery of St. Archangel Gabriel in Zemun (5 April 1999);
9.Roman Catholic Church St. Antonio in Djakovica (29 March 1999);
10.Orthodox cemetery in Gnjilane (30 March 1999);
11.Monuments destroyed in Bogutovac (8 April 1999);
12."Kadinjaca" memorial complex (8 April 1999);
13.Vojlovica monastery near Pancevo (12 April 1999);
14.Hopovo monastery, iconostasis damaged (12 April 1999);
15.Orthodox Christian cemetery in Pristina (12 April 1999);
16.Monastery church St, Archangel Michael in Rakovica (16 April
1999);
CULTURAL-HISTORICAL MONUMENTS AND MUSEUMS (8):
1.Severe damage to the roof structure of the Fortress of
Petrovaradin (1 April 1999);
2.Heavy damage to "Tabacki bridge", four centuries old, in Djakovica(5 April
1999);
3.Substantial damage to the building in Stara Carsija (Old street)
in Djakovica (5 April 1999);
4.Destroyed archives housed in one of the Government buildings in
Belgrade (3 April 1999);
5.Memorial complex in Gucevo (Loznica);
6.Memorial complex "Sumarice" in Kragujevac;
7.Vojvodina Museum in Novi Sad;
8.Old Military Barracks in Kragujevac - under the protection of the state (16
April 1999);
Source: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of FR Yugoslavia | ||||||||
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] | null | [] | null | en | https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/exchange-with-reporters-prior-discussions-with-prime-minister-poul-nyrup-rasmussen-denmark | NATO and the Baltics
Q. Have you been—[inaudible]?
President Clinton. We've made a very clear statement that every democracy in Europe who wishes to join should be eligible to join at the appropriate time and that we will take regular reviews, the first one in 1999. And that applies to the Baltics as well as other countries. I must say that I want to thank the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister for taking the same position. We should remain open for business, if you will, for all, because we're trying to bring Europe together, including Russia and Ukraine and others, and that is our mission.
Q. Are they in a better position today than before the Madrid Summit—the Baltic countries?
President Clinton. I think they are, because it's the first time NATO has taken this public position, with the heads of governments saying we would be open to all. They've said it before, but in a different forum. So this is the first sort of public statement about our long-term plan over the next decade or two.
Denmark-U.S. Relations
Q. Will you—[inaudible]?
President Clinton. Sorry, I'm hard of hearing. Well, let me say, we have had a wonderful partnership with Denmark. It's been an unusual one, and I think we will continue our partnership.
President's Visit
Q. How do you like your visit?
President Clinton. I love it. You know, I was last here in 1969 as a poor student, and I had a wonderful time and I have never forgotten it. I've always wanted to come back. I only wish I could stay longer, especially because it's so warm and the jazz festival is going on.
Prime Minister Rasmussen. We wish that too, President.
Q. How do you like the Danish hospitality?
President Clinton. I love it, don't you?
Q. Is this the first time you've been here?
President Clinton. Since 1969. I was here in December of 1969. I loved it then, and I like it now, a lot.
Q. Mr. President, is this a fitting end to a busy week?
President Clinton. It's a wonderful end to a busy week because we have had no stronger ally and freedom has had no stronger friend than Denmark over the last several years. Denmark has taken a leading role in NATO and is working for expansion and working for the resolution of our agreement with Russia and Ukraine and in Bosnia. Denmark has been with us in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Denmark has been in Albania, where we have not been. It is a remarkable country, and this is a fitting end of the week because this is the week in which together, we with our NATO allies, I believe went a very long way toward creating a Europe which will be free of war, which will have more freedom, and which will be undivided, really for the first time in its history.
Bosnia
Q. You know Congress has voted that you— we cease any operations or any participation in Bosnia after June 1998. Do you go along with that?
President Clinton. I believe the present operation will have run its course by then, and we'll have to discuss what, if any, involvement the United States should have there. I will say this. Our involvement there in the last—the SFOR operation, which is much, much reduced; we have fewer than half the troops we had there when we started. It's been much less expensive and much less hazardous to America than a resumption of full-scale war in Bosnia would be. So I think it's been a very good thing we've done, and I would hope the American people are very proud of it. | |||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 4 | https://english.stm.dk/the-prime-minister/prime-ministers-since-1848/ | en | Prime Ministers since 1848 | [
"https://english.stm.dk/dist/images/STM-logo.svg?v=d13e64227316ee949017de264b67b450",
"https://english.stm.dk/media/12595/mette_frederiksen_500.jpg?anchor=center&mode=crop&quality=70&width=350&height=425&rnd=133494414430000000&animationprocessmode=first",
"https://english.stm.dk/media/12596/lars_loekke_rasmusse... | [] | [] | [
""
] | null | [] | null | da | /dist/images/stm/favicons/apple-touch-icon.png | https://english.stm.dk/the-prime-minister/prime-ministers-since-1848/ | On this page you will find pictures and information about the 42 Danish Prime Ministers since 1848.
Photo credit: The Danish Parliament and the Prime Minister's Office.
Mette Frederiksen, 2019 -
Born 1977
Prime Minister 2019 - (Socialdemokratiet)
Bachelor degree in administration and social sciences, Aalborg University, 2007. Master in Africa Studies, University of Copenhagen, 2009. Minister of Justice 2014-2015. Minister of Employment 2011-2014. President of the Social Democrats.
Lars Løkke Rasmussen, 2015-2019
Born 1964
Prime Minister 2009-2011 and 2015-2019 (Venstre).
Law graduate from the University of Copenhagen in 1992.Minister for the Interior and Health 2001-07. Minister of Finance 2007-09. 2009: President of Venstre 2009-2019.
Helle Thorning-Schmidt, 2011 - 2015
Born 1966
Prime Minister 2011 - 2015 (Social Democrats)
Political Science graduate from the University of Copenhagen in 1994. 1999-2004: Member of the European Parliament for the Social Democrats. 2005-2015: President of the Social Democrats.
Lars Løkke Rasmussen, 2009-2011
Born 1964
Prime Minister 2009-2011 and 2015-2019 (Venstre).
Law graduate from the University of Copenhagen in 1992. Minister for the Interior and Health 2001-07. Minister of Finance 2007-09. 2009: President of Venstre 2009-2019.
Anders Fogh Rasmussen, 2001-2009
Prime Minister 2001-2009 (Venstre).
Born 1953
MSc. in Economics and Management from University of Aarhus in 1978. Afterwards appointed consultant in the Danish Federation of Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises until 1987. Later served as Secretary General of NATO.
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, 1993-2001
Prime Minister 1993-2001 (Social Democrats).
Born 1943´
MSc. in Economics and Management from University of Copenhagen in 1971. Later he was an economist in the Danish Confederation of Trade Unions and director of the Employee’s Capital Pension Fund (LD Pensions).
Poul Schlüter, 1982-93
Prime Minister 1982-1993 (Conservative Peoples Party).
Born 1929
Master of Laws in 1957. Afterwards he worked as a lawyer and member of the European Parliament.
Anker Jørgensen, 1975-82
Prime Minister 1972-73 and 1975-82 (Social Democrats).
Born 1922
Junior labourer and warehouseman before taking the leaving certificate examination in 1945. From 1968-1972 he was the chairman of the trade union 3F (“Dansk Arbejdsmands- og Specialarbejderforbund” as it was named at that time).
Poul Hartling, 1973-75
Prime Minister 1973-1975 (Venstre).
1914-2000
Master of Theology in 1939 and a primary school teacher in 1945. Afterwards he worked as a teacher at and later as principal for Zahle´s College of Education. Later he was the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
Anker Jørgensen, 1972-73
Prime Minister 1972-73 and 1975-82 (Social Democrats).
Born 1922
Junior labourer and warehouseman before taking the leaving certificate examination in 1945. From 1968-1972 he was the chairman of the trade union 3F (“Dansk Arbejdsmands- og Specialarbejderforbund” as it was named at that time).
Jens Otto Krag, 1971-72
Prime Minister 1962-1968 and 1971-1972 (Social Democrats).
1914-1978
MSc in Economics and Management in 1940. Afterwards he worked in the Ministry of Supply, associate professor in international politics and organisation at University of Aarhus and head of the EEC Commission’s delegation in the USA.
Hilmar Baunsgaard, 1968-71
Prime Minister 1968-1971 (Danish Social-Liberal Party).
1920-1989
Commercial training and worked as, e.g. a sub-manager, business manager and general manager.
Jens Otto Krag, 1962-68
Prime Minister 1962-1968 and 1971-1972 (Social Democrats).
1914-1978
MSc in Economics and Management in 1940. Afterwards he worked in the Ministry of Supply, associate professor in international politics and organisation at University of Aarhus and head of the EEC Commission’s delegation in the USA.
Viggo Kampmann, 1960-62
Prime Minister 1960-1962 (Social Democrats).
1910-1976
MSc in Economics and Management in 1934. Later he worked in, e.g., the Department of Statistics, the Danish Ministry of Taxation and later, acting director for the Mortgage Bank of the Kingdom of Denmark.
Hans Christian Svane Hansen, 1955-60
Prime Minister 1955-1960 (Social Democrats).
1906-1960
Qualified as a compositor in 1929 and later he was secretary and chairman for the Social Democratic Youth of Denmark.
Hans Hedtoft, 1953-55
Prime Minister 1947-1950 and 1953-1955 (Social Democrats).
1903-1955
Qualified as a lithographer and later worked as secretary for the Social Democrats’ parliamentary group.
Erik Eriksen, 1950-53
Prime Minister 1950-1953 (Venstre).
1902-1972
Farm owner and president for the Nordic Council in 1956 and 1961.
Hans Hedtoft, 1947-50
Statsminister 1947-1950 og 1953-1955 (Socialdemokratiet).
1903-1955
Qualified as a lithographer and later worked as secretary for the Social Democrats’ parliamentary group.
Knud Kristensen, 1945-47
Prime Minister 1945-1947 (Venstre).
1880-1962
Agricultural degree and farm owner.
Vilhelm Buhl, 1945
Prime Minister 1942 and 1945 (Social Democrats).
1881-1954
Master of Laws in 1908 and later a tax expert and tax director in Copenhagen Municipality.
Erik Scavenius, 1942-43
Prime Minister 1942-1943 (Danish Social-Liberal Party).
1877-1962
MSc in Economics and Management in 1901. Afterwards worked as a diplomat.
Vilhelm Buhl, 1942
Prime Minister 1942 and 1945 (Social Democrats).
1881-1954
Master of Laws in 1908 and later a tax expert and tax director in Copenhagen Municipality.
Thorvald Stauning, 1929-1942
Prime Minister 1924-26 and 1929-1942 (Social Democrats).
1873-1942
Qualified as a cigar sorter. Appointed chairman of the Danish Social Democrats in 1910.
Thomas Madsen-Mygdal, 1926-29
Prime Minister 1926-1929 (Venstre).
1876-1943
Trained as a primary school teacher in 1896 and MSc in Agriculture in 1902. Later he was principal of Dalum Agricultural College from 1908-1920 and president of the Danish Agricultural Council 1919-1933.
Thorvald Stauning, 1924-26
Prime Minister 1924-26 and 1929-1942 (Social Democrats).
1873-1942
Qualified as a cigar sorter. Appointed chairman of the Danish Social Democrats in 1910.
Niels Neergaard, 1920-24
Prime Minister 1908-1909 and 1920-1924 (Venstre).
President of the Council 1908-1909 and Prime Minister 1929-1942 (Social Democrats)
MA in history in 1879 and MSc in Economics and Management in 1881.
Michael Petersen Friis, 1920
Prime Minister 1920 (independent).
1857-1944
Master of Laws in 1883. Civil servant with a career as e.g. Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Justice, during WWI he was head of the Special Commission (Den Overordentlige Kommission) and head of the Public Trustee's Office (Overformynderiet).
Otto Liebe, 1920
Prime Minister 1920 (independent).
1860-1929
Master of Laws in 1882 and from 1889 advocate of the Supreme Court.
Carl Theodor Zahle, 1913-20
Prime Minister 1909-10 and 1913-20 (Danish Social-Liberal Party).
1866-1946
Master of Laws in 1890. Later he worked for the newspapers Aarhus Amtstidende and Politiken
Klaus Berntsen, 1910-13
Prime Minister 1910-13 (Venstre).
1844-1927
Head of an independent school and later principal of a folk high school in Særslev on Funen.
Carl Theodor Zahle, 1909-10
Prime Minister 1909-10 and 1913-20 (Danish Social-Liberal Party).
1866-1946
Master of Laws in 1890. Later he worked for the newspapers Aarhus Amtstidende and Politiken
Ludvig Holstein-Ledreborg, 1909
Prime Minister 1909 (Venstre).
1839-1912
MSc in Economics and Management in 1866 and count and caretaker of the Ledreborg estate in 1895.
Niels Neergaard, 1908-09
Prime Minister 1908-1909 and 1920-1924 (Venstre).
1854-1936
MA in history in 1879 and MSc in Economics and Management in 1881.
Jens Christian Christensen, 1905-08
Prime Minister 1905-1908 (Venstre).
1856-1930
Qualified as a primary school teacher in 1877 and later worked as a teacher.
Johan Henrik Deuntzer, 1901-05
Prime Minister 1901-1905 (Venstre).
1845-1918
Master of Laws in 1867 and later Professor of Law at University of Copenhagen from 1872-1901. He was also a co-founder and member of the board in the East Asiatic Company.
Hannibal Sehested, 1900-01
Prime Minister 1900-1901 (Højre).
1842-1924
Master of Laws in 1869. Farm owner and owner of Broholm entailed estate.
Hugo Egmont Hørring, 1897-1900
Prime Minister 1897-1900 (Højre).
1842-1909
Master of Laws in 1868. Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of the Interior.
Tage Reedtz-Thott, 1894-97
Prime Minister 1894-1897 (Højre).
1839-1923
Studies in political science in Geneva and Paris. Later he was the owner of Gavnø Gods (Gavnø Estate) and principal of Herlufsholm School.
Jacob Brønnum Scavenius Estrup, 1875-94
Prime Minister 1875-1894 (Højre).
1825-1913
Degree in forestry in 1844. Afterwards he held a commission as a surveyor and then farm owner.
Christen Fonnesbech, 1874-75
Prime Minister 1874-1875 (Højre).
1817-1880
Master of Laws from University of Copenhagen in 1840. Later he was a senior town administrator and farmer.
Ludvig Holstein-Holsteinborg, 1870-74
Prime Minister 1870-1874 (Mellempartiet).
1815-1892
Count and caretaker of the Holsteinborg estate in 1836.
Christian Emil Krag-Juel-Vind-Frijs, 1865-70
Prime Minister 1865-1870 (Højre).
1817-1896
Master of Laws in 1842. Count and owner of the estate Frijsenborg and later chairman of the Houseowners’ Association.
Christian Albrecht Bluhme, 1864-65
Prime Minister 1852-1853 and 1864-1865 (Højre).
1794-1866
Master of Laws in 1816. Civil servant and among other things, director for the Customs Department in 1843.
Ditlev Gothardt Monrad, 1863-64
Prime Minister 1863-1864 (National Liberals).
1811-1887
Master of Theology in 1836 and Master in Semitic Philology in 1838. Later he was Parish Priest, Bishop of Lolland-Falster and Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Culture.
Carl Christian Hall, 1860-63
Prime Minister 1857-1859 and 1860-1863 (National Liberals).
1812-1888
Master of Laws in 1833 and Doctor of Laws in 1840. Later he had a career as a lawyer and head of the military’s legal system.
Carl Eduard Rotwitt, 1859-60
Prime Minister 1859-1860 (Bondevennerne).
1812-1860
Master of Laws in 1834. Then he was an advocate at the Supreme Court.
Carl Christian Hall, 1857-59
Prime Minister 1857-1859 and 1860-1863 (National Liberals).
1812-1888
Master of Laws in 1833 and Doctor of Laws in 1840. Later he had a career as a lawyer and head of the military’s legal system.
Christian Albrecht Bluhme, 1852-53
President of the Council 1852-1853 and Prime Minister 1864-1865 (Højre).
1794-1866
Master of Laws in 1816. Civil servant and among other things, director for the Customs Department in 1843.
Adam Wilhelm Moltke, 1848-52
Prime Minister 1848-1852 (independent).
1785-1864
Master of Laws in 1805. He was president of the exchequer and a count. | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 65 | https://books.google.com/books/about/Prime_Ministers_of_Denmark.html%3Fid%3DOFApSgAACAAJ | en | Google Books | [] | [] | [] | [
""
] | null | [] | null | https://books.google.com/ | Search the world's most comprehensive index of full-text books.
My library | ||||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 93 | https://about.ku.dk/facts-figures/prime-ministers/ | en | Prime Ministers – University of Copenhagen | [
"https://samf.ku.dk/nyheder/2024/det-giver-oekonomisk-gevinst-at-tage-samme-uddannelse-som-ens-foraeldre/Doctor_CB_1100_600.jpg?resize=globalmenu",
"https://science.ku.dk/english/press/news/2024/new-head-of-the-department-of-plant-and-environmental-science/Morten_Petersen_1100_x_600__1_.png?resize=globalmenu",
... | [] | [] | [
""
] | null | [
"University Finance"
] | 2022-01-12T00:00:00 | en | https://cdn.jsdelivr.net/gh/ku-kom/bootstrap@4443b6dd6df0c68ef5cda36f41e1b2373fc5c9f3/docs/images/favicons/favicon_fa.ico | null | UCPH alumni Prime Ministers of Denmark
Introduction
From 1772 to 1848, members of the Privy Council were also regarded as prime ministers. Thus, there were several with that title at the same time.
The Constitution of Denmark was signed on 5 June 1849 by King Frederik VII, ending absolute monarchy and introducing constitutional monarchy.
Anders Sandøe Ørsted was prime minister as well during the absolute monarchy (1842-1848) as after its abolition (1853-1854).
37 UCPH alumni have become Prime Minister of Denmark
Mette Frederiksen (b. 1977), Master in African Studies 2009 (Prime Minister since 2019)
Lars Løkke Rasmussen (b. 1964), Master of Laws 1992, (Prime Minister 2009-2011 and 2015-2019)
Helle Thorning-Schmidt (b. 1966), MSc in Political Science 1994, (Prime Minister 2011-2015)
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen (b. 1943), MSc in Economics and Management 1971 (Prime Minister 1993-2001)
Poul Schlüter (1929-2021), Master of Laws 1957 (Prime Minister 1982-1993)
Poul Hartling (1914-2000), Master of Theology 1939 (Prime Minister 1973-1975)
Jens Otto Krag (1914-1978), MSc in Economics and Management 1940 (Prime Minister 1962-1968 and 1971-1972)
Viggo Kampmann (1910-1976), MSc in Economics and Management 1934 (Prime Minister 1960-1962)
Vilhelm Buhl (1881-1954), Master of Laws 1908, (Prime Minister from May to November 1942 and from May to November 1945)
Erik Scavenius (1877-1962), MSc in Economics and Management 1901 (Prime Minister 1942-1943 – formally until 5 May 1945)
Thomas Madsen-Mygdal (1876-1943), MSc in Agriculture 1902 from the former Royal Veterinary and Agricultural University, now part of UCPH (Prime Minister 1926-1929)
Michael Petersen Friis (1857-1944), Master of Laws 1883 (Prime Minister from April to May 1920)
Otto Liebe (1860-1929), Master of Laws 1882 (Prime Minister from March to April 1920)
Carl Theodor Zahle (1866-1946), Master of Laws 1890 (Prime Minister 1909-1910 and 1913-1920)
Ludvig Holstein-Ledreborg (1839-1912), MSc in Economics and Management 1866 (Prime Minister from August to October 1909)
Niels Neergaard (1854-1936), MA in History 1879 and MSc in Economics and Management 1881 (Prime Minister 1908-1909 and 1920-1924)
Johan Henrik Deuntzer (1845-1918), Master of Laws 1867 and law professor at the University of Copenhagen 1872-1901 (Prime Minister 1901-1905)
Hannibal Sehested (1842-1924), Master of Laws 1869 (Prime Minister 1900-1901)
Hugo Egmont Hørring (1842-1909), Master of Laws 1868 (Prime Minister 1897-1900)
Jacob Brønnum Scavenius Estrup (1825-1913), degree in forestry 1844 from the Forestry Examination Commission whose activities were in 1869 taken over by the Royal Veterinary and Agricultural University, later merged with UCPH (Denmark's longest serving Prime Minister 1875-1894)
Christen Fonnesbech (1817-1880), Master of Laws 1840 (Prime Minister 1874-1875)
Christian Emil Krag-Juel-Vind-Frijs (1817-1896), Master of Laws 1842 (Prime Minister 1865-1870)
Ditlev Gothardt Monrad (1811-1887), Master of Theology 1836 and MA in Semitic Philology in 1838 (Prime Minister 1863-1864)
Carl Eduard Rotwitt (1812-1860) Master of Laws 1834 (Prime Minister 1859-1860)
Carl Christian Hall (1812-1888), Master of Laws 1833 and Doctor of Laws 1840 (Prime Minister 1857-1859 and 1860-1863)
Peter Georg Bang (1797-1861), Master of Laws 1816 and Doctor of Laws 1820, and appointed professor of Roman Law in 1830. (Prime Minister 1854-1856)
Christian Albrecht Bluhme (1794-1866), Master of Laws 1816 (Prime Minister 1852-1853 and 1864-1865)
Adam Wilhelm Moltke (1785-1864), Master of Laws 1805 (Prime Minister 1848-1852)
Anders Sandøe Ørsted (1778-1860), Master of Laws 1799 and Doctor of Laws in 1813 (Prime Minister 1842-1848 and 1853-1854)
Poul Christian Stemann (1764-1855) Master of Laws 1781 (Prime Minister 1827-1848)
Otto Joachim Moltke (1770-1853), Master of Laws 1788 (Prime Minister 1824-1842)
Ove Malling (1747-1829), Master of Theology 1766 (Prime Minister 1824-1829)
Ove Ramel Sehested (1757-1838), Master of Laws 1775 (Prime Minister 1824-1831)
Johan Sigismund von Møsting (1759-1843), Master of Laws 1781 (Prime Minister 1814-1842)
Frederik Julius Kaas (1758-1827), Master of Laws 1782 (Prime Minister 1814-1827)
Frederik Moltke (1754-1836), Master of Laws 1775 (Prime Minister 1810-1824)
Ove Høegh-Guldberg (1731-1808), Master of Theology 1754 (Prime Minister 1772-1784)
Further information
Portrait photos and further information about the prime ministers of Denmark since 1848 can be found at the home page of the Prime Minister's Office.
The prime ministers of Denmark before 1848 are listed at the Danish Biographical Dictionary (in Danish) | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 29 | https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1057/978-1-349-95940-2_60 | en | Denmark | [
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] | [] | [] | [
""
] | null | [] | 2020-07-23T00:00:00 | Evidence of habitation exists from the Bølling period (12500–12000 BC). By 7700 BC reindeer hunters were settled on the Jutland Peninsula and around 3900 BC agriculture developed. Metal tools and weapons were imported in the Dagger Period (c. 2000 BC) but... | en | /oscar-static/img/favicons/darwin/apple-touch-icon-92e819bf8a.png | SpringerLink | https://link.springer.com/referenceworkentry/10.1057/978-1-349-95940-2_60 | This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.
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(2020). Denmark. In: The Statesman’s Yearbook 2020. The Statesman's Yearbook. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95940-2_60
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95940-2_60
Published: 27 February 2021
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correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 1 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poul_Nyrup_Rasmussen_III_Cabinet | en | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen III Cabinet | [
"https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/icons/wikipedia.png",
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"https://en.wikipedia.org/static/images/mobile/copyright/wikipedia-tagline-en.svg",
"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/9c/Flag_of_Denmark.svg/... | [] | [] | [
""
] | null | [
"Contributors to Wikimedia projects"
] | 2006-05-07T08:22:20+00:00 | en | /static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poul_Nyrup_Rasmussen_III_Cabinet | 3rd Poul Nyrup Rasmussen
68th Cabinet of DenmarkDate formed30 December 1996 ( )Date dissolved23 March 1998 (1998-03-23)People and organisationsHead of stateMargrethe IIHead of governmentPoul Nyrup RasmussenNo. of ministers20Ministers removed1Total no. of members21Member partiesSocial Democrats
Social Liberal PartyStatus in legislatureMinority coalitionHistoryElectionNoneLegislature term1994–1998PredecessorP. N. Rasmussen IISuccessorP. N. Rasmussen IV
After the Centre Democrats left the government coalition in 1996, the sitting Danish Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen was able to form a government coalition of his own Social Democrats and the Danish Social Liberal Party. The resulting cabinet, which replaced the Cabinet of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen II, was formed on 30 December 1996 and was called the Cabinet of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen III.
The cabinet was replaced by the Cabinet of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen IV on 23 March 1998 after the 1998 Danish parliamentary election.
The cabinet was changed on 20 October 1997.
Some periods in the table below start before 30 December 1996 or end after 23 March 1998 because the minister was in the Cabinet of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen II or the Cabinet of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen IV as well.
Portfolio Minister Took office Left office Party Prime Minister's Office Prime Minister25 January 199327 November 2001Social Democrats Minister of Economic Affairs &
Minister for Nordic Cooperation27 September 199427 November 2001Social Liberals Minister for Foreign Affairs25 January 199321 December 2000Social Liberals Minister for Finance25 January 199321 December 2000Social Democrats Minister for the Environment and Energy27 September 199427 November 2001Social Democrats Minister for Science30 December 199623 March 1998Social Democrats Minister of Education &
Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs30 December 199623 March 1998Social Liberals Minister of Defence25 January 199321 December 2000Social Democrats Minister of the Interior25 January 199320 October 1997Social Democrats20 October 199723 February 2000Social Democrats Minister for Food30 December 199623 February 2000Social Democrats Minister for Justice30 December 199627 November 2001Social Democrats Minister of Social Affairs27 September 199423 February 2000Social Democrats Minister for Business Affairs30 December 199623 March 1998Social Democrats Minister for Culture30 December 199623 March 1998Social Liberals Minister of Labor25 January 199323 March 1998Social Democrats Minister of Traffic30 December 199623 March 1998Social Democrats Minister for Housing27 September 199423 March 1998Social Democrats Minister for Taxation1 November 199423 March 1998Social Democrats Minister for Health30 December 199623 March 1998Social Democrats Minister for Development Cooperation27 September 199410 July 1999Social Democrats
(in Danish) Regeringen Poul Nyrup Rasmussen III – from the official website of the Folketing | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 53 | https://www.politico.eu/article/innovation-to-put-danish-dignitaries-on-the-tiles/ | en | Innovation to put Danish dignitaries on the tiles | [
"https://www.facebook.com/tr?id=394368290733607&ev=PageView&noscript=1",
"https://www.politico.eu/cdn-cgi/image/width=380,height=271,fit=crop,quality=80,onerror=redirect,format=auto/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/BelgianflagR.jpg",
"https://www.politico.eu/cdn-cgi/image/width=380,height=252,fit=crop,quality=80,oner... | [] | [] | [
""
] | null | [
"European Voice Staff"
] | 1995-10-18T16:00:00+00:00 | The streets of Europe will be paved with the portraits of MEPs if the head of the European Parliament office in Copenhagen gets his way. | en | https://www.politico.eu/wp-content/themes/politico/assets/images/favicon/favicon.ico | POLITICO | https://www.politico.eu/article/innovation-to-put-danish-dignitaries-on-the-tiles/ | Michael Bramsen sent a letter last month to the 16 Danish Euro MPs outlining a novel idea.
He proposed the production of tiles carrying the images of the elected representatives which could then be sold to the Danish public as gifts.
One of the first replies came from Lone Dybkjær, the Euro MP whose husband is Danish Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen.
With more than a hint of irony, she thanked Bramsen for his highly original notion and said that, as luck would have it, she had been thinking of redesigning her kitchen.
She suggested that perhaps the scheme should be extended to include political party leaders so that her new kitchen could be decorated with her husband’s profile instead of her own: “After all, he is the one who does the cooking.”No truth, apparently, in the rumour that other money-making publicity stunts in the pipeline include Euro MP oven gloves, Euro MP toilet brushes and Euro MP luminous garden gnomes. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 3 | https://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/28149/POUL%2BNYRUP_RASMUSSEN/history/6 | en | 6th parliamentary term | [
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] | null | [] | 1943-06-15T00:00:00 | Profile page - Poul Nyrup RASMUSSEN - Profile page of a current Member of the European Parliament - History of parliamentary service during the 6th legislative term including memberships in political groups, national parties, parliamentary committees and delegations as well as parliamentary activities and the declaration of financial interests. | en | https://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/28149/POUL+NYRUP_RASMUSSEN/history/6 | A rapporteur is appointed in the responsible parliamentary committee to draft a report on proposals of a legislative or budgetary nature, or other issues. In drafting their report, rapporteurs may consult with relevant experts and stakeholders. They are also responsible for the drafting of compromise amendments and negotiations with shadow rapporteurs. Reports adopted at committee level are then examined and voted on in plenary. Rule 55
Committees may draft an opinion to a report of the responsible committee covering the elements linked to their committee remit. Rapporteurs of such opinions are also responsible for the drafting of compromise amendments and negotiations with shadow rapporteurs of the opinion. Rule 56, Rule 57, Annex VI
Members can table an individual motion on issues falling within the EU’s sphere of activity. This motion is forwarded to the responsible committee for consideration.Rule 143
Questions for oral answer with debate may be tabled by a committee, a political group or at least 5% of Parliament’s component Members . The addressees are other EU institutions. The Conference of Presidents decides whether, and in what order, questions are placed on the final draft agenda for a Plenary sitting. Rule 128
Members can put questions for written reply to the ECB and questions concerning the Single Supervisory Mechanism and the Single Resolution Mechanism. Such questions are first submitted to the Chair of the responsible committee.Rule 140, Rule 141, Annex III
This attendance record is an extract from the Minutes of plenary sittings of the 6th parliamentary term. The information therein is supplied for information purposes only and covers the Member's term of office in the European Parliament. It is raw data and does not include corrections for justified absence because of illness, maternal/paternal leave, authorised parliamentary delegation business etc. | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 8 | https://isitaholidaytoday.com/birthday/PoulNyrupRasmussen | en | Birthdate: June 15th, 1943 | [
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] | 2024-07-04T00:00:00 | The 38th Prime Minister of Denmark, serving from 1993 to 2001, known for leading the country's social democratic government and implementing v... | en | /apple-touch-icon.png | https://isitaholidaytoday.com/birthday/PoulNyrupRasmussen | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen
The 38th Prime Minister of Denmark, serving from 1993 to 2001, known for leading the country's social democratic government and implementing various reforms. He also served as the President of the European Socialist Party.
Written by: Fatima Ahmed
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen: The Architect of Denmark's Golden Era
A Decade of Progressive Leadership
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen is a name synonymous with Denmark's remarkable economic growth and social progress during the 1990s. As the Prime Minister of Denmark from 1993 to 2001, Rasmussen implemented a series of bold reforms that transformed the country into one of the most prosperous and egalitarian societies in the world.
Early Life and Education
Born on June 15, 1943, in Esbjerg, Denmark, Rasmussen grew up in a working-class family. His parents, Oluf and Vera Eline Nyrup Rasmussen, instilled in him the values of hard work and social responsibility. Rasmussen's academic pursuits took him to the University of Copenhagen, where he earned a Master's degree in Economics in 1971. During his university days, he was actively involved in the social democratic student union, Frit Forum, which helped shape his political ideology.
Rise to Prominence
Rasmussen's entry into politics began in 1987, when he was first elected to the Folketing (Danish Parliament) from Western Jutland. He quickly rose through the ranks, becoming the Deputy Chairman of the Social Democrats in 1988. His leadership skills and vision for Denmark's future earned him the confidence of his party, and in 1992, he replaced Svend Auken as the leader of the Social Democrats.
Prime Minister of Denmark (1993-2001)
As Prime Minister, Rasmussen implemented a series of reforms that tackled Denmark's economic challenges, including high unemployment and a large budget deficit. His government's efforts focused on creating a more business-friendly environment, investing in education and innovation, and promoting social welfare policies. The results were nothing short of remarkable: Denmark's economy grew rapidly, and the country became a model for sustainable development and social equality.
President of the Party of European Socialists (2004-2011)
After leaving office as Prime Minister, Rasmussen continued to play a prominent role in European politics. From 2004 to 2011, he served as the President of the Party of European Socialists (PES), advocating for progressive policies and closer European integration.
Philosophical Contributions and Beliefs
Rasmussen's political philosophy is rooted in his commitment to social democracy and the values of equality, justice, and solidarity. He has been a vocal critic of neoliberalism and the growing power of corporate interests, as evidenced in his 2007 book, "In a Time of Greed" (I gårighedens tid). In it, he argues that the unchecked power of hedge and venture capital funds poses a threat to democracy and social welfare.
Legacy and Impact
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen's legacy extends far beyond his tenure as Prime Minister. He has inspired a generation of politicians and policymakers to prioritize social justice and equality. His commitment to progressive values and his vision for a more equitable society have made him a respected figure on the global stage.
Personal Milestones and Key Life Events
1959: Moved to Copenhagen to pursue higher education
1971: Earned a Master's degree in Economics from the University of Copenhagen
1987: Elected to the Folketing (Danish Parliament) from Western Jutland
1992: Became the leader of the Social Democrats
1993-2001: Served as Prime Minister of Denmark
2004-2011: Served as President of the Party of European Socialists
Quotes and Memorable Sayings
"The welfare state is not a luxury, but a necessity. It is the foundation of our society, and it is the key to our prosperity."
Career Highlights and Major Works
Implemented a series of reforms to tackle Denmark's economic challenges
Advocated for progressive policies and closer European integration as President of the Party of European Socialists
Authored "In a Time of Greed" (I gårighedens tid), a critical assessment of neoliberalism and the power of corporate interests
Historical Context and Legacy
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen's leadership during the 1990s coincided with a period of significant global change, including the end of the Cold War and the rise of globalization. His commitment to social democracy and progressive values has left an indelible mark on Denmark's political landscape, and his influence continues to be felt across the European continent.
Timeline
1943
Born in Esbjerg
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen was born on June 15, 1943, in Esbjerg, Denmark.
1968
Graduated from University of Copenhagen
Rasmussen graduated from the University of Copenhagen with a degree in economics.
1992
Became Leader of SD
Rasmussen became the leader of the Social Democracy Party (SD) in Denmark.
1993
Became Prime Minister
Rasmussen became the Prime Minister of Denmark, serving three consecutive terms until 2001.
2004
Secretary-General of NATO
Rasmussen served as the Secretary-General of NATO from 2004 to 2009, playing a key role in the Alliances operations.
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen Quiz
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen is known for leading which type of government in Denmark?
social democratic
What position did Poul Nyrup Rasmussen hold in the European Socialist Party?
President
What was one of the key aspects of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen's tenure as Prime Minister of Denmark?
implementing reforms
In what capacity did Poul Nyrup Rasmussen serve Denmark?
Prime Minister
What was Poul Nyrup Rasmussen's ranking as Prime Minister of Denmark?
38th
Score: 0/5 | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 28 | http://www.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/europe/10/31/denmark.poll/ | en | Danish PM calls snap election | [
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] | null | [] | null | null | COPENHAGEN, Denmark -- A general election has been called in Denmark on November 20.
Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen announced the snap poll -- timed to coincide with local elections on November 20 -- on Wednesday citing increased uncertainty after the September 11 attacks on the United States.
He said: "In times of uncertainty after September 11 and with major decisions to be made on security, four months of election campaigning would not be good for Denmark.
"The world is not the same. In these times of uncertainty, security has to be ensured, increased cohesion and solidarity is needed, Denmark must not be split."
Despite a recent recovery in opinion polls, surveys point to a possible change of government.
Some analysts predict the centre-right opposition ousting the ruling Social Democrats who have been in power since 1993.
Rasmussen has been prime minister of Denmark since January 1993 at the head of four centre-left minority coalition governments of varying make up.
He said it was important to give a new government, whatever the outcome might be, sufficient time to prepare to host the six-month rotating EU presidency, which Denmark takes over on July 1, 2002.
"By calling the election now, a new government will get better time to prepare for the presidency," he said.
Opinion polls over the past year have all solidly pointed to victory in the election for the opposition centre-right led by Liberal leader Anders Fogh Rasmussen.
After the poll date announcement, Fogh Rasmussen said he would seek to form a centre-right minority coalition government.
"This election is not about the war in Afghanistan," Fogh Rasmussen told Danish television.
"It is about Denmark and the everyday problems of ordinary Danes."
Fogh Rasmussen is expected to seek support from the Conservative Party and two small centrist groupings -- the Christian People's Party and Centre Democrats -- in his campaign to take over office from the incumbent prime minister. | ||||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 72 | https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/PPP-1993-book1/html/PPP-1993-book1-app-pg1257.htm | en | Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: William J. Clinton (1993, Book I) | [] | [] | [] | [
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] | null | [] | null | null | Appendix A / Administration of William J. Clinton, 1993 [[Page 1257]] Appendix A--Digest of Other White House Announcements The following list includes the President's public schedule and other items of general interest announced by the Office of the Press Secretary and not included elsewhere in this book. January 20 Following the Inaugural luncheon at the Capitol, the President and Hillary Clinton went by motorcade along the parade route to the White House, where they viewed the Inaugural parade from the reviewing stand. In the evening, they attended several Inaugural balls. January 21 In the morning, the President and Hillary Clinton held an open house for the American people in the Diplomatic Reception Room at the White House. In the afternoon, the President met with senior staff members in the Roosevelt Room, after which he and Hillary Clinton hosted a reception in the State Dining Room for their family and friends from Arkansas. January 22 In the morning, the President attended a reception for Cabinet members. January 23 In the morning, the President had telephone conversations with President Boris Yeltsin of Russia and Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel. The President later met with Chairman of the National Economic Council Robert E. Rubin. January 25 In the afternoon, the President met at the White House with the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The President appointed John D. Hart as Deputy Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of the Office of Intergovernmental Affairs, and Arthur Jones and Lorraine Voles as Deputy White House Press Secretaries. January 27 In the afternoon, the President met with Democratic congressional leaders. January 28 In the morning, the President met with Federal Reserve Board Chairman Alan Greenspan, Secretary of the Treasury Lloyd Bentsen, and Chairman of the National Economic Council Robert E. Rubin. Later in the morning, the President and Hillary Clinton attended funeral services at the Washington National Cathedral for Justice Thurgood Marshall. In the afternoon, the President met with: --Susan Maxman, president, American Institute of Architects, and Kevin Roche, recipient of the 1993 medal of the American Institute of Architects; --Richard English, a participant in the Make-A-Wish Foundation, and his family. January 29 The President met at the White House with the Vice President and Senator George J. Mitchell. Later, he met with economic advisers. January 30 In the morning, the President and Hillary Clinton went to Camp David, MD, for a retreat with the Cabinet and White House senior staff members. January 31 In the afternoon, the President and Hillary Clinton returned to the White House from Camp David, MD. February 2 In the morning, the President met with Democratic congressional leaders at the Capitol. In the afternoon, he met with economic advisers at the White House. February 4 In the morning, the President met with House Democratic leaders at the Capitol. In the afternoon, the President met at the White House with: --Girl Scouts from Los Angeles, CA; --women athletes representing the Women's Sports Foundation on National Women and Girls in Sports Day; --freshman Members of Congress. February 5 In the afternoon, the President met in the Blue Room with representatives of the American Association of Retired Persons. The President designated the following persons for the positions indicated: James H. Quello, Chair of the Federal Communications Commission on an interim basis; Elizabeth Anne Moler, Chair of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission on an interim basis; Gail C. McDonald, Chair of the Interstate Commerce Commission on an interim basis; and [[Page 1258]] John A. Gannon, Acting Chairperson of the National Council on Disability. February 8 The President appointed Kathleen McGinty as Deputy Assistant to the President and Director of the White House Office on Environmental Policy. February 10 In the afternoon, the President traveled to Detroit, MI, where he attended private receptions at WXYZ-TV. He returned to Washington, DC, in the evening. February 11 In the morning, the President met with: --the Washington, DC, Mardi Gras queen; --the Vice President, for lunch; --congressional leaders. February 12 In the morning, the President and Hillary Clinton toured the Fenwick Center health clinic in Arlington, VA. February 14 In the morning, the President went to Haines Point in East Potomac Park, where he signed the proclamation designating February as American Heart Month and then ran in the American Heart Association's Run for Heart. February 15 In the morning, the President had a telephone conversation with President Francois Mitterrand of France. February 16 In the afternoon, the President toured a road construction site at South Dakota Avenue NE and met with construction workers. February 17 At noon, the President had lunch with news media anchors. In the afternoon, he met with Secretary of State Warren Christopher and later had a telephone conversation with Ross Perot. February 18 In the afternoon, the President traveled to St. Louis, MO. In the evening, he traveled to Chillicothe, OH. February 19 In the morning, the President held interviews with local TV stations in Chillicothe. In the afternoon, the President traveled to Hyde Park, NY, where he visited the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library and held interviews with local media before returning to Washington, DC, in the evening. February 20 The President announced that he will nominate Mary Jo Bane to be Assistant Secretary of Health and Human Services for Children and Families. February 21 In the morning, the President traveled to Santa Monica, CA, and in the afternoon, he traveled to Los Angeles and San Jose. In the evening, the President had dinner with chief executive officers of California-based companies in Los Gatos, CA. February 22 In the morning, the President toured Silicon Graphics in Mountain View, CA. In the afternoon, he traveled to Everett, WA, and he returned to Washington, DC, in the evening. The President announced his nomination of Frank Wisner to be Under Secretary for Policy at the Department of Defense. He also announced his intention to nominate the following individuals for the posts listed: Department of Defense John Deutch, Under Secretary for Acquisition Department of Energy Thomas P. Grumbly, Assistant Secretary for Environmental Restoration and Management Susan Fallows Tierney, Assistant Secretary for Domestic and International Energy Policy Department of Health and Human Services Walter Broadnax, Deputy Secretary David Ellwood, Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation Jerry Klepner, Assistant Secretary for Legislation Avis LaVelle, Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs Harriet Rabb, General Counsel Fernando Torres-Gil, Commissioner on Aging, Administration on Aging Department of the Interior Robert Armstrong, Assistant Secretary for Land and Mineral Management Jim Baca, Director, Bureau of Land Management Bonnie Cohen, Assistant Secretary for Policy, Management and Budget George Frampton, Assistant Secretary for Fish and Wildlife and Parks John Leshy, Solicitor Elizabeth Reike, Assistant Secretary for Water and Science Leslie Turner, Assistant Secretary for Territorial and International Affairs Department of Labor Geri Palast, Assistant Secretary for Congressional and Intergovernmental Relations [[Page 1259]] Thomas Williamson, Jr., Solicitor Department of the Treasury Peggy Richardson, Commissioner of the Internal Revenue Service Jeffrey Shafer, Assistant Secretary for International Affairs February 24 In the evening, the President had a working dinner with Prime Minister John Major of the United Kingdom. February 25 In the morning, the President met at the White House with: --Representative Eva Clayton; --representatives of the Business Council. In the afternoon, the President met at the White House with: --the crew of the space shuttle Endeavour; --members of the Wine Institute; --members of Future Farmers of America; --congressional leaders. February 26 In the late morning, the President attended a reception at American University. The White House announced that the President has invited the following world leaders to the White House for working visits: NATO Secretary General Manfred Woerner (March 2), President Francois Mitterrand of France (March 9), Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel (March 15), President Jean Bertrand Aristide of Haiti (March 16), Prime Minister Albert Reynolds of Ireland (March 17), Chancellor Helmut Kohl of Germany (March 26), and President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt (April 6). The White House announced the following departmental appointments: Diana Josephson, Deputy Under Secretary for Oceans and Atmosphere, Department of Commerce; Stephanie Solien, Assistant to the Secretary for Congressional and Intergovernmental Affairs, Department of the Interior; Judy Feder, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, Department of Health and Human Services; and Anne Lewis, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs, Department of Health and Human Services. March 1 In the morning, the President traveled to New Brunswick, NJ, and he returned to Washington, DC, in the afternoon. March 2 In the morning, the President went to the Capitol, where he met with House Republican leaders and then attended a luncheon with Senate Republican leaders in the afternoon. Later in the afternoon, the President met with the National Association of State Treasurers and with the National Association of Counties. The White House announced the following departmental appointments at the Environmental Protection Agency: Loretta Ucelli, Associate Administrator for Communications, Education and Public Affairs; and Robert Hickmott, Associate Administrator for Congressional and Legislative Affairs. March 4 In the afternoon, the President met at the White House with: --the Vice President, for lunch; --former President Jimmy Carter; --DC public school students; --Westinghouse Science Talent Search finalists. The President declared that a major disaster existed in the State of Washington and ordered Federal aid to supplement State and local recovery efforts in areas struck by severe storms and high winds on January 20-21. The President declared that a major disaster existed in the State of Georgia and ordered Federal aid to supplement State and local recovery efforts in areas struck by tornadoes, high winds, and heavy rain on February 21-22. March 5 The White House announced that the President transmitted to the Congress the 1993 Trade Policy Agenda and the 1992 annual report on the Trade Agreements Program. March 8 The President had a telephone conversation with former President George Bush to discuss the situation in Russia. In the afternoon, the President met with members of the House Budget Committee. In the evening, he met with former President Richard Nixon. March 9 In the afternoon, the President met with Democratic Senators. In the evening, the President attended a birthday party for Senator Strom Thurmond at the J.W. Marriott Hotel. March 11 In the morning, the President traveled to Linthicum, MD, where he toured the Westinghouse Electronic Systems plant. In the afternoon, he returned to Washington, DC. Later in the afternoon, the President met at the White House with: --departing White House military personnel; [[Page 1260]] --Special Olympics international athletes; --recipients of the Presidential Secondary Awards for Excellence in Science and Mathematics Teaching. March 12 In the morning, the President traveled to the U.S.S. Theodore Roosevelt at sea, where he toured the ship. He returned to Washington, DC, in the afternoon. The White House announced that Prime Minister Giuliano Amato of Italy will meet with the President at the White House on April 26. The President announced his intention to nominate Kenneth S. Apfel to be Assistant Secretary for Management and Budget and Philip R. Lee to be Assistant Secretary for Health at the Department of Health and Human Services. March 15 The White House announced that Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa of Japan will meet with the President at the White House on April 16. The President appointed Mary Ann Campbell as Chair of the National Women's Business Council. She is currently a member of the Council. March 16 In the morning, the President met with Senators from Western States. March 17 In the morning, the President met with the governing board of the Electronics Industry Association. In the afternoon, the President and Prime Minister Albert Reynolds of Ireland attended the Friends of Ireland St. Patrick's Day luncheon at the Capitol. The President announced his approval for the following departmental appointments at the Department of the Interior: Brooks Yeager, Director of Program Resources Management; Kevin Sweeney, Director of Communications; and Thomas Williams, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Fish, Wildlife, and Parks. The President announced his intention to nominate the following individuals for the posts listed: Eugene Branstool, Assistant Secretary of Agriculture for Marketing and Inspection Services; Lionel Skipwith Johns, Associate Director for Technology, Office of Science and Technology Policy; Daniel Beard, Commissioner, Bureau of Reclamation, Department of the Interior; Mary Lou Keener, General Counsel, Department of Veterans Affairs; Edward Scott, Assistant Secretary of Veterans Affairs for Congressional Affairs; and Joe Shuldiner, Assistant Secretary of Housing and Urban Development for Public and Indian Housing. March 18 In the morning, the President met with Democratic Senators. Later, he toured the Department of the Treasury. In the afternoon, the President had lunch with the Vice President and afterwards met with the Black Publishers Association. In the late afternoon, the President met with the President of the Commission of the European Communities, Jacques Delors, and then with recipients of the White House News Photographers Association awards. In the evening, the President attended the Radio and Television Correspondents Association dinner at the Washington Hilton. The White House announced that the President has invited the President of the European Council, Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen of Denmark, and the President of the Commission of the European Communities, Jacques Delors, to the White House for the biannual Presidential consultations between the European Community and the United States on May 7. March 19 In the morning, the President traveled to Atlanta, GA, and he returned to Washington, DC, in the evening. March 21 In the morning, the President traveled to Little Rock, AR. March 22 In the evening, the President returned to Washington, DC. March 24 In the afternoon, the President met with Gov. Pedro J. Rossello of Puerto Rico. March 25 In the afternoon, the President had lunch with the Vice President. He then met with: --Foreign Minister Anatoliy Zlenko of Ukraine; --Easter Seal Society representatives; --the University of Alabama Crimson Tide football team. In the evening, the President hosted a working dinner for Members of the House of Representatives. March 26 In the afternoon, the President hosted a White House tour for Chancellor Helmut Kohl of Germany. In the evening, the President hosted a working dinner for Members of the Senate. The White House announced that the President has assigned Secretary of Commerce Ronald H. Brown to lead a Cabinet-wide effort on the application of the President's national economic strategy to the specific economic problems of California. [[Page 1261]] March 27 In the evening, the President attended the Gridiron dinner at the Capital Hilton. March 28 In the morning, the President traveled to Little Rock, AR. March 30 In the afternoon, the President returned to Washington, DC. The White House announced that the President made available fiscal year 1993 emergency appropriations for the Departments of Agriculture and Education to provide assistance to victims of recent natural disasters. April 1 In the morning, the President traveled to Annapolis, MD, where he had lunch with U.S. Naval Academy midshipmen. In the afternoon, the President traveled to Portland, OR. April 2 In the evening, the President met at the Oregon Convention Center in Portland with a group of Governors who attended the Forest Conference. The President declared that major disasters existed in New York, following the February 26 bombing of the World Trade Center, and in Nebraska, as a result of severe March flooding and ice jams. The disaster declarations allow the Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide public assistance grants to affected municipalities in the two States. The President announced that he intends to nominate the following individuals for the posts listed: Victor Jackovich, Ambassador to Bosnia and Herzegovina; Walter Slocombe, Deputy Under Secretary of Defense for Policy; and Ellen Haas, Assistant Secretary of Agriculture for Food and Consumer Services. The President designated William Hathaway to be Chair of the Federal Maritime Commission. The President appointed William Timbers as Transition Manager at the U.S. Enrichment Corporation. April 3 In the morning, the President traveled to Vancouver, Canada, where he met with Prime Minister Brian Mulroney at the residence of the president of the University of the British Columbia. Later in the morning, President Clinton and President Boris Yeltsin of Russia attended a luncheon hosted by Prime Minister Mulroney. In the afternoon, President Clinton and President Yeltsin toured the Museum of Anthropology. In the evening, President Clinton hosted a working dinner for President Yeltsin. April 4 In the morning, the President attended Palm Sunday services at the First Baptist Church in Vancouver. April 5 In the early morning, the President returned to Washington, DC, from Vancouver, Canada. The President approved the designation of Tony E. Gallegos to chair the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission on an interim basis. He is currently a member of the Commission. April 6 The President announced his approval of the appointments by Secretary of Commerce Ronald H. Brown of Kent Hughes as Associate Deputy Secretary and Wilbur Hawkins as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Economic Development. April 8 In the morning, the President met with Secretary of Defense Les Aspin and the Joint Chiefs of Staff at the Pentagon. Later in the morning, the President and Hillary Clinton traveled to Little Rock, AR. April 9 In the afternoon, the President and Hillary Clinton attended a memorial service for her father, Hugh Rodham, at the First United Methodist Church in Little Rock. The White House announced that the President would send to the Congress proposed legislation to extend congressional fast track procedures to conclude the Uruguay round of the multilateral trade negotiations. April 10 In the morning, the President and Hillary Clinton traveled from Little Rock, AR, to Scranton, PA, where they attended funeral services for her father. In the evening, they traveled to Camp David, MD, for the weekend. The White House announced that the President has asked Gen. John W. Vessey, Jr., to travel to Vietnam on April 18-19 to assess Vietnamese cooperation on accounting of American POW/MIA's and to seek further progress. April 12 In the morning, the President and Hillary Clinton returned to the White House from a weekend stay at Camp David, MD. April 13 In the afternoon, the President attended the ``Especially Arkansas'' exhibit at the Willard Hotel. In a ceremony on the State Floor, the President received diplomatic credentials from Ambassadors Ricardo Luna Mendoza of Peru, Siragatour Ibrahim Cisse of Mali, Teboho Ephraim Kitleli of Lesotho, [[Page 1262]] Mohamad Al-Sabah of Kuwait, Jorge Montano of Mexico, Fayez Tarawneh of Jordan, Henrik Liljergren of Sweden, Ojars Kalnins of Latvia, Helmut Turck of Austria, Hafiz Pashayev of Azerbaijan, Itamar Rabinovich of Israel, and Sheikh Abdulrahman al-Thani of Qatar. April 15 In the morning, the President met with Gen. John W. Vessey, Jr., Special Emissary for POW/MIA Affairs. In the afternoon, he had lunch with the Vice President. April 16 The White House announced the President's initiative on telecommunications encryption technology. April 17 In the morning, the President traveled to Pittsburgh, PA, and he returned to Washington, DC, in the afternoon. April 19 In the evening, the President toured the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum. The President announced his intention to appoint Beth Nolan, currently serving in the White House Counsel's Office, to the National Commission on Judicial Discipline and Removal. April 20 In the morning, the President went jogging with Senator Harris Wofford and members of the District of Columbia National Service Corps. The President appointed James A. Baker III to lead the Presidential delegation to the state funeral of President Turgut Ozal of Turkey in Ankara on April 21. April 21 In the morning, the President went jogging with Boston Mayor Raymond Flynn and six winners of the Boston Marathon. Later, the President met with Gen. John W. Vessey, Jr., Special Emissary for POW/MIA Affairs. In the afternoon, the President met at the White House with: --President Lech Walesa of Poland; --President Chaim Herzog of Israel; --President Mario Soares of Portugal; --President Franjo Tudjman of Croatia; --President Ion Iliescu of Romania; --President Zhelyu Zhelev of Bulgaria; --President Arpad Goncz of Hungary; --President Milan Kucan of Slovenia; --President Vaclav Havel of the Czech Republic; --President Michal Kovac of the Slovak Republic; --Prime Minister Aleksandr Meksi of Albania; --Prime Minister Andrei Nicholas Sangheli of Moldova. In the evening, the President and Hillary Clinton hosted a private reception at Blair House. April 23 The President announced his intention to nominate the following individuals for the posts listed: Robert Nordhaus, General Counsel at the Department of Energy; Robert Hunter, Ambassador to NATO; and Bruce Lehman, Assistant Secretary of Commerce and Commissioner of Patents and Trademarks. The President appointed Nan Hunter to be Deputy General Counsel at the Department of Health and Human Services. The President announced his intention to nominate Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Henry G. Cisneros, Assistant to the President Alexis M. Herman, and Secretary of Agriculture Michael Espy to serve on the Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday Commission. The President designated Secretary of Commerce Ron Brown to serve as Vice Chair of the National Women's Business Council. April 24 In the morning, the President and Hillary Clinton traveled to Jamestown, VA, where they went sightseeing with several family members. Later, the President traveled to Williamsburg, where he attended the Senate Democrats Conference. April 25 In the morning, the President traveled from Williamsburg, VA, to Boston, MA. In the evening, he returned to Washington, DC. April 26 The President announced the establishment of a National Biological Survey, to be created by reorganizing and upgrading current biological research programs within the Department of the Interior. April 27 In the afternoon, the President met with congressional leaders. In the evening, the President attended a reception honoring Joe Moakley at the Hyatt Regency Hotel and later attended the National Endowment for Democracy reception at the Capitol Hilton. The President declared that major disasters existed in the following States: --Oklahoma, as a result of severe storms on April 24; --Oregon, as a result of an earthquake on March 25; and --Iowa, as a result of severe storms and flooding on March 26. In addition, the President approved expanded emergencies in Alabama and North Carolina, following se- [[Page 1263]] vere snowstorms on March 15 and March 13-17, respectively. April 28 In the afternoon, the President had lunch with the Vice President. In the evening, he hosted a working dinner for Members of the House of Representatives. April 29 In the afternoon, the President and Hillary Clinton met with King Juan Carlos I and Queen Sofia of Spain. In the evening, the President attended a reception for representatives of G-7 member nations at Blair House. April 30 In the morning, the President traveled to New Orleans, LA, and he returned to Washington, DC, in the evening. May 1 In the evening, the President attended the White House Correspondents' Association dinner at the Washington Hilton. The White House announced that the President has appointed Secretary of Health and Human Services Donna E. Shalala to head the delegation to the funeral of African National Congress leader Oliver Tambo in Johannesburg, South Africa, on May 2. May 3 The President announced that he has selected Adm. David E. Jeremiah, Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, as his special representative to the Australian-American Friendship Week activities in Canberra, Australia, from April 30 to May 8. May 5 In the afternoon, the President hosted a working lunch for a group of Democratic Senators. The White House announced that the President has asked Robin L. Raphel, a career Foreign Service officer, to be his personal representative at the funeral of slain Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa in Colombo, Sri Lanka, on May 6. May 6 In the afternoon, the President hosted a working lunch for a group of Republican Senators. In the evening, he met with members of the Senate Finance Committee. May 7 In the evening, the President and Hillary Clinton attended a reception in honor of the Commander in Chief and a Marine Corps evening parade at the Marine Barracks. The President designated Securities and Exchange Commission member Mary Schapiro as Acting Chair of the SEC pending the confirmation of Chair- designate Arthur Levitt, Jr. May 8 In the morning, the President met with national security advisers. May 9 In the afternoon, the President and Hillary Clinton toured an exhibit of French paintings at the National Gallery of Art. May 10 In the morning, the President traveled to Cleveland, OH, and Chicago, IL. May 11 In the afternoon, the President returned from Chicago, IL, to Washington, DC. May 12 In the afternoon, the President traveled to New York City, and he returned to Washington, DC, in the evening. The White House announced that the President transmitted to the Congress amendments to fiscal year 1994 appropriations requests for the Departments of Education and Agriculture. May 13 In the afternoon, the President had lunch with the Vice President. He then met with members of the National Association of Private Enterprise and a group of departing White House military aides. The President announced his approval of the following departmental appointments: John Horsley, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Transportation for Governmental Affairs; Kathryn Kahler, Director of Communications at the Department of Education; Ken Thorpe, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Health and Human Services for Planning and Evaluation; and Susan Levine, Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for International Development and Debt Policy. The President declared the following States major disaster areas: --Vermont and Maine, as a result of lake and river flooding caused by heavy rain and melting snow; --Oklahoma, as a result of storms, tornadoes, and flooding; --Missouri, due to damage resulting from heavy and continuous rainfall; and --Iowa, due to severe storms and flooding. May 14 In the afternoon, the President met with President Mary Robinson of Ireland. The President appointed Clifton H. Hoofman as a member of the National Council on Surface Transportation and Frances M. Visco as a member of the President's Cancer Panel. [[Page 1264]] May 15 In the afternoon, the President and Hillary Clinton attended the U.S. Air Force Thunderbirds aerial demonstration at Andrews Air Force Base in Camp Springs, MD. Later, they traveled to New York City, returning to Washington, DC, late that night. May 16 In the afternoon, the President and Chelsea Clinton attended a family picnic at Sidwell Friends School. Later in the afternoon, the President attended a health care meeting. May 17 In the morning, the President traveled to Los Alamos, NM, where he toured the Supercomputer Center and the Plasma Implantation Facility at the Los Alamos National Laboratory. In the afternoon, the President traveled to San Diego, CA. May 18 In the morning, the President traveled from San Diego to Los Angeles, CA, where he toured a laboratory at Los Angeles Valley College. In the afternoon, the President visited a sporting goods store in south central Los Angeles, where he played basketball with community members. In the evening, he returned to Washington, DC. May 19 In the morning, the President met with members of the Democratic Caucus and Democratic leaders on Capitol Hill. The White House announced that the President has invited President Sam Nujoma of Namibia to meet with him in Washington, DC, on June 16. May 20 In the afternoon, the President had lunch with the Vice President. May 22 In the morning, the President traveled to Stratham, NH, and he returned to Washington, DC, in the evening. May 25 In the morning, the President met with freshman Democratic Members of Congress. May 26 The President appointed Norman R. Augustine as Chair and William T. Esrey as Vice Chair of the President's National Security Telecommunications Advisory Committee (NSTAC). He also named Joseph T. Gorman and Albert F. Zettlemoyer to the NSTAC. May 27 In the afternoon, the President had lunch with the Vice President. He then met with winners of the U.S. FIRST science competition. May 28 In the morning, the President traveled to Philadelphia, PA, where he attended private receptions, and he returned to Washington, DC, in the evening. May 29 In the morning, the President traveled to West Point, NY, and he returned to Andrews Air Force Base, MD, in the afternoon. The President and Hillary Clinton then traveled to Camp David, MD, for the weekend. May 31 In the morning, the President and Hillary Clinton returned to the White House from Camp David and had breakfast with representatives of veterans groups. Later in the morning, the President visited Arlington National Cemetery, VA, where he placed a wreath at the Tomb of the Unknowns. In the afternoon, the President participated in a wreath-laying ceremony at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial. June 1 In the morning, the President traveled to Milwaukee, WI, and he returned to Washington, DC, in the evening. The White House announced that the President signed H.R. 1378, Making Technical Corrections in Defense-Related Laws. June 2 In the morning, the President participated with former Georgetown University classmates in a clean-up project sponsored by the Marshall Heights Community Development Organization at Watts Branch Park. June 3 In the morning, the President traveled to Frederick, MD, and he returned to Washington, DC, in the afternoon. June 4 In the afternoon, the President met with: --the Vice President; --Justice Department officials; --civil rights leaders. The White House announced that the President sent to the Congress requests for fiscal year 1993 supplemental appropriations. June 5 In the evening, the President hosted a reunion gala for former Georgetown University classmates. June 6 In the evening, the President attended a reception at Hickory Hill, the Kennedy estate in McLean, VA. [[Page 1265]] June 9 In the morning, the President and Hillary Clinton attended Chelsea Clinton's eighth grade graduation ceremony at Sidwell Friends School. June 10 In the afternoon, the President met with: --Jean Nickel, winner of the National Multiple Sclerosis Society's Mother of the Year award; --Bob Jester, winner of the National Multiple Sclerosis Society's Father of the Year award; --Dana Stephenson and Beth Troutman, recipients of America's National Teenager Scholarship Program; --Gabrielle Fleekop, a participant in the Make-A-Wish Foundation program. The President announced his intention to appoint Merrill D. Peterson, Thomas Jefferson professor of history emeritus at the University of Virginia, as Chairman of the Thomas Jefferson Commemoration Commission. The President also named the following persons as Commission members: John T. Casteen III, president, University of Virginia; James K. Golden, professor emeritus, Ohio State University; H. Draper Hunt, professor of history, University of Southern Maine; Russell E. Dickenson, former director, National Park Service; James R. Thompson, former Governor of Illinois; and George Taylor Stewart, president, the Foundation for Jefferson's Poplar Forest. June 11 In the afternoon, the President had lunch with Judge Stephen Breyer. Later in the afternoon, the President received diplomatic credentials from Ambassadors John de Chastelain of Canada, Rouben Robert Shugarian of Armenia, Edmond A. Mulet Lesieur of Guatemala, Mukhamed Bobir Malikov of Uzbekistan, and Amos Bernard Muvengwa Midzi of Zimbabwe. The White House announced that the Domestic Policy Council has formed a Working Group on Welfare Reform, Family Support, and Independence to be chaired by Bruce Reed, Deputy Assistant to the President for Domestic Policy; David Ellwood, Assistant Secretary of Health and Human Services for Planning and Evaluation; and the Assistant Secretary of Health and Human Services for Children and Families, after a nominee for that position is confirmed by the Senate. June 12 The President declared that a major disaster existed in Minnesota following severe storms, flooding, and tornadoes on May 6-19. June 13 In the evening, the President and Hillary Clinton hosted a reception for members of the White House press corps. June 14 The White House announced that the President has directed Secretary of Energy Hazel Rollins O'Leary to perform the duties of the Office of the Nuclear Waste Negotiator. The White House also announced that the President will visit Seoul, South Korea, on July 10-11 to meet with President Kim Yong-sam and visit American troops stationed at the DMZ. June 15 The White House announced that the President sent to the Congress amendments to the fiscal year 1994 appropriations requests for international development assistance, the Legal Services Corporation, and the Department of Justice. The President announced the selection of physicists Leon M. Lederman, Harold Brown, and John S. Foster, Jr., as winners of the 1992 Enrico Fermi Award. June 17 In the afternoon, the President had lunch with the Vice President. The President announced the appointment of Jody Greenstone as Special Assistant to the President and Deputy to the Counselor to the President. June 19 In the morning, the President traveled to Boston, MA. In the afternoon, he traveled to Portland, ME, and he returned to Washington, DC, in the evening. June 23 In the afternoon, the President had lunch with business leaders. In the evening, the President received diplomatic credentials from Ambassadors Mohamed Benaissa of Morocco, Roberto Mayorga-Cortes of Nicaragua, Thomas Kahota Kargbo of Sierra Leone, Li Daoyu of China, Han Sung-su of the Republic of Korea, and Adriaan Pieter Roetert Jacobovits de Szeged of The Netherlands. June 24 In the afternoon, the President had lunch with the Vice President. He later met with Joe Louis Barrow, Jr. In the evening, the President hosted a reception for congressional leaders. June 25 In the afternoon, the President had a telephone conversation with Henry Leon Ritzenthaler. [[Page 1266]] June 28 The President announced his intention to nominate Einar Dyhrkopp of Shawneetown, IL, to be a member of the U.S. Postal Service Board of Governors. June 30 In the evening, the President, Hillary Clinton, and Chelsea Clinton attended a performance of `` The Phantom of the Opera'' at the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts. July 1 In the afternoon, the President had lunch with the Vice President. In the evening, the President and Hillary Clinton had dinner with Senate Republican leader Robert Dole and Ambassador and Mrs. Robert Strauss. July 2 The President announced his intention to nominate career Foreign Service officers Edward Perkins and Victor Tomseth to be Ambassador to Australia and Ambassador to Laos, respectively, and Toby Gati to be Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and Research. In addition, the President has accorded the personal rank of Ambassador to Robert Gosende in his capacity as Special Envoy for Somalia. The President announced his approval of the following Senior Executive Service appointments at the Department of Defense: V. Larry Lynn, Deputy Under Secretary for Advanced Technology; Maj. Gen. Frank Horton, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Command, Control, Communications, and Intelligence; and Mari-Luci Jaramillo, Deputy Secretary for Inter-American Affairs. July 4 In the afternoon, the President traveled to Philadelphia, PA, where he participated in a Liberty Bell ringing ceremony. Later in the afternoon, he traveled to Eldridge, IA, where he surveyed damage caused by severe flooding. In the evening, the President traveled to San Francisco, CA. July 5 In the afternoon, the President and Hillary Clinton traveled from San Francisco, CA, to Tokyo, Japan. July 6 After arriving in Tokyo in the late afternoon, the President met with Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa of Japan at the Iikura House. July 7 In the morning, the President met with President Soeharto of Indonesia at the U.S. Embassy. In the afternoon, he met with Prime Minister John Major of the United Kingdom at the Okura Hotel. In the evening, the President attended a working dinner at the residence of Prime Minister Miyazawa. July 8 In the morning, the President attended sessions of the economic summit and a working luncheon at the Akasaka Palace. In the late afternoon, he met with Chancellor Helmut Kohl of Germany. In the evening, the President and Hillary Clinton attended a dinner hosted by Emperor Akihito at the Imperial Palace. July 9 In the morning, the President attended sessions of the economic summit at the Akasaka Palace. In the afternoon, the President attended a working luncheon with Prime Minister Kim Campbell of Canada at the residence of the U.S. Ambassador. He then returned to the Akasaka Palace to attend final sessions of the economic summit. The President named Gerald Corrigan, president and CEO of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, as Chairman of the Russian-American Enterprise Fund. July 10 In the late morning, the President and Hillary Clinton traveled from Tokyo, Japan, to Seoul, South Korea. July 11 In the morning, the President had breakfast with President Kim Yong-sam of South Korea in the Blue House garden. In the evening, the President and Hillary Clinton traveled to Honolulu, HI, crossing the international dateline and arriving in Honolulu on the morning of June 11. After arriving in the early morning, the President had breakfast with servicemen at the Pearl Harbor Naval Base. After the breakfast, the President and Hillary Clinton participated in a wreath-laying ceremony at the U.S.S. Arizona Memorial. The President then attended briefings at the CINCPAC headquarters at Camp H.M. Smith. In the evening, the President and Hillary Clinton attended a dinner for Gov. John Waihee of Hawaii. July 13 In the late evening, the President traveled from Honolulu, HI, to Des Moines, IA. July 14 Following his arrival in Des Moines in the morning, the President took a helicopter tour of areas damaged by severe flooding in Iowa. In the evening, he returned to Washington, DC. The President announced the addition of 87 more counties in the State of Iowa to the Presidential major [[Page 1267]] disaster declaration of July 9, allowing flood victims to be eligible for Federal assistance. The additions brought to 99 the number of counties in Iowa eligible for Federal assistance to affected residents and businesses. July 15 In the afternoon, the President had lunch with the Vice President. The President announced his intention to nominate Joseph Swerdzewski to be General Counsel of the Federal Labor Relations Authority and Alice Dear to be Executive Director of the African Development Bank, and to renominate William Hathaway as a member and Chair of the Federal Maritime Commission. July 17 In the morning, the President traveled to St. Louis, MO, where he took a helicopter tour of areas damaged by severe flooding. In the afternoon, the President traveled to Little Rock, AR. July 18 In the afternoon, the President returned to Washington, DC, from Little Rock, AR. July 19 The President declared that major disasters existed in Nebraska and South Dakota as a result of severe storms and flooding and ordered the Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide assistance to affected individuals and communities in those States. July 22 The White House announced the President will travel to Chicago, IL, on July 26 to address the Conference on the Future of the American Workplace sponsored by the Departments of Commerce and Labor The President declared that a major disaster existed in Kansas as a result of severe storms and flooding and ordered the Federal Emergency Management Agency to assist individuals and families in a five-county area. The President announced the following Senior Executive Service appointments: U.S. International Development Cooperation Agency Richard McCall, Jr., Chief of Staff, Agency for International Development Department of Commerce Will Martin, Special Adviser for International Affairs, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Department of Defense Keith Gaby, Director of Intergovernmental Affairs Jonathan Spalter, Special Assistant to the Principal Deputy Under Secretary for Policy Timothy Connelly, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Special Operations and Low Intensity Conflict Carol DiBattiste, Principal Deputy General Counsel of the Navy Sandra Stuart, Assistant to the Secretary for Legislative Affairs Todd Weiler, Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Army for Training Wade R. Sanders, Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Navy for Reserves Joseph J. Kruzel, Deputy Assistant Secretary, European and NATO Policy Department of Education Howard Ray Moses, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Special Education and Rehabilitative Services Raymond C. Pierce, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Office of Civil Rights Thomas R. Wolanin, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Office of Legislation and Congressional Affairs Department of Energy Dan W. Reicher, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Office of Environmental Restoration and Waste Management Terry Cornwall Rumsey, Director, Office of Scientific and Technical Information General Services Administration Patrick Dorinson, Assistant Administrator for Public Affairs Emily Clark Hewitt, General Counsel Kenneth Kimbrough, Commissioner of Building Services Department of Health and Human Services Anna Durand, Deputy General Counsel Ann Rosewater, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Policy and External Affairs, Administration for Children, Youth and Families Department of the Interior Robert L. Baum, Associate Solicitor (Conservation and Wildlife) Anne H. Shields, Deputy Solicitor Department of Justice Samuel J. Dubbin, Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of Policy Development George Havens, Special Assistant, Office of the Attorney General Sheldon C. Bilchik, Assistant Deputy Attorney General Robert Brink, Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legislative Affairs Department of State Barbara Mills Larkin, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Legislative Affairs [[Page 1268]] Valerie A. Mims, Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of Legislative Affairs Department of Transportation Theodore A. McConnell, Chief Counsel, Federal Highway Administration Department of the Treasury Fe Morales Marks, Deputy Assistant Secretary (Financial Institutions) Mozelle Willmont Thompson, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Government Finance David A. Lipton, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Eastern European and Former Soviet Union Policy Office of the United States Trade Representative Irving A. Williamson, Deputy General Counsel Jennifer Hillman, Chief Textile Negotiator July 23 In the morning, the President traveled to Little Rock, AR, where he and Hillary Clinton attended the funeral service for Deputy White House Counsel Vincent Foster, Jr., at St. Andrew's Cathedral. In the afternoon, they traveled to Hope, AR, where they attended the burial service at Memory Gardens Cemetery. July 24 In the early morning, the President and Hillary Clinton returned to Washington, DC, from Little Rock, AR. July 26 In the morning, the President went jogging with the Achilles Track Club. He then traveled to Chicago, IL. In the evening, the President attended a Democratic National Committee dinner at the Chicago Historical Society and then returned to Washington, DC. The President declared that a major disaster existed in North Dakota due to excessive rainfall and flooding beginning June 22. July 28 In the evening, the President met with the Democratic Study Group on Capitol Hill. He then had dinner with House Members in the House Longworth Cafeteria. July 29 In the afternoon, the President had lunch with the Vice President. He then met with recipients of the Enrico Fermi Award. July 30 The White House announced that the President added $1.3 billion to his request for supplemental appropriations to cover emergency expenses related to the Midwest flooding. | ||||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 27 | http://www.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/europe/11/21/denmark.result/ | en | Danish prime minister resigns | [
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] | null | [] | null | null | COPENHAGEN, Denmark -- Denmark's long-standing Social Democrat Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen has handed in his resignation to Queen Margrethe after suffering a drubbing at the polls.
Liberal leader Anders Fogh Rasmussen led the centre-right to a landslide win in Tuesday's general election -- largely on the issue of immigration -- in a bitter contest.
He is expected to be asked by the Queen to form a new government later on Wednesday. Fogh Rasmussen, 48, said his first acts would be to tighten immigration laws, cap taxes and improve welfare provision.
The former taxation and economic affairs minister had campaigned under the slogan "Time For Change" and his victory is seen as a marked shift to the right.
With 98.9 percent of the vote counted, the Liberal Party and its allies, including the anti-immigration Danish People's Party, had 98 seats in the 179-seat parliament, well above the 90 needed for a majority.
RESOURCES
CNN.dk
RESOURCES
Profile: Anders Fogh Rasmussen
The ruling and once deemed electorally invincible Social Democrats and their parliamentary supporters won just 77 seats. In the last election in 1998, Nyrup Rasmussen had an 88-87 majority.
Fogh Rasmussen's Liberals won 31.2 percent of the vote, up from 24.0 in 1998 and replacing the Social Democrats as Denmark's biggest party for the first time in 80 years. The Social Democrats won 29.3 percent, down from 35.9.
Nyrup Rasmussen, in office since 1993 and the EU's longest serving PM, made a tearful concession of defeat on Tuesday night. He will remain head of a caretaker government until his namesake takes charge. The two Rasmussens are not related.
Fogh Rasmussen is expected to form a coalition with the Conservatives and perhaps the small centrist Christian People's Party.
But the final form of a new government, which could take several days to assemble, could depend on the nationalist, anti-immigrant Danish People's Party, led by Pia Kjaersgaard, 54, which was the second big winner after the Liberals.
Fogh Rasmussen told a TV interviewer of his plans for the first 100 days of office: "We want to reform hospitals, ensure better care of the elderly, increase maternity leave to one year... tighten policy regarding foreigners and, from day one, put a lid on taxes."
His calls for stricter limits on asylum seekers and refugees, seen as "spongers" by right-wingers, became the biggest campaign issue in a nation where the main parties showed little difference on economic policy. Both pledged to keep unemployment at its 25-year low.
The defeat was a major rebuff to Nyrup Rasmussen, 58, who called the snap election in a gamble that voters would unite behind his nine-year leadership after the September 11 attacks on the United States.
Denmark is the second Scandinavian nation after Norway to oust ditch a Social Democratic government this year in favour of the centre-right. Norway's Labour Party, blamed for failing to update a cradle-to-grave welfare state, lost a September election.
In Sweden, Social Democratic Prime Minister Goran Persson faces an election in September 2002. His party won just 36.6 percent of the vote at the last elections in 1998, the party's worst result since 1920.
Turnout on Tuesday was 89.3 percent, a near record. | ||||||||
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correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 68 | https://www.e-flux.com/journal/22/67762/on-the-turn-towards-liberal-state-racism-in-denmark/ | en | On the Turn Towards Liberal State Racism in Denmark | [
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] | null | [] | null | … | en | null | The only positive thing about the situation in Denmark—where we have not only a riled up racist public sphere in which “foreigners” are smeared and mocked on a daily basis, but also actual race-based laws against immigrants and asylum seekers—is the certainty with which we can recognize the national democratic system as an obstacle to any kind of progressive offensive aimed at radically restructuring the wretched state of affairs at present. A first step in doing so would be to abandon any kind of confidence in the national democracy’s political forms, such as the party or the union, that still refer to the nation-state. At this point in history, the project in Denmark, and perhaps the West in general, is primarily a negative one: we must dissolve the various old, white, middle-class institutions, and stop forcing the lower classes of the world into them. We have to start over.
The Fight for the Racist Vote
But how did the situation get so bad in Denmark? Of course, it can be difficult to pinpoint the turn that enabled social democratic, conservative, and liberal politicians alike to cast suspicion on immigrants in a very brutalizing language, followed by the establishment of race-based laws. When in 1997 Poul Nyrup Rasmussen’s social democratic government named Thorkild Simonsen minister of interior affairs, explicitly assigning him with the task of making it more difficult to gain asylum in Denmark, the process was already well under way. When the Nyrup Rasmussen government was reelected the following year, the newly-created, explicitly racist right-wing Danish People’s Party, headed by Pia Kjærsgaard, gained thirteen seats in parliament. The party’s campaign was solely based on hatred of foreigners, especially Muslims, and it would repeatedly allege that Islam and Muslims sought to destroy Danish society and Denmark as a nation through immigration. “The latest figures show that there are approximately 415,000 foreigners in Denmark and that in just fifteen years there will be more than a million. We are confronted with a genuine mass-migration from the Third World,” a press release stated. These figures are completely wrong—in 1998 there were 195,000 immigrants from “less developed” parts of the world, according to Statistics Denmark, making Denmark one of the least “mixed” countries in Europe.
In the winter of 1998–99, the two Danish tabloids BT and Ekstra Bladet joined the “battle” and began publishing stories on a daily basis about the ways in which immigrants were “cheating” the Danish welfare system. The racist rhetoric was setting the agenda in Denmark, and the social democratic government tried yet again to conform to the new discourse by making Karen Jespersen minister of interior affairs, with the explicit aim of tightening the immigration rules. From then on, almost all parties joined the scramble for the racist votes, all arguing against immigration and referring to a loose idea that the Danish community and a very specific Danish sensibility was threatened and needed protection.
But of course, keeping up with the Danish People’s Party was difficult, as it produced increasingly demonic representations of a small, innocent Danish heaven with green pastures and smiling people being slowly demolished by the arrival of hateful and barbarian Muslim foreigners unwilling to assimilate into the Danish community and accept its values and customs. As Danish People’s Party member Mogens Camre explained in 1999, “Muslims come here with a beggar’s staff in their hands and as soon as they are allowed inside Denmark the staff is transformed into a stick whipping us into line.” The scene had been set. When the director of the Confederation of Danish Industry, Hans Skov Christensen, wrote a feature article in the daily Politiken in 2000 arguing that Denmark in fact needed more immigrants in order to be able to compete on the global market, he was immediately met by a storm of protests and forced to affirm his Danishness by declaring that he too hoisted the Danish flag on national holidays. Even as early as 2000, it seemed that it was already too late for Denmark. And in many respects the racist backlash was only reaffirmed in the 2001 election, when a coalition between the conservative and the liberal parties, headed by Anders Fogh Rasmussen, gained power with the support of the Danish People’s Party.
Whereas the arrival of populist and racist parties in countries like France in the 1990s had polarized the political debate, such a polarization did not take place in Denmark. Instead, all parties decided to incorporate the racist agenda, and most of the press and the media followed by reproducing aggressive racist remarks, arguing that it was a good thing to be able to debate these issues. Of course, there was no actual debate, only stigmatization and smear campaigns.
Racial Laws and State of Emergency
Then came 9/11, and all ideas about a more just redistribution of wealth between rich and poor were replaced with the so-called war on terror, enabling not only invasion wars carried out under the banner of a “clash of civilizations,” but also instituting the present state of emergency, which included a profusion of unspecified laws aimed at impeding the movements of immigration and extending networks of control and surveillance throughout Western cities. Islam has now become largely synonymous with terrorism. The election in Denmark took place little more than a month after the precision bombing of New York and Washington by enemies of the American empire, and the only topic in the election concerned not just bringing immigration to a halt, but the question of how to purge criminal immigrants—including so-called second generation immigrants born and raised in Denmark. All major parties from the Social Democrats to the Liberal Party accepted the premise that immigration was a problem or a threat. The latter launched a fierce campaign for Denmark to simply throw out immigrants or children of immigrants if they committed a crime or in any other way did not conform to the Danish way of life. One of the party’s posters showed a photo documenting a group of young immigrants of Middle Eastern origin giving the finger to the photographer while leaving a court. “Time for a change,” the caption read.
The Danish People’s Party obviously outdid the other parties in its 2001 election campaign. For instance, it published a 210-page book titled The Future of Denmark: Your Country, Your Choice; the photo on its cover depicted what appeared to be agitated Middle Eastern men carrying guns and shouting. The threat towards Danish welfare had to be visualized again and again. One of the campaign posters for the election showed an image of a smiling blond girl with the caption, “When she retires, there will be a Muslim majority in Denmark.” Another poster by the youth wing of the party showed the head of a veiled woman with the text, “Your Denmark? A multiethnic society with: Gang rapes, violence, insecurity, forced marriages, repression of women, gang crimes. Do you want that?” Nevertheless, the party was welcomed into the sphere of power and participated in formulating the new government program, making sure that immigration to Denmark would become nearly impossible thereafter.
The election in 2001 was historical because it became possible to form an exclusively right-wing government supported by the populist and extreme right-wing Danish People’s Party, neutralizing the role of the small center parties that usually take part in forming a new government in Denmark (these parties had unsuccessfully tried to avoid the most strident racist rhetoric while still accepting the general trend towards anti-immigration and xenophobia). The first in a long and seemingly never-ending series of laws hindering immigration saw the light of day in 2001, and made it extremely difficult for someone living in Denmark to bring their “non-Danish” partner to Denmark. Soon after, the government and the Danish People’s Party introduced the so-called Start Help unemployment assistance program, making out of work immigrants receive a significantly lower transfer income than that of “real Danes.” The UN Refugee Agency and the EU protested, but the criticism was rejected and since the Danish press had recently normalized the new discourse, such “external” critique was presented as irrelevant or as a genuflection for suspicious multicultural ideas that did not yet comprehend the threats of totalitarian Islam.
When political phenomena like the rise of right-wing populism in Europe is addressed in Danish media, the Danish People’s Party is rarely mentioned. Jörg Haider, Jean-Marie Le Pen, and Geert Wilders are given as examples, but Pia Kjærsgaard is not. Racism has simply become the norm for Danes. Racism? No, just a healthy and outspoken relationship with the problems connected with immigrants and foreigners. In less than ten years, Danes slowly grew accustomed to seeing foreigners as threatening and subhuman, as those who could be not only repressed, but also persecuted. Globally, it is, for the most part, the bombed and butchered Palestinian refugees that have had to bear the brunt of this development, while the Western middle classes are trained in racism.
The launch of the defense of Denmark against Muslim immigration was just one component of the new liberal right-wing government’s politics. Another consisted in siding with George W. Bush and his war on terror. The Danish government was always there next to Bush, from the invasion of Afghanistan to the occupation of Iraq—and Danish troops are still present in Afghanistan. The Danish participation was a dramatic change from the significantly less active role the Danish military played on the global scene during and after the Cold War. That the invasion of Iraq was based on lies—there were no weapons of mass destruction or terrorist cells in Iraq—never became a matter of discussion in Denmark. The government and the Danish People’s Party have so far managed to silence all criticism by presenting criticism of the war on terror as synonymous with support of the terrorists.
Authenticity Totalitarianism
The collaboration between the liberal right-wing government and the People’s Party effectively confirmed the transformation of politics in Denmark into what we might term national democratic authenticity totalitarianism, a peculiar mixture of democracy, racism, and fascism, primarily expressed as a cultivation of Danish authenticity and hatred of foreigners. All that is seen as foreign to Danish values is presented as a threat, from al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and Saddam Hussein and his Baath Party, to local immigrants wearing veils and the non-parliamentary left wing. They are all security risks that must be handled—by preemptive measures, if necessary.
Newspaper ad by the right-wing party Venstre with the caption: “A immigration policy that is both fair and firm,” 2001.
In 2003, the government launched a genuine campaign against Muslims, urban youth culture, the so-called cultural elite, and anything seemingly left-wing. The Fogh Rasmussen government labeled the campaign a “battle of culture” and argued that it was necessary to protect Denmark against multiculturalism, Islam, and the left. A canon of “Danish” values was subsequently drafted and made obligatory reading in schools. And canons of Danish art, literature, music, architecture, and film were also produced and circulated with great fanfare. The minister of culture, Brian Mikkelsen, talked about the existence of “a medieval Muslim culture” in Denmark that had to be eliminated, and Fogh Rasmussen stressed the need to protect Western values militarily as well as culturally. Groups that somehow did not fit the dominant vision of Danish identity were in for a hard time. The Muhammad drawings from 2005, in which the right-wing daily Jyllands Posten mocked local Muslims, and the eviction at the Youth House in Copenhagen in 2007, where a viable youth culture was deprived of a semi-autonomous space, were the most visible signs of this campaign against alternative ways of life in Denmark.
As the raiding of the Youth House shows, the xenophobic campaign against Muslim immigrants was accompanied by an attack on the left. According to the government, the country was in need of a cleansing of the old leftist and 1968 ideas that threatened to destroy the Danish community in favor of a multicultural society. To an unprecedented extent, the government pressured public institutions like state television and the university system to distance themselves from what were perceived to be dangerous ‘68ist currents. The demonization of left-wing ideology continued in the ongoing dismantling of the welfare state, with healthcare, education, and research budgets being seriously cut—a move that has been further intensified with the financial crisis, which the market-liberal right-wing government has, with its supporting party, seized upon as a favorable window of opportunity.
Excessive use of violence and the criminalization of formerly accepted expressions and actions were also the order of the day. During the fights that broke out after the brutal raiding of the Youth House on May 1, 2007, the police took a strong line against the protesters and imposed visitation zones in several districts of Copenhagen, searching thousands of people unlikely to have done anything of a criminal nature. On several occasions during the last few years, immigrants have been charged with planning terror attacks and officially expelled from Denmark without legal trial, due to security reasons known only to the secret service and the minister of justice. Lawyers and human rights groups have protested, but the critique of these incidents has been easily rejected as naïve, referencing the threats circulated by the government’s politics of fear.
Foreigners and Modern Art
These local developments were, of course, linked to the global process that for a period was named “the war on terror” but in effect constituted an extensive neoliberal counterrevolution expanding a closely-defined capitalist power base by combining liberal market economy with emergency laws—the same meeting of liberalism and right-wing populism that became the norm in the Western world since 2000. Although there were differences between the emergency neo-liberalism of George W. Bush, Tony Blair, Silvio Berlusconi, and Fogh Rasmussen, the overall pattern was pretty clear: tax releases for the wealthy went hand in hand with a kind of stylistic demagoguery and a provocative emphasis on the dangers against the national community lurking everywhere, but from foreigners and Muslims especially. Looking back on this period from 2000 to 2008 one might describe this mixture—that also included a very conscious use of religion—as liberal Bonapartism following Marx’s description of the post-republican Louis Bonaparte and his regime.
One might argue for making a connection between the present Danish liberal state racism and different populist movements of the 1960s and early 1970s in Denmark that expressed hate and resentment towards foreigners and modern art. The so-called Rindalism (named after Peter Rindal, a warehouse manager from Herning) attacked experimental art and the newly-created Danish Arts Council for its support of the period’s abstract and conceptual art. Rindal saw the Danish Arts Council’s activities as scandalous for using state resources to support incomprehensible and strange art. The opposition against modern art was articulated in explicit nationalist terms where modern art was considered to be foreign and a threat to the healthy values of ordinary Danes. Rindal’s resentment and anger gained further ground in the election in 1973, when two new anti-state and xenophobic protest parties gained seats in parliament through campaigns complaining that the state was becoming increasingly large, colonizing people’s lives, and even spending money on meaningless art.
The mistrust of art, or at least experimental art, is still an ingredient in the politics of the Danish People’s Party. The leader of the party, Pia Kjærsgaard, is no great fan of modern and contemporary art. In one interview she clarified her position, stating that “two naked men running around on a stage saying pling [sic] is not art.” Art should educate people about Danish democratic values rather than create problems, Kjærsgaard explained. The party has therefore used its influence to secure money for the preservation of various Christian monuments in Denmark, as well of the home of the nationalist writer Kaj Munk. In accordance with this agenda, the liberal right-wing government has pressed, as we have seen, for a nationalist implementation of art, restructuring support for the arts according to a new public management discourse by which art is measured in economic terms and used to promote tourism in Denmark. These developments were, of course, similar to what took place in many other Western European countries during that period.
Resistance
There has been very little resistance to these developments in Denmark since the late 1990s. Few dissidents have made their voices heard, and often they have had difficulties voicing their views in the subservient Danish media, and have had to establish alternative networks and journals, which are often hard to keep running. During the last three years, where the government and the Danish People’s Party have continued to find new ways of tightening the already extremely severe immigration law, a number of grassroots activities have nevertheless appeared. In 2007, a group called Grandparents for Asylum started demonstrating in front of the Sandholm refugee camp outside Copenhagen, and continue to do so today. In 2008, a large demonstration mostly composed of youths from the Youth House movement tried to close down the Sandholm camp and engaged in fights with the police as they tried to tear down the fence surrounding the camp, where asylum seekers have been kept for years. The huge amounts of teargas used by police to contain the protesters has been harshly criticized, even by political parties and media experts who have previously commended their containment of protesters. In 2009, a group of sixty rejected asylum seekers from Iraq—a country Denmark had invaded along with the US and the coalition of the willing, displacing more than four million Iraqis—sought refuge in a church in Copenhagen, fearing for their safety upon returning to Iraq in the midst of a civil war. A group calling themselves Church Asylum supported the immigrants and tried to prevent the church from being raided, which took place on the night of August 13, 2009, with a massive police force.
The most potent protest movement has surely been the movement that manifested itself after the raiding of the Youth House on March 1, 2007, when thousands entered the streets protesting and fighting the police. For more than a year a demonstration took place every Thursday until the municipality of Copenhagen decided to give the movement a new home. The welfare cuts that have been a permanent item on the liberal right-wing government’s agenda have also occasionally been met with demonstrations. In 2006, more than a hundred thousand people protested in Copenhagen against the “new necessary measures” for securing the Danish economy. But until now it has been very difficult to make connections between protests against racial laws and demonstrations against welfare cuts. Anti-racist and anti-war resistance have rarely fused with a critique of the government’s neoliberal policy. And of course that is also a part of a more general picture in the Western world, where there is no coherent resistance. There seems to be a wide abyss between the street and the shop floor, and the sporadic militancy of the street is rarely able to spread to other places. Apparently, it is not possible to formulate a coherent critique whose individual objects are joined together in a radical critique of the capitalist system assuming the form of money and state.
Beyond the National Democracies
Looking back on these developments in Denmark, it is clear that the Danish People’s Party played a leading role in the racist turn that took place, but it would be foolish to analyze the shift by looking exclusively at that particular party. It is also necessary to look critically at the national democracy as a structure that carries within it the possibility of exclusion and racialist tightening when large parts of the population experience fear and lack of direction, as was increasingly the case with the process of globalization. The meaninglessness of capitalism, in which we reproduce the world each day but feel devoid of agency and control over our life, calls for the nation-state to momentarily stop constant deterritorialization and glue society back together again. And that operation increasingly take place through exclusion. One of the best descriptions of the process in which national democracies turn racist can be found in Hannah Arendt’s analysis of the large-scale migration movements after World War I as having exposed the mechanisms of exclusion inherent in the nation-state, opening the possibility for the Nazi regime to transform Jewish Germans into stateless subjects deprived of any rights and ready for elimination. We might not be there yet, but as the late Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe warned when confronted with the rise of Le Pen, we are in a state of urgency, because racism can cause matters to escalate quickly from repression via persecution to elimination.
What is to be done? The tools to develop enemy-focused internal self-management are far superior today to even what Debord foresaw, and this tends to render former revolutionary slogans obsolete. It is difficult to see a subversive international subject anywhere preparing to push, rebel, and abolish wage labor, the money economy, and the state, but at least things are starting to stir a bit in places like Athens and Dhaka. Only time will tell whether the anger and meaninglessness will be picked up by counter-revolutionary dynamics or develop into a real alternative. Let us hope it will, and let us do all we can in the meantime to dissolve the national democracy that is not, as Lenin argued in 1920, an empty shell (to be used by communists agitating for revolution), but something that involves the population and leaves its stamp on it. In the present situation, perhaps that would amount to half a revolution. | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 24 | https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Marienborg | en | Marienborg | [
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] | null | [] | null | Marienborg, a mid 18th-century country house perched on a small hilltop on the northern shore of Bagsværd Lake, Lyngby-Taarbæk Municipality, 15 kilometres (9.3 mi) north of downtown Copenhagen, has served as the official residence of Denmark's prime minister since 1962. It is frequently used for governmental conferences, summits and other official purposes, including the prime minister's new year speech. Unlike the residences of many other heads of government and state, Marienborg does not serve as the government headquarters or contain the office of the prime minister. The Prime Minister's Office is instead located in Christiansborg on Slotsholmen in downtown Copenhagen. Marienborg was listed on the Danish registry of protected buildings and places in 1964. | en | Wikiwand | https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Marienborg | Not to be confused with Marienborg Manor, on the island of Møn.
Marienborg, a mid 18th-century country house perched on a small hilltop on the northern shore of Bagsværd Lake, Lyngby-Taarbæk Municipality, 15 kilometres (9.3 mi) north of downtown Copenhagen, has served as the official residence of Denmark's prime minister since 1962. It is frequently used for governmental conferences, summits and other official purposes, including the prime minister's new year speech.[1][2] Unlike the residences of many other heads of government and state (e.g. the White House, 10 Downing Street, La Moncloa and Élysée Palace), Marienborg does not serve as the government headquarters or contain the office of the prime minister. The Prime Minister's Office is instead located in Christiansborg on Slotsholmen in downtown Copenhagen. Marienborg was listed on the Danish registry of protected buildings and places in 1964. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 85 | http://trondni.blogspot.com/2010/02/new-books-foghs-premiership.html | en | Trond Norén Isaksen: New books: Fogh’s premiership | http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_JiP5gn_rIac/S2a3-WsZsLI/AAAAAAAABhI/QNZ2w_2GVMI/w1200-h630-p-k-no-nu/Pr%C3%A6sidenten.jpg | http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_JiP5gn_rIac/S2a3-WsZsLI/AAAAAAAABhI/QNZ2w_2GVMI/w1200-h630-p-k-no-nu/Pr%C3%A6sidenten.jpg | [
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] | null | Anders Fogh Rasmussen was Prime Minister of Denmark from 2001 to 2009 before resigning to become Secretary General of NATO . Unlike other D... | http://trondni.blogspot.com/favicon.ico | http://trondni.blogspot.com/2010/02/new-books-foghs-premiership.html | Anders Fogh Rasmussen was Prime Minister of Denmark from 2001 to 2009 before resigning to become Secretary General of NATO. Unlike other Danish prime ministers he thereby left office of his own free will and in “triumph” rather than because of ill-health, death or defeat. His 7 ½ years in office were also one of the most successful Danish premierships, Troels Mylenberg and Bjarne Steensbeck, political journalists at Berlingske Tidende, argues in their new book Præsidenten – Foghs Danmark 2001-2009 (published by Gyldendal).
This is no full-scale biography of Fogh, but rather a book about the major events of his premiership. It begins with the end, charting the difficult and long drawn-out process which ended with his being chosen to lead NATO in April last year. The authors also take us back to the earlier stages of his political career, showing how Fogh was a more ideological politician than many of his colleagues in the Liberal Party.
Fogh was very narrowly defeated in the 1998 election by the incumbent Social Democrat Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, but succeeded in winning the premiership three years later. By then the parliamentary situation had changed, ejecting two of Fogh’s prospective coalition partners from Parliament, leaving him with a coalition of his own party and the Conservative Party and dependent on the far right-wing Danish People’s Party for a parliamentary majority. Fogh was the undisputed leader of Denmark for nearly eight years, something the authors argue was possible partly due to the fact that the main opposition party, the Social Democrats, was more preoccupied with internal wars than with opposing the government.
Anders Fogh Rasmussen had a clear agenda for his premiership and many (including me) think that he changed Denmark to the worse. Yet one must admit that he was very successful in achieving his goals and some of the changes he implemented are so thorough that they are nearly impossible to reverse. Some of it, such as his very strict immigration policy (it is perhaps a sign of xenophobia that the Danes call it “foreigner policy”), has even been adopted by his political opponents, which shows that Fogh was even able to alter political thinking in general.
Fogh chose confrontation rather than cooperation and his style of leadership was so authoritarian that it earned him the nickname “the President” among the Conservative ministers. According to Mylenberg and Steensbeck, he always got his way in cabinet and his treatment of his colleagues was not always pleasant. One of his party colleagues points out that the way Fogh centralised all decisions might be the reason why the party lost 20,000 members during his leadership, suggesting that his authoritarian style did not really inspire people to become involved. As a prime minister, he was more respected than well-liked, and as a person he projected a near-ascetic image, always completely in control of himself and events, almost entirely without a sense of humour. The authors point out that this was not wholly true, but again it shows how he succeeded in shaping the image he wanted.
This also showed in how he often got away with changing his opinion dramatically, yet insisting that he had held the same view throughout – the debacle over the Danish Mohamed caricatures (“the greatest foreign policy crisis since World War II”) is a prime example, the authors argue. Villy Søvndal, leader of the Socialist People’s Party, once said that Fogh had only three answers: “That I can most certainly deny”, “There is nothing to find there” and “Let us rather look ahead” and that he might rationalise by numbering them and answering any question with either “one”, “two” or “three”.
Some of the most interesting parts of this book are the interviews with Fogh himself, which reveal a lot of his way of thinking and arguing. To be tough on crime was one of Fogh’s election promises in 2001 and when the authors point out that the recent “gang wars” in Copenhagen may be a result of the government’s focus on harder sentences rather than preventing crime, Fogh replies that it should be seen “in relation to how things are in other countries and how it might have been. It might have been much worse”. The belief that things might have been worse is perhaps not the surest sign of success.
Fogh advocated a more activist foreign policy and this led to Denmark taking part in the war on Iraq as one of Bush’s most loyal allies. Although the Danish Parliament’s decision to take part in the war was formally based solely on Saddam Hussein’s failure to comply with UN resolutions, Fogh explicitly used the “fact” that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction as a key argument, such as on 22 September 2002 when he told his party conference that “it is too late when the toxic gas or the lethal illness has been spread over one of our big cities”. Later he has gone to great lengths to deny that he ever used such arguments and in this book even denies that it influenced his decision in any way.
During a visit to George W. Bush’s ranch in Texas in the spring of 2008, Fogh said publicly to Bush that “you, Mr President, and the USA have to a greater extent than anyone else advanced this vision of peace and democracy throughout the world. Allow me to praise you for that”. Now he says that it was only natural for him to consider the American request for assistance in a positive light. “Of course one has to make one’s own decision, but we are allies and partners, and when allies and partners ask for something, one is obliged to consider it positively”.
When asked what spoke against the war, Fogh mentions simply that war “might cost human lives”. The possible consequences of the war, such as destabilising the Middle East, an increase in terrorism and the destruction of Iraq’s infrastructure (dangers which were pointed out by many opponents, who, it should be added, turned out to be right) are not touched on by the man who is now Secretary General of NATO.
It is also interesting that he professes his belief that the “North Korean problem is hopefully solved someday” as if this will solve itself, and adds “I believe one should arm oneself with a certain degree of patience in international diplomacy”. This patience obviously did not extend to allowing the UN weapon inspectors to finish their work in Iraq in 2003.
While Tony Blair during his “testimony” for the Chilcot Inquiry on Friday was only willing to say that he was sorry his decisions over Iraq had proved divisive, Fogh is not even willing to admit that his actions were divisive.
The authors conclude that Fogh “did achieve his goals for Denmark. Particularly because he moved both the goals and himself. And at the same time even made it look like he and the goals were written in stone. Fogh was a deeply pragmatic prime minister. A prime minister who knew what he wanted, but was content with what he got”.
This book will certainly not be the last word on the decisive and divisive premiership of Anders Fogh Rasmussen and with the passing of time we will probably learn more about what went on behind the scenes than Mylenberg and Steensbeck have been able to find out so far. Until then this is an interesting and insightful contribution. The book would in my opinion have benefited from a more chronological approach – as it is it begins with the process leading to Fogh’s NATO appointment in which his handling of the Mohamed caricature crisis and the Iraq war played significant parts, but those events are only dealt with towards the end of the book. Several of the chapters also begin in media res before going back and telling the story from beginning to end, thereby becoming somewhat repetitive. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 30 | https://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/visits/denmark | en | Visits by Foreign Leaders | [
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] | null | [] | null | history.state.gov 3.0 shell | en | /resources/images/favicon.ico | null | Prime Minister Hedtoft Arrived in U.S. November 16, aboard inaugural trans-Arctic flight to Los Angeles by Scandinavian Airlines. Met with President Eisenhower November 24. November 23–26, 1954 Prime Minister Hansen Unofficial visit; attended Minnesota Statehood Centennial in Minneapolis and St. Paul. May 8–14, 1958 King Frederik IX State visit. In U.S. October 4–17, visiting Los Angeles, San Francisco, Chicago, New York City, and Albany (New York). October 11–14, 1960 Prime Minister Kampmann Informal visit. In U.S. February 11–19, visiting New York City, Mystic (Connecticut), Chicago, and San Francisco. February 14–15, 1961 Prime Minister Krag Attended funeral of President Kennedy. November 24–25, 1963 Prime Minister Krag Private visit. June 9–12, 1964 Prime Minister Jens Otto Krag Private visit. Arrived in U.S. April 20; visited New York City and Omaha. Met with President Johnson April 27. April 22–27, 1966 Prime Minister Jens Otto Krag Informal visit. Discussed the Middle East crisis with President Johnson. June 22, 1967 Prime Minister Jens Otto Krag Informal visit. September 27, 1967 Prime Minister Hilmar T. I. Baunsgaard Official visit. In U.S. April 12–19; visited Williamsburg, and afterwards made a private visit to New York City. April 14–16, 1970 Prime Minister Hilmar T. I. Baunsgaard Attended White House dinner on 25th Anniversary of the U.N. October 24, 1970 Prime Minister Anker Jorgensen Private visit. November 13, 1975 Queen Margrethe II Luncheon at the White House during a private visit May 10–11, 1976 Prime Minister Anker Jorgensen Official visit. Private visit afterwards to Colorado, California, and Washington State. February 21–23, 1978 Prime Minister Anker Jorgensen Attended North Atlantic Alliance Summit conference. May 30–31, 1978 Prime Minister Poul Schlueter Official working visit. December 12–14, 1982 Prime Minister Poul Schlueter Official Visit. September 9–11, 1985 Prime Minister Poul Schlueter Met with President Bush during a private visit to Kennebunkport (Me.). August 28, 1989 Queen Margrethe II State Visit. Private visit to New York City afterward. February 19–22, 1991 Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen Accompanied EC President Delors to discuss the Bosnian crisis with President Clinton. May 6–7, 1993 Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen Attended NATO’s 50th Anniversary Summit. April 23–25, 1999 Prime Minister Anders Rasmussen Met with President Bush during a private visit. March 25, 2002 Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen Working visit. May 12, 2003 Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen Working visit. May 27–28, 2004 Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen Working visit. May 20, 2005 Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen Working visit. Met with President Bush at Camp David, MD. Later visited San Francisco and Sacramento, California; and Seattle Washington. Departed the U.S. June 13. June 8–11, 2006 Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen Working visit. Met with President Bush in Crawford, TX. February 27–March 1, 2008 Prime Minister Lars Rasmussen Working visit. March 14, 2011 Prime Minister Helle Thorning-Schmidt Working visit. February 24, 2012 Prime Minister Helle Thorning-Schmidt Attended the NATO Summit Meeting in Chicago, IL. May 20–21, 2012 Prime Minister Lars Lokke Rasmussen Attended the Nuclear Security Summit. March 31–April 1, 2016 | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 9 | https://www.politico.eu/article/fighter-for-the-euro-cause/ | en | Fighter for the euro cause | [
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] | 2000-07-12T16:00:00+00:00 | IT IS hard to find an EU leader who does not put the fight against unemployment at the top of the Union’s agenda these days. | en | https://www.politico.eu/wp-content/themes/politico/assets/images/favicon/favicon.ico | POLITICO | https://www.politico.eu/article/fighter-for-the-euro-cause/ | But things were quite different only seven years ago, as Danish Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen discovered when his country took over the presidency of the EU and the newly-appointed premier embarked on the traditional tour of Union capitals with a strong appeal: Europe must do more to tackle unemployment.
The reactions were anything but positive. “From John Major in Great Britain, from Helmut Kohl in Germany, from Felipe Gonzalez in Spain I have received the same message: we cannot do much more for employment. But I have told them: yes, together we can do more, and we should do it now,” he said at the time.
If veterans like Kohl and Gonzalez did not know much about their Danish colleague then, it was hardly their fault. Even to most Danish voters, Rasmussen was an unknown quantity who had spent only five years in politics and who had never held ministerial office before.
Today, the European leaders he visited in 1993 have all left office, with only Rasmussen still in power, making him the doyen at Union summits. And since the Luxembourg summit in 1997, the fight against unemployment has been one of the cornerstones in the Union’s efforts to tackle issues important to ordinary citizens. “Rasmussen really deserves credit for bringing up unemployment at the European level years before it became ‘comme il faut’,” says one.
Danish voters have also learned a great deal more about their prime minister. They now know that he is an amateur singer who is not afraid to give a moving interpretation of Love Me Tender on national television, but they are also all too familiar with his difficulty in cutting through the woolly rhetoric and delivering a clear message.
But even if Rasmussen has succeeded in putting social issues on the European agenda while largely abolishing joblessness in Denmark, and even if voters have twice prolonged his career as leader of a coalition government, he still has what is arguably the most challenging battle of his political career in front of him: the difficult task of convincing a majority of Danish voters to give up years of Euro-scepticism and agree to join the euro.
If he succeeds, he will be Denmark’s most successful political leader of modern times. But if he fails, critics will accuse him of having called the referendum prematurely and thereby being responsible for cementing Denmark’s position on the Union’s sidelines.
With polls showing a majority against giving up the krone, it is hard to say whether Rasmussen made the right decision when he decided to cut through a fruitless debate and called for a referendum on 28 September. “One could ask if he should not have waited until the notes and coins are actually there. That would allow the Danes to see that neither Germany or France will have disappeared after they have abolished their respective currencies. But if it is a ‘yes’ in September, Rasmussen will have written himself into the history books, because that would be the third time he has won a referendum on Europe,” says a leading Danish political analyst.
Brought up in modest surroundings by working-class parents, Rasmussen has always had to work hard for what he wanted. His adolescence provided him with a very strong sense of righteousness. In the playground, he earned a reputation as the big boy who intervened when small kids were being bullied by the older pupils.
He went on to study economics and, while at university, made friends with other young Social Democrats ambitious to transform society. But unlike many of his fellow students, Rasmussen stayed out of politics and instead opted for a career in the federation of trade unions. He advanced steadily and masterminded a number of important compromises between employers and workers’ organisations.
The years he spent working for the federation made him an extremely skilled negotiator. He is good at finding a compromise acceptable to all, a talent which is essential in running a traditional Danish minority government. But he also uses his robust physique to tire out his opponents. This is an ability which has proven useful on more than one occasion at EU summits, such as when he stood firm in the face of heavy pressure from the Union heavyweights who wanted to prolong the existence of intra-EU duty free sales in Vienna in December 1998.
Rasmussen’s political career only took off in 1987 when former fellow student and Social Democratic Party chairman Svend Auken offered him a post as vice chairman. Rasmussen accepted and won a seat in parliament the following year. But what started as a partnership between two close friends turned into a political drama of rare brutality five years later.
In 1992, it was clear that ten years of leading different centre-right minority governments had worn down conservative Prime Minister Poul Schluter. But it was also increasingly clear that Auken did not enjoy the confidence of the small parties in the centre of Danish politics – and their support was essential for the Social Democrats to realise their dream of regaining power after a decade in opposition.
It nevertheless amounted to an earthquake in Danish politics when Rasmussen announced that he would challenge Auken’s leadership of the party at an extraordinary congress. It was the first time that a leader of the Social Democratic Party had been challenged from within and it split the party in two.
Although politically inexperienced, Rasmussen won the race and was rewarded little more than six months later when he formed his first government together with the three centrist parties which had talked him into staging the coup against his political mentor.
One of the premier’s favourite bon mots is that ‘the devil is in the detail’, and he is extremely good at mastering details. But they have sometimes become his devil, such as when he cancelled a planned visit by the author Salman Rushdie to Denmark because of fears that terrorists would attempt to carry out the pending death sentence from Iran. His clumsy handling of the matter almost forced Rasmussen out of office.
There have been numerous similar occasions where political content has been overshadowed by unprofessional handling of a problem in the prime minister’s office. This has distracted attention from the fact that the Danish economy is in better shape than ever before and unemployment has been brought down to a level not seen since the Sixties.
For years, it has been said – and with some truth – that meetings with his European colleagues provide Rasmussen with a welcome break from the pinpricks of domestic politics. But ironically, it is precisely those colleagues who have provided him with the diabolical detail which threatens to boost support for the ‘no’ camp in the forthcoming euro referendum.
The bilateral sanctions imposed by Union governments on Austria have been a nightmare for the Danish prime minister, not only because they have fuelled many Danes’ fears that the EU will develop into a federal state, but also because clumsy handling of the issue in the Danish parliament caused Rasmussen serious trouble which could have brought about his downfall.
The prime minister has urged the Union’s key players not to swell the ranks of the ‘no’ voters by commenting too directly on the choice facing Denmark, warning that this would spark resentment at home.
In the spring of 2002, Denmark will take over the EU presidency whether or not it has joined the euro zone. If history repeats itself, a new premier will be appointed shortly before the country takes charge of Union business or at the beginning of the presidency. That was what happened when Rasmussen toppled his predecessor Poul Schluter. The odds on Rasmussen breaking that tradition will very much depend on the outcome of September’s vote. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 93 | https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/CRE-6-2008-12-16-INT-2-215_EN.html | en | French Presidency’s term of office (debate) | [
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] | null | [] | 2008-12-16T00:00:00 | en | https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/CRE-6-2008-12-16-INT-2-215_EN.html | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen (PSE). - Mr President, I should like to say to President Sarkozy:
(FR) ‘being proactive in politics, that is the most difficult exercise’.
You and I both know that, President.
As you said yourself, Europe is about compromises but also ensuring dynamics. That is my point. I think you took Europe as far as you could go and as far as you could get the 27 prime ministers and heads of state, but please do not oversell the results. That goes especially for President Barroso. Do not oversell the result. If you do so, this will backfire against ordinary people’s trust in the European Union. We have an economic crisis at the moment and it is not over. As you said, it is not over. Please do not tell people that the economic stimulus package corresponds to 1.5% of GDP. It is not. If we take away the credit guarantees from this calculation for the moment and look at the real investments and the real demand, we are down to an average of about 0.6% of the European Union’s GDP. Yes we are, Mr Barroso. The economic calculations from Brueghel and from Copenhagen University confirm it. So be careful here.
The only two countries – and Britain has been criticised by Germany – that are reaching 1% of GDP in real economic stimulus are Gordon Brown’s country and Zapatero’s country. France is coming close. But the real difficulty for the time being lies in Berlin. I simply do not understand how Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor, can tell people that what they are doing for employment in Europe at the present time is sufficient. That is not the case.
Mr President, I disagree with what Graham Watson said. You should not just relax. You should keep your energy because we need another stimulus package and we will need it quite soon, already by the spring. I hope that you will be active on 2 April in London and certainly also at the spring summit. As you said yourself, bringing Europe closer to people is about ensuring jobs for people. | |||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 2 | https://www.britannica.com/biography/Poul-Nyrup-Rasmussen | en | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen | Biography & Facts | [
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] | 2000-11-03T00:00:00+00:00 | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, Danish economist and politician, who was leader of the Social Democrats from 1992 to 2002 and then served as prime minister of Denmark from 1993 to 2001. Learn more about Rasmussen’s life and career, including his political views. | en | /favicon.png | Encyclopedia Britannica | https://www.britannica.com/biography/Poul-Nyrup-Rasmussen | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen (born June 15, 1943, Esbjerg, Denmark) is a Danish economist and politician, leader of the Social Democrats from 1992 to 2002, who was prime minister of Denmark from 1993 to 2001.
After receiving a degree in economics from the University of Copenhagen in 1971, Rasmussen worked for the Danish Trade Union Council until 1986. He became its chief economist in 1980. He served as the managing director of the Employees’ Capital Pension Fund and as chairman of Lalandia Invest from 1986 to 1988. In 1987 he became deputy chairman of the Social Democrats and in 1988 a member of the Folketing, or parliament. He became the leader of the Social Democrats in 1992. His positions on major issues were generally left-leaning and included support for increases in spending for Denmark’s extensive welfare programs.
When the Conservative-Liberal coalition government that had ruled Denmark for a decade fell in January 1993, Rasmussen formed a four-party coalition and became the country’s prime minister. One of his first tasks was to persuade voters, including Social Democrats, to support the Maastricht Treaty establishing the European Union (EU). Danish voters had rejected a referendum on the treaty the previous year, but they approved a revised version of the treaty that included special exemptions for Denmark. The referendum’s passage was widely seen as an indication of Rasmussen’s ability as a political leader.
In the 1994 elections the Social Democrats lost ground to both the right and the left, primarily to opponents of European unification. Nonetheless, Rasmussen was able to continue in office as head of a coalition government. In the 1998 elections Rasmussen once again held on to office when his coalition won a one-seat majority in parliament. As prime minister, he continued to promote Denmark’s participation in the EU; he campaigned vigorously for the country to adopt the euro as its currency, but the move was narrowly rejected by Danish voters in a 2000 referendum. In 2001 Rasmussen resigned after his coalition was defeated in parliamentary elections. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 49 | https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Prime_Minister_of_Denmark | en | Prime Minister of Denmark | [
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] | null | [] | null | The prime minister of Denmark is the head of government in the Kingdom of Denmark comprising the three constituent countries: Denmark, Greenland and the Faroe Islands. Before the creation of the modern office, the kingdom did not initially have a head of government separate from its head of state, namely the monarch, in whom the executive authority was vested. The Constitution of 1849 established a constitutional monarchy by limiting the powers of the monarch and creating the office of premierminister. The inaugural holder of the office was Adam Wilhelm Moltke. | en | Wikiwand | https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Prime_Minister_of_Denmark | The prime minister of Denmark (Danish: Danmarks statsminister, Faroese: Forsætisráðharri, Greenlandic: Ministeriuneq) is the head of government in the Kingdom of Denmark comprising the three constituent countries: Denmark, Greenland and the Faroe Islands. Before the creation of the modern office, the kingdom did not initially have a head of government separate from its head of state, namely the monarch, in whom the executive authority was vested. The Constitution of 1849 established a constitutional monarchy by limiting the powers of the monarch and creating the office of premierminister. The inaugural holder of the office was Adam Wilhelm Moltke.
For a more comprehensive list, see List of heads of government of Denmark.
The prime minister presides over a cabinet that is formally appointed by the monarch. In practice, the appointment of the prime minister is determined by their support in the Folketing (the National Parliament). Since the beginning of the 20th century, no single party has held a majority in the Folketing so the prime minister must head a coalition of political parties, as well as their own party. Additionally, only four coalition governments since World War II have enjoyed a majority in the Folketing, so the coalitions (and the prime minister) must also gain loose support from other minor parties. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 52 | https://worldskills.org/media/news/official-signing-ceremony-marks-start-planning-euroskills-herning-2025/ | en | Official signing ceremony marks start of planning for EuroSkills Herning 2025 | [
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] | null | [] | null | EuroSkills Herning 2025 will take place between 8–14 September 2025 and will be held at MCH Messecenter Herning in Denmark. | en | /favicon.svg | https://worldskills.org/media/news/official-signing-ceremony-marks-start-planning-euroskills-herning-2025/ | An Organisational Agreement has been signed between WorldSkills Europe and WorldSkills Denmark for the hosting of the ninth EuroSkills Competition in 2025.
The signing ceremony, which took place at the Danish Ministry of Children and Education in Copenhagen on 25 November 2021, was attended by the newly appointed Chairman of EuroSkills Herning 2025, Mr Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, WorldSkills Europe Chair of the Board, Ms.Teija Ripattila, and by the Danish Minister of Children and Education, Ms. Pernille Rosenkrantz-Theil. The CEO of WorldSkills Europe, Ms. Laurence Gates, and the Chairman of WorldSkills Denmark, Mr. Søren Heisel, were also present.
The Danish city of Herning was confirmed as host of the ninth EuroSkills Competition following a unanimous vote by WorldSkills Europe Member Countries at an extraordinary General Assembly virtual meeting which took place on 16 September 2020.
Teija Ripattila, Chair of the Board of Directors, WorldSkills Europe said, “We are incredibly thankful to WorldSkills Denmark for having agreed to organise a EuroSkills event on behalf of all 31 WorldSkills Europe Member Countries that participate in our biennial Championships of Young Professionals.”
WorldSkills Denmark worked closely with the Danish Government, the Trade Union Movement’s Main Organisation, the Danish Employers’ Association, Herning Municipality, the Central Jutland Region on the bid to bring EuroSkills to Denmark as part of an ambitious overall strategy to get more young people to choose vocational education.
Ripattila continued, “We are equally thankful to the Danish government and all the sector and partner organisations in Denmark that are supporting WorldSkills Denmark on this project. We know that an international event of this scale would not be possible without such high-level national commitment and support. We place strong trust and confidence in WorldSkills Denmark, who we know will deliver, with the support of the Danish government and all partners and stakeholders, an exceptional EuroSkills event for our Members.”
Chairman of EuroSkills Herning 2025, Mr Poul Nyrup Rasmussen said, “Denmark and EuroSkills Herning 2025 are excited to welcome all WorldSkills Europe Member countries to Herning to provide hundreds of Europe’s most talented young skilled professionals an opportunity to compete against the best of the best. Our ambition with this championship is not only to create increased focus on VET in Denmark, but also to raise the standards of excellence in technical and vocational education and training and provide inspiration for developing the trades and skills across Europe – and lasting relations between countries on all levels.”
In her speech at the official signing ceremony, Danish Minister of Children and Education, Ms. Pernille Rosenkrantz-Theil said, “We are very enthusiastic about hosting EuroSkills in 2025 – a gathering of the best European VET students and a platform for exchanging experiences across borders and across cultures, a hub for inspiration for developing the VET system in Europe. WorldSkills Europe has given us so much, and now it is time for us to give back by hosting the EuroSkills Competition in 2025. We are committed to making EuroSkills Herning 2025 a success, both for the young Competitors and for the perception of VET in general.”
New dates confirmed for EuroSkills Herning 2025
Originally scheduled for 2024, WorldSkills Europe and WorldSkills Denmark announced in December 2020 that EuroSkills Herning would be moved by one year to 2025 due to the postponement of EuroSkills Graz to 2021, and EuroSkills St Petersburg to 2023.
EuroSkills Herning 2025 will take place between 8–14 September 2025 and will be held at MCH Messecenter Herning, the largest exhibition centre in Scandinavia.
The city of Herning is home to a thriving industrial sector, with a large international workforce focusing on a shift towards Industry 4.0. This is a result of a long-standing tradition of close cooperation between local industry and businesses, educational institutions, elementary schools and the municipality.
Initial planning meetings for EuroSkills Herning 2025 will now be scheduled between the WorldSkills Europe management team and representatives of WorldSkills Denmark. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 44 | https://michaelbooth.substack.com/p/that-time-i-danced-with-the-danish | en | That time I danced with the Danish prime minister. | https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:best,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fmichaelbooth.substack.com%2Ftwitter%2Fsubscribe-card.jpg%3Fv%3D1676760300%26version%3D9 | https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:best,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fmichaelbooth.substack.com%2Ftwitter%2Fsubscribe-card.jpg%3Fv%3D1676760300%26version%3D9 | [
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"Michael Booth"
] | 2024-01-14T07:00:24+00:00 | (I wrote this for Politiken in the run-up to the last election in Denmark). Grumpy Man in a Happy Land is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. | en | https://substackcdn.com/icons/substack/favicon.ico | https://michaelbooth.substack.com/p/that-time-i-danced-with-the-danish | (I wrote this for Politiken in the run-up to the last election in Denmark).
Last month, in the council chamber of my local town hall, the mayor shook my hand and, like a municipal fairy godmother waving a magic wand (in his case, a glass of warm cava), bestowed upon me Danish citizenship.
Back in my homeland England, the queen died, the pound collapsed and the national football team lost to Italy. A regrettable yet proportionate response to events, I feel.
I now finally have the same legal status as our elderly labradoodle, Luna, who has held a Danish pet passport for many years. Thus I am entitled to a number of perks and privileges to which the indigenous population are born: I may break the speed limit without fear of being deported; I can talk in the quiet carriage on the train, I may submit a photograph of a sunset to the TV weather; and I can participate in the greatest democratic show on earth: a Danish general election.
So, what can the Danes learn from British democracy? Given that Britain’s prime ministers are often elected by a couple of hundred racist dementia patients from Kent (the surviving members of the Conservative party) on behalf of a handful of hedge fund billionaires and non-resident media moguls, my answer is clearly: ‘Nothing whatsoever’. As with everything - apart from pop music and bagels - Danes do democracy better.
My first glimpse of the refreshingly grounded way in which things function here was seeing the Danish prime minister being totally ignored by the public during an election walkabout on Amagertorv.
This was Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, back in the late Nineties. I was visiting for the first time with my then fiancé (now wife), who is Danish. “But shouldn’t we, like, heckle him, or ask for his autograph or something?” I asked. My fiancé frowned and pulled me away, as one might a rubber-necker from a car accident.
I’ve often thought back to Nyrup’s walkabout that day. The accessible, relatively low key nature of Danish politics it seemed to embody has stayed with me ever since. The crowd’s apathy towards Rasmussen was not to be confused with any apathy towards democracy of course, as Danish election turnouts of well over 80% attest (vs 67% in the last UK one). Danes take voting seriously as well as which, away from election time, the democratic system functions exceptionally well too. When a prime minister loses his or her head and arrests a spy chief, for instance, or orders the premature slaughter of millions of mink, various checks and balances swing into action and… eventually, we get a chance to vote again.
Even better, your verdict is delivered within a month, so you can all go back to trying to book a padel court and watching dramas about hair curlers.
Not only that but, Danish politicians tend to agree on most things too. Middle ground is sought, consensus and coalition demanded, and usually achieved - around 80% of the time according to recent research. Do you realise how extraordinary that is? How beneficial it is for your economy, not to mention your emotional well being? It’s the kind of efficient legislature we in Britain can only dream of; as smooth running and efficient as a Swiss watch. If British democracy were a time piece, on the other hand, it would be an old station clock which stopped in 1952.
One reason for all this might be that the Danish education system is responsible for creating the best civil servants in the world. On global university ranking lists, Danish universities generally rank in the low 100s, which isn’t bad for a country of Denmark’s size and alcohol intake. But there is one subject in which, according to the 2022 Shanghai Ranking, Aarhus University is the world’s leader: its Political Science department is ranked No1. For the third year running.
Yet, still, I hear many complaints from Danes about the current crop of politicians, mostly concerning the way they behave towards each other - the accusations and name calling, the blame shifting, the selectivity, and the lies. I get it. I hear them too, especially at this point in the political cycle when they are scrambling to differentiate themselves, with roughly 50% of voters looking to switch parties this year. Hence all the blithe promises to shower us with nurses and tax cuts, promises which the politicians know they will never have to fulfil.
But here’s my problem. In Denmark I have 14 potential parties to choose from, spanning from the looney left to the rabid right. There are Ayn Rand liberals (economic flat-earthers, basically), convicted criminals (how avante garde!), marxists who dress like they have just come from doing some gardening, and somewhere, sitting alone in a remote village hall, virulent right wing Morten Messcherschmidt, weeping into his Grand Cru. There are even some eternally hopeful Christians, which is sweet, but can I find one political leader I would trust with my vote? I can not. I have examined them closely, and every one of them has a critical ‘ick’ factor.
An ‘ick’ factor is defined by the Guardian as “a point at which your initial attraction to a person flips into a feeling of disgust”. In relationship terms it can be the way your boyfriend licks his finger before turning a page, say, or how, in profile, your girlfriend bears a weird resemblance to Ernest Borgnine. That kind of thing.
In terms of Denmark’s politicians, the ick factors for me range from the things Søren Pape doesn’t say about discrimination against muslims (and he does seem extravagantly untrustworthy, even for a politician), to the way Jakob Elleman-Jensen always looks like he has just dented your paintwork with his car door in the car park but is totally denying it (that, and his party’s ostrich-like climate policies. And the ongoing fetish about headscarves - what do these people have against nuns?).
I understand Lars Løkke Rasmussen’s Falstaffian appeal, but the man helped create the Trumpian monster, Støjberg, so he’s a no too. Meanwhile, I could imagine at least two of the other party leaders holding Mussolini’s coat while he bludgeon’s an opponent with his bare fists. Mai Villadsen seems to have the same relationship to NATO as I do to God (I don’t believe in him, but if I lost my car keys, or were Russia to invade, you can damn well bet I’d start praying), while Sofie Carsen Nielsen seems to have tied herself up in Kafka-esque knots.
So I took one of those online tests to see if that could help me find a political home: based on the parties’ previous voting records, the test concluded there were six which scored precisely 52% on the Michael-ometer, ranging from Frie Grønne to Liberal Alliance. I was none the wiser.
I can’t help but feel the choice might have been easier a decade or so ago. Over the years I’ve met many Danish politicians, including several prime ministers, in a professional context, in private, and in one case, on the dance-floor. Some, like Bertel Haarder and Magrethe Vestager, left a deep and positive impression of thoughtful, responsible, open-minded people. The kind you would vote for in a heartbeat. Others, like Helle Thorning Schmidt and the current environment minister whose name I can’t be bothered to look up, left me wondering how on earth they managed to convince anyone of their ability to run anything.
And then there is Mette Frederiksen with whom I have indeed shared a dancefloor. There is much to admire in the current PM: her communication throughout the COVID crisis was exemplary, and she is always convincing in interviews. Teflon coated. She seems to believe herself destined to decide over Denmark; I can imagine she was reorganising the maternity ward within minutes of being born. Nothing wrong with that. Tony Blair possessed the same messianic confidence, and it worked brilliantly. Right up until it didn’t. Good dancer too. Frederiksen, not Blair.
For this election she appears laser-focused on pleasuring Denmark’s g-spot: security and safety. I suspect it will prove highly effective election foreplay. So why wouldn’t I vote for her? I am actually not all that bothered by the mink stuff, or the selfies and social media nonsense (the kind of shit professional politicians have always had to do), but I do find the anti-immigrant rhetoric, the ostentatious absurdity of the Rwanda policy, and the self-harming demonisation of private enterprise a bit of a turn-off.
Ultimately whom I vote for is a minor issue, but the majority of the Danes I have spoken to over the past couple of weeks share my quandry. Perhaps this is why Lars Løkke finds himself surfing an unexpected wave: we think of him as an archetypal Dane despite all the evidence to the contrary (I’ve always thought that if he looked like Nikolaj Coster Waldau he wouldn’t be anywhere near as popular), and perhaps because of that no one is bothered by his various minor scandals. Or, you know, his record.
But ultimately I do sometimes wonder if the real problem is that there is too much democratic choice in this country. Do you realise that you have one member of parliament for every 32,400 Danes, compared to the UK, which has one for every 103,076? The French and Germans have even fewer MPs per capita. Seems excessive, doesn’t it? Not to mention expensive.
Ironically, the solution to this might lie with the least democratic of your institutions. A couple of weeks ago, Queen Margrethe made a few decisive cuts to her own excess family, and I wonder if the Danish people shouldn’t do likewise with their political family.
So here’s my idea, as a newly-minted Danish citizen: less democracy.
How about we get rid of, say, a few dozen members of parliament to create a slimmed down, focused, lean and agile Danish parliament, for the coming years of belt-tightening global turbulence.
That I’d vote for.
END | |||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 11 | http://www.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/europe/11/21/denmark.result0440/index.html | en | Right sweeps to victory in Denmark | [
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] | null | [] | null | null | COPENHAGEN, Denmark -- Denmark's next prime minister has pledged to tighten immigration laws after the centre-right won a stunning election victory.
Anders Fogh Rasmussen, leader of the Liberal Party, said that he also aimed to cap taxes and improve welfare provision when he formally takes power after beating veteran Social Democrat Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen in Tuesday's vote.
In a bitter election battle, Fogh Rasmussen, 48, had campaigned under the slogan "Time For Change" and his victory is seen as a marked shift to the right.
With 98.9 percent of the vote counted, the Liberal Party and its allies, including the anti-immigration Danish People's Party, had 98 seats in the 179-seat parliament, well above the 90 needed for a majority.
The ruling and once deemed electorally invincible Social Democrats and their parliamentary supporters won just 77 seats. In the last election in 1998, Nyrup Rasmussen had an 88-87 majority.
Fogh Rasmussen's Liberals won 31.2 percent of the vote, up from 24.0 in 1998 and replacing the Social Democrats as Denmark's biggest party for the first time in 80 years. The Social Democrats won 29.3 percent, down from 35.9.
MORE STORIES
PROFILE: Rise of Denmark's 'Mr Perfect'
RESOURCES
Fogh Rasmussen:Career at a glance
WEBSITE
CNN.dk
Nyrup Rasmussen, in office since 1993 and the EU's longest serving PM, was due to hand his resignation to Queen Margrethe at 0900 GMT on Wednesday. He made a tearful concession of defeat on Tuesday night.
After meeting other party leaders, the queen seemed certain to ask Fogh Rasmussen, a former tax and economy minister, to try to form a new government. The two Rasmussens are not related.
Fogh Rasmussen told a TV interviewer of his plans for the first 100 days of office: "We want to reform hospitals, ensure better care of the elderly, increase maternity leave to one year... tighten policy regarding foreigners and, from day one, put a lid on taxes."
His calls for stricter limits on asylum seekers and refugees, seen as "spongers" by right-wingers, became the biggest campaign issue in a nation where the main parties showed little difference on economic policy. Both pledged to keep unemployment at its 25-year low.
The defeat was a major rebuff to Nyrup Rasmussen, 58, who called the snap election in a gamble that voters would unite behind his nine-year leadership after the September 11 attacks on the United States.
Denmark is the second Scandinavian nation after Norway to oust ditch a Social Democratic government this year in favour of the centre-right. Norway's Labour Party, blamed for failing to update a cradle-to-grave welfare state, lost a September election.
In Sweden, Social Democratic Prime Minister Goran Persson faces an election in September 2002. His party won just 36.6 percent of the vote at the last elections in 1998, the party's worst result since 1920.
The new prime minister will have to form a government with the Conservatives and centrist parties but will depend on informal backing from the far-right Danish People's Party which is strongly anti-immigrant.
Turnout on Tuesday was 89.3 percent, a near record. | ||||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 0 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poul_Nyrup_Rasmussen_I_Cabinet | en | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen I Cabinet | [
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] | 2010-06-07T19:59:23+00:00 | en | /static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poul_Nyrup_Rasmussen_I_Cabinet | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen I
66th Cabinet of DenmarkDate formed25 January 1993Date dissolved27 September 1994People and organisationsHead of stateMargrethe II of DenmarkHead of governmentPoul Nyrup RasmussenMember partySocial Democrats
Centre Democrats
Social Liberals
Christian DemocratsStatus in legislatureMinority coalition governmentHistoryElection—Legislature term1990–1994PredecessorSchlüter IVSuccessorPoul Nyrup Rasmussen II
When the conservative Prime Minister Poul Schlüter resigned on the 15 January 1993 because of the Tamil Case, the leader of the Social Democrats Poul Nyrup Rasmussen formed his first cabinet on the 25 January 1993. The cabinet consisted of the Social Democrats, the Social Liberal Party, the Centre Democrats and the Christian People's Party.
Thie Cabinet of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen I was replaced by the Cabinet of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen II on 27 September 1994 after the Social Democrats won the 1994 Danish parliamentary election.
The cabinet was changed on 29 March 1993, 28 January 1994, 8 February 1994 and on the 11 February 1994
Portfolio Minister Took office Left office Party Prime Minister's Office Prime Minister25 January 199327 November 2001Social Democrats Minister for Foreign Affairs25 January 199321 December 2000Social Liberals Minister for Finance25 January 199321 December 2000Social Democrats Minister of Economy25 January 199327 November 2001Social Liberals Minister of the Interior25 January 199320 October 1997Social Democrats Minister for Justice25 January 199329 March 1993Social Democrats29 March 199327 September 1994Social Democrats Minister for Business Coordination25 January 19938 February 1994Centre Democrats Minister for Industry28 January 19948 February 1994Centre Democrats Minister for Industry- and Business Coordination8 February 199430 December 1996Centre Democrats Minister of Defence25 January 199321 December 2000Social Democrats Minister of Labor25 January 199323 March 1998Social Democrats Minister of Education28 January 199423 March 1998Social Liberals Minister of Health25 January 199327 September 1994Social Democrats Minister for Culture25 January 199330 December 1996Social Democrats Minister for Church25 January 199327 September 1994Centre Democrats Minister of Science and Technology25 January 199328 January 1994Centre Democrats Minister of Science28 January 199427 September 1994Centre Democrats Minister for Social Security25 January 199328 January 1994Social Democrats28 January 199411 February 1994Centre Democrats11 February 199427 September 1994Centre Democrats Minister for Transport25 January 199328 January 1994Social Democrats28 January 199430 December 1996Social Democrats Minister for Housing25 January 199323 March 1998Christian Democrats Minister for Taxation25 January 19931 November 1994Social Democrats Minister for Energy25 January 199327 September 1994Christian Democrats Minister for Development Cooperation25 January 199327 September 1994Social Democrats Minister for Agriculture and Fisheries25 January 199327 September 1994Social Democrats Minister for the Environment25 January 199327 November 2001Social Democrats Minister for Communications and Tourism25 January 199328 January 1994Centre Democrats28 January 199427 September 1994Social Democrats Minister for Nordic Cooperation and for the Baltic issue25 January 199327 September 1994Christian Democrats | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 31 | https://www.encyclopedia.com/people/history/scandinavian-history-biographies/anders-fogh-rasmussen | en | Anders Fogh Rasmussen | [
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] | null | [] | null | Denmark (dĕn´märk), Dan. Danmark, officially Kingdom of Denmark, kingdom (2005 est. pop. 5,432,000), 16,629 sq mi (43,069 sq km), N Europe. It borders on Germany in the south, the North Sea [1] in the west, the Skagerrak in the north, and the Kattegat and the Øresund in the east. | en | /sites/default/files/favicon.ico | https://www.encyclopedia.com/people/history/scandinavian-history-biographies/anders-fogh-rasmussen | Danish politician Anders Fogh Rasmussen (born 1953) served as his country's prime minister during the early and middle 2000s. He found himself confronted after his election in 2001 with some of the hot-button international issues of his time: relations between the West and the Islamic world, immigration, and war in the Middle East.
Acharismatic figure who led his center-right party to its first victory over Denmark's left-leaning Social Democrats in many years, Rasmussen was emblematic of a new breed of conservatives coming to power in Western Europe. He hoped to slash the size of Denmark's large social welfare bureaucracy without eliminating the basic protections it offered, and he implemented restrictions on immigration while offering as few concessions as possible to far-right nationalist groups.
Raised on Farm
Rasmussen (ROS-muess-en) was born on January 26, 1953, in Northern Djursland, in Aarhus County in the rural eastern part of Denmark's Jutland Peninsula mainland. He grew up on the family farm with his parents, Knud and Martha Rasmussen, but he showed an instinct for political life from the start: according to an article in the Financial Times, he and his brothers often played a game they called "politics" and he would invariably choose the role of prime minister. In 1969 he enrolled at the centuries-old Viborg Cathedral School, taking courses in languages and social studies.
While he was there, he organized a chapter of a Danish national organization called Young Liberals. The term "liberal" has a connotation in Denmark (and many other countries) opposite to its meaning in the United States but close to the classical sense of the term, indicating a philosophy or political party devoted to minimizing governmental interference in the affairs of private industry. What motivated Rasmussen to become involved was the outbreak of student demonstrations around Europe in May of 1968, many of which were oriented toward Marxist or Communist ideas. "That was my reaction to the events of May 1968," he told the Economist. Rasmussen remained involved with Denmark's Liberal Party after he entered the University of Aarhus in 1972, and by 1974 he had become chairman of the party's national youth wing. He joined its national central committee in 1976.
In 1976, while still a university student, Rasmussen began doing consulting work for the Danish Federation of Crafts and Small Industries, and he continued to do that work until 1987. Finishing a master's degree in economics at Aarhus in 1978, Rasmussen was immediately elected to Denmark's Folketing, or parliament, from the Viborg district. He married, and he and his wife, Anne-Mette, raised three children. In the early 1980s Rasmussen served as vice-chairman of the Folketing's housing committee.
In the 1980s and 1990s, Rasmussen worked his way up through the Liberal Party hierarchy, moving in and out of the top echelons of government as the party's fortunes fluctuated. In 1984 he was named to the Liberals' parliamentary management committee, and he became vice-chairman of the national party the following year. From 1987 to 1992 he was Minister for Taxation in the Danish cabinet, adding the title of Minister for Economic Affairs to his portfolio in 1990. For much of the 1990s he was out of the Folketing, but he worked as the Liberal Party's national spokesman from 1992 to 1998. In 1998 he became the party's national chairman, after his predecessor, who had been expected to win that year's election, failed to come out on top. Rasmussen held several other administrative posts in the 1990s.
Authored Economic Studies
Denmark enjoyed one of the highest per-capita income figures in the world, but it had correspondingly high tax rates, second only to Sweden in personal income tax rates, by one calculation. Rasmussen's Liberals believed that the country's cradle-to-grave social welfare system had become bloated and could be pared, and a series of books authored by Rasmussen himself provided ammunition for the arguments of party members. Those books included Showdown with the Tax System (1979), The Struggle for Housing, and From Social State to Minimal State (1993).
As party chairman, Rasmussen led the Liberals into Denmark's 2001 national elections against the ruling Social Democratic party and its leader, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen (not a relative). In Denmark's parliamentary system, the leader of the party that wins the most seats in the parliament is given the chance to form a government. Rasmussen's platform was toned down from the conservative economic policies he advocated in his books; in place of the "minimal state" of his free-market 1993 broadside he merely advocated a system in which some of the services of Denmark's welfare state would be opened up to participation by private industry. Rasmussen's telegenic appearance also played a positive role in the campaign when placed in contrast with that of his bearded, lumbering opponent. The Economist called him "a professional politician to his fingertips." He also campaigned on promises to freeze taxes, reduce crime, reduce growing hospital waiting lists in the country's government-run health system, and introduce measures that would help Denmark's large elderly population.
The results of the election displaced the Social Democrats from power for the first time since the 1920s, with the Liberals taking 31 percent of the vote to the Social Democrats' 29 percent. The result was ambiguous, however, for Rasmussen was forced to seek the support of several more conservative parties in order to form a government. These included the Conservative People's Party (Konservative Folkeparti) and Danish People's Party (Dansk Folkeparti), the latter a nationalist group that called for new immigration restrictions and specifically deplored the influence of immigrant Muslims on Denmark's ethnically homogeneous society (with an immigrant population of just over 5 percent, the country was less diverse than most of the rest of Western Europe).
Anti-immigrant sentiment was rising in Denmark in the wake of the U.S. terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The Danish People's Party, which had received just over 7 percent of the vote in the elections, was still seen as extreme, but Rasmussen finessed the issue by lining up the party's support in parliamentary votes but excluding it from his cabinet. He became Danish prime minister on November 27, 2001.
Eliminated Government Boards and Committees
Rasmussen's working majority held together early in his term, and he was able to implement major sections of his agenda. By June of 2002 the governing Liberals had shaved almost $830 million of spending from Denmark's $53 billion budget. They had taken steps to benefit Danish business interests, and Rasmussen took the seemingly noncontrover-sial step of closing down 103 government boards, councils, and committees, a step that was projected to save $35.5 million. "We wish to tidy up the intermediate layer [of government], which drains our resources and removes attention from the essential matters," Rasmussen explained in his New Year's speech of 2002, according to Maria Bern-born of Europe.
One of those panels eliminated, however, was the Board for Ethnic Equality, whose disappearance drew widespread criticism. The controversy arose because the move was viewed as a concession on Rasmussen's part to the Danish People's Party. Rasmussen cut legal immigration levels, and he put new curbs on foreigners who claimed refugee status when trying to enter Denmark; refugees had to prove that they had actually been victimized by religious, political, or ethnic persecution. The number of refugees seeking asylum dropped from 12,000 in 2001 to 3,000 in 2004. Many refugees headed for other European countries, particularly Sweden, which criticized the actions of its Scandinavian neighbor.
The economic specialist Rasmussen was quickly faced with issues that had international implications. In 2003 he backed the U.S. invasion of Iraq, making Denmark one of just a few continental European countries to line up behind the U.S. and Britain, and he sent 500 Danish troops to Iraq in support of the war effort. Danish public opinion first backed the move but later turned decisively against it. A Continental economic slowdown toward the middle of Rasmussen's first term in office dented his popularity, and a massive train bombing in Madrid, Spain, on March 11, 2004, affecting one of the war's other European supporters, raised speculation that Rasmussen could be headed for defeat in the next election.
Rasmussen's Liberals bounced back after he called an election for February 8, 2005, however. Rasmussen campaigned once again on economic issues, claiming that an assortment of tax cuts had added an average of $3,000 to annual Danish family incomes. Teenagers were denied certain welfare benefits, but, noted the Economist, such moves were seen by the Danish electorate as "necessary tweaks, not a conservative revolution." And the new immigration restrictions won support across a wide spectrum of Danish public opinion, excluding only the leftmost segments of the political spectrum. In the February elections, both Rasmussen's Liberals and the Social Democrats actually lost seats, while parties farther to the left and right made gains. Rasmussen's majority in the new Danish parliament was unchanged, standing at 94 of the Folketing's 179 seats.
The major challenge in the first part of Rasmussen's second term came in early 2006, when Islamic anger exploded worldwide after a series of cartoons were published in Denmark's Jyllands-Posten (Jutland Post) newspaper late the previous year. The cartoons depicted the Prophet Muhammad in a disparaging way, with one of them showing him with a bomb-shaped turban. Protests flared in Copenhagen and in many Islamic capitals, and Danish consumer goods were removed from shelves in Islamic markets.
Rasmussen referred in his 2006 New Year's message, quoted in the Economist, to "unacceptably offensive instances" of attempts "to demonize groups of people on the basis of their religion or ethnic background," but he maintained that owing to the principle of freedom of the press in Denmark, the government had no control over what Danish newspapers printed. A group of 11 ambassadors from predominantly Islamic countries asked to meet with Rasmussen. He initially refused, drawing strong condemnation from a group of Danish foreign service officers, but later met with several of the Islamic ambassadors. The controversy simmered down slowly, and the threat of terrorist attacks in Denmark reportedly remained high through 2006 as Rasmussen turned to other aspects of his foreign agenda that included support for the European Union and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Early in 2007, Rasmussen unveiled a plan to cut Denmark's dependence on imported energy, aiming to provide 30 percent of Denmark's energy needs from wind power, hydrogen, and biofuels by 2025.
Books
Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations: World Leaders, Gale, 2003.
Periodicals
Economist, November 24, 2001; March 20, 2004; December 18, 2004; February 5, 2005; January 7, 2006.
Europe, June 2002.
Financial Times, November 22, 2001.
New York Times, November 22, 2001.
Online
"Denmark unveils plan to reduce fossil fuels, double use of renewable energy," International Herald Tribune, http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2007/01/19/europe/EU-GEN-Denmark-Cleaner-Energy.php (January 23, 2007).
"Prime Minister of Denmark: Anders Fogh Rasmussen," Prime Minister's Office of Denmark, http://www.stm.dk (January 23, 2007).
"Rasmussen, Anders Fogh," Parliament (Folketing) of Denmark, http://www.folketinget.dk (January 23, 2007).
Anders Fogh Rasmussen
Prime Minister of Denmark
Born on January 26, 1953, in Ginnerup, Nørre Djurs, Denmark; son of Knud (a farmer) and Martha Rasmussen; married to Anne-Mette; children: three.Education:Earned degree in economics from the University of Århus, 1978.
Addresses: Office—Statsministeriet (Prime Minister's Office), Christiansborg, DK-1218 Copenhagen K, Denmark.
Career
Founder and chairman of the Young Liberals organization at Viborg Cathedral School, 1970-72; first elected to Folketing (legislative assembly of Denmark), 1978; served as minister for taxation, September, 1987-November, 1992; served as minister for economic affairs, December, 1990-November, 1992; leader of Denmark's Liberal Party, 2001—; became prime minister, November, 2001, elections, and formed coalition government; reelected February, 2005.
Sidelights
Anders Fogh Rasmussen, head of Denmark's Liberal Party, has served as prime minister since 2001. That year's election results marked the first time since the 1920s that Denmark's politically dominant leftist party, the Social Democrats, had been spurned by voters. As party leader, Rasmussen became prime minister and formed a center-right coalition government with another party. In his first years in office, Rasmussen's government enacted several sweeping reforms, most aimed at curbing immigration and increasing free-market competition inside the Danish economy.
Rasmussen was born on January 26, 1953, in Ginnerup, a town in the Nørre Djurs coastal region of Denmark's Jutland peninsula. He grew up on one of the many small family farms that dotted the Århus county area, and emerged as a political leader while still in his teens. At the Viborg Cathedral School, he became one of the founders of the Young Liberals group, a youth group affiliated with Denmark's center-right Liberal Party. It was an era of widespread protest among his generation, but the Young Liberals were formed in reaction to the sweeping student movement in Western Europe that had taken a decidedly leftist tone. Denmark's Liberal Party—called Venstre ("left")—was actually less of a left-of-center group than the term "liberal" commonly denotes in North American political terminology. Generally known as a pro-business party, the Liberals called for less government regulation and lower taxes.
Rasmussen studied economics at the University of Århus, and became the national chairperson for the Young Liberals group in 1974. In 1978, the same year he earned his degree, he was elected to the Folketing, Denmark's national legislative body, on the Liberal Party ticket. Since the 1920s, the seats in the Folketing had been dominated by the Social Democrats, Denmark's traditional center-left party. Other competing factions included the Danish People's Party, the far-right group; the Conservative Party, the Socialist People's Party, and the Christian People's Party.
Rasmussen served several years in the Folketing, and became known for his economic expertise. He authored a number of books on the subject, including 1979's Opgør med skattesystemet ("Showdown with the Tax System") and Fra Socialstat til Minimal-sta ("From Social State to Minimal State"), which was published in 1993. Denmark has one of the highest tax-per-person ratios in the world, but the taxes pay for a generous social-service net and its citizens enjoy one of the world's highest standards of living. In his writings and in his political speeches, Rasmussen argued that such a system fosters a dependency on the government, and quells initiative and free enterprise.
In 1987, Rasmussen was appointed to the important cabinet post of minister for taxation. Three years later, he was made minister for economic affairs for a two-year stint; after 1992, he held his seat in the Folketing while retaining various roles in the Liberal Party leadership, including party spokesperson. In 2001, the Prime Minister, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen—no relation—thought November would be a good time for his Social Democrat Party to capitalize on a wave of solidarity stemming from the terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11 of that year, and called for national elections that month. The poll results, however, brought a surprise, with the Social Democrats winning just 29 percent of the Folketing seats, and Rasmussen and the Liberal Party taking 31 percent. It marked the first time that the Social Democrats had been bested by another party since the 1920s. Another surprise was the votes cast for the far right Danish People's Party, which amounted to 12 percent of the tally. Its leader had made anti-Muslim statements that seemed to resonate with nervous Danes in the fearful post-9/11 climate, despite the country's reputation for tolerance. About six percent of Denmark are immigrants, and three percent of the total population list their faith as Muslim in what has historically been a country with a strong Lutheran tra- dition.
Since Rasmussen and his party did not win an outright majority in the Folketing, he formed a coalition government with the Conservatives, which had won nine percent of the vote. The new center-right government, led by Rasmussen, succeeded on most of the reforms it pledged to push forward during the campaign. There were new restrictions on immigration, for example, and in July of 2002 the government issued a decree that Denmark would only to accept refugees who could prove that they were victims of religious, political, or ethnic persecution. That resulted in a dramatic drop in number of those applying for asylum in Denmark, from 12,000 in 2001 down to just 3,000 in 2004.
Rasmussen supported U.S. president George W. Bush and his plans for the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, unlike many Western European leaders. Denmark even sent a contingent of troops, but public support lessened considerably for Denmark's participation over the next two years. In February of 2005, Danes went to the polls again, and though Rasmussen's Liberal Party lost four seats, it maintained its lead in the Folketing and kept control of the government. The prime minister received a high number of personal votes, more than 61,000, which was said to be the most ever won by a Danish politician. His main rival was Mogens Lykketoft, head of Social Democrat Party. Rasmussen is known for his telegenic looks and ease before both the Folketing and television cameras, by contrast to the stodgier, bearded Lykketoft, who resigned from his party leadership after the 2005 election.
Rasmussen surprised many in the spring of 2005 on the 60-year anniversary of the end of World War II in Europe, when he issued a formal apology for Denmark's wartime collaboration with Nazi Germany. The country had been invaded by Nazi Germany, and initially refused to comply with orders to identify and round up its Jewish citizens. Some 7,000 Jews were rescued by a collaborative effort between Danish authorities, the resistance movement, and ordinary citizens, but about 450 were transported to Nazi extermination camps in Eastern Europe. Rasmussen specifically apologized for the government's cooperation in the extradition of those Jews, calling it "shameful" and "a stain on Denmark's otherwise good reputation" according to a BBC News report.
Rasmussen is married and has three children. Known for his healthy lifestyle, he runs every morning, which he claims clears his head for the day's work ahead.
Sources
Books
Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations: World Leaders, Gale, 2003.
Periodicals
Europe, December 2001, p. 25; June 2002, p. 26.
Independent (London, England), February 8, 2005, p. 20.
New York Times, November 22, 2001, p. A16.
Times (London, England), November 22, 2001, p. 19.
Online
"Anders Fogh Rasmussen," Folketingnet, http:// www.folketinget.dk/BAGGRUND/Biografier_ english/Anders_Fogh_Rasmussen.htm (August 23, 2005).
"Danish PM's collaboration apology," BBC News, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4515089. stm (August 23, 2005).
"Profile: Denmark's new prime minister," BBC News, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/ europe/1669243.stm (August 23, 2005).
—CarolBrennan | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 89 | https://www.idcpc.gov.cn/english/resources/reports/2007/europe/201405/t20140515_72626.html | en | International Department Central Committee of CPC | [
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] | [] | [] | [
""
] | null | [] | null | null | BEIJING, July 3 -- Chinese State Councilor Tang Jiaxuan met here Tuesday with a delegation from the Party of European Socialists (PES) headed by the party's president Poul Nyrup Rasmussen.
Highlighting the important role played by China and the European Union (EU), Tang said that China and the EU are both important powers in the world and thus shoulder significant responsibility for the peace, stability and prosperity of the world.
The two sides should handle bilateral relations from a long-term and strategic perspective, Tang said, suggesting that the two continue to consolidate strategic common understanding and expand mutually beneficial cooperation.
"The two should address disputes and differences with the best interests of the China-EU comprehensive strategic partnership in mind", Tang noted.
He also spoke positively about the contribution made by the PES to promote China-EU relations, expressing his hope that the party could continue its efforts to boost bilateral ties and strengthen the exchange of information and cooperation with the Chinese side.
Echoing Tang's view, Rasmussen highlighted the achievements that China has made during its social and economic construction, promising that the PES would contribute to the development of the EU-China relations.
The two sides also exchanged views on international issues such as the Middle East and Darfur.
Before meeting with Tang, Rasmussen also met with Wang Jiarui, minister of the International Department of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee on Tuesday.
Enditem | ||||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 86 | http://fred.dk/artikler/krigrisk/balkan/skrift.htm | en | FRED.dk 2002: Anklage for krigsforbrydelser | http://fred.dk/favicon.ico | http://fred.dk/favicon.ico | [] | [] | [] | [
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] | null | [] | 2002-12-01T00:00:00 | da | /favicon.ico | null | NOTICE OF THE EXISTENCE OF INFORMATION CONCERNING SERIOUS VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITariaN LAW WITHIN THE JURISDICTION OF THE TRIBUNAL;
REQUEST THAT THE PROSECUTOR INVESTIGATE NAMED INDIVIDUALS FOR VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL HUMANITariaN LAW AND PREPARE INDICTMENTS AGAINST THEM PURSUANT TO ARTICLES 18.1 AND 18.4 OF THE TRIBUNAL STATUTE.
WHEREAS the International Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of the Former Yugoslavia since 1991 was established by the UN Security Council with "the power to prosecute persons responsible for serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia since 1991 in accordance with the provisions of" its Statute (Article 1);
AND WHEREAS by Article 2 of the said Statute, the Tribunal has the power "to prosecute persons committing or ordering to be committed grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, namely the following acts against persons or property protected under the provisions of the relevant Geneva Convention" including the following:
(a) wilful killing;
(c) wilfully causing great suffering or serious injury to body or health;
(d) extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly.
AND WHEREAS by Article 3 of the said Statute, "the International Tribunal shall have the power to prosecute persons violating the laws or customs of war. Such violations shall include, but not be limited to:
(a) employment of poisonous weapons or other weapons to cause unnecessary suffering;
(b) wanton destruction of cities, towns or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity;
(c) attack, or bombardment, by whatever means, of undefended towns, villages, dwellings, or buildings;
(d) seizure of, destruction or wilful damage done to institutions dedicated to religion, charity and education, the arts and sciences, historic monuments and works of art and science.
AND WHEREAS by Article 6 of the said Statute "the International Tribunal shall have jurisdiction over natural persons pursuant to the provisions of the present Statute;"
AND WHEREAS Article 7 of the said Statute provides for individual criminal responsibility thus:
1. A person who planned, instigated, ordered, committed or otherwise aided and abetted in the planning, preparation or execution of a crime referred to in articles 2 to 5 of the present Statute, shall be individually responsible for the crime.
2. The official position of any accused person, whether as Head of State or Government or s a responsible Government official, shall not relieve such person of criminal responsibility or mitigate punishment.
3. The fact that any of the acts referred to in articles 2 to 5 of the present Statute was committed by a subordinate does not relieve his superior of criminal responsibility if he knew or had reason to know that the subordinate was about to commit such acts or had done so and the superior failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts or to punish the perpetrators thereof.
4. The fact that an accused person acted pursuant to an order of a Government or of a superior shall not relieve him of criminal responsibility, but may be considered in mitigation of punishment if the International Tribunal determines that justice so requires.
AND WHEREAS Article 8 of the said Statute provides that the territorial and temporal jurisdiction of the Tribunal "shall extend to the territory of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, including its land surface, airspace and territorial waters. The temporal jurisdiction of the International Tribunal shall extend to a period beginning on 1 January 1991;"
AND WHEREAS by Article 9 of the said Statute " the International Tribunal and national courts shall have concurrent jurisdiction to prosecute persons for serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of the former Yugoslavia since 1 January 1991" but the International Tribunal "shall have primacy over national courts;"
AND WHEREAS Article 18 of the said Statute provides inter alia that:
1. The Prosecutor shall initiate investigations ex-officio or on the basis of information obtained from any source, particularly from Governments, United Nations organs, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations. The Prosecutor shall assess the information received or obtained and decide whether there is sufficient basis to proceed.
2. The Prosecutor shall have the power to question suspects, victims and witnesses, to collect evidence and to conduct on-site investigations. In carrying out these tasks, the Prosecutor may, as appropriate, seek the assistance of the State authorities concerned.
4. Upon a determination that a prima facie case exists, the Prosecutor shall prepare an indictment containing a concise statement of the facts and the crime or crimes with which the accused is charged under the Statute. The indictment shall be transmitted to a judge of the Trial Chamber.
AND WHEREAS the President of the Tribunal, Judge Gabrielle Kirk McDonald, in a press release of April 8, 1999, urged that:
All States and organisations in possession of information pertaining to the alleged commission of crimes within the jurisdiction of the Tribunal should make such information available without delay to the Prosecutor.
AND WHEREAS on April 30 in Geneva the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson in a speech to the Commission cited a letter from the Prosecutor in which the Prosecutor stated:
The actions of individuals belonging to Serb forces, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), or NATO may ¼ come under scrutiny, if it appears that serious violations of international humanitarian law have occurred.
AND WHEREAS High Commissioner Robinson also stated in her speech:
In the NATO bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, large numbers of civilians have incontestably been killed, civilian installations targeted on the grounds that they are or could be of military application and NATO remains sole judge of what is or is not acceptable to bomb ¼ In this situation, the principle of proportionality must be adhered to by those carrying out the bombing campaign. It surely must be right to ask those carrying out the bombing campaign to weigh the consequences of their campaign for civilians in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
AND WHEREAS NATO has carried out between 5,000 and 10,000 bombing missions over the territories of the former Yugoslavia since March 24, 1999;
AND WHEREAS NATO leaders have openly admitted targeting civilian infrastructure as well as military targets;
AND WHEREAS the list of targets has included fuel depots, oil refineries, government offices, power stations and communications links, such as roads, tunnels, bridges and railway links, including those not inside the region of, or in the vicinity of, Kosovo;
AND WHEREAS in addition to these deliberate attacks on civilian infrastructure and objects, there have been a great number of attacks which have caused direct physical harm and death to civilians;
AND WHEREAS it appears that these bombing missions have directly caused the death of approximately 1,000 civilian men, women and children and serious injury to 4,500 more;
AND WHEREAS instances of this nature include the 12 April bombing of a train travelling from Belgrade to Ristovac as it crossed the bridge spanning the Yuzhna Morava river at the Grdelica gorge, killing at least 10 passengers and wounding 16;
the 15 April bombing of a refugee convoy in four separate locations along a 12 mile stretch of the road that runs from Prizren to Djakovica, killing approximately 74 people;
the 23 April bombing of Serbian Television editorial offices, killing approximately 15 people;
the 27 April bombing of a residential district in Surdulica, killing 16 people including 12 children;
and the May 1 bombing of a bus on the Luzan bridge in Kosovo killing at least 34 people including 15 children;
AND WHEREAS , though the above-named NATO leaders have claimed that these incidents were accidents, they have also admitted that they were an inevitable result of their bombing strategy, a strategy which they appear to have continued unmodified and even to have intensified throughout these incidents;
AND WHEREAS there is ample evidence in the public statements of NATO leaders that these attacks on civilian targets are part of a deliberate attempt to terrorize the population to turn it against its leadership;
AND WHEREAS the NATO bombing has done an estimated $100 billion dollars in property damage and completely destroyed or seriously damaged dozens of bridges, railways and railway stations, major roads, airports, including civilian airports, hospitals and health care centres, television transmitters, medieval monasteries and religious shrines, cultural-historical monuments and museums, hundreds of schools, faculties and facilities for students and children, thousands of dwellings and civilian industrial and agricultural facilities;
AND WHEREAS refineries and warehouses storing liquid raw materials and chemicals have been hit causing environmental contamination and exposing the civilian population to the emission of poisonous gases;
AND WHEREAS the NATO bombings have also made use of weapons banned by international convention, including cruise missiles utilizing depleted uranium highly toxic to human beings;
AND WHEREAS credible detailed reports of the civilian death and destruction inflicted by the NATO bombing are attached as an Annex to this Notice;
AND WHEREAS THEREFORE there is abundant evidence that many instances of serious violations of international humanitarian law within the jurisdiction of the Tribunal have been committed by NATO forces in the attack on Yugoslavia commencing March 24 and continuing to this day;
AND WHEREAS this evidence is readily available to the Prosecutor in eyewitness, videotaped, televised and publicly broadcast reports, in press reports and on the Internet, and in the evidence presented by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in its current complaint against the NATO countries before the International Court of Justice;
AND WHEREAS all of the above-named persons, Heads of State and Government of the 19 NATO countries, their Foreign Ministers and Ministers of Defence, and officials and military leaders of NATO, have admitted publicly to having agreed upon and ordered these actions, being fully aware of their nature and effects;
AND WHEREAS the above-named persons have acted in open violation of the United Nations Charter, which provides in so far as is relevant:
Article 2
3. All Members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered.
4. All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.
Article 33
1. The parties to any dispute, the continuance of which is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security, shall, first of all, seek a solution by negotiation, enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies or arrangements, or other peaceful means of their own choice.
Article 37
1. Should the parties to a dispute of the nature referred to in Article 33 fail to settle it by the means indicated in that Article, they shall refer it to the Security Council.
2. If the Security Council deems that the continuance of the dispute is in fact likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security, it shall decide whether to take action under Article 36 or to recommend such terms of settlement as it may consider appropriate.
Article 39
The Security Council shall determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression and shall make recommendations, or decide what measures shall be taken in accordance with Articles 41 and 42, to maintain or restore international peace and security.
Article 41
The Security Council may decide what measures not involving the use of armed force are to be employed to give effect to its decisions, and it may call upon the Members of the United Nations to apply such measures. These may include complete or partial interruption of economic relations and of rail, sea, air, postal, telegraphic, radio, and other means of communication, and the severance of diplomatic relations.
Article 42
Should the Security Council consider that measures provided for in Article 41 would be inadequate or have proved to be inadequate, it may take such action by air, sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore international peace and security. Such action may include demonstrations, blockade, and other operations by air, sea, or land forces of Members of the United Nations.
Article 51
Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of self-defence shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security;
AND WHEREAS the International Court of Justice has stated in ruling against United States intervention in Nicaragua:
In any event, while the United States might form its own appraisal of the situation as to respect for human rights in Nicaragua, the use of force could not be the appropriate method to monitor or ensure such respect. With regard to the steps actually taken, the protection of human rights, a strictly humanitarian objective, cannot be compatible with de mining of ports, the destruction of oil installations, or again with de training, arming and equipping of the contras.
(CASE CONCERNING THE MILITARY AND PARAMILITARY ACTIVITIES IN AND AGAINST NICARAGUA (NICARAGUA v. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA) (MERITS) Judgment of 27 June 1986, I.C.J. Reports, 1986, p.134-135, paragraphs 267 and 268)
AND WHEREAS the above-named persons, Heads of State and Government of the 19 NATO countries, their Foreign Ministers and Ministers of Defence, and officials and military leaders of NATO have acted in open violation of the NATO Treaty which provides in so far as is relevant:
Article 1
The Parties undertake, as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, to settle any international dispute in which they may be involved by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security and justice are not endangered, and to refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.
Article 7
This Treaty does not affect, and shall not be interpreted as affecting in any way the rights and obligations under the Charter of the Parties which are members of the United Nations, or the primary responsibility of the Security Council for the maintenance of international peace and security;
AND WHEREAS the above-named persons have acted in open violation of the Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of International Armed Conflicts (Protocol I), 8 June 1977, which provides as follows:
Art 51. - Protection of the civilian population
1. The civilian population and individual civilians shall enjoy general protection against dangers arising from military operations. To give effect to this protection, the following rules, which are additional to other applicable rules of international law, shall be observed in all circumstances.
2. The civilian population as such, as well as individual civilians, shall not be the object of attack. Acts or threats of violence the primary purpose of which is to spread terror among the civilian population are prohibited.
3. Civilians shall enjoy the protection afforded by this section, unless and for such time as they take a direct part in hostilities.
4. Indiscriminate attacks are prohibited. Indiscriminate attacks are:
(a) those which are not directed at a specific military objective;
(b) those which employ a method or means of combat which cannot be directed at a specific military objective; or
(c) those which employ a method or means of combat the effects of which cannot be limited as required by this Protocol;
and consequently, in each such case, are of a nature to strike military objectives and civilians or civilian objects without distinction.
5. Among others, the following types of attacks are to be considered as indiscriminate:
(a) an attack by bombardment by any methods or means which treats as a single military objective a number of clearly separated and distinct military objectives located in a city, town, village or other area containing a similar concentration of civilians or civilian objects;
and
(b) an attack which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof, which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated.
Art 79. Measures or protection for journalists
1. Journalists engaged in dangerous professional missions in areas of armed conflict shall be considered as civilians within the meaning of Article 50, paragraph 1.
Article 85 - Repression of breaches of this Protocol
3. In addition to the grave breaches defined in Article 11, the following acts shall be regarded as grave breaches of this Protocol, when committed wilfully, in violation of the relevant provisions of this Protocol, and causing death or serious injury to body or health:
(a) making the civilian population or individual civilians the object of attack;
(b) launching an indiscriminate attack affecting the civilian population or civilian objects in the knowledge that such attack will cause excessive loss of life, injury to civilians or damage to civilian objects, as defined in Article 57, paragraph 2 (a)(iii);
5. Without prejudice to the application of the Conventions and of this Protocol, grave breaches of these instruments shall be regarded as war crimes.
AND WHEREAS the above-named persons have acted in open violation of the Principles of International Law Recognized in the Charter of the Nüremberg Tribunal and in the Judgment of the Tribunal, as adopted by the General Assembly of the united Nations (1950), which provide in so far as is relevant:
Principle III
The fact that a person who committed an act which constitutes a crime under international law acted as Head of State or responsible Government official does not relieve him from responsibility under international law.
Principle IV
The fact that a person acted pursuant to order of his Government or of a superior does not relieve him from responsibility under international law, provided a moral choice was in fact possible to him.
Principle VI
The crimes hereinafter set out are punishable as crimes under international law:
(a) Crimes against peace:
(i) Planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression or a war in violation of international treaties, agreements or assurances;
(ii) Participation in a common plan or conspiracy for the accomplishment of any of the acts mentioned under (i).
(b) War crimes:
Violations of the laws or customs of war include, but are not limited to, murder wanton destruction of cities, towns, or villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity.
Principle VII
Complicity in the commission of a crime against peace, a war crime, or a crime against humanity as set forth in Principle VI is a crime under international law; | ||||
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] | null | [] | 2024-05-16T15:40:11+00:00 | New 2024/25 cohort of fellows announced The Constructive Institute offers an annual fellowship program to around 10 media professionals to spend an academic year at the Constructive Institute in Aarhus, Denmark. The fellows are expected to return to their newsrooms to share their insights with their colleagues and implement constructive reporting into their daily work. … Continued | en | /apple-touch-icon.png?v=oLJm0RGzwe | Constructive Institute | https://constructiveinstitute.org/the-fellows-2024-2025/ | Thomas Stokholm has for more than 25 years produced and directed TV documentaries primarily focusing on investigative programs and often true crime. He has been nominated multiple times for the Cavling Award and received the award in 2004. He co-founded and co-led Bastard Film and has also had a long career as an editorial and creative leader at companies such as Monday Media, Ekstra Bladet, and Heartbeats. Over the past five years, he has worked freelance as a podcast producer and host, freelance TV producer, advisor, and author.
During his fellowship, Thomas will dive deep in to whether investigative TV documentaries today are driven by legal requirements and considerations more than necessary journalistic craftsmanship and the ability to doubt and dare whether the journalist always strive to give the best obtainable version of the truth in order to present the audience with facts and nuances rather than raising fear and anxiety that is based on less solid documentation.
Eva Højrup has held a range of positions in journalism and management within the Danish media industry. Her workplaces have often been DR and TV2, with detours to the print press and magazines. For the past four years, she has been responsible for the health content at TV2 EAST, the regional tv-station covering 12 municipalities in the Zealand region. Her job as a specialist reporter has provided her with an extensive network of sources, and knowledge about the conditions in a healthcare system, where there is a shortage of staff on all fronts. Her stories deal with people and social inequality and how we can attempt to think creatively and solve problems.
During the fellowship program, Eva Højrup will focus on how a regional media can facilitate a conversation between the system and the most vulnerable citizens. There are pockets in our system where the vulnerable do not seek out the healthcare system, even though they desperately need it. So how can civil society and the public system enter a dialogue about solutions, and can TV2 EAST play a role by giving voice to people who are otherwise never seen in the media and who are not heard?
Nanna Malou Rasmussen is employed as social media editor of TV2 Nord. Earlier, she was the local reporter of Aalborg, supplying TV2 Nord with news reports from her municipality. Operating as video journalist in this, she has shaped her own news reports from idea to publication – and digital versioning. Nanna graduated as a journalist from University of Southern Denmark. Before TV2 Nord she worked as a journalist in another regional news media house.
During her fellowship Nanna will examine what special considerations are required by the publisher and facilitator of news consumption on new digital platforms, due to their different premises. This regards to her quest in figuring out how traditional TV broadcasters implement tools from constructive journalism in their publications and versioning of news on social media in order to support the local democractic dialogue.
Jamilla Sophie Alvi is a feature writer at Jyllands-Posten. She has served as an “editorial change agent” for various media organizations and has been crafting thought-provoking stories since 2000. At the heart of her journalism lies nuanced storytelling that aims to challenge and expand the perspectives of readers, stimulate public discourse, and provide entertainment simultaneously. During her tenure as the head of communications at the patient organization Muskelsvindfonden, she found inspiration to narrate case stories in an empowering manner. As an editor for digital projects and investigative journalism at the regional TV station TVOJ, she and her team earned accolades for their excellence in digital storytelling. In her journalistic endeavors, she strives to transcend the commonly used binary narratives of victimhood.
Thomas Buhl is a political journalist at DR, the Danish Broadcasting Corporation, where he is co-hosting DR’s political podcast “Slotsholmen”. The mission of the podcast is to give insight into Danish politics and the political engine room through interviews with key political figures, advisors, experts, analysts, and other main actors on the political scene. Thomas has also covered elections, breaking news events, party conventions, and daily politics, communicated both through features for national radio and TV and as a live reporter. Previously, Thomas has worked as a news reporter at “Radioavisen”, made features for “Orientering” at P1, and produced regional journalism as a reporter and news host at DR’s regional station in Northern Jutland.
During his fellowship, Thomas will investigate ethical dilemmas faced by society and the health sector at a time when treatment methods become increasingly advanced, and innovative medical discoveries are being made. He will also map out how politicians consider and handle these ethical dilemmas, and how the media can work constructively with covering the field.
Ida Skytte is a journalism lecturer at The Danish School of Media and Journalism in Aarhus. In the recent years she has been the academic coordinator of the diploma program for specialized journalism and she has conducted research on how pay walls have impacted news journalism and how user needs have entered Danish news rooms. Before teaching journalism, Ida worked as a political journalist at e.g. Kristeligt Dagblad and Altinget and as a press advisor at the former prime minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussens office in the European Parliament and as a science journalist at Health, Aarhus University.
During her fellowship at Constructive Institute, Ida will focus on life sciences and how the media reports on the research advances in fields such as biology and medicine. She is curious to understand both the potential and barriers in health innovation and how to do balanced and nuanced journalism in that field.
For the past eight years Marie has worked as a project manager at Politiken Live creating debates, talks, award shows and courses. She has been in charge of projects such as Politikens Undervisningspris, Ibyen Prisen and Politikens Kunstkritikerskole. Additionally, Marie writes columns about tv and radio. Before joining Politiken she was a web editor at Danwatch. Marie holds a master’s degree in analytical journalism (cand.public) from Aarhus University and a bachelor’s degree in philosophy.
During her fellowship at Constructive Institute Marie will be investigating how we as publicists can strengthen the dialogue with citizens and readers through live journalism. When we as media bring journalism to the stage we facilitate spaces where people come together to discuss, to educate themselves, to be entertained and to have their beliefs challenged. But can we make more of the trust and bond we build in those short meetings? How can dialogue with readers and citizens inspire journalists to ask new questions?
Tanja Nyrup Madsen is an experienced investigative journalist and editor. She has a deep passion for journalism that leaves people more enlightened, engaged and empowered. As chief editor of Mandag Morgen she combined investigative, analytical and constructive journalism to reach this goal. Previously, she has led the Danish public radio (DR) current affairs flagship program, P1 Morgen, and served as business editor for online, tv and radio at DR, where she also led a cross boarder investigation team on global investment banks’ dividend tax fraud throughout Europe. She started her carrier at TV2 working as beat reporter and member of various investigative teams. In her early years she worked with data journalism as analytical journalist at Ugebrevet A4. Later she became the first editor and host of the investigative radio program P1-Documentary. She played an active part in creating the FUJ prize for investigative journalism and also served as chairman of the jury and vicepresident for the Danish Association for Investigative Journalism (FUJ).
During her fellowship she will explore how the current journalistic approach to system changing ideas affect the publics (dis)ability to envision attractive, sustainable futures. She will focus specifically on media narratives about innovative production methods and new business models that involve radical changes to the current system. Who are the potential system changers? How are their ideas described by the media? Can constructive journalism foster a more enlightened public debate on transformative ideas and sustainability in various industries and the societal implications of such changes?
Noora Mattila currently works as a podcast producer at the Finnish Jaksomedio in the Finnish capital, Helsinki. She has formerly been a reporter at several Finnish newspapers amongst others Helsingin Sanomat, the largest newspaper in Finland. She has also worked as an editor of the literature magazine Nuori Voima and during a stay the United States she was a freelancer for several Finnish news media. Noora Mattila is the author of a book about conspiracy theories and vaccine critics which she wrote after the covid 19 epidemic and she has won several Finnish journalism awards.
Noora Mattila will be the 7th Finnish journalist to obtain a fellowship at Constructive Institute granted by the Finnish newspaper foundation, Helsingin Sanomat Foundation. During her fellowship Noora Mattila will investigate how media can react to misinformation on social media in a constructive way that may help combating polarization and strengthen trust in society.
Stine Jessen Jensen has been a journalist at Fyens Stiftstidende for nearly 20 years, writing local and regional journalism for the people of Funen. For many years her primary focus has been the major welfare sectors and municipal politics in Denmark’s third-largest city, Odense. Since 2019, she has participated in Fyens Stiftstidende’s annual journalistic campaigns, all focusing on various areas of the welfare system. These journalistic initiatives have consistently aimed to give journalism a constructive and solution-oriented twist. Recently, Stine has switched to the crime desk, where she daily works to produce balanced and nuanced journalism about crime in Funen.
Stine will investigate how the coverage of traditionally high-attention journalism, such as crime reporting, can incorporate constructive elements to better reflect statistics that indicate crime is generally decreasing in society. Stine will seek to understand if there is something in our general understanding of the world that promotes journalism with inherent conflict. She will explore if it is possible to use knowledge about conflict concepts and conflict narratives to understand this issue, thereby, becoming better at creating constructive journalism that challenges and reshapes readers’ understanding of the local community. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 72 | https://www.wikidata.org/wiki/Q795477 | en | Prime Minister of Denmark | [
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correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 45 | https://www.ilo.org/resource/news/ilo-global-employment-forum-media-arrangements | en | ILO Global Employment Forum Media Arrangements | [
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] | null | [] | 2001-10-26T00:00:00+00:00 | en | /favicon-96.ico | International Labour Organization | https://www.ilo.org/resource/news/ilo-global-employment-forum-media-arrangements | GENEVA (ILO News) - The International Labour Office (ILO) will host the Global Employment Forum at its Headquarters from 1-3 November, 2001.
Accredited members of the media are invited to attend the following events planned for Thursday 1 November.
Opening Session
09:45-10:00:
Photo opportunities with assembled dignitaries
Location: R3 level, south end of the ILO building
10:00-12:30:
Main Conference Room - R3 level, south end (Sign posted)
• Inaugural statement by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan on the global employment challenge in the turbulent times since the events of September 11
• Opening statement by ILO Director-General Juan Somavia
• Other Speakers:
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, Danish Prime Minister
Laurette Onkelinx, President of the Council of EU Ministers of Labour
Zhang Zuoji, Minister of Labour, China
Pascal Couchepin, Minister for Economic Affairs, Switzerland
After a short (30 mins) break, other statements will be delivered by Bill Jordan, General Secretary, ICFTU and the IOE President, Francois Perigot.
Afternoon Session - Presentation of the Global Agenda for Employment
14:00:
Introductory remarks by Göran Hultin, Executive Director of ILO's Employment Sector, followed by a special message by Finnish Prime Minister Paavo Lipponen
14:25:
Allan Larsson, former Finance Minister of Sweden who has been closely involved with the ILO Employment Sector, will outline the main features of the Global Agenda for Employment
14:40-18:10:
Two interlinked roundtables discussing the national and international perspectives of the Agenda will be moderated by Charles Hodson of CNN. Panelists include Labour Ministers, Union leaders, NGO officials, World Bank representatives and UN executives (See programme)
18:30-20:00:
Reception, with keynote speaker Robert Reich, former US Secretary of Labour | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 10 | https://english.stm.dk/the-prime-minister/speeches/address-by-the-prime-minister-of-denmark-mr-poul-nyrup-rasmussen-to-the-seventh-annual-session-of-the-osce-parliamentary-assembly-7-10-july-1998/ | en | Address by the Prime Minister of Denmark Mr. Poul Nyrup Rasmussen to The Seventh Annual Session of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly 7 – 10 July 1998 | [
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] | null | [] | null | da | /dist/images/stm/favicons/apple-touch-icon.png | https://english.stm.dk/the-prime-minister/speeches/address-by-the-prime-minister-of-denmark-mr-poul-nyrup-rasmussen-to-the-seventh-annual-session-of-the-osce-parliamentary-assembly-7-10-july-1998/ | Mr. President, Mr. Janvier Ruperez, Vicepresident, Secretary General, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear Colleagues,
It is a pleasure and a privilege for me to address you today on the occasion of the Seventh Annual Session of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly.
It is a pleasure to welcome you warmly to Denmark and to Copenhagen. I hope you will enjoy your stay.
It is also a privilege to address you. Your assembly represents one of the core principles we have fought for: The right of every citizen to express his or her political beliefs in a free and open society. And the right of every citizen to have his or her views represented in a parliamentary democracy. You are a token of this fundamental principle. Your assembly gives the OSCE a direct link to the people. If we did not have the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly we would have to invent one immediately.
Mr. President,
During the past decade: New states have emerged to become members of the European family of nations.
This development has been accompanied by broad processes of co-operation and integration at the regional and sub-regional level.
The OSCE itself is the broadest of these fora comprising all states in Europe, the Caucasus, Central Asia and the United States and Canada.
The European Union, NATO and the Council of Europe are all major players who have also opened up towards the new states through membership or co-operative arrangements.
At the sub-regional level, co-operation has developed around the Baltic, the Barents and the Black Sea, in Central Europe and in South-East Europe, as well as in other regions.
This co-operation brings together states with different backgrounds – and often with different prospects for participation in the over-all co-operation processes.
Therefore it deals pragmatically with concrete issues close to the their citizens, often involving local levels of government. In doing so it provides an important contribution to creating an undivided Europ.
An undivided Europe. To use these words is still new and yet so close to our vision for Europe. We have set ourselves common goals. We have come to share the same basic values of democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights, and market economy.
We have, Mr. President, a historic opportunity for creating free and open societies throughout the OSCE area.
But there are obstacles to the new opportunities. New risks and challenges have emerged that threaten our common security. In some cases they have had – and still have – tragic consequences in the very heart of Europe. We see conflicts re-emerge. And here I can not but mention the tragic situation in Kosovo.
We must unite all our efforts and prevent the situation from escalating further.
Because today, we can stand together and combat the common dangers.
Because we must, because we have learned, because we have not forgotten.
And because we know, that security, prosperity, and welfare of a state and its people can never be built in isolation. Only when all states and peoples enjoy the same prospects and opportunities can we reach this goal.
May I underline: We can not have a secure state without secure people inside.
Why are we here today ? For one fundamental reason:
Dealing with these new risks and challenges to security is the most formidable task confronting our generation. I believe we are fit to meet the challenge. Because we do remember from our history what could happen if we fail. To be divided is to create the basis for conflict.
To co-operate and to treat each others minorities in the same way as you want to be treated yourself - that is to establish the basis for lasting peace.
Learning from the mistakes of the past and drawing on the principles we share we must build the world of tomorrow – a world offering security, prosperity and democracy to all.
Mr. President,
In addressing this challenge we must never forget the simple basic philosophy: Prevention is better than cure.
And prevention is best served by offering assistance to those facing problems. We must help to make our common values a living reality in all OSCE states.
In this endeavour, the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly plays an important role. A decisive role in my mind.
Firstly, because building democracy, peace and stability, both nationally and internationally, requires openness, readiness to share experience, to learn, and to improve. The meetings and discussions of the Parliamentary Assembly contribute positively to both national and international political dialogue. The bringing together of parliamentarians from all OSCE participating States gives a unique opportunity for an exchange of views, of information and of best practices. In this way, the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly serves as an engine for promoting democratic developments in Europe.
Secondly, because the debates and recommendations of the OSCE parliamentary Assembly contribute to the ongoing work of the OSCE within the fields of conflict prevention, crises management and post-conflict rehabilitation.
And I want to stress that Denmark strongly supports strengthening the ties between the Parliamentary Assembly and OSCE institutions and activities. We support frequent visits by parliamentarians to Vienna and to OSCE missions in the field. We encourage your participation in OSCE meetings and seminars. Also, we appreciate very much the participation of you, Mr. President, and of the Secretary General of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, in the meetings of the OSCE Ministerial Troika.
And we have started a good practice by sending out to different missions the President of the Assembly as the personal representative of the chairman in office.
That brings me to the third reason why the role of The Parliamentary assembly is so important: OSCE parliamentarians play an increasingly important role in promoting democratic values at their very root: The election process. Elections provide legitimacy and accountability in democratic societies. The ability to carry out elections and the will to accept and implement their results is a precondition for democratic development. In new or emerging democracies, international observation of elections is often useful for securing transparency and openness in the electoral process.
I highly recommend the members of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly for their active participation in this important task. Their engagement – and indeed your personal engagement, Mr. President – in the elections in Albania, in Bosnia-Herzegovina, in Montenegro and elsewhere has contributed greatly to results achieved. 'Even if we are late', as the president indicated. Small steps in the right direction are better than no steps at all. But we have to make even further progress.
Making the tools and instruments of the OSCE and its institutions more effective is high on our common agenda. You have chosen a very central theme for this year’s session - The development of the structures, institutions and perspectives of the OSCE. A theme which offers a valuable contribution to this work.
It is also a theme which is very relevant at this time.
Relevant because making the tools and instruments of the OSCE and its institutions more effective is high on our common agenda.
And relevant because Denmark as other nations strongly supports strengthening the ties between the Parliamentary Assembly and OSCE institutions and activities.
I therefore encourage the discussions which are to take place here in the next few days.
During this session you are also going to discuss the very important issue of how to empower and engage women to participate in the OSCE work of conflict prevention. I strongly encourage this discussion. Because the participation of women is fundamental in obtaining effective and durable conflict prevention.
Mr. President,
Denmark attaches great importance to further improving the ability of the international community to promote democratic development through assistance to and monitoring of elections. To this end it is paramount that the international actors work together in a mutually reinforcing way. Much has been achieved already. Within the OSCE, co-operation between the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly and the ODIHR is on track. And there is a growing understanding of the need to further improve co-operation with the Council of Europe, including with its Parliamentary Assembly.
At the Copenhagen Ministerial Council Meeting in December 1997, participating States set out guidelines for an OSCE Document-Charter on European Security. A key element was the elaboration of a Platform for Co-operative Security, comprising a Common Concept for the development of co-operation between mutually reinforcing institutions. The objective: To strengthen the OSCE’s relationship with those organisations and institutions concerned with the promotion of comprehensive security within the OSCE area.
Security, Mr President, for all the citizens of Europe is based on democracy.
Democracy is based on parliaments. The Platform for Co-operative Security should, therefore, also have a parliamentary dimension. As the broadest based Assembly in the Trans-Atlantic, Eurasian area the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly is particularly well suited to strengthen co-operation between the parliamentary assemblies.
Mr. President, Dear colleagues,
We share more knowledge of what is right and what is wrong than ever before.
Democracy is sometimes taken for granted. But we must never do so. Democracy and freedom of thought and expression are not given things. History has shown us that they can be lost.
I know that we can not fulfil all our commitments overnight. I know that.
To preserve democracy, we must make it work. You, dear colleagues, do this every day by addressing problems and seeking solutions in your own national parliaments.
Today, you are doing it by addressing important issues facing us at the international level. By taking your mandate to the international level, you are furthering co-operation and promoting better understanding between the peoples you represent. You are, indeed, making democracy work at a higher level.
I salute you for this effort and I wish you a fruitful annual session.
Thank you. | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 47 | https://worldskills.org/media/news/official-signing-ceremony-marks-start-planning-euroskills-herning-2025/ | en | Official signing ceremony marks start of planning for EuroSkills Herning 2025 | [
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] | null | [] | null | EuroSkills Herning 2025 will take place between 8–14 September 2025 and will be held at MCH Messecenter Herning in Denmark. | en | /favicon.svg | https://worldskills.org/media/news/official-signing-ceremony-marks-start-planning-euroskills-herning-2025/ | An Organisational Agreement has been signed between WorldSkills Europe and WorldSkills Denmark for the hosting of the ninth EuroSkills Competition in 2025.
The signing ceremony, which took place at the Danish Ministry of Children and Education in Copenhagen on 25 November 2021, was attended by the newly appointed Chairman of EuroSkills Herning 2025, Mr Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, WorldSkills Europe Chair of the Board, Ms.Teija Ripattila, and by the Danish Minister of Children and Education, Ms. Pernille Rosenkrantz-Theil. The CEO of WorldSkills Europe, Ms. Laurence Gates, and the Chairman of WorldSkills Denmark, Mr. Søren Heisel, were also present.
The Danish city of Herning was confirmed as host of the ninth EuroSkills Competition following a unanimous vote by WorldSkills Europe Member Countries at an extraordinary General Assembly virtual meeting which took place on 16 September 2020.
Teija Ripattila, Chair of the Board of Directors, WorldSkills Europe said, “We are incredibly thankful to WorldSkills Denmark for having agreed to organise a EuroSkills event on behalf of all 31 WorldSkills Europe Member Countries that participate in our biennial Championships of Young Professionals.”
WorldSkills Denmark worked closely with the Danish Government, the Trade Union Movement’s Main Organisation, the Danish Employers’ Association, Herning Municipality, the Central Jutland Region on the bid to bring EuroSkills to Denmark as part of an ambitious overall strategy to get more young people to choose vocational education.
Ripattila continued, “We are equally thankful to the Danish government and all the sector and partner organisations in Denmark that are supporting WorldSkills Denmark on this project. We know that an international event of this scale would not be possible without such high-level national commitment and support. We place strong trust and confidence in WorldSkills Denmark, who we know will deliver, with the support of the Danish government and all partners and stakeholders, an exceptional EuroSkills event for our Members.”
Chairman of EuroSkills Herning 2025, Mr Poul Nyrup Rasmussen said, “Denmark and EuroSkills Herning 2025 are excited to welcome all WorldSkills Europe Member countries to Herning to provide hundreds of Europe’s most talented young skilled professionals an opportunity to compete against the best of the best. Our ambition with this championship is not only to create increased focus on VET in Denmark, but also to raise the standards of excellence in technical and vocational education and training and provide inspiration for developing the trades and skills across Europe – and lasting relations between countries on all levels.”
In her speech at the official signing ceremony, Danish Minister of Children and Education, Ms. Pernille Rosenkrantz-Theil said, “We are very enthusiastic about hosting EuroSkills in 2025 – a gathering of the best European VET students and a platform for exchanging experiences across borders and across cultures, a hub for inspiration for developing the VET system in Europe. WorldSkills Europe has given us so much, and now it is time for us to give back by hosting the EuroSkills Competition in 2025. We are committed to making EuroSkills Herning 2025 a success, both for the young Competitors and for the perception of VET in general.”
New dates confirmed for EuroSkills Herning 2025
Originally scheduled for 2024, WorldSkills Europe and WorldSkills Denmark announced in December 2020 that EuroSkills Herning would be moved by one year to 2025 due to the postponement of EuroSkills Graz to 2021, and EuroSkills St Petersburg to 2023.
EuroSkills Herning 2025 will take place between 8–14 September 2025 and will be held at MCH Messecenter Herning, the largest exhibition centre in Scandinavia.
The city of Herning is home to a thriving industrial sector, with a large international workforce focusing on a shift towards Industry 4.0. This is a result of a long-standing tradition of close cooperation between local industry and businesses, educational institutions, elementary schools and the municipality.
Initial planning meetings for EuroSkills Herning 2025 will now be scheduled between the WorldSkills Europe management team and representatives of WorldSkills Denmark. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 51 | https://www.ineteconomics.org/research/experts/HZsoltdeSousa | en | Institute for New Economic Thinking | [
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"Lynn Parramore",
"Astra Taylor",
"Rob Johnson",
"Video Featuring Thomas Ferguson",
"Rohit Azad",
"Shouvik Chakraborty",
"Servaas Storm",
"Terry McKinley",
"Francis Cripps"
] | null | en | Institute for New Economic Thinking | https://www.ineteconomics.org/research/experts/HZsoltdeSousa | Hugo Zsolt de Sousa worked with the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change in Mozambique. Previously, Zsolt de Sousa worked for NDI (National Democratic Institute) in post-revolution Tunisia and subsequently in Mauritania. In addition to his experience working with Governments in Africa, he worked in European affairs for several years. He was economics advisor for the former President of the European Commission, Jacques Delors and for Pascal Lamy at Notre Europe in Paris. He also served for the former Danish Prime Minister, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen as his special advisor for Economics and Financial Markets.
In addition he worked in Government as head for European and International affairs at the private office of the Portuguese Minister for Economy, Energy and Innovation. He published several articles in European affairs. He holds a BSc in Economics from the University of Southampton, UK and an MA in European Economic Integration from the College of Europe in Bruges, Belgium. | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 53 | http://psephos.adam-carr.net/countries/d/denmark/statsdenmark.shtml | en | Adam Carr's Electoral Archive | [
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] | null | [] | null | en | null | KINGDOM OF DENMARK
• Official name: Kongeriget Danmark (Kingdom of Denmark)
• Location: Northern Europe
• International organisations: Council of Europe, European Union, North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe, United Nations, World Trade Organisation
• Borders: Germany
• Coastline: Baltic Sea, North Sea
• Land area: 43,094 Km2
• Population: 5,500,000
• Annual GDP (PPP) per capita: US$36,000 (2009 CIA estimate). World ranking: 23
• Ethnicity: Almost the entire population is of Danish stock. There is a small German minority and small immigrant communities.
• Languages: Danish is the official language and is universally understood. German is spoken in a few border districts.
• Religion: The Evangelical Lutheran Church is a state church. Over 90% of the population are nominal Protestant Christians, but Denmark is a highly secularised country. There are small Catholic Christian and Moslem minorities.
• Form of government: Constitutional monarchy and parliamentary democracy. Denmark is divided into 14 counties and two boroughs. The island of Bornholm in the Baltic is a county. The Faroe Islands and Greenland are part of the Kingdom of Denmark but are entirely self-governing.
• Capital: Copenhagen (Kobenhavn)
• Constitution: The Constitution of the Kingdom of Denmark came into effect on 9 June 1953.
• Head of state: Queen Margrethe II came to the throne on 14 January 1972.
• Head of government: The Prime Minister, appointed by the Queen. The Prime Minister is the leader of the largest party in the legislature and is accountable to it.
• Legislature: Denmark has a unicameral legislature. The People's Assembly (Folketing) has 179 members, elected for four-year terms by proportional representation. 175 members are elected in metropolitan Denmark while the Faeroe Islands and Greenland each elect two members.
• Electoral authority: The Danish Interior Ministry administers national elections
• Freedom House 2011 rating: Political Rights 3, Civil Liberties 3
• Transparency International Corruption Index: 93% (1 of 178 countries rated)
• Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom 2010 Index: 75% (11 of 178 countries rated)
• Heritage Foundation Economic Freedom 2010 Index: 78.6% (8 of 179 countries rated)
Political history
Denmark, an independent kingdom since the 9th century, was an absolute monarchy until 1849, when Frederik VII was persuaded to agree to a Constitution. The 1849 Constitution established a two-house legislature and a responsible ministry. The vote was restricted to males who met a property qualification. In 1915 the vote was extended to all adults, including women, and in 1953 the upper house of the legislature was abolished.
Denmark was occupied by Germany 1940-45. As a result of this experience Denmark abandoned its traditional neutrality and joined NATO in 1947. Denmark joined the European Union in 1972.
Danish politics were dominated for 40 years by the centre-left Social Democracy in Denmark, which came to power under Thorvald Stauning in 1929, but its dominance has faded since the 1970s. The left-wing vote has fragmented, with the Socialist People's Party, the Radical Left-Social Liberal Party and the Unity List-The Red Greens also represented in the legislature. The largest party on the right is the Liberal Party of Denmark, which is allied with the Conservative People's Party and the Christian People's Party. The Danish People's Party, a far-right populist party, has upset the traditional pattern of Danish politics.
The Social Democrats were in office under Poul Nyrup Rasmussen from 1993 to 2001. They were defeated at the 2001 election and the Liberal leader Anders Fogh Rasmussen formed a government. He was easily re-elected in 2007. In 2009 Rasmussen resigned to become Secretary-General of NATO and was succeeded by Lars Lokke Rasmussen. (The three Rusmussens were not related.) At elections in September 2011 a left-wing coalition headed by the Social Democrat leader Helle Thorning-Schmidt was elected.
Updated November 2011 | |||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 32 | https://press.un.org/en/2000/20000626.db062600.doc.html | en | DAILY PRESS BRIEFING OF OFFICE OF SPOKESMAN FOR SECRETARY-GENERAL | https://press.un.org/themes/custom/un3_press/favicon.ico | https://press.un.org/themes/custom/un3_press/favicon.ico | [
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] | null | [] | 2000-06-26T12:00:00+00:00 | 26 June 2000 Press Briefing DAILY PRESS BRIEFING OF OFFICE OF SPOKESMAN FOR SECRETARY-GENERAL 20000626 The following is a near-verbatim transcript of todays noon briefing by Manoel de Almeida e Silva, Deputy Spokesman for the Secretary-General. **Noon Guest and Briefing | en | /themes/custom/un3_press/favicon.ico | https://press.un.org/en/2000/20000626.db062600.doc.html | 26 June 2000
Press Briefing
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING OF OFFICE OF SPOKESMAN FOR SECRETARY-GENERAL
20000626
The following is a near-verbatim transcript of todays noon briefing by Manoel de Almeida e Silva, Deputy Spokesman for the Secretary-General.
**Noon Guest and Briefing
Good afternoon. Hoping to set a new trend, we wont be too late in starting these briefings from now on. Today, the guest at the noon briefing will be Ian McFarlane, Policy Specialist at the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), who will be here to talk to you about A Better World for All, a report on poverty reduction which was launched by the Secretary-General in Geneva today. Ill have more detail as I go on with the briefing.
Also, following the briefing today at 12:30 p.m., well have a background briefing by a senior United Nations official on southern Lebanon. Delegations are invited to watch the briefing in reviewing room number 4 located in the first basement.
**Secretary-Generals Travels
As I reported last Friday, the Secretary-General left the Middle East and went to Europe, where he arrived in the early evening Friday in Basel, Switzerland. That city was hosting the Childrens World Festival, in which families of the region hosted 2,000 children aged 13 and 14 from over 80 countries. The Secretary-General addressed the closing session of the conference, urging the young people to take risks for peace. You will be amazed how much you can achieve by acting with others, he said. All of us as individuals and groups can make a difference. The conference closed with thousands of young people waving lighters in the darkened hall singing, Give Peace a Chance.
Following that, the Secretary-General went to Geneva, where his last appointment of the day was with his Special Representative for East Timor, Sergio Vieira de Mello, who, as I announced before, is in New York this week and will be briefing the Council, and also the press. Going back to the Secretary-Generals activities, yesterday, Sunday, he attended an inter-religious service at St. Peters Cathedral in Geneva. In the afternoon, he addressed the opening of the Geneva 2000 forum, which is the gathering of non-governmental organizations meeting parallel with the General Assembly special session on social development, which opened earlier today in Geneva, as well. The Secretary-General told the participants of the Geneva 2000 forum, you and I will be delivering very similar messages to the official delegations. We will be reminding them that economic growth is not mainly about numbers, but also about people, their health, their education and their security. The full text of his speech is available in our Office upstairs.
Today in Geneva, the Secretary-General formally opened the special session of the General Assembly on social development, called to review progress on the agenda adopted at the First Social Summit in Copenhagen five years ago. He called on both rich and poor countries to do their parts. He asked the rich to further open their markets, provide deeper and faster debt relief, and give more and better-focused development aid because they cannot be indifferent to the social
Daily Press Briefing - 2 - 26 June 2000
conditions in which so many people in poor countries live. The Secretary-General then had a series of bilateral meetings. He started with the Deputy Prime Minister of China, Wen Jiabao, with whom he discussed the Social Summit and other issues. He also met with the Speaker of the Parliament of Iraq, Saadoun Hammadi, who raised with him issues related to the sanctions regime against Iraq. He also met privately with the President of Zambia, Frederick Chiluba.
At midday, he co-hosted, with the President of the special session, Theo-Ben Gurirab of Namibia, a luncheon for the heads of State and government attending the session. In the afternoon, he continued his bilateral meetings. He met with Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, the Prime Minister of Denmark, the country that hosted the First Social Summit. They discussed issues related to the special session and how it would relate to the Millennium session in September. He then had a private meeting with the Foreign Minister of Libya, Abdurrahmam Shalghem.
After that, at about 4 p.m. Geneva time, the Secretary-General participated in a press conference to launch a new report, A Better World for All, which claims that world poverty can be significantly decreased by the year 2015 if both developed and developing countries make good on their commitment to attack the roots of poverty. The report was co-authored by the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). It is an unprecedented collaborative effort. In his opening statement, the Secretary-General said this report, originally requested by the G-8 countries, produced a common understanding, a score card and policy road map with which to measure progress in banishing extreme poverty from our world, and in achieving the targets set by the world conferences of the past decade. Well have a transcript of his press conference soon upstairs.
**Security Council
Before leaving Geneva for Warsaw, which hell do in about an hour, the Secretary-General, for the first time ever, participated by teleconference in informal consultations of the Security Council, which are taking place here in New York. That was on the Middle East, in particular the southern Lebanon situation. He briefed Council members on his trip to the region and fielded a number of questions.
Here in New York, following the part of the consultations with the Secretary-General on the Middle East, the Security Council continued in consultations, and the topic was Angola. The Council was briefed by the Special Adviser of the Secretary-General for Special Assignments in Africa, Ibrahim Gambari, who reported on his recent visit to Angola at the end of last month.
**Sierra Leone Representative in New York
Continuing now on Africa, on Sierra Leone, Oluyemi Adeniji, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Sierra Leone, is leaving today from Conakry, Guinea, for New York, where he is expected to arrive tomorrow. Mr. Adeniji will be holding meetings this week with senior United Nations officials at Headquarters. The situation in Sierra Leone remains calm, but unpredictable, with troops from the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) reinforcing key positions, including the Mile 91 area, where an estimated 35,000 internally displaced persons have gathered. Humanitarian agencies are looking into the possibility of building camps for those displaced persons after United Nations peacekeepers have strengthened the security in the area.
Yesterday, an exhumation team arrived at Rogberi Junction to examine the remains of United Nations peacekeepers who had died and been buried during fighting in that area in May. Forensic teams visited two sites and did a considerable amount of work, but will need to return. Also yesterday, UNAMSIL was able to provide rations to the 222 Indian peacekeepers and 11 military observers surrounded by the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) at Kailahun and the 21 Indian peacekeepers detained at Pendembu. There has been no change in those two groups' condition since the 21 detainees were moved late last week to an abandoned International Committee of the Red Cross compound at Pendembu.
**Kosovo
The Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Kosovo, Bernard Kouchner, today strongly condemned the violence which occurred on Friday night when a large crowd of Kosovo Serbs entered Strpce municipality building, which houses the offices of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and smashed and destroyed everything in sight. The Kosovo Force (KFOR) Information Centre and the Registration Centres were also ransacked. The acts of vandalism against UNMIK and KFOR property followed the demonstrations in the municipality over the disappearance of a Kosovo Serb shepherd from Susice village.
Also, on Sunday, Kouchner welcomed the decision taken by the Serb National Council to rejoin Kosovos Interim Administrative Council (IAC) and Transitional Council (KTC) as observers after a temporary suspension of a couple of weeks. He said this courageous action will allow the Kosovo Serb representatives to once again play their rightful role in building a democratic, peaceful and tolerant Kosovo. More details are available in the notes we have from UNMIK in our Office.
**East Timor
Moving to the other side of the world now, to East Timor, the Prosecutors in that territory handed over the criminal files concerning investigations into so- called serious crimes, and these were handed to the Judicial Affairs Department of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET). The Prosecutors did this to respond to regulation 2000/15, which states that serious crimes, such as genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, will be prosecuted by a special panel within the Dili District Court. This panel is part of the East Timorese Judiciary and is comprised of both East Timorese and international judges. The local prosecutors and the civilian police have already carried out extensive work, and many of the cases are ready for indictment. Once the panel is established, indictments can be expected very soon.
**OECD Forum
This morning, Deputy Secretary-General Louise Fréchette participated in OECD Forum 2000 in Paris, a meeting gathering ministers, business leaders and civil society on the broad theme of partnerships in the new economy. In her remarks, the Deputy Secretary-General highlighted the Global Compact and the growing importance for the United Nations system of partnerships with non-State actors. The United Nations cannot and does not want to usurp the role of other actors on the world stage, but to become a more effective catalyst for change and coordination among them, she said. Copies of her speech are available in our Office.
**Disarmament Commission Opens
Here in New York this morning, in Conference Room 4, was the beginning of the meeting of the Disarmament Commission. The meeting, chaired by Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Javad Zarif, heard a statement by Under-Secretary-General for Disarmament Affairs Jayantha Dhanapala. The text is available in our Office upstairs. In addition to nuclear disarmament, the Commission's meetings this year are also to discuss practical confidence-building measures regarding conventional arms. On that topic, the Under-Secretary-General noted one recent report citing evidence that global arms expenditures have once again started to rise, and may have increased by more than 2 per cent in real terms last year.
**UNAIDS Report
A new United Nations report estimates that over one third of todays 15-year-olds will die of AIDS in the worst-affected countries. The latest Report on the Global HIV Epidemic, which includes a country-by-country update on the global epidemic, was prepared by the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and will be released tomorrow in advance of the thirteenth International AIDS Conference being held in Durban, South Africa, from 9 to 14 July. We have embargoed press releases upstairs in our Office.
**Headquarters Activities
This afternoon at 3 oclock, Kensaku Hogen, Under-Secretary-General for Communication and Public Information, will receive on behalf of the Secretary- General a copy of the Olympic Torch to be used to open the 2000 Olympic Games. Hell receive the torch from Michael Knight, Minister of State of New South Wales, Australia, where, as you know, the Olympics will be held. The presentation is expected to take place outdoors near the Japanese Peace Bell. Also today, at 1 oclock this afternoon, will be the beginning of the Peace Walk marking United Nations Charter Day. It will take place in the United Nations Garden right outside.
**Budget
My last two notes before we go on to our guest today are on the budget. We have received two more payments to the regular budget for the year 2000. Croatia and Myanmar have become the ninety-third and ninety-fourth Member States to make their full payment to this year's regular budget. Croatia gave us a check for close to $315,000 and Myanmar a check for about $84,000.
**Press Conference Tomorrow
Tomorrow, therell be a press conference at 11:15 a.m. here in this room. It will be by Jargalsaikhany Enkhsaikhan of Mongolia. He will hold a press conference on the effects of the drought in Mongolia. A video produced by the Department of Public Information will be screened at the same press conference.
Are there any questions before we move onto our guest?
**Questions and Answers
Question: On East Timor, what kinds of numbers are we talking about for the prosecutions?
Deputy Spokesman: I dont think we have numbers yet. I think once the first indictments start being announced, well have a clearer understanding from the Judicial Affairs people.
Question: In Kinshasa, of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Laurent Kabila closed down the office of the Neutral Facilitator, Mr. Mesire. Does the United Nations have a position on that?
Deputy Spokesman: We have expressed our concern about the closure of that office, which happened last week. We expressed it to the Government, and it was reported to the Security Council on Friday, as well. As you know, the Facilitators office is a mechanism organized by the Organization of African Unity (OAU), but we have expressed our reaction to it.
Question: A few hours ago, the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of Great Britain announced a scientific breakthrough in the study of human genomes. Was the Secretary-General briefed on that?
Deputy Spokesman: Ill check into that and come back to you.
**New Staff
Before we move to our guest, Id like to make an announcement. We have a new colleague whos joined us in the Spokesmans Office today. His name is Stephane Dujarric from France. Hell be replacing Hannah Yilma, who has been with us for a number of months doing a wonderful job in our Office. Stephane has worked for ABC Television for many years. Youll be having more contact with him after his first week of briefings. Next week, hell start dealing directly with you. Welcome Stephane.
* *** * | |||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 67 | https://www.economist.com/europe/1998/03/05/the-danes-are-feeling-bleak | en | The Danes are feeling bleak | [
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"The Economist"
] | 1998-03-05T00:00:00 | They think their welfare state has fallen into a mess | Europe | en | /favicon.ico | The Economist | https://www.economist.com/europe/1998/03/05/the-danes-are-feeling-bleak | POUL NYRUP RASMUSSEN, Denmark's prime minister since 1993, reckons he has done a good job. The economy has flourished under his government: GDP has grown by an average of 3% a year, and unemployment has fallen from 12.4% in 1993 to about 7.4% this winter. The general government budget has gone into surplus for the first time in ten years. In purely material terms, it is safe to say, the Danes have never had it so good.
Yet it does not follow that Danes are satisfied with their lot. Mr Nyrup Rasmussen may have miscalculated when he called an election for March 11th. The feel-good factor he apparently thought would carry him back into office declines to blow much wind into his sails. His minority government—a coalition of his own Social Democrats and the small Radical Party—seemed this week to be heading for the rocks. If he loses, the next government will be a coalition dominated by the Conservatives and the free-market Liberals, probably under the Liberal leader and former foreign minister, Uffe Ellemann-Jensen. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 29 | https://www.e-flux.com/journal/22/67762/on-the-turn-towards-liberal-state-racism-in-denmark/ | en | On the Turn Towards Liberal State Racism in Denmark | [
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] | null | [] | null | … | en | null | The only positive thing about the situation in Denmark—where we have not only a riled up racist public sphere in which “foreigners” are smeared and mocked on a daily basis, but also actual race-based laws against immigrants and asylum seekers—is the certainty with which we can recognize the national democratic system as an obstacle to any kind of progressive offensive aimed at radically restructuring the wretched state of affairs at present. A first step in doing so would be to abandon any kind of confidence in the national democracy’s political forms, such as the party or the union, that still refer to the nation-state. At this point in history, the project in Denmark, and perhaps the West in general, is primarily a negative one: we must dissolve the various old, white, middle-class institutions, and stop forcing the lower classes of the world into them. We have to start over.
The Fight for the Racist Vote
But how did the situation get so bad in Denmark? Of course, it can be difficult to pinpoint the turn that enabled social democratic, conservative, and liberal politicians alike to cast suspicion on immigrants in a very brutalizing language, followed by the establishment of race-based laws. When in 1997 Poul Nyrup Rasmussen’s social democratic government named Thorkild Simonsen minister of interior affairs, explicitly assigning him with the task of making it more difficult to gain asylum in Denmark, the process was already well under way. When the Nyrup Rasmussen government was reelected the following year, the newly-created, explicitly racist right-wing Danish People’s Party, headed by Pia Kjærsgaard, gained thirteen seats in parliament. The party’s campaign was solely based on hatred of foreigners, especially Muslims, and it would repeatedly allege that Islam and Muslims sought to destroy Danish society and Denmark as a nation through immigration. “The latest figures show that there are approximately 415,000 foreigners in Denmark and that in just fifteen years there will be more than a million. We are confronted with a genuine mass-migration from the Third World,” a press release stated. These figures are completely wrong—in 1998 there were 195,000 immigrants from “less developed” parts of the world, according to Statistics Denmark, making Denmark one of the least “mixed” countries in Europe.
In the winter of 1998–99, the two Danish tabloids BT and Ekstra Bladet joined the “battle” and began publishing stories on a daily basis about the ways in which immigrants were “cheating” the Danish welfare system. The racist rhetoric was setting the agenda in Denmark, and the social democratic government tried yet again to conform to the new discourse by making Karen Jespersen minister of interior affairs, with the explicit aim of tightening the immigration rules. From then on, almost all parties joined the scramble for the racist votes, all arguing against immigration and referring to a loose idea that the Danish community and a very specific Danish sensibility was threatened and needed protection.
But of course, keeping up with the Danish People’s Party was difficult, as it produced increasingly demonic representations of a small, innocent Danish heaven with green pastures and smiling people being slowly demolished by the arrival of hateful and barbarian Muslim foreigners unwilling to assimilate into the Danish community and accept its values and customs. As Danish People’s Party member Mogens Camre explained in 1999, “Muslims come here with a beggar’s staff in their hands and as soon as they are allowed inside Denmark the staff is transformed into a stick whipping us into line.” The scene had been set. When the director of the Confederation of Danish Industry, Hans Skov Christensen, wrote a feature article in the daily Politiken in 2000 arguing that Denmark in fact needed more immigrants in order to be able to compete on the global market, he was immediately met by a storm of protests and forced to affirm his Danishness by declaring that he too hoisted the Danish flag on national holidays. Even as early as 2000, it seemed that it was already too late for Denmark. And in many respects the racist backlash was only reaffirmed in the 2001 election, when a coalition between the conservative and the liberal parties, headed by Anders Fogh Rasmussen, gained power with the support of the Danish People’s Party.
Whereas the arrival of populist and racist parties in countries like France in the 1990s had polarized the political debate, such a polarization did not take place in Denmark. Instead, all parties decided to incorporate the racist agenda, and most of the press and the media followed by reproducing aggressive racist remarks, arguing that it was a good thing to be able to debate these issues. Of course, there was no actual debate, only stigmatization and smear campaigns.
Racial Laws and State of Emergency
Then came 9/11, and all ideas about a more just redistribution of wealth between rich and poor were replaced with the so-called war on terror, enabling not only invasion wars carried out under the banner of a “clash of civilizations,” but also instituting the present state of emergency, which included a profusion of unspecified laws aimed at impeding the movements of immigration and extending networks of control and surveillance throughout Western cities. Islam has now become largely synonymous with terrorism. The election in Denmark took place little more than a month after the precision bombing of New York and Washington by enemies of the American empire, and the only topic in the election concerned not just bringing immigration to a halt, but the question of how to purge criminal immigrants—including so-called second generation immigrants born and raised in Denmark. All major parties from the Social Democrats to the Liberal Party accepted the premise that immigration was a problem or a threat. The latter launched a fierce campaign for Denmark to simply throw out immigrants or children of immigrants if they committed a crime or in any other way did not conform to the Danish way of life. One of the party’s posters showed a photo documenting a group of young immigrants of Middle Eastern origin giving the finger to the photographer while leaving a court. “Time for a change,” the caption read.
The Danish People’s Party obviously outdid the other parties in its 2001 election campaign. For instance, it published a 210-page book titled The Future of Denmark: Your Country, Your Choice; the photo on its cover depicted what appeared to be agitated Middle Eastern men carrying guns and shouting. The threat towards Danish welfare had to be visualized again and again. One of the campaign posters for the election showed an image of a smiling blond girl with the caption, “When she retires, there will be a Muslim majority in Denmark.” Another poster by the youth wing of the party showed the head of a veiled woman with the text, “Your Denmark? A multiethnic society with: Gang rapes, violence, insecurity, forced marriages, repression of women, gang crimes. Do you want that?” Nevertheless, the party was welcomed into the sphere of power and participated in formulating the new government program, making sure that immigration to Denmark would become nearly impossible thereafter.
The election in 2001 was historical because it became possible to form an exclusively right-wing government supported by the populist and extreme right-wing Danish People’s Party, neutralizing the role of the small center parties that usually take part in forming a new government in Denmark (these parties had unsuccessfully tried to avoid the most strident racist rhetoric while still accepting the general trend towards anti-immigration and xenophobia). The first in a long and seemingly never-ending series of laws hindering immigration saw the light of day in 2001, and made it extremely difficult for someone living in Denmark to bring their “non-Danish” partner to Denmark. Soon after, the government and the Danish People’s Party introduced the so-called Start Help unemployment assistance program, making out of work immigrants receive a significantly lower transfer income than that of “real Danes.” The UN Refugee Agency and the EU protested, but the criticism was rejected and since the Danish press had recently normalized the new discourse, such “external” critique was presented as irrelevant or as a genuflection for suspicious multicultural ideas that did not yet comprehend the threats of totalitarian Islam.
When political phenomena like the rise of right-wing populism in Europe is addressed in Danish media, the Danish People’s Party is rarely mentioned. Jörg Haider, Jean-Marie Le Pen, and Geert Wilders are given as examples, but Pia Kjærsgaard is not. Racism has simply become the norm for Danes. Racism? No, just a healthy and outspoken relationship with the problems connected with immigrants and foreigners. In less than ten years, Danes slowly grew accustomed to seeing foreigners as threatening and subhuman, as those who could be not only repressed, but also persecuted. Globally, it is, for the most part, the bombed and butchered Palestinian refugees that have had to bear the brunt of this development, while the Western middle classes are trained in racism.
The launch of the defense of Denmark against Muslim immigration was just one component of the new liberal right-wing government’s politics. Another consisted in siding with George W. Bush and his war on terror. The Danish government was always there next to Bush, from the invasion of Afghanistan to the occupation of Iraq—and Danish troops are still present in Afghanistan. The Danish participation was a dramatic change from the significantly less active role the Danish military played on the global scene during and after the Cold War. That the invasion of Iraq was based on lies—there were no weapons of mass destruction or terrorist cells in Iraq—never became a matter of discussion in Denmark. The government and the Danish People’s Party have so far managed to silence all criticism by presenting criticism of the war on terror as synonymous with support of the terrorists.
Authenticity Totalitarianism
The collaboration between the liberal right-wing government and the People’s Party effectively confirmed the transformation of politics in Denmark into what we might term national democratic authenticity totalitarianism, a peculiar mixture of democracy, racism, and fascism, primarily expressed as a cultivation of Danish authenticity and hatred of foreigners. All that is seen as foreign to Danish values is presented as a threat, from al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and Saddam Hussein and his Baath Party, to local immigrants wearing veils and the non-parliamentary left wing. They are all security risks that must be handled—by preemptive measures, if necessary.
Newspaper ad by the right-wing party Venstre with the caption: “A immigration policy that is both fair and firm,” 2001.
In 2003, the government launched a genuine campaign against Muslims, urban youth culture, the so-called cultural elite, and anything seemingly left-wing. The Fogh Rasmussen government labeled the campaign a “battle of culture” and argued that it was necessary to protect Denmark against multiculturalism, Islam, and the left. A canon of “Danish” values was subsequently drafted and made obligatory reading in schools. And canons of Danish art, literature, music, architecture, and film were also produced and circulated with great fanfare. The minister of culture, Brian Mikkelsen, talked about the existence of “a medieval Muslim culture” in Denmark that had to be eliminated, and Fogh Rasmussen stressed the need to protect Western values militarily as well as culturally. Groups that somehow did not fit the dominant vision of Danish identity were in for a hard time. The Muhammad drawings from 2005, in which the right-wing daily Jyllands Posten mocked local Muslims, and the eviction at the Youth House in Copenhagen in 2007, where a viable youth culture was deprived of a semi-autonomous space, were the most visible signs of this campaign against alternative ways of life in Denmark.
As the raiding of the Youth House shows, the xenophobic campaign against Muslim immigrants was accompanied by an attack on the left. According to the government, the country was in need of a cleansing of the old leftist and 1968 ideas that threatened to destroy the Danish community in favor of a multicultural society. To an unprecedented extent, the government pressured public institutions like state television and the university system to distance themselves from what were perceived to be dangerous ‘68ist currents. The demonization of left-wing ideology continued in the ongoing dismantling of the welfare state, with healthcare, education, and research budgets being seriously cut—a move that has been further intensified with the financial crisis, which the market-liberal right-wing government has, with its supporting party, seized upon as a favorable window of opportunity.
Excessive use of violence and the criminalization of formerly accepted expressions and actions were also the order of the day. During the fights that broke out after the brutal raiding of the Youth House on May 1, 2007, the police took a strong line against the protesters and imposed visitation zones in several districts of Copenhagen, searching thousands of people unlikely to have done anything of a criminal nature. On several occasions during the last few years, immigrants have been charged with planning terror attacks and officially expelled from Denmark without legal trial, due to security reasons known only to the secret service and the minister of justice. Lawyers and human rights groups have protested, but the critique of these incidents has been easily rejected as naïve, referencing the threats circulated by the government’s politics of fear.
Foreigners and Modern Art
These local developments were, of course, linked to the global process that for a period was named “the war on terror” but in effect constituted an extensive neoliberal counterrevolution expanding a closely-defined capitalist power base by combining liberal market economy with emergency laws—the same meeting of liberalism and right-wing populism that became the norm in the Western world since 2000. Although there were differences between the emergency neo-liberalism of George W. Bush, Tony Blair, Silvio Berlusconi, and Fogh Rasmussen, the overall pattern was pretty clear: tax releases for the wealthy went hand in hand with a kind of stylistic demagoguery and a provocative emphasis on the dangers against the national community lurking everywhere, but from foreigners and Muslims especially. Looking back on this period from 2000 to 2008 one might describe this mixture—that also included a very conscious use of religion—as liberal Bonapartism following Marx’s description of the post-republican Louis Bonaparte and his regime.
One might argue for making a connection between the present Danish liberal state racism and different populist movements of the 1960s and early 1970s in Denmark that expressed hate and resentment towards foreigners and modern art. The so-called Rindalism (named after Peter Rindal, a warehouse manager from Herning) attacked experimental art and the newly-created Danish Arts Council for its support of the period’s abstract and conceptual art. Rindal saw the Danish Arts Council’s activities as scandalous for using state resources to support incomprehensible and strange art. The opposition against modern art was articulated in explicit nationalist terms where modern art was considered to be foreign and a threat to the healthy values of ordinary Danes. Rindal’s resentment and anger gained further ground in the election in 1973, when two new anti-state and xenophobic protest parties gained seats in parliament through campaigns complaining that the state was becoming increasingly large, colonizing people’s lives, and even spending money on meaningless art.
The mistrust of art, or at least experimental art, is still an ingredient in the politics of the Danish People’s Party. The leader of the party, Pia Kjærsgaard, is no great fan of modern and contemporary art. In one interview she clarified her position, stating that “two naked men running around on a stage saying pling [sic] is not art.” Art should educate people about Danish democratic values rather than create problems, Kjærsgaard explained. The party has therefore used its influence to secure money for the preservation of various Christian monuments in Denmark, as well of the home of the nationalist writer Kaj Munk. In accordance with this agenda, the liberal right-wing government has pressed, as we have seen, for a nationalist implementation of art, restructuring support for the arts according to a new public management discourse by which art is measured in economic terms and used to promote tourism in Denmark. These developments were, of course, similar to what took place in many other Western European countries during that period.
Resistance
There has been very little resistance to these developments in Denmark since the late 1990s. Few dissidents have made their voices heard, and often they have had difficulties voicing their views in the subservient Danish media, and have had to establish alternative networks and journals, which are often hard to keep running. During the last three years, where the government and the Danish People’s Party have continued to find new ways of tightening the already extremely severe immigration law, a number of grassroots activities have nevertheless appeared. In 2007, a group called Grandparents for Asylum started demonstrating in front of the Sandholm refugee camp outside Copenhagen, and continue to do so today. In 2008, a large demonstration mostly composed of youths from the Youth House movement tried to close down the Sandholm camp and engaged in fights with the police as they tried to tear down the fence surrounding the camp, where asylum seekers have been kept for years. The huge amounts of teargas used by police to contain the protesters has been harshly criticized, even by political parties and media experts who have previously commended their containment of protesters. In 2009, a group of sixty rejected asylum seekers from Iraq—a country Denmark had invaded along with the US and the coalition of the willing, displacing more than four million Iraqis—sought refuge in a church in Copenhagen, fearing for their safety upon returning to Iraq in the midst of a civil war. A group calling themselves Church Asylum supported the immigrants and tried to prevent the church from being raided, which took place on the night of August 13, 2009, with a massive police force.
The most potent protest movement has surely been the movement that manifested itself after the raiding of the Youth House on March 1, 2007, when thousands entered the streets protesting and fighting the police. For more than a year a demonstration took place every Thursday until the municipality of Copenhagen decided to give the movement a new home. The welfare cuts that have been a permanent item on the liberal right-wing government’s agenda have also occasionally been met with demonstrations. In 2006, more than a hundred thousand people protested in Copenhagen against the “new necessary measures” for securing the Danish economy. But until now it has been very difficult to make connections between protests against racial laws and demonstrations against welfare cuts. Anti-racist and anti-war resistance have rarely fused with a critique of the government’s neoliberal policy. And of course that is also a part of a more general picture in the Western world, where there is no coherent resistance. There seems to be a wide abyss between the street and the shop floor, and the sporadic militancy of the street is rarely able to spread to other places. Apparently, it is not possible to formulate a coherent critique whose individual objects are joined together in a radical critique of the capitalist system assuming the form of money and state.
Beyond the National Democracies
Looking back on these developments in Denmark, it is clear that the Danish People’s Party played a leading role in the racist turn that took place, but it would be foolish to analyze the shift by looking exclusively at that particular party. It is also necessary to look critically at the national democracy as a structure that carries within it the possibility of exclusion and racialist tightening when large parts of the population experience fear and lack of direction, as was increasingly the case with the process of globalization. The meaninglessness of capitalism, in which we reproduce the world each day but feel devoid of agency and control over our life, calls for the nation-state to momentarily stop constant deterritorialization and glue society back together again. And that operation increasingly take place through exclusion. One of the best descriptions of the process in which national democracies turn racist can be found in Hannah Arendt’s analysis of the large-scale migration movements after World War I as having exposed the mechanisms of exclusion inherent in the nation-state, opening the possibility for the Nazi regime to transform Jewish Germans into stateless subjects deprived of any rights and ready for elimination. We might not be there yet, but as the late Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe warned when confronted with the rise of Le Pen, we are in a state of urgency, because racism can cause matters to escalate quickly from repression via persecution to elimination.
What is to be done? The tools to develop enemy-focused internal self-management are far superior today to even what Debord foresaw, and this tends to render former revolutionary slogans obsolete. It is difficult to see a subversive international subject anywhere preparing to push, rebel, and abolish wage labor, the money economy, and the state, but at least things are starting to stir a bit in places like Athens and Dhaka. Only time will tell whether the anger and meaninglessness will be picked up by counter-revolutionary dynamics or develop into a real alternative. Let us hope it will, and let us do all we can in the meantime to dissolve the national democracy that is not, as Lenin argued in 1920, an empty shell (to be used by communists agitating for revolution), but something that involves the population and leaves its stamp on it. In the present situation, perhaps that would amount to half a revolution. | ||||||
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] | null | [] | null | null | COPENHAGEN, Denmark -- Denmark's long-standing Social Democrat Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen has handed in his resignation to Queen Margrethe after suffering a drubbing at the polls.
Liberal leader Anders Fogh Rasmussen led the centre-right to a landslide win in Tuesday's general election -- largely on the issue of immigration -- in a bitter contest.
He is expected to be asked by the Queen to form a new government later on Wednesday. Fogh Rasmussen, 48, said his first acts would be to tighten immigration laws, cap taxes and improve welfare provision.
The former taxation and economic affairs minister had campaigned under the slogan "Time For Change" and his victory is seen as a marked shift to the right.
With 98.9 percent of the vote counted, the Liberal Party and its allies, including the anti-immigration Danish People's Party, had 98 seats in the 179-seat parliament, well above the 90 needed for a majority.
RESOURCES
CNN.dk
RESOURCES
Profile: Anders Fogh Rasmussen
The ruling and once deemed electorally invincible Social Democrats and their parliamentary supporters won just 77 seats. In the last election in 1998, Nyrup Rasmussen had an 88-87 majority.
Fogh Rasmussen's Liberals won 31.2 percent of the vote, up from 24.0 in 1998 and replacing the Social Democrats as Denmark's biggest party for the first time in 80 years. The Social Democrats won 29.3 percent, down from 35.9.
Nyrup Rasmussen, in office since 1993 and the EU's longest serving PM, made a tearful concession of defeat on Tuesday night. He will remain head of a caretaker government until his namesake takes charge. The two Rasmussens are not related.
Fogh Rasmussen is expected to form a coalition with the Conservatives and perhaps the small centrist Christian People's Party.
But the final form of a new government, which could take several days to assemble, could depend on the nationalist, anti-immigrant Danish People's Party, led by Pia Kjaersgaard, 54, which was the second big winner after the Liberals.
Fogh Rasmussen told a TV interviewer of his plans for the first 100 days of office: "We want to reform hospitals, ensure better care of the elderly, increase maternity leave to one year... tighten policy regarding foreigners and, from day one, put a lid on taxes."
His calls for stricter limits on asylum seekers and refugees, seen as "spongers" by right-wingers, became the biggest campaign issue in a nation where the main parties showed little difference on economic policy. Both pledged to keep unemployment at its 25-year low.
The defeat was a major rebuff to Nyrup Rasmussen, 58, who called the snap election in a gamble that voters would unite behind his nine-year leadership after the September 11 attacks on the United States.
Denmark is the second Scandinavian nation after Norway to oust ditch a Social Democratic government this year in favour of the centre-right. Norway's Labour Party, blamed for failing to update a cradle-to-grave welfare state, lost a September election.
In Sweden, Social Democratic Prime Minister Goran Persson faces an election in September 2002. His party won just 36.6 percent of the vote at the last elections in 1998, the party's worst result since 1920.
Turnout on Tuesday was 89.3 percent, a near record. | ||||||||
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correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 24 | https://www.economist.com/europe/1998/03/05/the-danes-are-feeling-bleak | en | The Danes are feeling bleak | [
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] | 1998-03-05T00:00:00 | They think their welfare state has fallen into a mess | Europe | en | /favicon.ico | The Economist | https://www.economist.com/europe/1998/03/05/the-danes-are-feeling-bleak | POUL NYRUP RASMUSSEN, Denmark's prime minister since 1993, reckons he has done a good job. The economy has flourished under his government: GDP has grown by an average of 3% a year, and unemployment has fallen from 12.4% in 1993 to about 7.4% this winter. The general government budget has gone into surplus for the first time in ten years. In purely material terms, it is safe to say, the Danes have never had it so good.
Yet it does not follow that Danes are satisfied with their lot. Mr Nyrup Rasmussen may have miscalculated when he called an election for March 11th. The feel-good factor he apparently thought would carry him back into office declines to blow much wind into his sails. His minority government—a coalition of his own Social Democrats and the small Radical Party—seemed this week to be heading for the rocks. If he loses, the next government will be a coalition dominated by the Conservatives and the free-market Liberals, probably under the Liberal leader and former foreign minister, Uffe Ellemann-Jensen. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 46 | https://time.com/archive/6686902/world-watch-108/ | en | World Watch | https://time.com/favicon.ico | https://time.com/favicon.ico | [] | [] | [] | [
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] | 2001-12-03T05:00:00+00:00 | World Watch | en | /favicon.ico | TIME | https://time.com/archive/6686902/world-watch-108/ | AFGHANISTAN
Fighting in the North, Manhunt in the South
The battle for the Taliban ‘s last northern stronghold at Kunduz became a test case for the fate of other Taliban and foreign fighters: Were they to be killed, taken prisoner or allowed to go home? After a first cease-fire fell through and thousands of Taliban supporters faced slaughter, the Red Cross called for all parties to observe the Geneva Convention on prisoners of war. Tensions emerged within the Northern Alliance, as diplomats scurried to arrange multiparty talks in Bonn aimed at securing enough political stability to begin the country’s rehabilitation. Pakistan severed its last diplomatic ties with the Taliban , while the U.S. intensified the hunt for Osama bin Laden, placing thousands of troops on standby. The U.S. also deployed new high-tech sensors in surveillance planes and in scouting vehicles on the ground.
DENMARK
Shift to the Right
Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen conceded defeat to a conservative coalition in a snap election from which he’d hoped to benefit but which was instead dominated by anti-immigrant sentiment. The Liberal Party, led by Anders Fogh Rasmussen, won more seats than the outgoing Social Democrats for the first time since 1920, after Denmark’s 4 million voters rallied behind allied parties seeking to protect the country’s generous welfare system.
KOSOVO
Elections, at Last
Ethnic Albanians turned out in high numbers to vote for the province’s first democratically elected assembly, though turnout among minority Serbs was relatively low. Ibrahim Rugova, whose Democratic League of Kosovo took more than 46% of the vote, called for Kosovo’s full independence “as soon as possible.” But U.N. officials said the province will remain part of Serbia until a political settlement can be reached. In the meantime, it will continue to be administered by the U.N., in tandem with the new assembly.
MACEDONIA
Shock Waves
The fragile peace process received further setbacks after a bomb exploded in the border town of Tetevo and the main ethnic Macedonian party, the Social Democratic Alliance, withdrew from the governing coalition. The blast went off outside the office of the E.U.’s monitoring mission on the eve of excavations of suspected mass graves. Inspectors later found human remains thought to belong to six of 12 Macedonian civilians who disappeared during a rebellion by ethnic Albanians in July.
GREECE
Holiday Snaps
A hobby practiced by a group of British and Dutch tourists in Greece grew into a diplomatic incident after they were arrested and charged with espionage. Lawyers said 14 aviation enthusiasts, or “plane spotters,” would be charged with offenses that carry a maximum 20-year jail sentence, including taking photographs and recording information from restricted military bases. British Prime Minister Tony Blair intervened on behalf of the detainees amid concern about the conditions in which they were being held. But authorities said the group had been warned three times before their arrest and would still face serious charges.
ISRAEL
More Sorrow
As U.S. mediators prepared to lead new peace talks, Israeli troops shot dead a Palestinian teen at a funeral for five boys killed in an explosion outside a Gaza refugee camp. Palestinian officials blamed that blast on a booby trap placed to protect a nearby Jewish settlement. A missile strike also killed Mahmoud Abu Hanoud, a Hamas leader accused by Israel of helping to plan suicide attacks. Hamas promised revenge, with one leader saying that Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon had “opened the door to hell.”
THE PHILIPPINES
Voting With Their Kalishnikovs
Muslim guerillas from the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLA) broke a 1996 peace pact by attacking an army base on the island of Jolo. Government officials accused former MNLF leader Nur Misuari, governor of the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao in which Jolo is located, of inciting the violence to stop this week’s election for his successor. The government deployed thousands of troops and more than 100 rebels were killed. Police in Malaysia later nabbed Misuari, who has been stripped of his powers
EGYPT
Military Trial
Ninety-four alleged Islamic extremists denied charges of plotting to overthrow the state at the opening of their trial in a military court near Cairo. Several of the mainly Egyptian defendants protested their innocence from a cage in the courtroom. Most of them were arrested in May on charges of collecting donations for the Palestinian uprising and for Chechnya, but more serious charges were added later.
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO
Money Talks
An E.U. delegation persuaded President Joseph Kabila to resume negotiations with rebel groups and neighboring countries after promising to help sponsor the process. Talks broke down in October when the government walked out, but lack of funds was also a factor. As the E.U. delegation visited key Congo allies, a U.N. report said the country’s civil war was driven by the desire of African leaders to exploit its natural resources.
ZIMBABWE
Changing the Rules
Days after the Supreme Court threw out charges of terrorism and sabotage against opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, the official Herald newspaper announced government plans to introduce the death penalty for the same charges. A new public order and security bill will make it an offense to “undermine the authority” of the President or engender hostility toward him. In Harare, 35 people protesting proposed changes to election procedures were arrested by police on charges of public violence.
SPAIN
Is Britain Rock-Weary?
Signaling a new readiness to explore giving up Britain’s sovereignty of Gibraltar, the U.K. Foreign Secretary Jack Straw met Spain’s Foreign Minister Josep Pique in Barcelona. Straw said the Rock, held by Britain since 1704, would be returned to Spanish control if its 30,000 inhabitants voted in favor in a referendum. Gibraltar’s elected Chief Minister, Peter Caruana, boycotted the talks in protest at the decision to allow him to attend only as a British delegate, preventing him from vetoing any agreements. The ministers said their governments hope to reach an agreement by next summer.
CHINA
Falun Gong Protest
Authorities detained and then deported 35 Western supporters of the banned Falun Gong movement after they staged one of the biggest demonstrations by foreigners on Beijing’s Tiananmen Square. The protesters, on tourist visas from 10 European countries and the U.S., held a sit-in and unfurled banners before being carted away by police. The Foreign Ministry said they were deported for disrupting public order and breaking Chinese law. | ||
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] | null | Anders Fogh Rasmussen, informally known as Anders Fogh, or simply Fogh, (born January 26, 1953) is the current Prime Minister of Denmark (in Danish Statsminister, meaning Minister of State). He is the leader of the Liberal Party (Venstre), and heads a centre-right coalition of his Liberal Party... | en | https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/althistory/images/4/4a/Site-favicon.ico/revision/latest?cb=20210916203836 | Alternative History | https://althistory.fandom.com/wiki/Anders_Fogh_Rasmussen_(President_McCain) | Anders Fogh Rasmussen Prime Minister of Denmark Assumed office:
November 27, 2001 Monarch: Margrethe II Cabinet: Rasmussen cabinet Preceded by: Poul Nyrup Rasmussen Minister of Economic Affairs of Denmark In office:
1987 – 1992 Monarch: Margrethe II Cabinet: Poul Schlüter cabinet Preceded by: Niels Helveg Petersen Succeeded by: Thor Pedersen Tax Minister of Denmark In office:
1987 – 1992 Monarch: Margrethe II Cabinet: Poul Schlüter cabinet Preceded by: Isi Foighel Succeeded by: Peter Brixtofte Biography Born: January 26, 1953 (age 55)
Ginnerup, Denmark Nationality: Danish Political party: File:Venstre (Denmark) Logo.png Venstre (V) Spouse: Anne-Mette Rasmussen Children: Three Alma mater: University of Aarhus Profession: Economist, politician Religion: Lutheran (Church of Denmark) Signature:
Anders Fogh Rasmussen, informally known as Anders Fogh, or simply Fogh, (born January 26, 1953) is the current Prime Minister of Denmark (in Danish Statsminister, meaning Minister of State).
He is the leader of the Liberal Party (Venstre), and heads a centre-right coalition of his Liberal Party and the Conservative People's Party which took office in 2001, and won its second and third terms in February 2005 and in November 2007. Like most Danish governments, this is a minority government which relies on the Danish People's Party for support. His government has introduced tougher limits on non-ECA immigration and froze tax rates before he took office (the "tax freeze", or "skattestoppet" in Danish). He has authored several books about taxation and government structure.
Under Fogh, certain taxes have been lowered, but the Conservatives repeatedly argue for more tax cuts and a flat tax rate at no higher than 50%. Fogh implemented an administrative reform reducing the number of municipalities (kommuner) and replacing the thirteen counties (amter) with five regions. Rasmussen has referred to this as "the biggest reform in thirty years". Furthermore, a reform of the police and judiciary systems is being implemented, changing the numbers of police districts and city courts from 54 to 12 and 82 to 22, respectively.
Early life and education[]
Rasmussen was born in 1953 in Ginnerup, Jutland. He is the son of farmer Knud Rasmussen and his wife Martha Rasmussen (nee Fogh). He was born in Ginnerup Sogn on Djursland, and grew up in the village of Hvidding by Hammershøj, between Randers and Viborg.
He finished his studies in lingustic and social studies at Viborg Katedralskole in 1972. In 1978, he graduated from the University of Aarhus, receiving a bachelor's degree in economics (Cand.oecon., abbrevation of candidatus/candidata oeconomices).
Between 1978 and 1987, he was an consultant in Håndværksrådet (Council of Artisan).
Early political career[]
A graduate of the University of Aarhus, he has been active in politics most of his life. He has authored several books about taxation and government structure.
In 1970, he was one of the founders of Liberal Ungdom (Liberal Youth), the youth wing of the Liberal Party. Between 1970 and 1972, he was the organisation's chairman. Between 1974 and 1976 he was the leader (Landsformand) of Liberal Ungdom.
Between 1973 and 1978 he was a member of the Liberal party's central board, and again from 1984. Since 1984 he has been the Chairman of the Liberal Party's disclosure committee, and in 1985 he was appointed the party's deputy chairman.
In his early years in Venstres Ungdom) he was often called "Røde Anders" (Red Anders) as he was considered to be relatively leftist-oriented in the organisation, and supported the idea of Economic Democracy. He got rid of the nickname when he was inspired by the Liberal philosopher Robert Nozick in his book Fra socialstat til minimalstat (1993). Most political analysts has agreed that he has since 1993 again moved towards the middle of the political spectre.
Member of Folketing[]
He has held numerous positions in government and opposition throughout his career, first winning a seat in the Folketing (Danish parliament) in 1978. From 1987-1990 he was Minister for Taxation and from 1990 Minister for Economy and Taxation in the Conservative-led Poul Schlüter government.
In 1992 Rasmussen resigned from his ministerial posts after a report from a commission of inquiry had decided that he had provided the Folketing with inaccurate and incomplete information regarding his decision to postpone payment of several bills from Regnecentralen and Kommunedata from one accounting year to the next. Rasmussen disagreed with the findings of the commission, but faced with the threat of a non-confidence motion, he decided to leave his posts voluntarily.
Danish Folketing Election, 2001[]
On October 31, 2001, Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen called an early election, shortly after September 11 attacks. Anders Fogh Rasmussen led the Liberal Party in the election, having changed from a liberalist political standpoint to a more centre-right one. The campaign focused mainly on immigration and refugees, which played right into the hands of the Danish People’s Party. There was little debate about the European Union, as the two leaders opinions where largely the same. Two in every three Danes now supported tighter immigration ristrictions, compared to only one in two before September 11.
A minor controversy erupted in the final debate, when Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen began began to pull out all the pages of Anders Fogh Rasmussen's book Fra Socialstat til Minimalstat (1993).
His Liberal (Venstre) Party won power in the election on November 20, 2001, defeating the Social Democratic government of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen and enabling him to form the Cabinet of Anders Fogh Rasmussen I. That election marked a dramatic change in Danish politics. It was the first time since 1920 that the Social Democratic Party lost its position as the largest party in the Folketing (parliament), mainly due to a loss of working class votes to Dansk Folkeparti (The Danish People's Party). Since then, Venstre has governed in a parliamentary coalition with the Conservative People's Party to form a minority government with the parliamentary support of Dansk Folkeparti. Together these three parties survived both the 2005 election and the 2007 election.
Prime Minister (2001 - )[]
Political ideology[]
In general, Rasmussen is in favour of deregulation, privatization, and limiting the size of government. His government has also enacted tough measures designed to limit the number of immigrants coming to Denmark, specifically as asylumseekers or through arranged marriages.
Rasmussen wrote the book Fra socialstat til minimalstat (literally: From social state to minimal state) in 1993, in which he advocated an extensive reform of the Danish welfare system along classic liberal lines. In particular, he favors lower taxes and less government interference in corporate and individual matters etc. In 1993 he was awarded the Adam Smith award by the libertarian society Libertas, partly due to his having written Fra socialstat til minimalstat. However, after becoming Prime Minister, Rasmussen has distanced himself from his earlier writings and has announced the death of liberalism during the national elections of 2005. Commonly regarded as being inspired by the previous success of Tony Blair, Rasmussen now seems more in favour of the theories of Anthony Giddens and his third way. There was talk in Libertas of revoking Fogh Rasmussen's award as a result of this, though this never happened.
Foreign policy[]
As Prime Minister, Rasmussen has strongly supported U.S. foreign policies under President John McCain and George W. Bush, and has been a strong supporter of NATO and COD operations in Afghanistan and Sudan.
Since 2002, over 750 Danish soldiers participated in the NATO-mandated ISAF force stationed in Afghanistan, only meeting minor political opposition. The main part of the Danish military contribution consists of a battle group, which is currently operating with British forces in the Green Zone in the central part of the Helmand Province in southern Afghanistan. The battle group consists of two mechanized infantry companies, a tank platoon and a flight of light reconnaissance helicopters. The battle group also consists of combat support and support units. In the nearby Kandahar Province troops from the Royal Danish Air Force takes part in manning the Kandahar Airfield Crisis Establishment (KAF CE), which is running the airfield. But Danish troops are also deployed to other parts of Afghanistan. In northern Afghanistan app. twenty troops are serving in the German led PRT in Feyzabad. In western Afghanistan ten troops are serving in the Lithuanian led PRT in Chagcharan. There is also a small contribution to HQ ISAF in Kabul and to the staffing of Kabul International Airport. In Helmand Danish troops are involved in the worst fighting their armed forces have undertaken since World War II. Denmark has lost 23 soldiers in Afghanistan, and is thus one of the countries with the largest casualties compared to population numbers.
He was also a strong supporter of the Invasion of Iraq in 2003. As in most European countries he faced some opposition, both in the parliament and in the general population. Subsequent opinion polls suggested the Danish population's opinion was split on the issue. One vocal protester managed to get into the Danish parliament during the period before the war, where he poured red paint on the prime minister while yelling "Du har blod på dine hænder" (literally: "You have blood on your hands").
However, when several intelligence sources found evidence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction, popular support for the invasion increased, and two days before the outbreak of the war over 2/3 of the Danish population was in support of military intervention against Iraq. In a comment to the media Anders Fogh Rasmussen stated as one of the reasons to support a military intervention, “Irak har masseødelæggelsesvåben. Det er ikke noget vi tror. Vi ved det. Irak har selv indrømmet, at det har haft sennepsgas, nervegas, miltbrand, men Saddam vil ikke afregne. Han vil ikke fortælle os, hvor og hvordan de våben er blevet destrueret. Det ved vi fra FN's inspektører, så der er ingen tvivl i mit sind.” (“Iraq has WMDs. It is not something we think, it is something we know. Iraq has itself admitted that it has had mustard gas, nerve gas, anthrax, but Saddam won't disclose. He won't tell us where and how these weapons have been destroyed. We know this from the UN inspectors, so there is no doubt in my mind.”)
200 Danish troops participated in the initial phase of the war along with 200 Norwegian troops, and from mid-2003 approximately 550 Danish troops were stationed in Iraq from 2003 and into 2006, first at "Camp Dannevang" and later at "Camp Einherjer", both near Basra. By May 2006, all Danish troops had left Iraq, and Iraqi security forces had taken over responsibility of the security.
During Rasmussen's administrations, Denmark has also deployed troops to Bosnia and Kosovo. These missions have as well only met minor political opposition.
Gay marriage[]
Civil unions between gay couples have been legal in Denmark since 1989. Rasmussen believes that they should be able to be married in religious ceremonies, which is not currently allowed in The Evangelical Lutheran State Church of Denmark, but he has said it should be up to religious communities to decide whether to perform ceremonies for gay couples.
Tax reform[]
Since the elections in 2001, Venstre, Rasmussen's party, has enacted a total "tax stop". Venstre made a successful campaign convincing the public that the taxes have been growing constantly during the previous eight years under the Social Democrats. While the overall tax burden was more or less unchanged from 1993 until 2001, however, there was a shift in the taxation of income, both corporate and personal over to a higher level on personal consumption (especially through the "ecological taxes" (da. grønne afgifter)), which gave the average citizen the impression of rising taxes.
This tax stop has been under heavy fire from the parties on the left wing of Danish politics, allegedly for being "antisocial" and "only for the rich". Since the tax stop also freezes the tax of real property (da. ejendomsværdiskat, 1%), it is beneficial to the homeowners in the densely populated regions that have experienced an extraordinary increase in the prices of real estate. The tax of real estate is actually limited at a nominal level — not at a relative level. While the rate was one percent when the tax stop was enacted, the actual tax is much less today when the last few years' large increase in property value (+20%/p.a. in large cities) is taken into account. The Danish Economic Council has criticized this as unfairly benefiting current homeowners.
Even though the total tax burden is marginally higher in 2005 than it was in 2001, the tax stop is very popular among the voters. Thus, in January 2005, the Social Democrats announced that it accepts the principle of a tax stop until at least one right-wing party is willing to participate in a tax reform.
The tax stop has, however, been ineffective, judging by Venstre's own intentions. The goal of the tax stop was to halt the growth of public expenditures (and halt the growth of taxes), but even with their cuts in public spending (which has been considered aggressive by the political left wing), public spending has continued to rise by approximately one percentage point above inflation each year.
From 2004 and onwards, minor tax cuts came into effect, on two accounts:
People with jobs get a 3% tax reduction on the 5.5% "bottom tax" (da. bundskat). This initiative is supposed to encourage people to get off welfare and take jobs instead.
The bottom limit of the "middle tax" (da. mellemskat) of 6%, is raised by 12.000 DKK every year, over the next four years. This will limit the income stresses of middle incomes and families with children.
Venstre has so far refrained from making statements on the future of the "top tax" (da: topskat) of 15%, and the VAT (da: moms) of 25%.
Municipal reform[]
One of the main initiatives of Rasmussen's government was the introduction of a municipal reform, which resulted in a series of small municipalities being placed under state administration for overspending and a much talked about case (in Denmark) about a municipal mayor who managed to spend lavish amounts of tax money on personal wining and dining. Under the proposal the number of counties (amter) would be reduced from thirteen to five regions (regioner). Also the number of municipalities was reduced from 271 to 98. The responsibilities of municipalities and counties changed significantly too, especially with regard to providing health care.
Danish Folketing election, 2005[]
On January 18, 2005 Rasmussen called an election for February 8, 2005. He delayed the call by a couple of weeks because of the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake which killed several Danes. His government had been criticized by a few Danes for what they thought was a slow response to that crisis, although a clear majority applauded the government's way of dealing with the disaster.
Although his party's support was reduced from the 2001 election, resulting in the loss of four seats, Venstre was able to maintain its coalition after the election through gains by other parties, and on February 18 Rasmussen formed the Cabinet of Anders Fogh Rasmussen II.
Rasmussen received the most "personal votes" ever of any politician in the Folketing (Denmark's Parliament) with 61,792.
Muhammad cartoons and Danish goods boycott[]
A major period of conflict in Rasmussen's political career concerned a set of cartoons printed in Jyllands-Posten, a major Danish newspaper. In September 2005 the newspaper printed a full page with 12 cartoons depicting the Islamic prophet Muhammad, including one in which Muhammad appeared with a bomb in his turban. Some of the schools of the islamic religion do not allow to depict the figure of Mohammed. Many Muslims found the cartoons offensive.
Eleven envoys of predominantly Muslim states issued demands that the Danish government condemn the cartoons and requested on October 19, 2005 a meeting with Rasmussen to discuss this. Rasmussen refused this request, saying, "That is not how our democracy works." Subsequently, it has been the subject of an intense debate as to whether Rasmussen made a sound, principled decision or displayed misplaced arrogance when refusing to agree to such a meeting.
As the dispute escalated, Rasmussen was asked to apologise to Muslims on behalf of Denmark. Rasmussen refused this request, saying the government "cannot make apologies on behalf of a Danish newspaper."
Several months later, a group of Danish-based Muslims organised a trip to various places in the Middle East, spreading information about the cartoons and campaigning for political action against Denmark. This trip was later widely criticised, especially when it became apparent that untrue allegations and fabricated photographs were shown to stir up hostilities towards Denmark.
The increased media awareness in the Islamic world and domestic political agendas in the regimes across the Middle East fed the controversy. Libya and Saudi Arabia recalled their ambassadors to Denmark, and a campaign was organised in several Islamic countries to boycott Danish products. Danish embassies in Syria and Lebanon were attacked during mass demonstrations and torched with molotov cocktails and ransacked. Death threats were made against the Danish cartoonists and the Danish flag was burned.
Across the world demonstrations were held to protest the cartoons. Several people were killed in chaotic demonstrations in Kabul and Islamabad. In London, a protest demonstration with offensive and threatening placards and banners and speeches later led to year-long prison sentences for four British Muslims for inciting terrorism, spreading hate-filled threats and racist language.
Rasmussen appeared on the Arabic television network Al-Arabiya and explained that he regretted the offense caused by the cartoons, but that Danish law gave the government no power of censorship over the media. He has stated on numerous occasions, that he supports freedom of speech but he did not approve of the message in these cartoons. He indicated his disapproval after initially stating that he did not want to comment on the cartoons themselves.
Danish Folketing election, 2007[]
Main article: Danish parliamentary election, 2007
Danish prime minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen announced this election date on October 24, 2007. The election was held ahead of time in the sense that by law, the election needed to be held before February 8, 2009, four years after the previous election.
Anders Fogh Rasmussen explained that the elections were called early in order to allow the parliament to work on important upcoming topics without being distracted by a future election. Referring specifically to welfare reform, he said rival parties would then try to outdo each other with expensive reforms which would damage the Danish economy.
At 11.30 pm on November 13, 2007, the day of the election, Anders Fogh Rasmussen claimed victory on the basis of almost complete results. By the morning of November 14, 2007, after results came through from the Faroe Islands and Greenland, Fogh Rasmussen's centre-right coalition of the Liberals, the Conservative People's Party and the Danish People's Party had obtained the 90 seats required for him to continue as Prime Minister. He thus becomes the longest-ruling Liberal Prime Minister of Denmark. His party's support also improved from the 2005 election, resulting in the gain of six seats.
Personal life[]
Rasmussen is married to pedagogue Anne-Mette. The couple resides in Nærum. Together they have three children. Their oldest, Henrik Fogh Rasmussen, has proven himself as a community debater, including with the book Amerikanske Tilstande.
Cycling[]
As an amateur cyclist, Rasmussen completed part of the notorious Alpe d'Huez stage of the 2008 Tour de France the day after the professional race took place. His attendance at Le Tour was at the invitation of lauded Danish former cyclist Bjarne Riis.
See also[]
List of people
Timeline of the McCain administration | ||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 11 | https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-17930409 | en | Denmark profile - Timeline | [
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] | 2012-05-02T16:16:55+00:00 | A chronology of key events in the history of Denmark, from the 10th century to the present | en | BBC News | https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-17930409 | 1914-18 - Denmark is neutral during World War One.
1918 - Universal suffrage comes into effect.
1930s - Welfare state established by governments dominated by social democrats.
1939 - Denmark signs 10-year non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany.
1940 - Nazi invasion meets virtually no initial resistance. Government accepts occupation in exchange for measure of control over domestic affairs.
1943 - A determined campaign by the Danish resistance prompts Germany to take over full control of Danish affairs. Thousands of Danish Jews manage to escape to Sweden.
1945 - Germany surrenders and occupation ends. Denmark recognises Iceland's independence, which had been declared in 1944.
1973 - Denmark joins the European Economic Community.
1979 - Greenland is granted home rule. Denmark retains control over Greenland's foreign affairs and defence.
1982 - Poul Schlueter becomes first Conservative prime minister for almost a century.
1985 - Legislation passed banning construction of nuclear power plants in Denmark.
1992 - Danish voters reject the Maastricht Treaty on further European integration in a referendum.
1993 - Schlueter resigns after being accused of lying over a scandal involving Tamil refugees; social democrat Poul Nyrup Rasmussen becomes prime minister.
Danes approve the Maastricht Treaty after Denmark is granted certain opt-outs.
1994 - Poul Nyrup Rasmussen returned to power in general election.
1998 - Poul Nyrup Rasmussen again returned to power.
2000 - Danes reject adoption of the euro as their national currency by 53% to 47%.
New bridge and tunnel link Copenhagen with Malmo in southern Sweden. The new road and rail link makes it possible to travel between the two countries in just 15 minutes.
2001 November - Elections put right-wing coalition led by Anders Fogh Rasmussen into government. Rasmussen campaigned on a pledge to tighten immigration rules and put lid on taxes. The election saw the far-right Danish People's Party win 22 seats and become the third largest party in parliament.
2002 February - New government measures aimed at reducing immigration spark controversy.
2004 August - US and Denmark sign deal to modernise Thule air base on Greenland.
2005 February - Liberal Party leader Anders Fogh Rasmussen wins second term as prime minister in coalition with Conservative Party. Far-right People's Party strengthens presence in parliament by two seats.
2005 July - Diplomatic dispute flares up with Canada over the disputed tiny island of Hans in the Arctic.
2006 January - February - Cartoon depictions of the Muslim prophet Muhammad, published by a Danish newspaper in 2005, spark belated mass protests among Muslims in a number of countries as well as unofficial boycotts of Danish goods.
2007 February - Government says Denmark's 470 ground troops will leave Iraq by the end of August. Denmark was one of the original coalition countries to take part in the 2003 invasion.
2007 November - Government of Prime Minister Fogh Rasmussen wins third term after early elections.
2008 February - Police uncover a plot to kill one of the cartoonists whose depictions of Muhammad sparked outrage across the Muslim world in 2005. Major papers reprint one of the cartoons, prompting some protests.
2008 November - Greenland referendum approves plans to seek more autonomy from Denmark and a greater share of oil revenues off the island's coast.
2009 April - Finance Minister Lars Lokke Rasmussen takes over as prime minister and acting Liberal Party leader on the resignation of Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who had been elected Nato secretary-general.
2009 July - Denmark plans to set up an Arctic military command and task force because the melting ice cap is opening access to Greenland and the Faroe Islands.
2009 December - Denmark hosts UN climate change summit. Great hopes are invested in the Copenhagen summit but it ends without a legally binding global treaty being agreed.
2010 January - A Somali man is charged with trying to kill the Danish artist whose drawing of the Muslim prophet Muhammad in 2005 sparked riots around the world.
2010 December - Three men are charged with planning to attack the offices of a newspaper which printed cartoons of the Muslim prophet Muhammad. A fourth is released and a fifth is held in Sweden.
2011 February - Denmark approves underwater tunnel from Lolland island to the German island of Fehmarn, at a cost of $5.9bn. It will be built in 2014-2020 and speed up transport links between Scandinavia and continental Europe.
Somali man Mohamed Geele is found guilty of attempted murder and terrorism over trying to kill Muhammad cartoonist Kurt Westergaard.
2011 July - Denmark reimposes border controls in bid to curb illegal immigration. Many question the legality of the move under the 1995 Schengen agreement, which abolished internal borders within much of western Europe.
2011 September - Social Democrat Helle Thorning-Schmidt became Denmark's first female prime minister after her left-leaning alliance secured a narrow majority at parliamentary elections.
2012 June - Same-sex marriage legalised.
2013 April - Schools shut for a month because of an industrial dispute involving teachers' unions.
2014 January - The small Socialist People's Party quits the ruling coalition following splits over plans to sell off a stake in state-controlled Dong Energy to investment bank Goldman Sachs and others.
2014 May - The anti-immigration Danish People's Party wins European election with four seats and nearly 27% of the vote.
2014 December - Denmark submits a claim to territory around the North Pole to a United Nations panel gathering evidence to determine control of the region.
2015 February - Islamist Omar El-Hussein shoots dead a film-maker at a free-speech debate and then a synagogue guard, before being killed by police. Security service faces criticism over its anti-extremist strategy. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 44 | https://www.aau.dk/apology-to-those-placed-in-special-care-aau-historian-helps-pave-the-way-n92157 | en | Apology to Those Placed in Special Care: AAU-Historian Helps Pave the Way | [
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] | null | [] | 2023-09-08T09:15:00 | As a member of Special Care Commission, Professor Poul Duedahl has helped to investigate the conditions of those placed on Livø and Sprogø in 1933-1980. Now they are getting an official apology. | /apple-touch-icon.png | Aalborg Universitet | https://www.aau.dk/apology-to-those-placed-in-special-care-aau-historian-helps-pave-the-way-n92157 | By Charlotte Tybjerg Sørensen, Department of Sociology and Social Work. Translated by LeeAnn Iovanni, AAU Communication. Photos: Løgstør Lokalarkiv and Hjortlund Medier
The 11th of September will be a very special day for the living former residents in special and mental health care and their relatives, as well as the relatives of those now deceased. They will receive an apology from the government for failures and abuses committed while they were forcibly placed in institutions around the country – including Livø and Sprogø, the two small isolated islands in the Limfjord and the Storebælt, respectively.
In 2020, the government set up a commission to investigate the consequences for children, adolescents and adults placed in care homes in the period 1933-1980.
The complete report (in Danish) can be found on the Danish Parliament's website and can be read here.
- I took part in the investigation and found many examples of institutions with well-functioning departments, but also examples of departments characterized by what were considered even at the time to be failures, abuses and erroneous placements. Often these can be explained by a lack of supervision, overcrowding and understaffing. Whether an apology should be given based on this is purely a political decision. But there is no doubt that this is an acknowledgement and makes a difference to those previously placed in such institutions, Poul Duedahl says.
The apology to those previously placed in care will be given by the Minister for Social Affairs and Housing, Pernille Rosenkrantz-Theil, at an event at Hotel Bygholm Park in Horsens.
- Those previously placed in special and mental health care have waited a long time for an apology which I am pleased to finally be able to offer on behalf of the government. These are fates and stories that have touched me deeply, and it is important that we listen to and learn from them. Therefore, the only right thing is to also give an apology from the state to the people who, in state custody, were subjected to horrible abuses that were also illegal at the time, says Pernille Rosenkrantz-Theil in a press release from the Ministry of Social Affairs, Housing and Senior Citizens.
What has made the biggest impression on you during your research on the history of mental health care?
- The big difference there often is between the official narrative about the institutions – that for many years was referred to in the media as progress in humanity – and by the employees who referred this to as a wonderful time in their working lives versus the reality of those placed in these institutions. The reality is, for example, that during its lifetime, Livø was the subject of over 400 escape attempts and 10 escape-related deaths, says Poul Duedahl.
Made TV series with Poul Nyrup Rasmussen
Poul Duedahl authored the book Billeder fra en anden verden: De Kellerske Anstalters historie [Pictures from Another World: The History of the Kellers Institutions], and recently released the highly acclaimed book, Afvigernes ø [Island of Deviants], about Livø, that he wrote in collaboration with Vesthimmerland Museum curator, Maria Clement Hagstrup, with a postscript by former Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen.
All three are also part of a documentary series on DR where they follow the path of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen's father, who in his youth was placed on Livø for seven years – branded as morally deficient. The series is called Nyrup – søn af en udstødt [Nyrup – Son of an Outcast] and can be seen on dr.dk.
The event with the apology to those previously placed under the Special and Mental Health Service will be live-streamed from the ministry's website. See it here. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 4 | https://althistory.fandom.com/wiki/Anders_Fogh_Rasmussen_(President_McCain) | en | Anders Fogh Rasmussen (President McCain) | https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/althistory/images/3/3e/Anders_Fogh_Rasmussen.PNG/revision/latest?cb=20081224024148 | https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/althistory/images/3/3e/Anders_Fogh_Rasmussen.PNG/revision/latest?cb=20081224024148 | [
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] | null | Anders Fogh Rasmussen, informally known as Anders Fogh, or simply Fogh, (born January 26, 1953) is the current Prime Minister of Denmark (in Danish Statsminister, meaning Minister of State). He is the leader of the Liberal Party (Venstre), and heads a centre-right coalition of his Liberal Party... | en | https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/althistory/images/4/4a/Site-favicon.ico/revision/latest?cb=20210916203836 | Alternative History | https://althistory.fandom.com/wiki/Anders_Fogh_Rasmussen_(President_McCain) | Anders Fogh Rasmussen Prime Minister of Denmark Assumed office:
November 27, 2001 Monarch: Margrethe II Cabinet: Rasmussen cabinet Preceded by: Poul Nyrup Rasmussen Minister of Economic Affairs of Denmark In office:
1987 – 1992 Monarch: Margrethe II Cabinet: Poul Schlüter cabinet Preceded by: Niels Helveg Petersen Succeeded by: Thor Pedersen Tax Minister of Denmark In office:
1987 – 1992 Monarch: Margrethe II Cabinet: Poul Schlüter cabinet Preceded by: Isi Foighel Succeeded by: Peter Brixtofte Biography Born: January 26, 1953 (age 55)
Ginnerup, Denmark Nationality: Danish Political party: File:Venstre (Denmark) Logo.png Venstre (V) Spouse: Anne-Mette Rasmussen Children: Three Alma mater: University of Aarhus Profession: Economist, politician Religion: Lutheran (Church of Denmark) Signature:
Anders Fogh Rasmussen, informally known as Anders Fogh, or simply Fogh, (born January 26, 1953) is the current Prime Minister of Denmark (in Danish Statsminister, meaning Minister of State).
He is the leader of the Liberal Party (Venstre), and heads a centre-right coalition of his Liberal Party and the Conservative People's Party which took office in 2001, and won its second and third terms in February 2005 and in November 2007. Like most Danish governments, this is a minority government which relies on the Danish People's Party for support. His government has introduced tougher limits on non-ECA immigration and froze tax rates before he took office (the "tax freeze", or "skattestoppet" in Danish). He has authored several books about taxation and government structure.
Under Fogh, certain taxes have been lowered, but the Conservatives repeatedly argue for more tax cuts and a flat tax rate at no higher than 50%. Fogh implemented an administrative reform reducing the number of municipalities (kommuner) and replacing the thirteen counties (amter) with five regions. Rasmussen has referred to this as "the biggest reform in thirty years". Furthermore, a reform of the police and judiciary systems is being implemented, changing the numbers of police districts and city courts from 54 to 12 and 82 to 22, respectively.
Early life and education[]
Rasmussen was born in 1953 in Ginnerup, Jutland. He is the son of farmer Knud Rasmussen and his wife Martha Rasmussen (nee Fogh). He was born in Ginnerup Sogn on Djursland, and grew up in the village of Hvidding by Hammershøj, between Randers and Viborg.
He finished his studies in lingustic and social studies at Viborg Katedralskole in 1972. In 1978, he graduated from the University of Aarhus, receiving a bachelor's degree in economics (Cand.oecon., abbrevation of candidatus/candidata oeconomices).
Between 1978 and 1987, he was an consultant in Håndværksrådet (Council of Artisan).
Early political career[]
A graduate of the University of Aarhus, he has been active in politics most of his life. He has authored several books about taxation and government structure.
In 1970, he was one of the founders of Liberal Ungdom (Liberal Youth), the youth wing of the Liberal Party. Between 1970 and 1972, he was the organisation's chairman. Between 1974 and 1976 he was the leader (Landsformand) of Liberal Ungdom.
Between 1973 and 1978 he was a member of the Liberal party's central board, and again from 1984. Since 1984 he has been the Chairman of the Liberal Party's disclosure committee, and in 1985 he was appointed the party's deputy chairman.
In his early years in Venstres Ungdom) he was often called "Røde Anders" (Red Anders) as he was considered to be relatively leftist-oriented in the organisation, and supported the idea of Economic Democracy. He got rid of the nickname when he was inspired by the Liberal philosopher Robert Nozick in his book Fra socialstat til minimalstat (1993). Most political analysts has agreed that he has since 1993 again moved towards the middle of the political spectre.
Member of Folketing[]
He has held numerous positions in government and opposition throughout his career, first winning a seat in the Folketing (Danish parliament) in 1978. From 1987-1990 he was Minister for Taxation and from 1990 Minister for Economy and Taxation in the Conservative-led Poul Schlüter government.
In 1992 Rasmussen resigned from his ministerial posts after a report from a commission of inquiry had decided that he had provided the Folketing with inaccurate and incomplete information regarding his decision to postpone payment of several bills from Regnecentralen and Kommunedata from one accounting year to the next. Rasmussen disagreed with the findings of the commission, but faced with the threat of a non-confidence motion, he decided to leave his posts voluntarily.
Danish Folketing Election, 2001[]
On October 31, 2001, Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen called an early election, shortly after September 11 attacks. Anders Fogh Rasmussen led the Liberal Party in the election, having changed from a liberalist political standpoint to a more centre-right one. The campaign focused mainly on immigration and refugees, which played right into the hands of the Danish People’s Party. There was little debate about the European Union, as the two leaders opinions where largely the same. Two in every three Danes now supported tighter immigration ristrictions, compared to only one in two before September 11.
A minor controversy erupted in the final debate, when Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen began began to pull out all the pages of Anders Fogh Rasmussen's book Fra Socialstat til Minimalstat (1993).
His Liberal (Venstre) Party won power in the election on November 20, 2001, defeating the Social Democratic government of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen and enabling him to form the Cabinet of Anders Fogh Rasmussen I. That election marked a dramatic change in Danish politics. It was the first time since 1920 that the Social Democratic Party lost its position as the largest party in the Folketing (parliament), mainly due to a loss of working class votes to Dansk Folkeparti (The Danish People's Party). Since then, Venstre has governed in a parliamentary coalition with the Conservative People's Party to form a minority government with the parliamentary support of Dansk Folkeparti. Together these three parties survived both the 2005 election and the 2007 election.
Prime Minister (2001 - )[]
Political ideology[]
In general, Rasmussen is in favour of deregulation, privatization, and limiting the size of government. His government has also enacted tough measures designed to limit the number of immigrants coming to Denmark, specifically as asylumseekers or through arranged marriages.
Rasmussen wrote the book Fra socialstat til minimalstat (literally: From social state to minimal state) in 1993, in which he advocated an extensive reform of the Danish welfare system along classic liberal lines. In particular, he favors lower taxes and less government interference in corporate and individual matters etc. In 1993 he was awarded the Adam Smith award by the libertarian society Libertas, partly due to his having written Fra socialstat til minimalstat. However, after becoming Prime Minister, Rasmussen has distanced himself from his earlier writings and has announced the death of liberalism during the national elections of 2005. Commonly regarded as being inspired by the previous success of Tony Blair, Rasmussen now seems more in favour of the theories of Anthony Giddens and his third way. There was talk in Libertas of revoking Fogh Rasmussen's award as a result of this, though this never happened.
Foreign policy[]
As Prime Minister, Rasmussen has strongly supported U.S. foreign policies under President John McCain and George W. Bush, and has been a strong supporter of NATO and COD operations in Afghanistan and Sudan.
Since 2002, over 750 Danish soldiers participated in the NATO-mandated ISAF force stationed in Afghanistan, only meeting minor political opposition. The main part of the Danish military contribution consists of a battle group, which is currently operating with British forces in the Green Zone in the central part of the Helmand Province in southern Afghanistan. The battle group consists of two mechanized infantry companies, a tank platoon and a flight of light reconnaissance helicopters. The battle group also consists of combat support and support units. In the nearby Kandahar Province troops from the Royal Danish Air Force takes part in manning the Kandahar Airfield Crisis Establishment (KAF CE), which is running the airfield. But Danish troops are also deployed to other parts of Afghanistan. In northern Afghanistan app. twenty troops are serving in the German led PRT in Feyzabad. In western Afghanistan ten troops are serving in the Lithuanian led PRT in Chagcharan. There is also a small contribution to HQ ISAF in Kabul and to the staffing of Kabul International Airport. In Helmand Danish troops are involved in the worst fighting their armed forces have undertaken since World War II. Denmark has lost 23 soldiers in Afghanistan, and is thus one of the countries with the largest casualties compared to population numbers.
He was also a strong supporter of the Invasion of Iraq in 2003. As in most European countries he faced some opposition, both in the parliament and in the general population. Subsequent opinion polls suggested the Danish population's opinion was split on the issue. One vocal protester managed to get into the Danish parliament during the period before the war, where he poured red paint on the prime minister while yelling "Du har blod på dine hænder" (literally: "You have blood on your hands").
However, when several intelligence sources found evidence of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction, popular support for the invasion increased, and two days before the outbreak of the war over 2/3 of the Danish population was in support of military intervention against Iraq. In a comment to the media Anders Fogh Rasmussen stated as one of the reasons to support a military intervention, “Irak har masseødelæggelsesvåben. Det er ikke noget vi tror. Vi ved det. Irak har selv indrømmet, at det har haft sennepsgas, nervegas, miltbrand, men Saddam vil ikke afregne. Han vil ikke fortælle os, hvor og hvordan de våben er blevet destrueret. Det ved vi fra FN's inspektører, så der er ingen tvivl i mit sind.” (“Iraq has WMDs. It is not something we think, it is something we know. Iraq has itself admitted that it has had mustard gas, nerve gas, anthrax, but Saddam won't disclose. He won't tell us where and how these weapons have been destroyed. We know this from the UN inspectors, so there is no doubt in my mind.”)
200 Danish troops participated in the initial phase of the war along with 200 Norwegian troops, and from mid-2003 approximately 550 Danish troops were stationed in Iraq from 2003 and into 2006, first at "Camp Dannevang" and later at "Camp Einherjer", both near Basra. By May 2006, all Danish troops had left Iraq, and Iraqi security forces had taken over responsibility of the security.
During Rasmussen's administrations, Denmark has also deployed troops to Bosnia and Kosovo. These missions have as well only met minor political opposition.
Gay marriage[]
Civil unions between gay couples have been legal in Denmark since 1989. Rasmussen believes that they should be able to be married in religious ceremonies, which is not currently allowed in The Evangelical Lutheran State Church of Denmark, but he has said it should be up to religious communities to decide whether to perform ceremonies for gay couples.
Tax reform[]
Since the elections in 2001, Venstre, Rasmussen's party, has enacted a total "tax stop". Venstre made a successful campaign convincing the public that the taxes have been growing constantly during the previous eight years under the Social Democrats. While the overall tax burden was more or less unchanged from 1993 until 2001, however, there was a shift in the taxation of income, both corporate and personal over to a higher level on personal consumption (especially through the "ecological taxes" (da. grønne afgifter)), which gave the average citizen the impression of rising taxes.
This tax stop has been under heavy fire from the parties on the left wing of Danish politics, allegedly for being "antisocial" and "only for the rich". Since the tax stop also freezes the tax of real property (da. ejendomsværdiskat, 1%), it is beneficial to the homeowners in the densely populated regions that have experienced an extraordinary increase in the prices of real estate. The tax of real estate is actually limited at a nominal level — not at a relative level. While the rate was one percent when the tax stop was enacted, the actual tax is much less today when the last few years' large increase in property value (+20%/p.a. in large cities) is taken into account. The Danish Economic Council has criticized this as unfairly benefiting current homeowners.
Even though the total tax burden is marginally higher in 2005 than it was in 2001, the tax stop is very popular among the voters. Thus, in January 2005, the Social Democrats announced that it accepts the principle of a tax stop until at least one right-wing party is willing to participate in a tax reform.
The tax stop has, however, been ineffective, judging by Venstre's own intentions. The goal of the tax stop was to halt the growth of public expenditures (and halt the growth of taxes), but even with their cuts in public spending (which has been considered aggressive by the political left wing), public spending has continued to rise by approximately one percentage point above inflation each year.
From 2004 and onwards, minor tax cuts came into effect, on two accounts:
People with jobs get a 3% tax reduction on the 5.5% "bottom tax" (da. bundskat). This initiative is supposed to encourage people to get off welfare and take jobs instead.
The bottom limit of the "middle tax" (da. mellemskat) of 6%, is raised by 12.000 DKK every year, over the next four years. This will limit the income stresses of middle incomes and families with children.
Venstre has so far refrained from making statements on the future of the "top tax" (da: topskat) of 15%, and the VAT (da: moms) of 25%.
Municipal reform[]
One of the main initiatives of Rasmussen's government was the introduction of a municipal reform, which resulted in a series of small municipalities being placed under state administration for overspending and a much talked about case (in Denmark) about a municipal mayor who managed to spend lavish amounts of tax money on personal wining and dining. Under the proposal the number of counties (amter) would be reduced from thirteen to five regions (regioner). Also the number of municipalities was reduced from 271 to 98. The responsibilities of municipalities and counties changed significantly too, especially with regard to providing health care.
Danish Folketing election, 2005[]
On January 18, 2005 Rasmussen called an election for February 8, 2005. He delayed the call by a couple of weeks because of the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake which killed several Danes. His government had been criticized by a few Danes for what they thought was a slow response to that crisis, although a clear majority applauded the government's way of dealing with the disaster.
Although his party's support was reduced from the 2001 election, resulting in the loss of four seats, Venstre was able to maintain its coalition after the election through gains by other parties, and on February 18 Rasmussen formed the Cabinet of Anders Fogh Rasmussen II.
Rasmussen received the most "personal votes" ever of any politician in the Folketing (Denmark's Parliament) with 61,792.
Muhammad cartoons and Danish goods boycott[]
A major period of conflict in Rasmussen's political career concerned a set of cartoons printed in Jyllands-Posten, a major Danish newspaper. In September 2005 the newspaper printed a full page with 12 cartoons depicting the Islamic prophet Muhammad, including one in which Muhammad appeared with a bomb in his turban. Some of the schools of the islamic religion do not allow to depict the figure of Mohammed. Many Muslims found the cartoons offensive.
Eleven envoys of predominantly Muslim states issued demands that the Danish government condemn the cartoons and requested on October 19, 2005 a meeting with Rasmussen to discuss this. Rasmussen refused this request, saying, "That is not how our democracy works." Subsequently, it has been the subject of an intense debate as to whether Rasmussen made a sound, principled decision or displayed misplaced arrogance when refusing to agree to such a meeting.
As the dispute escalated, Rasmussen was asked to apologise to Muslims on behalf of Denmark. Rasmussen refused this request, saying the government "cannot make apologies on behalf of a Danish newspaper."
Several months later, a group of Danish-based Muslims organised a trip to various places in the Middle East, spreading information about the cartoons and campaigning for political action against Denmark. This trip was later widely criticised, especially when it became apparent that untrue allegations and fabricated photographs were shown to stir up hostilities towards Denmark.
The increased media awareness in the Islamic world and domestic political agendas in the regimes across the Middle East fed the controversy. Libya and Saudi Arabia recalled their ambassadors to Denmark, and a campaign was organised in several Islamic countries to boycott Danish products. Danish embassies in Syria and Lebanon were attacked during mass demonstrations and torched with molotov cocktails and ransacked. Death threats were made against the Danish cartoonists and the Danish flag was burned.
Across the world demonstrations were held to protest the cartoons. Several people were killed in chaotic demonstrations in Kabul and Islamabad. In London, a protest demonstration with offensive and threatening placards and banners and speeches later led to year-long prison sentences for four British Muslims for inciting terrorism, spreading hate-filled threats and racist language.
Rasmussen appeared on the Arabic television network Al-Arabiya and explained that he regretted the offense caused by the cartoons, but that Danish law gave the government no power of censorship over the media. He has stated on numerous occasions, that he supports freedom of speech but he did not approve of the message in these cartoons. He indicated his disapproval after initially stating that he did not want to comment on the cartoons themselves.
Danish Folketing election, 2007[]
Main article: Danish parliamentary election, 2007
Danish prime minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen announced this election date on October 24, 2007. The election was held ahead of time in the sense that by law, the election needed to be held before February 8, 2009, four years after the previous election.
Anders Fogh Rasmussen explained that the elections were called early in order to allow the parliament to work on important upcoming topics without being distracted by a future election. Referring specifically to welfare reform, he said rival parties would then try to outdo each other with expensive reforms which would damage the Danish economy.
At 11.30 pm on November 13, 2007, the day of the election, Anders Fogh Rasmussen claimed victory on the basis of almost complete results. By the morning of November 14, 2007, after results came through from the Faroe Islands and Greenland, Fogh Rasmussen's centre-right coalition of the Liberals, the Conservative People's Party and the Danish People's Party had obtained the 90 seats required for him to continue as Prime Minister. He thus becomes the longest-ruling Liberal Prime Minister of Denmark. His party's support also improved from the 2005 election, resulting in the gain of six seats.
Personal life[]
Rasmussen is married to pedagogue Anne-Mette. The couple resides in Nærum. Together they have three children. Their oldest, Henrik Fogh Rasmussen, has proven himself as a community debater, including with the book Amerikanske Tilstande.
Cycling[]
As an amateur cyclist, Rasmussen completed part of the notorious Alpe d'Huez stage of the 2008 Tour de France the day after the professional race took place. His attendance at Le Tour was at the invitation of lauded Danish former cyclist Bjarne Riis.
See also[]
List of people
Timeline of the McCain administration | ||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 49 | https://rosalux.eu/en/2019/import-1561/ | en | The Ghost of the Danish People’s Party | [
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"Institute for Marxist Analysis"
] | 2019-12-16T00:00:00 | [:en]For decades, Denmark has been widely known for being among the first movers in harsh anti-immigrant policies. With the ever more influential Danish People's Party (Dansk Folkeparti, DF) as a front-runner, the country has seen itself ... | en | https://rosalux.eu/en/2019/import-1561/ | For decades, Denmark has been widely known for being among the first movers in harsh anti-immigrant policies. With the ever more influential Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti, DF) as a front-runner, the country has seen itself accepting radical anti-immigrant laws testing the outer bounds of international conventions. This year’s national election, however, marked a turning point as the party suffered its first and severe parliamentary setback. The question remains whether this indicates an end to right-wing populism in Denmark. This article takes a deeper look at the roots of the Danish People’s Party and its historical origins in order to analyse its lasting impact on Danish politics.
“I am Rasmus Paludan, the soldier of freedom, the protector of the weak, the guardian of society, the light of the Danes, the source of serenity, the hope of the north and the party leader of Hard Line.” Propaganda video of the Hard Line party on YouTube, spring 2019
The words might appear as the ravings of a lunatic, and many people in Denmark think they are. Nonetheless, they are the ravings of someone who was invited to join the stage with the Prime Minister in several electoral debates and is easily one of the most renowned politicians in Denmark: the party leader of the far-right political party Hard Line (Stram Kurs) that was founded in 2017 and that just missed the parliamentary threshold in the 2019 electios. In numerous and widely viewed YouTube videos, “the light of the Danes” travels from suburb to suburb with a camera man hoping to stir controversy, branding the communities visited as “gay”, calling their inhabitants “societal losers” and setting the Qur’an on fire while dissing the prophet Mohammed.
Scenes like these became the theatrical backdrop for the Danish national election campaign of 2019 that threatened to test the boundaries of what has hitherto been the political comme il faut regarding immigration policies. As the events unfolded, many in Denmark wondered how it could possibly have come to this. Still, the controversial character of Paludan is but the latest example in a line of characters that for decades have spearheaded Denmark’s politico-ideological move to the right.
From libertarian tax evasion to anti-Islamic nationalism
This trajectory traces its origins to the foundation of the Progress Party (Fremskridtspartiet) in 1972 by a tax lawyer named Mogens Glistrup – a highly intelligent but controversial figure. Glistrup had become famous for his libertarian values, endorsing fierce critique of the high tax level in Denmark while also bragging on national television about his own skills at avoiding paying any taxes at all.
An immediate success in the landslide election of 1973, the Progress Party began a slow collapse during the following decade as it disintegrated from within due to anarchical party structures and the incarceration of Glistrup on grounds of taxation fraud. After leaving prison in 1983, Glistrup – now a proud, self-declared racist – nonetheless returned to politics and began to attack the growing Muslim minority, who had been invited by the Danish state to come to Denmark as “guest workers” since the 1960s.
While the political establishment refused to deal with politics related to immigration – partly due to Glistrup’s controversial rhetoric surrounding the subject – a growing minority of the Danish population started worrying about so-called “second generation immigrants”. Public media had started focusing on this social group as examples of failed integration. Taking up a populist stance by appealing more to national-romantic feelings than facts, the Progress Party thus became increasingly xenophobic during the 1980s and early 1990s, demanding among other things a total stop on immigration from countries with Muslim populations.
The nationalist breakthrough
However, the chaotic conditions within party ranks continued to tear it apart resulting in the loss of parliamentary influence. After failing to gain a majority in the attempt to modernise the Progress Party, a group of four MPs led by Pia Kjærsgaard left the party as a result and founded the Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti or just DF) in October 1995.
Still stressing a highly nationalist, anti-immigrant agenda, Kjærsgaard replaced the critique of the welfare state with an outspoken EU-sceptic position and focussed all its attention on the protection of (partly Christian) “Danish values” and social welfare – both presented as threatened by Muslim immigrants and their descendants. This was combined with a successful personality cult around Kjærsgaard, or just “Pia”, supposedly representing the “ordinary Danes” forgotten by the elitist political establishment.
Though entering Parliament with 7.4 percent of the votes in the 1998 national elections and a modest success in local elections the year before, DF was still in an outsider position and excluded from all influence by its political opponents. Opening Parliament in 1999, the then Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, a Social Democrat, famously stated that DF would never be a part of the political establishment. Likewise, other leading political figures ruled out cooperation with DF.
All of this changed dramatically in the 2001 elections, when opposition leader Anders Fogh Rasmussen and his Liberal Party (Venstre) became the largest party in Parliament in a landslide victory. The elections marked a breakthrough for DF, which gained 12 percent of the votes and became the parliamentary basis for the new centre-right government under Fogh Rasmussen. In addition, DF overtook the Social Democrat’s role as the party that garnered the most votes from classical workers.
The yellow Denmark
After 10 years with a centre-right government, a new majority led by the Social Democrat and former MEP Helle Thorning-Schmidt formed a new multiparty centre-left government in 2011. Even before the elections, there were widespread rumours about a possible “flirt” between the Social Democrats and DF, as the Thorning-led party had spent the years in opposition trying to promote a harsher anti-immigrant profile. Whereas DF would never have supported a government led by Social Democrats in 2001, such new affiliations marked a clear change in the politics of both parties with DF moving even closer to a classical Social Democratic position on social issues.
DF did not support the new Social Democratic government, but the party’s success continued, for example with its candidate for the European elections in 2014, Morten Messerschmidt, securing 26 percent of the vote through a staggering record of 605,000 personal votes.
The second breakthrough came at the national elections in 2015, when the Liberal Party Venstre formed a government again, now with Lars Løkke Rasmussen as Prime Minister. On this occasion, DF became Denmark’s largest bourgeois party measured by votes (21 percent) – not least because of the preceding months that saw Syrian refugees walking on the main motorways in Denmark, which DF cleverly used to boost its image as the only party that could “solve the refugee crisis”.
This election also clearly stated that DF was a party with its primary electoral basis in the rural and non-urban areas of Jylland and Sjælland (see Figure 1) even making some areas completely DF-dominated. This led to the use of the phrase “The yellow Denmark” – yellow referring to the colour used by political commentators to mark areas dominated by DF voters.
In spite of its electoral success, DF refused to join government ranks based on the experience of the 2000s, where the party enjoyed great influence by offering select support to a centre-right government implementing its favourite causes whilst being able to act freely on matters such as the EU and foreign policy.
A fatal dance with the Social Democrats
Figure 1. The map shows which party won the various electoral districts (marked by numbers) in the country’s different parts (Landsdel) in the 2015 national elections. After the Social Democrats (Socialdemokraterne), the Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti) became the second-largest party followed by the Liberal Party (Venstre) and the socialist Red-Green Alliance (Enhedslisten). The success of the Danish People’s Party ensured that the Liberal Party could re-enter the government offices with Lars Løkke Rasmussen as Prime Minister. In Denmark the outright winning of one of the 135 district seats is complemented by 40 proportionally distributed seats based on party/list votes. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.
Coming from what was the party’s greatest parliamentary success ever, DF suffered a sheer disaster only four years later in the 2019 national elections, seeing the number of its votes fall dramatically from 21 percent to a mere 8.7 percent thus significantly reducing the party’s weight in Parliament (se Figure 2). Similarly, its voice in public discourse has diminished dramatically.
How to explain such a dramatic change? In the months preceding the national elections in June 2019, DF and the Social Democrats (still in opposition at the time) were approaching each other. As DF party leader Kristian Thulesen Dahl stated in his speech at the 2019 annual party congress, if the Social Democrats were interested in closer collaboration, they had his phone number. In the run-up to the elections, the differences between the two where shrinking as each party tried not to be outdone by the other on central political issues.
For the Social Democrats, this meant supporting the so-called “paradigm shift” designed by DF to cancel the notion of integration in a wide range of legislations in favour of a policy aiming at so-called “re-emigration” of immigrants to their original countries. DF, on its part, vigorously tried to partake in the discussion on pension reforms brought to the campaign trail by the Social Democrats.
As the election campaign unfolded, DF as well as its contenders on the right desperately tried to keep immigration as the priority topic in the minds of the electorate. Contrary to all other elections in the preceding decades, this endeavour failed. Instead, climate, childcare and pensions came to dominate the debate.
As a self-proclaimed party for the elderly, DF had a rhetorical lead on the topic of pensions but was hopelessly lost when talking to the other end of the generational scale. On the matter of climate change, the party decided only after the election on whether to trust science or side with scepticism, clumsily choosing the former.
A “victim” of its own success, DF thus saw their main political asset – the party’s once (too) radical anti-immigrant and asylum policies – successfully adopted by the Social Democrats while failing to deliver on other political issues.
The challenge from the right
This situation has posed a new challenge to the party (to which it still needs to find solutions), since the political challenge of DF historically has come not from the left but from the right.
DF always had to find a careful balance between being a populist, nationalist party while having a serious image at the same time. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, many characterised it as a party for village idiots – a prerogative that was confirmed repeatedly by outright ludicrous remarks from local politicians and branch chairmen. With the chaotic experience from the early years of the anarchic Progress Party in mind, the party was therefore built up in a strict top-to-bottom hierarchy giving almost unlimited power to the small group of top leadership people.
Throughout DF’s political life, the task of the party leadership has been to balance racist views held by its members with the acceptability of such views with the broader public, tactically playing on the divergence between party top and bottom to broaden the scale of acceptable racist opinions. At times, the leadership opportunistically endorsed radical statements concerning immigrants and Islam, when these resonated with the public, while the same leadership at other instances condemned such views, when they were deemed too extreme to be accepted publicly.
Yet, this double standard regarding extreme anti-Muslim and immigrant views has on multiple occasions led DF members to criticise the lack of democracy inside the party. On several occasions, such complaints have been met with expulsions. Nevertheless, throughout the 1990s and 2000s the only alternatives to the right of DF were to be found in leftovers of the Progress Party and Nazi-affiliated movements, all without parliamentary representation, giving DF quasi monopoly on anti-Islamic and anti-immigrant stances, which it insisted on calling “Danish values”.
Inspired by the German initiative bearing the same name, however, a Danish branch of PEGIDA was founded in Copenhagen in January 2015. Later changing its name to For Freedom (For Frihed), this initiative succeeded in associating different parts of the far right with each other under one umbrella somewhat acceptable to the broader public. As such, members of the old Nazi movement, dissatisfied members of the DF as well as islamophobes and right-wingers without organisational affiliations found a common meeting ground.
Alongside other minor initiatives on the right, For Freedom thus became a way of expressing discontent with the growing consensus-seeking style of the DF leadership with many people feeling that the party’s policies were no longer radical enough.
Two new hard liners
Figure 2. The two maps compare the results of the 2015 national elections with those of 2019, and show which party won the electoral districts. In 2019, the Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti) lost all the districts that the party had won just four years earlier. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.
When a minor split from the Conservative Party in September 2015 created the New Right (Nye Borgerlige), some of the above-mentioned groups joined forces with the new party running for elections. This party combines xenophobia with a serious disdain for democracy as well as an aggressive anti-government “liberalism” on economic questions. Promoting a range of demands such as legal discrimination against Muslims in violation of the Danish Constitution as well as a total stop to immigration has given the New Right party a far more fascist outlook than DF has ever had.
For some, the New Right was still far from radical enough in its approach to the perceived threat of Islam. One of those who felt this way was For Freedom’s lawyer Rasmus Paludan, who consequently established his own party called Hard Line (Stram Kurs) in July 2017. With his provocative style, Paludan started to demand the actual deportation of all Muslims in Denmark without exception – by plane with or without parachutes – as well as a total ban on Islam. Although this was too much for the majority of people and led some to publicly condemn Hard Line as a Nazi party, Paludan nonetheless seemed to gain more and more support in the polls preceding the 2019 elections.
While Hard Line eventually failed to enter parliament with its mere 1.8 percent of the votes (the minimum is 2%), the New Right with its somewhat charismatic leader Pernille Vermund got 2.4 percent and thus 4 seats in parliament.
Politics of outbidding
As such, the development of DF from its birth in 1995 and until today has enabled a general shift towards the right in Danish immigration and asylum politics. With the New Right and Hard Line pushing the boundaries of Islamophobia from the right as well as a Social Democratic Party adopting an increasingly harsh stance on immigration, policies that were promoted by only DF just a decade ago are now widely represented in party programmes ranging from the far right to the Social Democrats. The Liberal and the Conservative parties have also gone in that direction respectively.
Yet, this year’s elections could also be interpreted differently. Although having adopted much firmer immigration and asylum policies, the election of the Social Democrat Mette Frederiksen as Prime Minister also marks a clear rejection of what had become the absurd “politics of outbidding” during the now former centre-right government.
Ranging from ludicrous symbolism such as the Conservative Party’s campaigns about fighting alleged “Nazi-Islamism” over the Liberal Party’s bill suggesting to take away jewellery from newly arrived immigrants to DF’s demand that all kindergartens should by law be made to serve pork to children, the electorate now seems completely fed up with such condescending and openly ridiculous policies. From this perspective, the 2019 elections also showed that right-wing populism in Denmark seems to have its limits.
A possible explanation for this could be that DF, throughout its entire lifespan, has been predominantly parliament-orientated. DF never dared to build lasting popular movements since this would have forced them into direct alliances with the aforementioned extreme right-wing segments from which the party has spent its entire existence to distance itself.
A fatal dance for the Social Democrats?
While DF and its supporters thus never had any institutional anchorage in popular movements or media, there have been some attempts to change this. The Christian currents of the party have affiliated with a secluded yet influential group of intellectuals around the century-old magazine Tidehverv. Out of this circle sprang various communities such as The Free Press Society (Trykkefrihedsselskabet) in 2004, seemingly promoting freedom of speech whilst spreading anti-Islamic views and conspiracies. Apart from such academic actions, an online news media called The Short Newspaper (Den Korte Avis) promoting anti-Islamic views was established in 2012. Highly disputed and rather isolated due to its bias, it only holds influence within right-wing circles.
Accordingly, despite DF’s success since its emergence in 1995 and in light of the party’s recent (at least temporary) setback this does not seem to have paved the way for a right-wing avalanche. For the moment, the parties and organisations to the right of DF do not appear to become mainstream such as DF had managed over the past two decades. So far, the New Right and Hard Line are at worst nothing but an expression of dissatisfaction and are still without influence, generally considered a nuisance or laughing stock.
Still, their current position very much resembles the one that DF had in its early years – left out for now of the “good company” but ready to push the boundaries of political reality and anti-democratic policies even further. So far, their political opponents have refused to do what they did, when DF started to challenge them, that is to accept at least parts of their politics. A new “refugee crisis” or similar events could change all of that.
Turning the attention towards an overall ideological dissemination of views – within politics as well as in the public debate – DF has clearly played a crucial role in the acceptance of right-wing populist politics. Not only bourgeois newspapers, tabloids and right-wing parties have adopted huge parts of its rhetoric and anti-immigrant positions; these have seeped into the labour movement as well. As the Social Democrats moved into the government offices this summer, it was with the harshest line on immigration ever seen. While the old worker’s party has since loosened up on its rhetoric, it clearly perceives that it cannot afford to move away from this general line, as all of the opposition from the Liberal Party to the New Right immediately would be at its throat.
In conclusion, while Social Democrats in the rest of Europe might look to Denmark as a way out of their stalemate, one should bear in mind the historical context for the current “success” of the Danish Social Democrats. Any victory won on the ideological premises of one’s opponent carries in itself an intrinsic risk of backfiring. In order to save themselves from the fate that has befallen their European sister parties, the Danish Social Democrats have spent the previous decades deploying neoliberal solutions to economic questions. Now, clearly, they have also adopted the harsh anti-immigration policies of the far right. Taking a socialist stance, this scenario should not result in excitement. | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 86 | https://www.eumonitor.nl/9353000/1/j9vvik7m1c3gyxp/vi5v8h7e17ne%3Fctx%3Dvh8ml7j9gbre%26start_tab0%3D40 | en | Socialisten waarschuwen Europese leiders om voorzichtig te zijn met uitspraken over nieuwe commissievoorzitter | [] | [] | [] | [
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] | null | [] | 2009-06-13T00:00:00 | nl | /9353241/g/favicon/favicon-32.png | https://www.europa-nu.nl/id/vi5v8h7e17ne/nieuws/socialisten_waarschuwen_europese_leiders/vi5v8h7e17ne%3Fctx=vh8ml7j9gbre&start_tab0=40?ctx=vh8ml7j9gbre&start_tab0=40 | EUOBSERVER / BRUSSELS - The European Socialists have warned EU leaders meeting next week in Brussels not to disrespect the European Parliament by formally agreeing to appoint commission chief Jose Manuel Barroso for a second term in office.
Following a meeting on Friday (12 June ) of representatives from national delegations to discuss the beating that the left took in last week's European elections, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, head of the European socialists, said their main message was to "be careful."
"Don't make any decisions of a binding character as far as the president of the commission is concerned."
He pointed out that the parliament as a whole on 7 May agreed that the next commission president should be appointed under the Lisbon Treaty - yet to be approved throughout the EU.
Mr Rasmussen warned that the majority of votes needed on the 14 July "will not be that automatically obtained in such a combative atmosphere."
He noted that if EU leaders plough ahead with their decision they will have done so before consulting with the parliament. Discussions with political leaders in the EU assembly will only begin in the week after the summit.
The socialists, who have been engaged in serious soul-searching for failing to appeal to voters despite the economic crisis, have since been buoyed by the news that Italy's Democratic Party (DP) has joined their ranks.
This swells their numbers by 21 deputies to 182, second to the centre-right EPP's 264.
Empty threat?
However Mr Rasmussen's threat rang hollow when he admitted that he was not sure what the socialists would do if EU leaders ignored their warning and went ahead and gave Mr Barroso formal approval for a second term in office.
He said this still had to be "discussed."
In addition, while saying that the socialists "cannot support [Mr] Barroso," the party still has no alternative candidate of their own.
"We are simply not there yet," admitted the Dane, who was once rumoured to be seeking the job himself.
The socialists' lack of a candidate is seen both as a result of internal divisions as well as reluctance to stand when a centre-right candidate is highly likely to get the job.
The centre-right overwhelmingly won the EU elections and EU leaders are generally expected to choose the person in light of this result.
Barroso
Mr Barroso, who has long been thought of a virtual shoo-in for the job now has to contend with Germany and France only wanting to give him political, rather than formal, backing for the post and a restive parliament.
Paris and Berlin, as well as the socialists, are keen to wait for the Irish to vote in October and possibly agree to the Lisbon Treaty.
Their motives are different however. Paris and Berlin want to have leverage with Mr Barroso over the future portfolios for their new commissioners.
Meanwhile, the later reappointment of Mr Barroso could allow leftish or anti-Barroso MEPs to come up with an alternative candidate.
The later timetable would leave Mr Barroso in uncertain waters for several months as he waits to see if he gets the mandate to lead the EU executive until 2014.
A delay could lessen his chances of being re-elected as other posts may also be up for grabs.
The commission president has an ally in Sweden though. Stockholm wants full formal approval given next week so it can work with an un-distracted commission president on the important issues of its presidency, starting 1 July. | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 31 | https://apnews.com/article/lifestyle-arts-and-entertainment-weddings-6b296647a0149ebd38438b3db92fe0be | en | Danish prime minister gets wedding on third scheduling try | https://dims.apnews.com/dims4/default/c379bc7/2147483647/strip/true/crop/3000x1688+0+156/resize/1440x810!/quality/90/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fstorage.googleapis.com%2Fafs-prod%2Fmedia%2F562f3562267a4c39acee099d3c3e7633%2F3000.jpeg | https://dims.apnews.com/dims4/default/c379bc7/2147483647/strip/true/crop/3000x1688+0+156/resize/1440x810!/quality/90/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fstorage.googleapis.com%2Fafs-prod%2Fmedia%2F562f3562267a4c39acee099d3c3e7633%2F3000.jpeg | [
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] | 2020-07-15T17:26:38+00:00 | HELSINKI (AP) — Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has managed to get married after her wedding was postponed and then rescheduled due to a busy first year in office that included the coronavirus pandemic. | en | /apple-touch-icon.png | AP News | https://apnews.com/article/lifestyle-arts-and-entertainment-weddings-6b296647a0149ebd38438b3db92fe0be | HELSINKI (AP) — Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has managed to get married after her wedding was postponed and then rescheduled due to a busy first year in office that included the coronavirus pandemic.
Danish media reported that Frederiksen, 42, married filmmaker and photographer Bo Tengberg, 55, Wednesday at the medieval Magleby Church on Moen island in southeastern Denmark.
Frederiksen published a photo from the wedding on her Facebook page with only the word “ja” - Danish for yes — and a heart. The picture shows the smiling newlyweds coming out of the church.
Danish tabloid Ekstra Bladet called the couple’s nuptials “a secret wedding” with only a handful of invited quests present, including former Danish Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen.
Frederiksen was sworn in as Denmark’s youngest ever prime minister on June 27, 2019, becoming the second woman to hold the post.
She postponed her and Tengberg’s wedding last year because of the June 5 national election that ended up putting her Social Democratic Party in charge of a minority government.
Frederiksen announced last month she would need to reschedule her wedding a second time because it conflicted with a European Union summit this week. | ||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 8 | https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/978-1-349-58632-5_156 | en | Denmark | [
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"Barry Turner"
] | 2009-07-23T00:00:00 | Evidence of habitation exists from the Boiling period (12500–12000 BC). By 7700 BC reindeer hunters were settled on the Jutland Peninsula and around 3900 BC agriculture developed. Metal tools and weapons were imported in the Dagger Period (c. 2000 BC) but... | en | /oscar-static/img/favicons/darwin/apple-touch-icon-92e819bf8a.png | SpringerLink | https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-1-349-58632-5_156 | Evidence of habitation exists from the Boiling period (12500–12000 BC). By 7700 BC reindeer hunters were settled on the Jutland Peninsula and around 3900 BC agriculture developed. Metal tools and weapons were imported in the Dagger Period (c. 2000 BC) but trading stations on the coast did not appear until around AD 300. The first towns developed in the Germanic Iron Age (AD 400–750). The first trading market was held in the 8th century in Hedeby. Denmark was converted to Christianity in 860 when Ansgar built churches in Hedeby and Ribe. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 47 | https://prospect.org/blogs-and-newsletters/tap/2023-01-11-denmark-social-democracy-noma-closing/ | en | Slime-on-a-Rock Cuisine and Social Democracy | [
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] | 2023-01-11T00:00:00 | Today on TAP: Noma, the world’s most pretentious restaurant, in Copenhagen of all places, to close. | en | The American Prospect | https://prospect.org/blogs-and-newsletters/tap/2023-01-11-denmark-social-democracy-noma-closing/ | You’ve probably read the press accounts. Grotesque, grossly overpriced, fussy food finally reaches its limits. Reindeer penis is one of the specialties. The tab is typically $500. The restaurant’s creator, chef René Redzepi, termed the business model “unsustainable.” Well, mercifully, yes.
There is no better symbol of the wretched elite excess of this era. Noma is an advertisement for more progressive taxes on income and wealth; and, as the saying goes, for eating simply so that others may simply eat. And what’s Noma doing in Copenhagen, capital of a nation known for its modesty, social solidarity, and social democracy?
I actually ate there once, through no fault of my own, as the guest of the leader of Denmark’s Social Democratic Party no less. And therein hangs a tale.
More from Robert Kuttner
In my work on the project of housebreaking capitalism, I became fascinated with Denmark, as a nation that manages to square the circle of a dynamic and flexible economy with extensive social bolsters and impressive equality of income and wealth. The secret sauce is a very powerful labor movement, a long tradition of consensual social bargaining, and a strategy known as “flexicurity” that makes it easy for workers to change jobs without losing living standards and, conversely, easy for employers to move workers and thus stay competitive.
I’ve written about this for the Prospect, for Foreign Affairs, and in my books. Over more than two decades, I’ve spent a lot of time in Denmark. I became friendly with the prime minister who served from 1993 to 2001, a former trade union economist named Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, who was a truly great man and Europe’s last truly socialist prime minister.
It was a pleasure to go out for a meal with Poul in simple neighborhood places, with no staff or bodyguards, and see ordinary Danes come by to shake his hand. It’s the way that I imagine democracy is supposed to be. He would not have been caught dead in Noma.
Fast-forward. I’m on another of my reporting trips to Copenhagen. Denmark is a small country. I’ve done scores of interviews there over the years and I’m slightly famous as an American journalist who takes Denmark seriously.
My friend Poul is out of office. The new Social Democratic leader, later to win election as prime minister, is Helle Thorning-Schmidt. I ask her office for an interview. They suggest dinner, with her and her entourage, and I’m invited to bring my wife.
It’s at Noma, where we discover what my wife calls slime-on-a rock cuisine. We are both serious cooks, even foodies. But we were dumbfounded that this is where a social democratic leader would bring American lefty guests.
Maybe, come the revolution, the entire proletariat will eat slime on a rock and reindeer penis. Let’s hope not. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 12 | https://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/28149/POUL%2BNYRUP_RASMUSSEN/history/6 | en | 6th parliamentary term | [
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] | null | [] | 1943-06-15T00:00:00 | Profile page - Poul Nyrup RASMUSSEN - Profile page of a current Member of the European Parliament - History of parliamentary service during the 6th legislative term including memberships in political groups, national parties, parliamentary committees and delegations as well as parliamentary activities and the declaration of financial interests. | en | https://www.europarl.europa.eu/meps/en/28149/POUL+NYRUP_RASMUSSEN/history/6 | A rapporteur is appointed in the responsible parliamentary committee to draft a report on proposals of a legislative or budgetary nature, or other issues. In drafting their report, rapporteurs may consult with relevant experts and stakeholders. They are also responsible for the drafting of compromise amendments and negotiations with shadow rapporteurs. Reports adopted at committee level are then examined and voted on in plenary. Rule 55
Committees may draft an opinion to a report of the responsible committee covering the elements linked to their committee remit. Rapporteurs of such opinions are also responsible for the drafting of compromise amendments and negotiations with shadow rapporteurs of the opinion. Rule 56, Rule 57, Annex VI
Members can table an individual motion on issues falling within the EU’s sphere of activity. This motion is forwarded to the responsible committee for consideration.Rule 143
Questions for oral answer with debate may be tabled by a committee, a political group or at least 5% of Parliament’s component Members . The addressees are other EU institutions. The Conference of Presidents decides whether, and in what order, questions are placed on the final draft agenda for a Plenary sitting. Rule 128
Members can put questions for written reply to the ECB and questions concerning the Single Supervisory Mechanism and the Single Resolution Mechanism. Such questions are first submitted to the Chair of the responsible committee.Rule 140, Rule 141, Annex III
This attendance record is an extract from the Minutes of plenary sittings of the 6th parliamentary term. The information therein is supplied for information purposes only and covers the Member's term of office in the European Parliament. It is raw data and does not include corrections for justified absence because of illness, maternal/paternal leave, authorised parliamentary delegation business etc. | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 3 | https://www.britannica.com/biography/Poul-Nyrup-Rasmussen | en | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen | Biography & Facts | [
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] | 2000-11-03T00:00:00+00:00 | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, Danish economist and politician, who was leader of the Social Democrats from 1992 to 2002 and then served as prime minister of Denmark from 1993 to 2001. Learn more about Rasmussen’s life and career, including his political views. | en | /favicon.png | Encyclopedia Britannica | https://www.britannica.com/biography/Poul-Nyrup-Rasmussen | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen (born June 15, 1943, Esbjerg, Denmark) is a Danish economist and politician, leader of the Social Democrats from 1992 to 2002, who was prime minister of Denmark from 1993 to 2001.
After receiving a degree in economics from the University of Copenhagen in 1971, Rasmussen worked for the Danish Trade Union Council until 1986. He became its chief economist in 1980. He served as the managing director of the Employees’ Capital Pension Fund and as chairman of Lalandia Invest from 1986 to 1988. In 1987 he became deputy chairman of the Social Democrats and in 1988 a member of the Folketing, or parliament. He became the leader of the Social Democrats in 1992. His positions on major issues were generally left-leaning and included support for increases in spending for Denmark’s extensive welfare programs.
When the Conservative-Liberal coalition government that had ruled Denmark for a decade fell in January 1993, Rasmussen formed a four-party coalition and became the country’s prime minister. One of his first tasks was to persuade voters, including Social Democrats, to support the Maastricht Treaty establishing the European Union (EU). Danish voters had rejected a referendum on the treaty the previous year, but they approved a revised version of the treaty that included special exemptions for Denmark. The referendum’s passage was widely seen as an indication of Rasmussen’s ability as a political leader.
In the 1994 elections the Social Democrats lost ground to both the right and the left, primarily to opponents of European unification. Nonetheless, Rasmussen was able to continue in office as head of a coalition government. In the 1998 elections Rasmussen once again held on to office when his coalition won a one-seat majority in parliament. As prime minister, he continued to promote Denmark’s participation in the EU; he campaigned vigorously for the country to adopt the euro as its currency, but the move was narrowly rejected by Danish voters in a 2000 referendum. In 2001 Rasmussen resigned after his coalition was defeated in parliamentary elections. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 2 | https://clubmadrid.org/who/members/nyrup-rasmussen-poul/ | en | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen Prime Minister Denmark, Club de Madrid Member | [
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] | null | [] | 2017-10-20T13:00:30+00:00 | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen is the former Prime Minister of Denmark (1993-2001) and a current Full Member of the Club de Madrid. | en | Club de Madrid | https://clubmadrid.org/who/members/nyrup-rasmussen-poul/ | Date and Place of Birth:
15 June 1943, Esbjerg (Denmark).
Education:
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen holds a Degree in Economics from the University of Copenhagen (1971).
Professional Experience:
Mr. Rasmussen has been Chief economist of the Danish Trade Union Council from 1980-1986. From 1986-1988, he worked as the managing director of the Employees Capital Pension Fund, as chairman of Lalandia Invest, and as a member of the Executive Board of Euroventures Nordica y Dansk Erhvervsinvestering.
Political Career:
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen became leader of the Danish Social Democrats in 1992 and was a Member of the Danish Parliament from 1988 to 2004. He became Prime Minister of Denmark in 1993 and held office until 2001. One of the main achievements of his government was the substantial reduction of unemployment through measures which successfully combined labour market flexibility and social security. This made the ‘Danish model’ of the 1990’s a blueprint for many other countries. He held the Presidency of the European Union in 1993.
Mr. Rasmussen has been President of the Party of European Socialists (PES), which brings together the Socialist, Social Democratic and Labour parties of the European Union, since 2004 and President of the Global Progressive Forum since 2003. He was a Member of the European Parliament from 2004 to 2009 where he headed the Danish Social Democratic Delegation, and was a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and a substitute in the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 13 | https://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/visits/denmark | en | Visits by Foreign Leaders | [
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] | null | [] | null | history.state.gov 3.0 shell | en | /resources/images/favicon.ico | null | Prime Minister Hedtoft Arrived in U.S. November 16, aboard inaugural trans-Arctic flight to Los Angeles by Scandinavian Airlines. Met with President Eisenhower November 24. November 23–26, 1954 Prime Minister Hansen Unofficial visit; attended Minnesota Statehood Centennial in Minneapolis and St. Paul. May 8–14, 1958 King Frederik IX State visit. In U.S. October 4–17, visiting Los Angeles, San Francisco, Chicago, New York City, and Albany (New York). October 11–14, 1960 Prime Minister Kampmann Informal visit. In U.S. February 11–19, visiting New York City, Mystic (Connecticut), Chicago, and San Francisco. February 14–15, 1961 Prime Minister Krag Attended funeral of President Kennedy. November 24–25, 1963 Prime Minister Krag Private visit. June 9–12, 1964 Prime Minister Jens Otto Krag Private visit. Arrived in U.S. April 20; visited New York City and Omaha. Met with President Johnson April 27. April 22–27, 1966 Prime Minister Jens Otto Krag Informal visit. Discussed the Middle East crisis with President Johnson. June 22, 1967 Prime Minister Jens Otto Krag Informal visit. September 27, 1967 Prime Minister Hilmar T. I. Baunsgaard Official visit. In U.S. April 12–19; visited Williamsburg, and afterwards made a private visit to New York City. April 14–16, 1970 Prime Minister Hilmar T. I. Baunsgaard Attended White House dinner on 25th Anniversary of the U.N. October 24, 1970 Prime Minister Anker Jorgensen Private visit. November 13, 1975 Queen Margrethe II Luncheon at the White House during a private visit May 10–11, 1976 Prime Minister Anker Jorgensen Official visit. Private visit afterwards to Colorado, California, and Washington State. February 21–23, 1978 Prime Minister Anker Jorgensen Attended North Atlantic Alliance Summit conference. May 30–31, 1978 Prime Minister Poul Schlueter Official working visit. December 12–14, 1982 Prime Minister Poul Schlueter Official Visit. September 9–11, 1985 Prime Minister Poul Schlueter Met with President Bush during a private visit to Kennebunkport (Me.). August 28, 1989 Queen Margrethe II State Visit. Private visit to New York City afterward. February 19–22, 1991 Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen Accompanied EC President Delors to discuss the Bosnian crisis with President Clinton. May 6–7, 1993 Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen Attended NATO’s 50th Anniversary Summit. April 23–25, 1999 Prime Minister Anders Rasmussen Met with President Bush during a private visit. March 25, 2002 Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen Working visit. May 12, 2003 Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen Working visit. May 27–28, 2004 Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen Working visit. May 20, 2005 Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen Working visit. Met with President Bush at Camp David, MD. Later visited San Francisco and Sacramento, California; and Seattle Washington. Departed the U.S. June 13. June 8–11, 2006 Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen Working visit. Met with President Bush in Crawford, TX. February 27–March 1, 2008 Prime Minister Lars Rasmussen Working visit. March 14, 2011 Prime Minister Helle Thorning-Schmidt Working visit. February 24, 2012 Prime Minister Helle Thorning-Schmidt Attended the NATO Summit Meeting in Chicago, IL. May 20–21, 2012 Prime Minister Lars Lokke Rasmussen Attended the Nuclear Security Summit. March 31–April 1, 2016 | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 9 | https://www.roadsbridges.com/bridges/article/10583088/building-a-european-region | en | Building a European region | [
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] | null | [] | 2001-08-31T00:00:00 | Denmark and Sweden share many things, including a claim to being the true home of Tycho Brahe, the 16th century astronomer who made what were at the time—before Galileo’s invention... | en | https://base.imgix.net/files/base/ebm/roadsbridges/image/website/favicon/1652456007908-favicon.ico | Roads and Bridges | https://www.roadsbridges.com/bridges/article/10583088/building-a-european-region | Denmark and Sweden share many things, including a claim to being the true home of Tycho Brahe, the 16th century astronomer who made what were at the time—before Galileo’s invention of the telescope—the most precise measurements ever of the motions of the planets and the positions of more than 700 stars. His observations laid the groundwork for Johannes Kepler’s early 17th century theories about the workings of the solar system.
Brahe, along with characters from Swedish and Danish mythology, was a central figure in the ceremony to mark the opening of the Øresund Fixed Link on July 1, 2000. The ceremony included music, song, dance and theater performances.
Other, more modern, figures present at the opening of the 10-mile bridge and tunnel complex between Sweden and Denmark across the Øresund sound included Queen Margrethe II of Denmark and King Carl XVI Gustaf of Sweden and the prime ministers of the two countries, Gösta Persson of Sweden and Poul Nyrup Rasmussen of Denmark.
The Øresund Bridge is the strongest cable-stayed bridge in the world, built to carry the combined weight of a motorway and a dual-track railway. The tunnel is the world’s largest immersed tunnel in terms of volume, with four parallel tunnel tubes. The total budget for the project was $2 billion.
The European Union gave the Øresund Fixed Link high priority as the backbone of a future major, prosperous European center for trade, science, industry and culture with 3.5 million inhabitants.
The Engineers’ Society of Western Pennsylvania, in association with Bayer Corp., gave the bridge the Gustav Lindenthal Medal, presented at the International Bridge Conference in Pittsburgh on June 4. The Lindenthal Medal is given for a single, recent outstanding achievement in bridge engineering. The project must exhibit one or more aspects of significant improvement or advancement in bridge technology through technical or material innovation, achievement of high aesthetic merit, harmony with the environment or successful community participation in planning and design.
Since the opening, the Link has established itself as an important element of the social and economic life of the region around Øresund.
"The Øresund region is developing into a Medicon Valley," Henrik Christensen told Roads & Bridges by e-mail, borrowing a theme from the Silicon Valley of California. Christensen was the design manager of the project. The design group consisted of up to 25 designers from the ASO Group, Copenhagen, the main consultant on the cable-stayed bridge.
"Many medical companies gain from the synergy effects," added Christensen, "which is a result of the already very dense amount of companies in the branch plus the great number of universities on both sides of the Link."
For example, he said, the U.S. company Biogen has chosen the region as the site of its first production facility abroad.
In its first year of operation, the Øresund Link carried 13 million travelers: 8 million on the roadway and 5 million on the railway. The numbers account for half of all the travelers to cross the sound between Sweden and Denmark. There were 2.9 million vehicles that crossed the roadway and 5 million trains.
Travelers across the bridge include those looking for leisure activities (their favorite is eating out), but they also include students commuting to colleges and universities on the other side of the sound and people looking for work. The most frequent users of the BroBizz bridge pass are in the 25-29 age group.
The Øresund Job Centre reported a 50% increase in the number of job applications this spring at its office in Malmö at the Swedish end of the bridge. These applications represented Swedes looking for work in Denmark. There also was about a 40% increase in applications from Danes looking for work in Sweden.
Across the sea without ships
From east to west, the Øresund Fixed Link begins at Malmö, Sweden, with a 2.32-mile eastern approach bridge, a 0.68-mile cable-stayed bridge over the Flinterenden navigation channel and a 1.87-mile western approach bridge to an artificial island. The roadway and railway cross the 2.51-mile artificial island above ground, then dip underground. The immersed tunnel stretches 2.51 miles under the Drogden channel and emerges on an artificial peninsula near Copenhagen, Denmark.
About 10 big ships per day pass through the Flinterenden navigation channel, which has a draft of less than 28 ft. The Drogden channel, with a deeper draft, carries more shipping. Encyclopædia Britannica calls the Øresund strait one of the busiest sea lanes in the world. It is 70 miles long and varies between 3 and 9 miles wide, with three islands—Amager, Ven and Saltholm—influencing the flow of water and shipping.
Ven (formerly Hven) island was the location of Tycho Brahe’s observatory, which he established in 1576. Denmark’s King Frederick II gave Brahe the title to the island to keep him from relocating to Germany. Brahe named the observatory Uraniborg after Urania, the Muse of astronomy in Greek mythology.
Saltholm island is located just north of the artificial island constructed as part of the Fixed Link.
The Link is owned by Øresundskonsortiet, which is made up of A/S Øresundsforbindelsen and Svensk-Danska Broforbindelsen SVEDAB AB, which are owned by the Danish and Swedish nations. Øresundskonsortiet was responsible for the design and construction of the Fixed Link and holds the concession to operate it and collect tolls.
The cable-stayed bridge is the largest of its kind in the world, according to the Øresundskonsortiet, carrying both passenger trains, freight trains and motorway traffic. Christensen noted the traffic load as the most challenging factor for the bridge designers.
"The bridge should accommodate a freight train on one track and a passenger train on the other track at the same time," commented Christensen. "This load is by far a world record seen in relation to the length of the main span."
The bridge superstructure is a composite steel-concrete structure with truss girders. The four-lane roadway rides on the upper deck, while the two-track railway rides on the lower deck. The main span stretches 1,617 ft across the navigation channel, with a clearance of 188 ft above sea level.
Each of the two pylons consists of two cast-in-situ concrete towers extending to a height of 673 ft above sea level. Side-span piers consist of single, prefabricated concrete box-section shafts, with bearings at the top to support the bridge girder. The side-span piers are provided with a tie-down arrangement to resist uplift forces from the superstructure.
Foundations for the pylons and side-span piers are prefabricated concrete caissons sunk into the Copenhagen limestone 46 to 56 ft below sea level. The pylons are surrounded by submerged protection islands, according to Christensen, not to protect the pylons from ships that might collide with them but to protect the ships.
"The pylons are able to withstand a ship collision," said Christensen. "The two times three piers closest to the pylons are also surrounded by similar protection islands, but here it is for protecting the piers and not the ships, as these piers cannot withstand a collision."
All the bridge piers are protected from scour by stones. The combination of a maximum current velocity of 5.67 mph, a maximum wave height of 8.25 ft and a water depth of only 33 ft makes scour protection necessary.
On the approach bridges, the double-deck superstructure is supported by precast concrete single-shaft piers with precast concrete caisson foundations sunk into the Copenhagen limestone up to 49.5 ft below sea level.
"The placing of the girders, pier shafts and caissons was a special challenge," said Christensen, "since it was necessary to prefabricate these large elements to be able to stick to the timetable."
A floating crane, named Svanen, with a lifting capacity of 9,600 tons, was shipped from Canada to work on the Fixed Link. Svanen carried the prefabricated bridge sections out to the site and placed them in position.
Christensen said the method of erecting the main span girders also was unusual: "It is only possible where the temporary towers are not placed in an existing navigation channel or where the temporary towers are protected by use of, for example, guard ships."
The first 462-ft section of the superstructure was supported on one of the big pylons and on a temporary pillar. The next section was supported at one end by the first section at the pylon and on the other end by a permanent pier. Several of the stay cables were then attached.
Next, a pair of 396-ft spans and a second temporary pier were added, more cables were strung, and the first temporary pier was dismantled. These sections extended the structure to the middle of the main span on one end and to the second permanent pier on the other. With that done, and the same process for the other pylon, the builders could join the two halves of the main span in the middle and remove the second temporary pier.
Environmental harmony
One of the main requirements of the Swedish and Danish governments was that the Fixed Link should not alter the flow of water through Øresund between the Kattegat Strait to the northwest and the Baltic Sea to the south.
"The tendency in the industrial societies is towards less impact on the environment," said Christensen. "Between two Scandinavian countries which both are proud of being the cleanest industrial country in the world, the public and therefore the politicians do not allow for any impact from such a big bridge."
To manage the water flow, including the flow of salt and dissolved oxygen, and protect the region’s water quality, flora, fish, birds and mammals, the designers made accurate calculations of the effects of the bridge and artificial island. The Link was designed to limit water blockage to 0.5%. Dredging of the sea floor, including the Flinterenden navigation channel, compensated for the small remaining blockage caused by the new structures. Compensation dredging amounted to 1.8 million cubic meters.
The Swedish and Danish authorities also carefully monitored spillage of sediment during construction. Eelgrass, an aquatic plant that grows in the area, is particularly sensitive to changes in light conditions, and the consortium made careful surveillance of eelgrass growth as an early indicator of the condition of the marine environment.
Taking a toll
The consortium expects to pay for the Link by 2027 by collecting tolls from travelers. All motorists pay a toll to cross the Link. The toll station, which is at the Swedish end, has 11 lanes in each direction. Two lanes are reserved for automatic toll payment: one for private cars, with a speed limit of 50 km/h, and one for trucks, with a lower speed limit.
Motorists can pay the toll by cash or by credit or debit card. There also is the option of paying automatically by way of an electronic pass affixed to the windshield. The BroBizz electronic transponder will automatically register the vehicle and collect the toll as the vehicle passes through the toll station. As of July 1, 2001, travelers can register for a BroBizz transponder—and receive immediate confirmation—at the Link’s website (www.oeresundsbron.com).
Also as of July 1, trucks and coaches can sign up for an iTicket, an eight-digit code that the driver must present at the toll station. To be assigned a code, the hauling company must sign a contract with the Øresundskonsortiet in advance.
The Link Control Centre, located near the toll station, is in operation 24 hours a day. It gathers information on the technical condition of the Link, such as ventilation, drainage and lighting in the tunnel, as well as traffic flow. There are traffic detectors, variable message signs, remote-controlled barriers, traffic lights and closed-circuit television cameras stationed along the Link. There also are emergency telephones at regular intervals.
Christensen said there have been no traffic incidents where emergency vehicles were not able to get past the traffic to the incident. There was only one accident that caused serious injury.
In Tycho Brahe’s time, Sweden and Denmark fought over control of the Øresund region and its commercial benefits, including exacting tolls from ships passing through the sound. Today, they build links between their two countries and share the commercial benefits. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 49 | https://prospect.org/blogs-and-newsletters/tap/2023-01-11-denmark-social-democracy-noma-closing/ | en | Slime-on-a-Rock Cuisine and Social Democracy | [
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] | 2023-01-11T00:00:00 | Today on TAP: Noma, the world’s most pretentious restaurant, in Copenhagen of all places, to close. | en | The American Prospect | https://prospect.org/blogs-and-newsletters/tap/2023-01-11-denmark-social-democracy-noma-closing/ | You’ve probably read the press accounts. Grotesque, grossly overpriced, fussy food finally reaches its limits. Reindeer penis is one of the specialties. The tab is typically $500. The restaurant’s creator, chef René Redzepi, termed the business model “unsustainable.” Well, mercifully, yes.
There is no better symbol of the wretched elite excess of this era. Noma is an advertisement for more progressive taxes on income and wealth; and, as the saying goes, for eating simply so that others may simply eat. And what’s Noma doing in Copenhagen, capital of a nation known for its modesty, social solidarity, and social democracy?
I actually ate there once, through no fault of my own, as the guest of the leader of Denmark’s Social Democratic Party no less. And therein hangs a tale.
More from Robert Kuttner
In my work on the project of housebreaking capitalism, I became fascinated with Denmark, as a nation that manages to square the circle of a dynamic and flexible economy with extensive social bolsters and impressive equality of income and wealth. The secret sauce is a very powerful labor movement, a long tradition of consensual social bargaining, and a strategy known as “flexicurity” that makes it easy for workers to change jobs without losing living standards and, conversely, easy for employers to move workers and thus stay competitive.
I’ve written about this for the Prospect, for Foreign Affairs, and in my books. Over more than two decades, I’ve spent a lot of time in Denmark. I became friendly with the prime minister who served from 1993 to 2001, a former trade union economist named Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, who was a truly great man and Europe’s last truly socialist prime minister.
It was a pleasure to go out for a meal with Poul in simple neighborhood places, with no staff or bodyguards, and see ordinary Danes come by to shake his hand. It’s the way that I imagine democracy is supposed to be. He would not have been caught dead in Noma.
Fast-forward. I’m on another of my reporting trips to Copenhagen. Denmark is a small country. I’ve done scores of interviews there over the years and I’m slightly famous as an American journalist who takes Denmark seriously.
My friend Poul is out of office. The new Social Democratic leader, later to win election as prime minister, is Helle Thorning-Schmidt. I ask her office for an interview. They suggest dinner, with her and her entourage, and I’m invited to bring my wife.
It’s at Noma, where we discover what my wife calls slime-on-a rock cuisine. We are both serious cooks, even foodies. But we were dumbfounded that this is where a social democratic leader would bring American lefty guests.
Maybe, come the revolution, the entire proletariat will eat slime on a rock and reindeer penis. Let’s hope not. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 32 | https://www.ebay.com/itm/395451233719 | en | Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen - Vintage Photograph 2267928 | [
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correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 71 | http://www.ewea.org/blog/category/climate-change/page/86/ | en | [
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] | null | EWEA Blog | http://www.ewea.org/blog/category/climate-change/page/86/ | With events taking place all over the country to celebrate wind power, Austria has embraced Global Wind Day. At one of the country’s main events, a crane measuring the same height as an average onshore turbine, lifted people up high to get a bird’s eye view of a wind farm.
Another spectacle took place in Lower Austria when a professional skydiver leapt from the top of a turbine, opened his parachute and sailed down to the watching crowd below.
Martin Fliegenschnee-Jaksch, from the Austrian Wind Energy Association, said the events that took place last weekend were a “huge success” attracting hundreds of people despite the scorching heat. More events are taking place this weekend in Upper Austria and Burgenland, he said, including a bike tour through a wind park and a wind power-themed cabaret.
The cars of the future – electric cars – were available for the public to try out at various locations across Austria in further celebration of Global Wind Day, and for children, events ranged from music to face painting.
At the main event in St Pöllen, there was a prize draw and the lucky winner won a trip in a hot air balloon over the Austrian countryside.
This week the Austrian Minister of Economics, Reinhold Mitterlehner, will inaugurate a new turbine at an existing wind farm. Fliegenschnee-Jaksch explained that this is significant since it is the first new turbine in Austria to be constructed for a few years.
For more infomation on wind energy in Austria (in German), click here.
Global Wind Day events in Brussels kicked off today with a conference at the foot of the 29.5m turbine blade in the middle of rond point Schuman. Christian Kjaer, CEO of EWEA, highlighted the fact that over the next few days around 220 Global Wind Day events will take place in 26 countries to celebrate and inform the public about the benefits of wind power.
At the conference EWEA also released its estimate for new wind power installations in 2010. Despite the ongoing economic crisis, the EU is set to have the same amount of new capacity this year as it did last year – around 10 GW.
“This is another strong year for wind power installations,” Kjaer said.
More striking is the fact that this year’s installations are based on orders that were placed during the financial crisis. New installations in 2009 were based on orders placed before the financial crisis.
Ingmar Wilhelm, Executive Vice President of ENEL – the sponsor of the blade exhibition – said that the crisis has helped “drive the industry to become more organised and efficient.” Wind power “really impacts the energy scenarios of today,” since it is now a mature energy source, he added.
Wind power has a “strong development path ahead of it. It will only improve its cost effectiveness and competitiveness,” Wilhelm said.
More good news for wind power: two countries have installed their first wind farms this year – Slovenia and Cyprus – making Malta the only EU country without wind power.
As for whether or not wind power will again top the table of new installed energy capacity (last year 39% of all new capacity was wind power, ahead of gas, coal and nuclear), Kjaer said it was “too early to tell.”
When tourists are planning a holiday in Hawaii they inevitably think of beautiful Pacific beaches kissed by year-round sunshine and surrounded by stunning arrays of magnificent tropical flowers. Local residents know a darker side of the state, however, one that involves being dependent on expensive, polluting, imported oil to supply about 90% of Hawaii’s energy.
As a result of being the most oil-dependent state in the US — reportedly four times more dependent than any of the other 49 states — Hawaii has embraced an exciting energy revolution that includes emissions-free wind power to help transform the way it meets its existing, and future, energy needs.
The state has set a goal of 70% clean energy through energy efficiency and renewable energies by 2030. Hawaii’s Clean Energy Initiative is already working to harness the state’s strong trade winds along with other renewable energies.
“Wind is plentiful on Hawaii’s islands,” notes the initiative web site. “In the past, ancient Hawaiians depended on the trade winds to sail their canoes. And for the people of Hawaii today, the wind holds tremendous potential as a clean, renewable energy source.”
The web site also says Hawaiian wind farms are already supplying green electricity to consumers on Maui and the Big Island, and plans are under way to install wind turbines on Lanai, Molokai, and Oahu.
The U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) has already published a map showing that Hawaii has wind resources consistent with utility-scale production. “Good-to-excellent wind resource areas are fairly evenly distributed throughout the islands,” the web site says the DOE map indicates.
As a way of achieving its green energy goals, the web site says Hawaii is now discussing building an undersea cable system to transmit electricity between Oahu, Molokai, Lanai, and possibly Maui in order to increase access to wind power and other renewable energy projects statewide, which could lead to consumer and business cost savings.
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, President of the Party of European Socialists (PES) last night called for green bonds to be set up to help kick-start the European economy following its deepest recession since the 1930s. Speaking at a debate on green jobs held in Brussels and organised by the European Wind Energy Association, Rasmussen said that “Europe cannot solve its crisis through austerity plans alone,” adding that European institutions must create the right economic environment to boost renewable energy.
The European wind industry has investment needs of around €150bn and green bonds, issued by the European Investment Bank or an independent facility, would help prevent European recovery from losing its momentum and stop countries including China and the US from knocking Europe off its current position as leader in renewable energies, he said.
With its recovery strategies Europe is now “on the wrong track,” he said. “We risk sluggish economic growth of around 0.2-0.5%, a dramatic rise in unemployment and a drop in investment incentives for industry,” he added.
Christian Kjaer, CEO of EWEA, echoed Rasmussen’s call in saying that Europe “messed up” its economic stimulus package. The US, China and South Korea all had better stimulus plans than Europe since they included stronger measures for green growth, he said.
The European economic recovery plan included funds for gas, nuclear and CCS and only small funds for renewables, Maria Da Graça Carvalho, MEP for the European People’s Party, lamented. She went on to say that the EIB should be prevented from investing in high carbon projects.
Kjaer threw another element into the debate by suggesting that re-working the way Europe subsidies the energy sector could be a simple aid to recovery during this period of austerity. 80% of European energy subsidies are currently spent on nuclear and fossil fuels, 20% goes to energy efficiency and renewables. “If you want to save a lot of money from your government’s budget, remove that 80%. That would also make it cheaper to introduce new technologies,” Kjaer said.
Anne Paneels, Senior Advisor for the European Trade Union Conferation, said that another key aspect to growth in green energies is creating more training for technicians and engineers to boost Europe’s skill base in the manufacturing sector. Women, in particular, should be encouraged, Da Graça Carvalho added.
The debate rounded off with a call by Rasmussen to make green energy a “people’s demand” via NGOs and organisations which could then apply pressure on decision-makers, stimulating the political will needed for change.
Did you attend last night’s debate or have a point of view on green jobs and economic recovery? Join the discussion by commenting below.
Although large-scale wind energy farms are the usual method of tapping into the increasingly popular emissions-free power technology, a growing number of institutions and people are exploring other ways of harnessing wind to create green electricity.
One of the latest examples of this exciting shift occurred last week in Nevada when civic officials gathered on the top of Reno’s 17-storey-high City Hall to admire two 1.5-kilowatt wind turbines that are part of a plan to install small-scale turbines around the city to create energy and save money.
“It’s a great thing to do to lower energy bills as much as you can,” Jason Geddes, the city’s environmental services administrator, was quoted as saying in a Government Technology report, “and hedge against future increases in fossil fuel energy.”
The report also says that Reno, one of the first US cities to place a wind turbine on top of a City Hall, has already installed a turbine at the sewage plant and one at a park. In total, the report says, nine urban turbines will be installed so officials can test how they perform in various environments.
The Government Technology story also quoted Geddes as saying that the city is investing $1 million for wind programs with a total of about $19 million for new energy technology. Locals officials have said the wind, solar and energy-efficiency projects are expected to reduce energy use by 25% save $1 million a year.
Meanwhile, BBC News reported last week that JoeBen Bevirt is putting the final touches to a series of large kites, which he says will be able to harvest the fast crosswinds found at high altitude.
The BBC story claims that Bevrit’s airborne wind turbines will fly to about 600 metres, where they will float, generating power that can be transferred to the ground via a tether.
“Global wind is a tremendous source of energy — carrying nearly 870 terrawatts in global tropospheric winds,” Bevirt, who works for a Californian company, is quoted as saying. “In comparison, the global demand is 17 terawatts. Harnessing a tiny fraction will transform the way we power our civilization.” | ||||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 87 | https://keywiki.org/Jared_Bernstein | en | Jared Bernstein | [
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] | null | [] | null | en | /favicon.ico | null | Jared Bernstein is a partisan economist.
Under Biden
Under Joe Biden, Jared Bernstein serves as Chair and Heather Boushey and Kirabo Jackson serve as Members of the Council of Economic Advisers.[1],[2]
'well-known progressive'
An article titled "The Number Of Democratic Socialists In The House Will Soon Double. But The Movement Scored Its Biggest Victories Down Ballot" at Talking Points Memo dated December 11, 2020 by Peter Dreier described Heather Boushey and Jared Bernstein as "well-known progressives":[3]
Excerpt:
"Biden has moved significantly leftward over the past year, in part due to the reality that nation’s deepening problems require bold approaches, but also because he understands that public opinion has shifted in that direction. Even if the Democrats gain control of the Senate with two victories in the Senate run-offs in Georgia in January — a big if — Biden’s administration will, out of necessity, be a center-left coalition, reflected in both his key appointments and his policy initiatives. For example, his key economic team includes at least two well-known progressives — Heather Boushey and Jared Bernstein — who will serve as the left flank within the administration. But they won’t be the only voices in Biden’s inner circle.
Under Obama
Jared Bernstein , in December 2008 joined the incoming Obama Administration as Chief Economist and Economic Policy Adviser to Vice President Joe Biden.
He was recommended to Biden by Obama advisor Austan Goolsbee.[4]
He is described as one of the few left-leaning scholars on the Obama administration's economic team and he will, moreover, have the ear of Vice President Biden. He will also, likely push his agenda of worker rights and income inequality.[5]
Bernstein also doesn't believe a large deficit is a bad thing.[6]
Bernstein has been an economist at the Economic Policy Institute since 1992 and is a renowned author of several books and academic treatises on the economy and the middle class. From 1995-1996, he served as Deputy Chief Economist for the Department of Labor under Labor Secretary Robert Reich. Bernstein is on the Congressional Budget Office's advisory committee and has been a contributor to the financial news station CNBC. He has also taught at Howard University, Columbia University and New York University. He holds a Bachelors Degree in Fine Arts from the Manhattan School of Music; a Masters Degree in Social Work from the Hunter School of Social Work; a Masters Degree in Philosophy and Ph.D. in Social Welfare from Columbia University.[7]
Education
Ph.D. Social Welfare, Columbia University.[8]
Masters Degree Philosophy, Columbia University.
Masters Degree Social Work, Hunter School of Social Work.
Economic Policy Institute
Jared Bernstein joined[9]the Economic Policy Institute in 1992.
Writing
Bernstein's latest book is "Crunch: Why Do I Feel So Squeezed? (And Other Unsolved Economic Mysteries)," which follows "All Together Now: Common Sense for a Fair Economy." His areas of research include income inequality and mobility, trends in employment and earnings, low-wage labor markets and poverty, international comparisons, and the analysis of federal and state economic policies.
He is also known to be a critic of free trade agreements such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).[10]
Bernstein is described as being loudly pro-union.[11]
He is the co-author of eight editions of the book "The State of Working America" and has published extensively in popular and academic venues, including New York Times, Washington Post, American Prospect, and the Center for Research in Economics and Statistics. He is a contributor to the financial news station CNBC.
Bernstein has also written diaries on the Daily Kos.[12]
Career
Bernstein has taught at Howard University, New York University and Columbia University.
He was hired, in 1992, by the left-leaning Washington think tank, Economic Policy Institute (EPI); this being a think tank which has links to organized labor and focuses on matters pertaining to low and middle income workers.[13]
The EPI has been associated with the most progressive part of the Democratic Party when it comes to economic matters - and that is viewed as being to the left of the Brookings Institute.[14]
Bernstein served as Deputy Chief Economist in the Department of Labor from 1995-1996.
During the Clinton years, when in the Department of Labor, he worked for Robert Reich.[15]
He then returned to the EPI where he was made Director of the Living Standards Program and senior economist after selection by Biden.
Bernstein is on the advisory Committee of the Congressional Budget Office.
He is also employed as a contributor to CNBC - the financial news network.
His position on the Vice Presidential staff, is a new one.
Journalists noted, upon his appointment, that he holds more liberal views than any of Obama's economic advisors.[16]
Bernstein has also been appointed to the position of Executive Director of the Middle Class Working Families Task Force and is responsible for direct management of this project.
The noted "progressive" columnist and Nobel laureate in economics - Paul Krugman - was to argue, in November 2008, that the new Economic Recovery Advisory Board could be used to "give progressive economists a voice", given that the nature of Obama's economic inner circle was "centrist". Krugman then named Bernstein and Lawrence Mishel - fellow EPI economist and EPI president - among other "progressive" economists, who could be suitable for the board.[17]
This suggestion was prompted by the Biden appointment.
Obama campaign
In 2008 Bernstein was an economic adviser[18] to the Obama campaign.
JournoList
Bernstein was an identified member of JournoList - an email group of approximately 400 "progressive" and socialist journalists, academics and "new media" activists.
JournoList members reportedly coordinated their messages in favor of Barack Obama and the Democrats, and against Sarah Palin and the Republican Party. JournoList was founded in 2007 and was closed down in early 2010.[19]
PES visit
From 21-25 June 2010, a high level Party of European Socialists delegation headed by Poul Nyrup Rasmussen travelled to Canada for the International Trade Union Confederation Congress in Vancouver and the G20 summit. The delegation presented the PES “A Progressive way out of the Crisis” strategy, which aims to impose strict financial regulation and fostered support for a global financial transactions tax (FTT) of 0.05%.
In Vancouver, Mr. Rasmussen met with Dominique Strauss-Kahn, Director General of the IMF, Pascal Lamy Director General of the WTO, Helen Clark of the UNDP and Richard Trumka, President of the AFL-CIO. He also met with NDP Member of Parliament Peter Julian, to discuss the FTT and with the President of the Canadian Labour Congress Ken Georgetti.
During the four day visit to North America, PES President Poul Nyrup Rasmussen also gave a speech to the Socialist International Council in New York on 21 June 2010 and met with members of the US Congress in Washington.
Mr. Rasmussen held comprehensive and very promising meetings for future cooperation, with US Congressman Peter DeFazio and with Jared Bernstein, Chief Economist of US Vice President Joe Biden. [20]
America's Future Now!
Jared Bernstein was one of the 148 speakers who spoke at the 2010 America's Future Now Conference.[21] | ||||||
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] | null | [] | null | null | Zu diesem Heft / About this edition
English Summaries
Autoren / Autorinnen / Authors
KOMMENTAR/COMMENT:
POUL NYRUP RASMUSSEN 10 Theses on the Future of Social Democracy in Europe
Zehn Thesen zur Zukunft der Sozialdemokratie in Europa
In order to maintain ideas of solidarity and social justice afloat in an ocean of media cynicism you must first build a secure platform. Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, president of the Party of European Socialists (PES), therefore, concentrates in the first four theses on how such a platform can best be built, which includes, in future, putting up a PES candidate for the office of President of the Commission. The remaining six theses explain how European Social Democrats can showcase the social democratic policies that point the way to a positive future, including an active European labor market policy, green growth, gender equality, strengthening the welfare state, and fundamental reform of the financial sector.
ERHARD EPPLER
Dawning of a New Era.
On the Need to Construct Social Democracy in Europe
Epochenwende
Über die Notwendigkeit des Aufbaus einer sozialen Demokratie in Europa
The era of free-market fundamentalism is coming to an end. In order to restore the primacy of politics the discussion on growth has to be conducted differently: we need a discussion of the quality, not the quantity of growth. As the instruments of the nation-state are becoming more and more inoperative, social democrats have to make the European Union into a global actor, capable of pushing through global regulation. Only a Europe with the right tools and competences will be capable of building a Social Europe.
ARTIKEL/ARTICLES
JAN NIKLAS ENGELS/GERO MAASS The New Promise of Happiness
Current State of the Discussion on the Future of European Social Democracy
Das neue Glücksversprechen
Zwischenbilanz der Diskussion über die Zukunft dereuropäischen Sozialdemokratie
This article aims to present a first interim report on the debate on the future of European social democracy by summarizing the explanations of the disastrous election results and identifying the lessons learnt. A party’s electoral success depends on the harmonious composition of narrative, leadership, scope of action, performance record, partnerships, and strategies on Europe and globalization. The new social democratic narrative should give convincing answers to the socio-economic, cultural, and political uncertainty that many voters perceive as a threat. Politics must be restored as a credible and tangible instrument for the positive transformation of social life.
CARMEN DE PAZ NIEVES/GUILLERMO MORENO RODRIGUEZ
Progressive Politics in the Age of Polarization and Economic Crisis
Current Situation and Prospects of the Spanish PSOE
Progressive Politik in einer Zeit der Polarisierung und Wirtschaftskrise
Aktuelle Situation und Perspektiven der Spanischen Sozialistischen Arbeiterpartei
Since the social democratic party PSOE came to power in 2004, its focus has been on a social and civil rights agenda. Coupled with the confrontational strategy of the main opposition party, this agenda has contributed to an increase in the polarization of the political debate in Spain. Due to the negative consequences of the financial and economic crisis, the PSOE is currently experiencing a particularly difficult time.
PATRICK DIAMOND
The British Labour Party: New Labour Out of Power
Die britische Labour Party
New Labour ist nicht mehr an der Macht
The landscape of British politics has been profoundly transformed by the 2010 election as no single party will be able to govern alone for the foreseeable future. Challenged by the Conservative-Liberal Democratic alliance as the progressive force in Britain, Labour will need to develop an approach towards achieving its core commitment to protect the living standards and aspirations of middle and lower income workers, given the realities of globalization and the knowledge-driven economy.
FRANS BECKER/RENÉ CUPERUS
Innovating Social Democracy – Houdini-style
A Perspective from the Dutch Labor Party (PvdA)
Social democracy has to free itself – Houdini-like – from its current limiting conditions. In order to restore a coalition of the different constituencies of social democracy, a program is needed that connects the materialist perspective of fair pay, decent work, opportunities to move forward, and social and physical security with a post-materialistic or cultural perspective involving a sustainable environment, an open outlook on the world around us and, up to a point, an acceptance of cultural diversity.
LAURENT BOUVET
Who Loves the PS?
The Electoral Paradox of the French Socialist Party
For the past 10 years the French Socialist Party (PS) has done well at the local and regional level, but has been regularly defeated at the national level. The recent difficulties of Nicolas Sarkozy’s presidency have gifted the PS with leadership of the opposition and a real opportunity to break this electoral paradox. However, in order to ensure, once victory has been attained, the durability of its power and the long-term embedding of Socialist Party politics a profound reform of the party and its policies is needed.
MATT BROWNE/JOHN HALPIN/RUY TEIXEIRA
The American Democratic Party at a Crossroads
Die US-amerikanischen Demokraten am Scheideweg
The 2006 and 2008 victories provided the American Democratic Party with full control of the House of Representatives and the Senate, as well as the US Presidency. Two years on, these majorities, and thus President Obama’s reform agenda, are now under threat by virulent opposition from the Republican Party, the conservative media, and a new grassroots and internet movement, the Tea Party. To face down these challenges, the Democratic Party must continue to present a coherent narrative that resonates with the public at large and the progressive movement, as well as to innovate in how it organizes and mobilizes the progressive community that brought it to power.
WOLFGANG BIERMANN/KRISTINE KALLSET
»Everyone on Board!«
The Nordic Model and the Red-Red-Green Coalition –
A Transferable Model of Success?
»Alle sollen mitkommen!«
Das Nordische Modell und die rot-rot-grüne Koalition Erfolgsmodell
auch für andere?
Anybody looking for a model of success for European social democracy should have a closer look at the experience of the Norwegian Labor Party (AP). They managed to change course after its worst defeat for 77 years in 2001. By means of policy renovation, presenting themselves as the sole force capable of bringing together society as a whole, changing internal communications, and a clear statement of their willingness to form a Red-Red-Green coalition, they were able to win back public trust and thus the elections in 2005 and 2009.
EUGENE LANG
Whither the Liberals?
Current State and Prospects of the Liberal Party of Canada
Was wird aus den Linken?
Aktueller Zustand und Perspektiven der Liberalen Partei Kanadas
The Liberal Party of Canada (LPC) has dominated Canada’s federal governance throughout the post-war period and has provided Canadians with many elements of a social democratic policy legacy. Nowadays, as an electoral and policy-making force it is a shadow of its former self. The party is struggling to find a modern identity, progressive narrative, value proposition, and corresponding policy agenda. The party has failed to even attempt to crystallize a progressive, Liberal narrative and agenda for the twenty-first century, which it could then present to the public as fundamentally different from those of the Conservative government.
ANNA MATERSKA-SOSNOWSKA
The Crisis of Social Democracy in Poland:
A New Start for the Left?
Die Krise der Sozialdemokratie in Polen
Ein Neuanfang für die Linke?
The crisis of Polish social democracy seems to be deeper and more serious than that of its western European counterparts. This is the result, not only of the narrowing of the political landscape, or a failure to act on the basis of social democratic principles, but also – or even primarily – of problems within the party and its ideological crisis. Therefore the Polish social democrats have to fight for its identity and create a »new left« program in order to solve the problems with both its image and its ideological and political credibility.
AGUSTÍN CANZANI
Substance and Reputation
Successes and Challenges for Progressive and Left Parties and Governments in South America
The emergence of globally recognized political leaders, the development of doctrines and policies which pose an alternative to neoliberalism, advocacy of a role for the state and the introduction of new topics for the public agenda affecting diverse interests have enabled Latin America to play a role at the forefront of the global debate about left-wing and progressive politics.
REZENSIONEN / BOOK REVIEWS
Alle Rezensionen als PDF / All reviews as PDF
in English
in German | ||||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 53 | https://institutdelors.eu/en/tous-les-contributeurs/lamy-pascal/ | en | Institut Jacques Delors | [
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] | null | [] | 2020-08-18T13:29:50+00:00 | PResident emeritus of the Jacques Delors Institute, CHAIR OF THE STEERING GROUP OF THE PARIS PEACE FORUMDIRECTOR-GENERAL OF THE WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION (2005-2013) | en | Institut Jacques Delors | https://institutdelors.eu/en/tous-les-contributeurs/lamy-pascal/ | Pascal Lamy (pascallamy.eu) holds various mandates at the global, European, and French levels. He is notably the vice-president of the Paris Peace Forum, President of the European branch of the Brunswick Group and coordinator of the Jacques Delors Institutes (Paris, Berlin, Brussels).
Pascal Lamy served two terms as Director General of the World Trade Organization (WTO) from September 2005 to September 2013.
He graduated of the École des Hautes Études Commerciales (HEC) in Paris, of the Faculty of Law (Sorbonne), of the Institut d’Études Politiques (IEP) and of the Ecole Nationale d’Administration (ENA).
He began his career in the French civil service at the General Inspectorate of Finance and the Treasury. In 1981, he became advisor of the Minister of Economy and Finance, Jacques Delors, then Deputy Head of Prime Minister’s Pierre Mauroy cabinet in 1983.
From 1985 to 1994, Pascal Lamy was the chief of staff of the President of the European Commission, Jacques Delors, and his “sherpa” at the G7.
In 1994, he joined the team in charge of the recovery of the French bank Crédit Lyonnais then becoming its CEO up to its privatization in 1999, before returning to the European Commission as Trade Commissioner (Romano Prodi’s Presidency) until the end of 2004.
After his mandate in Brussels, Pascal Lamy chaired for a brief sabbatical period the think tank working on European integration created by Jacques Delors, “Notre Europe” (now “Institut Jacques Delors”). He also became an associate professor at the Institut d’Études Politiques de Paris and an advisor to Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, President of the European Socialist Party. In 2005, he was elected to head the WTO.
Pascal Lamy has set out his commitment to European integration and his vision of a “controlled” globalization in several thought-provoking books:
Strange New World (with N. Gnesotto, Odile Jacob, 2020)
Où va le monde ? (with N. Gnesotto and JM. Baer, Odile Jacob, 2017 – republished in 2018)
Quand la France s’éveillera (Odile Jacob, 2014)
The Geneva Consensus, (Cambridge University Press, 2013)
Now for the Long Term (Report of the Oxford Martin Commission for Future Generations, 2013)
La Démocratie-monde – Pour une autre gouvernance globale (Seuil, 2004)
L’Europe en première ligne (Seuil, 2002)
L’Europe de nos volontés (with J. Pisani- Ferry, Plon, 2002 The Europe we want, Arch Press / The Policy Network, 2002)
“World-Europe” report, chaired by P. Lamy in the framework of the XIth Plan of the Commissariat général du Plan (Dunod, 1993).
He has received the title of Doctor Honoris Causa from 8 universities as well as numerous awards and distinctions in France and throughout the world.
Pascal Lamy chairs the Paris Peace Forum since 2019, the French National Committee of the Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (PECC), the European Starfish mission (ocean), the Danone mission committee, the Aspen Africa-Europe meetings. He coordinates the Jacques Delors Institutes (Paris, Berlin, Brussels). He co-chairs the Antartica 2020 coalition. He is also a member of the board of directors of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, the European Climate Foundation (ECF), Transparency International France, the Center on Regulation in Europe (CERRE), IFPRI (where he chairs the strategy and programs committee), the Musiciens du Louvre (Minkowski orchestra), the Institut Pierre-Mendès-France, Collegium International, the Institut Jean Monet, Senior Advisor to Trade Mark East Africa (TMEA) and the World Trade Board, member of the Advisory Board of Transparency International, the Oxford Martin School, the Back to Blue Initiative (The Economist), Covid Gap (Duke University) and the World Risk Report (WEF). He is a trustee of Europeum and Friends of Europe, an affiliated professor at HEC, China Europe International Business School CEIBS, Shanghai and the Centre for Economic Policy Research. He is also a member of the Global Foundation Roundtable (Rome), a member of the Steering Committee of the Colbert Foundation and a member of the Advisory Board of the Alpbach Forum and the Senior Advisory Council of the Beijing Forum. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 5 | https://www.ebay.com/itm/395451233719 | en | Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen - Vintage Photograph 2267928 | [
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] | null | [] | null | Find many great new & used options and get the best deals for Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen - Vintage Photograph 2267928 at the best online prices at eBay! Free shipping for many products! | en | eBay | https://www.ebay.com/itm/395451233719 | Will usually ship within 3 business days of receiving cleared payment. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 12 | https://kids.britannica.com/students/article/Poul-Rasmussen/313144 | en | Poul Rasmussen | [
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] | null | [] | null | (born 1943). Danish economist and politician Poul Rasmussen was prime minister of Denmark from 1993 to 2001. When Prime Minister Poul Schlüter was forced from office by… | en | /resources/icons/favicons/bkids/bkids-favicon-57c.png | Britannica Kids | https://kids.britannica.com/students/article/Poul-Rasmussen/313144 | (born 1943). Danish economist and politician Poul Rasmussen was prime minister of Denmark from 1993 to 2001. When Prime Minister Poul Schlüter was forced from office by Denmark’s ongoing “Tamilgate” affair on Jan. 14, 1993, Rasmussen, who was the leader of the Social Democrats, was faced not only with the challenge of forming a new government but also with the task of overseeing Denmark’s key second referendum on the Maastricht Treaty. Furthermore, Denmark had just taken over the European Communities’ rotating presidency.
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen was born on June 15, 1943, in Esbjerg, Denmark, the son of an unskilled worker and a cleaner. He graduated from the University of Copenhagen with a degree in economics in 1971 and worked for the Danish Trade Union Council until 1986, becoming its chief economist in 1980. While serving as the managing director of the Employees Capital Pension Fund and as chairman of Lalandia Invest (1986–88), Rasmussen became deputy leader of the Social Democrats (1987) and a member of the Folketing, or parliament (1988). He served as the chairman of the Parliamentary Committee on Commerce, Industry and Shipping from 1988 until 1992, when he became the leader of his party.
A scandal involving the illegal actions of the Ministry of Justice in preventing the immigration of Tamil refugees from Sri Lanka brought to an end the 10-year rule of Schlüter’s Conservative-Liberal minority government. In its place Rasmussen, who had never before held high public office, formed a four-party majority coalition, enlisting the support of the seven-member Radical Liberal party—holder of the balance of power between socialist and nonsocialist parties for some 70 years. The new prime minister’s Cabinet, expanded to 24 members to accommodate wide participation by all four partners in the coalition, included eight women.
Before Rasmussen could turn his attention to the May 18 referendum on the Maastricht Treaty, Denmark’s currency became the object of market speculation that threatened the country’s continued participation in the European exchange-rate mechanism. Surviving that crisis, Rasmussen began the task of persuading the Danish people (especially his own party, which had voted three to two against the referendum when it was narrowly defeated in June 1992) to approve a version of the treaty that now included special exemptions for Denmark. Promising tax reform if the referendum passed, Rasmussen called those who opposed it “raving mad.” The referendum, voted upon by 86 percent of the electorate, passed easily, but two days of rioting in Copenhagen followed. The country had, in Rasmussen’s words, “taken a step toward bringing Europe closer to ordinary citizens.” Maastricht was still alive, and Denmark clearly had found a capable new leader. In the 1994 and 1998 elections, Rasmussen and the Social Democrats managed to hold onto power despite losing some ground to opponents on both the right and left. Rasmussen continued to promote the entry of Denmark into the European Union, despite widespread opposition. The 2001 elections brought victory to the Venstre (Right Liberal) Party, which won 56 parliamentary seats while the Social Democrats won 52. Rasmussen resigned from office on the day following the elections. He was replaced by Anders Fogh Rasmussen, the leader of the Venstre Party. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 47 | https://www.brettonwoodsproject.org/2009/08/art-565194/ | en | Speakers: Recovery towards what? Finance, justice, sustainability | [
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] | 2009-08-24T00:00:00+00:00 | The list of speakers and short bios for the "Recovery towards what? Finance, justice, sustainability" conference in London, 6 November 2009. | en | Bretton Woods Project | https://www.brettonwoodsproject.org/2009/08/art-565194/ | Barber, Brendan
Brendan Barber has been the General Secretary of the Trades Union Congress since 2003, after serving as deputy general secretary for 10 years. He is also a non-executive director of the Court of the Bank of England and was a member of the ACAS Council from 1995 until 2004. He has worked in various roles at the TUC since 1975, including in policy, media relations, and industrial relations. Since becoming General Secretary he has been a driving force in the United Against Racism campaign. He has also played a prominent role in the establishment of the TUC Organising Academy – training organisers to help unions boost membership, and the Partnership Institute, whose aim is to promote partnership style relations between employers and unions.
Bayliss, Kate
Kate Bayliss works as a researcher for the Africa Water Project, Department of Development Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. Her research interests have focused on privatisation and public sector reform of water and energy sectors with particular reference to sub-Saharan Africa. In 2008 she co-edited a book on the subject: Privatisation and Alternative Public Sector Reform in Sub-Saharan Africa (with Ben Fine). She is currently working on urban water policy and successful alternatives to privatisation in the water sector in the region.
Biggeri, Ugo
Ugo Biggeri is president of the cultural foundation Responsabilità Etica.
He holds a Ph.D. in electronic engineering and a postgraduate degree in health physics, spending several years as a researcher and lecturer in physics at the University of Florence, before becoming a sustainability consultant in 2001. He was a member of the Italian delegation to the WTO conferences of Seattle 1999, Cancun 2003, and Hong Kong 2005. From 1996 to 1999 he presided over the Association Finanza Etica, and from 1997 to 2000 over the NGO Mani Tesi. In 1995 he founded the Cooperativa Banca Etica; and from 1998 to 2007 sat on its board. He is also part of the national certification board of ICA and coordinator of the fair “Terrafutura”.
Calaguas, Belinda
Belinda Calaguas joined ActionAid in Jnue 2007, as Director of Policy and Campaigns. She has had over 20 years of development experience, initially gained in the Philippines where she has worked as organiser, campaigner, development journalist, policy researcher and programme manager. She has worked on issues involving student rights and welfare, the urban poor and access to land tenure, farmers’ struggles to lower land rent and against land-grabbing, and women’s issues on reproductive health.
After coming to Britain in 1993, she headed an alliance of migrant and refugee community groups that advocated for refugees’ access to health, HIV-AIDS, immigration and social welfare services. She joined WaterAid as Advocacy Manager, later Head of Policy. She is a member of the International Working Group of The Water Dialogues and a member of the Advisory Panel of the Economic and Social Research Council’s Non-Governmental Public Action programme.
Chowla, Peter
Peter Chowla is Programme Manager on finance at the Bretton Woods Project (BWP), an independent initiative founded by a group of British NGOs. BWP works as a networker, information-provider, media informant and watchdog to scrutinise and influence the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Peter specialises in IMF government and policy issues. Before joining BWP in 2006, he worked with NGOs in India, doing research on urban air pollution and an equity framework for global climate negotiations, and as a financial journalist in South Korea.
Dlamini, Vincent
Vincent Dlamini is currently the General Secretary of National Public Services and Allied Workers Union (NAPSAWU), formerly known as SNACS (Swaziland National Association of Civil Servants). He was recently elected as the Deputy Secretary General of the Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions (SFTU). He began his activism many years ago when still in high school as a member of the then Swaziland National Union of Students (SNUS). From there he proceeded to the University of Swaziland where again he was active in student politics and also served in the executive committee of the Students Representative Council (SRC). Vincent is part of the broader masses of Swaziland who actively yearn for the introduction of multi-party democracy in their country.
Duménil, Gérard
Gérard Duménil is an economist and director of research at the National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS). He has published extensively in French, and some of his works published in English include the upcoming The Crisis of Neoliberalism: From the Subprime to the Great Contraction and Capital Resurgent: Roots of the Neoliberal Revolution.
Dymski, Gary
Gary Dymski is professor of economics at the University of California, Riverside, and for the past six years has been director of the University of California Center Sacramento. He received his B.A. in urban studies from the University of Pennsylvania in 1975, an MPA from Syracuse University in 1977, and his Ph.D. in economics from the University of Massachusetts, Amherst in 1987. Gary’s most recent books are Capture and Exclude: Developing Nations and the Poor in Global Finance (Tulika Books, New Delhi, 2007), co-edited with Amiya Bagchi, and Reimagining Growth: Toward a Renewal of the Idea of Development, co-edited with Silvana DePaula (Zed, London, 2005). Gary has written extensively on banking, financial fragility and crisis, discrimination and redlining, exploitation, and the subprime lending crisis.
Elliot, Larry
Larry Elliot is economics editor at the Guardian, focussing on UK and global economy, trade and development. He is a visiting fellow at Hertfordshire University, and a council member of the Overseas Development Institute. He participated in the group that put together the proposal for a Green New Deal, published by the New Economics Foundation in 2008. He is the co-author of several books including Fantasy Island, in 2007, which warned that Britain’s growth under New Labour was a debt-driven illusion; and The Gods That Failed in 2008, an analysis of the events and forces that brought the global financial system to the brink of collapse.
Evans, Mel
Mel has been part of environmental and social justice art-activist group PLATFORM since July 2008, a horizontally run organization which straddles research, campaigning, art and intervention. When not researching UK banks financing of climate change, she has been know to join others in climbing aboard coal trains destined for Drax power station. Currently she is working hard on the application for a judicial review of the condition-free RBS bail-out and the grassroots mobilisations in Copenhagen, whilst being very excited about PLATFORM’s residency at the Arnolfini in Bristol.
Filomeno III Sta. Ana
Filomeno S. Sta. Ana III is the coordinator of the Manila-based Action for Economic Reforms. He is a contributing columnist for Business World, a Philippine business newspaper, and has been published in several volumes and journals. He is editor of a forthcoming volume on Philippine institutions, growth and prosperity. Development topics that interest him include fiscal policy (especially taxation), exchange-rate policy, and institutional reforms.
Fuller, Jane
Jane Fuller is co-director of the Centre for the Study of Financial Innovation, an independent think-tank that promotes debate on the future of financial services. She is also the director of Fuller Analysis, an independent consultancy that she founded after leaving the Financial Times in 2005. In the financial reporting field, she chairs the Accounting Advocacy Committee of the CFA Society of the UK, part of the international financial analysts’ organisation. She was made a fellow of CFA UK in 2009.
Jane spent more than 18 years on the Financial Times, culminating in the role of Financial Editor, head of the Companies & Markets section. In that post she launched the FTfm fund management supplement and was part of the paper’s senior management team. She has been a Leader writer, a Lex writer and a Lombard columnist. She continues to have a training role at the FT and, with a colleague, is co-editor of Harriman’s Financial Dictionary.
Gao Haihong
Gao Haihong is a senior fellow and director of the research section on international finance at the Institute of World Economy and Politics, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.
Her research interests include international money and finance and regional financial cooperation. She has been a visiting research fellow to the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, World Bank, and a visiting scholar to the University of California., Davis.
Hines, Colin
Colin Hines is convener of the Green New Deal group and co-director of Finance for the Future, an entity set up to encourage investments in local authority bonds to reduce fossil fuel use. Before that he was the Co-ordinator of Greenpeace International’s Economics Unit having worked for the organisation for 10 years. He is an advisor to the Green Member of European Parliament Dr Caroline Lucas, and an Associate of the International Forum on Globalisation, a San Francisco based alliance of activists, academics and economists committed to challenging the adverse effects of globalisation and free trade and in the process to develop alternatives. Colin brought together a group of finance, tax, energy and environmental experts to form the Green New Deal Group, and he wrote the book Localization- A Global Manifesto (Earthscan).
Jomo K. S.
Jomo K. S. has been Assistant Secretary General for Economic Development in the United Nations’ Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) since January 2005, and (Honorary) Research Coordinator for the G24 Intergovernmental Group on International Monetary and Financial Affairs since December 2006.
Jomo was Professor in the Applied Economics Department, Faculty of Economics and Administration, University of Malaya until November 2004, and Founder Chair of IDEAs, International Development Economics Associates. He has previously taught at Harvard, Yale, Cornell, Cambridge, and the National University of Singapore. Jomo has authored over 35 monographs and edited over 50 books. His recent books include Bail-Outs? Capital Controls, Restructuring & Recovery in Malaysia (with Wong Sook Ching and Chin Kok Fay), The New Development Economics (with Ben Fine), and Flat World, Big Gaps: Economic Liberalization, Globalization, Poverty and Inequality.
Kachingwe, Nancy
Nancy Kachingwe works for ActionAid International as the International Policy Manager based in Johannesburg. She has been working in the African NGO sector on international and regional development policy issues in Brussels, Harare and Accra, covering issues such as trade and regional integration and women’s land rights.
Kennet, Miriam
Miriam Kennet is the co-founder and CEO of the Green Economics Institute, one of the largest Green Research Networks of its kind in the world. She is a member of Oxford University’s Environmental Change Institute and Mansfield College, Oxford University. She researches at Keele University’s SPIRE Research Centre and has researched into environmental economics at Oxford Brookes University and London University, South Bank. Furthermore, she teaches Sustainable Development to UK Government Departments as part of the National Government School.
She is founder and editor of the International Journal of Green Economics and editor of the Green Economics and Sustainable Growth Series of books by Gower Management Publishers and Ashcroft Academic Publishers. She is also on the editorial board of numerous academic journals including the International Journal of Industrial Ecology based in Finland and the Sindh Journal of Agriculture in Pakistan and several others, including the International Journal of Ecological Economics and Statistics based in India and the International Journal of Economics Philosophy based in Romania.
Lapavitsas, Costas
Costas Lapavitsas is Professor in Economics at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. He holds a PhD in Economics.
His research and teaching cover the relationship between finance and development, the structure of financial systems, and Marxist political economy. He has published extensively on the causes and consequences of financial crises and the role of banks.
Lent, Adam
Adam Lent was appointed Head of the Economic and Social Affairs Department at the Trades Union Congress in August 2006 and is responsible for research and the development of policies in a range of areas including public services, quality of work, macro-economic policy and labour markets.
Before joining the TUC, he was Research Director for the Power Inquiry, a Rowntree funded commission exploring how to increase and deepen political participation in the UK, and a freelance researcher, directing major projects for the Fabian Society and the New Local Government Network. Between 1996 and 2001, he was a lecturer and research fellow at the Department of Politics, Sheffield University following the completion of his PhD.
McKinley, Terry
Terry McKinley is professor and director of the Centre for Development Policy and Research at SOAS. His research interests cover growth, human development, employment, inequality and poverty, and he has published extensively in all of these areas.
Before joining the centre, he was director of the International Poverty Centre, UNDP, Brazil and UNDP Advisor on Economic Policies and Poverty Reduction. He has also written extensively in recent years on the issue of global imbalances (particularly US current-account deficits and China’s current-account surpluses), the inequitable distribution of global capital and the factors leading up to the current global crisis.
Melamed, Claire
Claire Melamed is the Head of Policy Coordination at Action Aid UK. Action Aid UK is part of Action Aid International, a unique partnership of people in over 50 countries who work together to end poverty.
Before joining Action Aid, Claire spent eight years working on trade and private sector issues for Christian Aid. Claire has also worked for the United Nations, taught at the Open University and the University of London, and has a PhD from the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London.
Nissan, Sargon
Sargon Nissan is an analyst in the Business, Finance and Economics team at the New Economics Foundation, a London-based think-and-do tank, where his work focuses on alternative finance, regulation and financial reform. He began his career in international finance and in the UK hedge-fund sector focusing upon equity markets and the emerging economies of Europe, the Middle East and Africa. Before joining the New Economics Foundation he worked for the UNDP in Damascus, Syria, on a grant-giving environmental program which focused on the well-being and livelihoods of small communities and provided support for microfinance. While at the UNDP Sargon also worked in a supporting role for the local economic development team.
Pettifor, Ann
Ann Pettifor is executive director of Advocacy International Ltd, a consultancy that specialises in working with low-income country governments and with organisations working to promote positive development, investment and environmental sustainability in those countries.
Ann has served on the Board of the United Nation’s Human Development Report on the MDGs (2003); as a member of the high level group of the Helsinki Process; and as Senior Associate of the New Economics Foundation.
As well as campaigning and advocacy, Ann Pettifor has contributed to academic debates about international finance. She is editor of The Real World Economic Outlook published in 2003; and wrote the book The Coming First World Debt Crisis, in 2006. She is the author of numerous articles and has lectured at the United Nations, the London Business School and the London School of Economics.
She has an honorary doctorate from the University of Newcastle; was awarded the Freedom of the City of Callao in Peru in 1999; the 2000 Pax Christi International Peace Prize; and was made a member of the Order of the Niger by President Obasanjo in 2002.
Phillips, Lauren
Lauren Phillips is lecturer in International Relations at the London School of Economics, specialising in International Political Economy. She holds a PhD in International Relations from the LSE.
From 2005 to 2008, she was a Research Fellow at the Overseas Development Institute in the International Economic Development Group. Before that, she held jobs at both an international NGO and a major Wall Street investment bank, and worked as a political risk analyst.
Powell, Jeff
Jeff Powell worked as Coordinator of the Bretton Woods Project, a UK NGO which acts as a watchdog of the World Bank and IMF. Jeff has also worked with community economic development initiatives in Southeast Asia and Latin America, with a special focus in community-level responses to financial crisis. He is currently pursuing doctoral research on the role of commercial banking in economic development at the department of economics at the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London, building on previous academic work at ISS in the Netherlands and a business degree in Canada.
Raffer, Kunibert
Kunibert Raffer is Associate Professor at the Department of Economics of the University of Vienna and Senior Associate of the New Economics Foundation.
He was a consultant to the UN Industrial Development Organization, the OPEC Fund for International Development, the UNDP, the G-24, Visiting Fellow at the Institute of Development Studies, Sussex, lecturer at UNITAR and Honorary Research Fellow of the Department of Commerce, University of Birmingham. His present work focuses on debts and trade, especially reform of debtor-creditor relations.
Rahman, Faisel
Faisel Rahman is Managing Director of Fair Finance. He has a background in international development, including Grameen Bank and the World Bank, where he focused on developing the microfinance sector and expanding it around micro enterprise. He also briefly worked as an underwriter for a syndicate at Lloyds of London and co-authored a number of books on charitable fundraising and trust funds. In 2000 he joined The Environment Trust in East London, where he developed a peer lending microcredit programme and an innovative and sustainable debt advice service. Faisel is currently a board member of the Debt On Our Doorstep Campaign and European Microfinance Network. In 2007 he was elected one of the first UK Ashoka Fellows in recognition of his work in social enterprise and the potential to make system changing impact through Fair Finance and in 2009 was recognised as a Young Global Leader by the World Economic Forum. He currently writes a monthly column in the Guardian newspaper on financial exclusion.
Rasmussen, Poul Nyrup
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen is one of the most prominent centre-left figures in European politics. He was first elected to the Folketinget (Danish Parliament) in 1988 for the Social Democratic Party, which he went on to chair; before becoming Prime Minister from 1993 to 2001.
He was elected to the European Parliament in 2004, where he sat on the Economic and Monetary Affairs Committee and the Foreign Affairs Committee. Since 2004, he has been President of the Party of European Socialists. He is also Co-Chair of the Global Progressive Forum.
As President of the PES, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen has been active in calling for better regulation and supervision of financial markets. In 2007 he co-wrote Hedge Funds and Private Equity, a Critical Analysis, a study that included concrete recommendations for reforming Europe’s financial markets. This was the basis for the ‘Rasmussen report’ of the European Parliament, adopted in September 2008. He has since played a leading role in ensuring that the European Commission gives a satisfactory response to the report. In 2009 Poul Nyrup Rasmussen was placed fifth on Financial News’ annual list of the 100 most influential people in European capital markets.
Reddy, Yaga Venugopal
Dr YV Reddy was the governor of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) from 2003 to 2008. He has previously served as the RBI’s deputy governor and India’s executive director on the board of the International Monetary Fund.
He was Visiting Fellow, London School of Economics and Political Science, a full-time UGC Visiting Professor in the department of business management, Osmania University; full-time Visiting Faculty, Administrative Staff College of India and continues to be the Honorary Senior Fellow at Centre for Economic and Social Studies at Hyderabad. He has also worked in the government of India and the state government of Andra Pradesh.
Ridpath, Barbara
Barbara Ridpath is Chief Executive of the International Centre for Financial Regulation, a global collaboration between key players in the private and public sector. The centre addesses the critical issue of financial regulation that faces the world’s economies by creating new thought leadership, scholarship and training for the financial industry.
Prior to her current position, from 2004-2008, Barbara was Executive Managing Director and Head of Ratings Services, Europe, for Standard & Poor’s. Barbara joined S&P in 1983 after three years as an economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. She worked in S&P’s European network from 1986, holding a broad range of positions. Barbara spearheaded S&P’s move into international securitisation based in London in the late 1980s, and ran S&P-ADEF in Paris from 1990 to 1993. From 1993 to 1998 Barbara was a Senior Credit Officer at JPMorgan Europe, rejoining S&P in 1998.
Rodríguez-Ferrera, Jean Claude
Jean-Claude Rodriguez-Ferrera set up the Association for Community Development in 2004 from which he launched a program to create communities and networks with immigrants as a priority group. Jean Claude promotes small Self-Managed Financial Communities (CAFs) among low-income immigrants to allow these communities to access financial services such as micro-credit and micro-insurance through a simple, sustainable system of savings and loans. At the same time, CAFs provide a social network to often isolated immigrants.
Ruane, Sally
Sally Ruane is the Deputy Director of the Health Policy Research Unit at De Monfor University. Her research interests include the involvement of private companies in the NHS; PFI; health service reconfiguration; and tax reform. She is an active campaigner on the issue of retaining a publicly provided, publicly funded and democratically accountable health service.
Stichele, Myriam Vander
Myriam Vander Stichele is Senior Researcher at the Amsterdam-based Centre for Research on Multilateral Corporations and a Fellow of the Transnational Institute.
She has been monitoring international trade negotiations and agreements since 1990, both at a global level (WTO/GATT) and at a regional one, focussing in particular on free trade agreements related to the Lome and Cotonou agreements (EPAs). She has been trade coordinator and adviser for many NGOs, speaking extensively about trade and sustainable development. More recently, her research has focussed on the financial, food and supermarkets sectors, and the corporate strategies and services liberalisation related to these. In cooperation with southern organisations, she also researches investment agreements and policies, and private investor strategies in developing countries.
Vaccaro, James
James Vaccaro is Managing Director of Investment Banking (UK) at Triodos Bank, which specialises in ethical investment and was awarded the title Sustainable Bank of the Year in 2009.
He has worked for Triodos since 1998 and is a specialist in environmental and social finance. He is the Managing Director of Triodos Renewables plc (which invests in renewable energy projects), has worked on micorfinance projects in Africa & Asia and has been lead advisor to a number of ethical PLCs for public share issues including Cafedirect and the Ethical Property Company. He has been a non-executive director of several sustainability-led companies in the UK as part of venture capital portfolios. He is also on the Board of UKSIF (the UK Sustainable Investment and Finance association).
Véron, Nicolas
Nicolas Véron is a Research Fellow at Bruegel. He works at Bruegel on capital markets, financial services, and corporate strategies.
Before being involved in Bruegel’s creation and development since late 2002, his experience has been in both public policy, as a French government official, and corporate finance, including as chief financial officer of a listed company in Paris and as an independent consultant. His publications include policy papers, principally on financial supervision, corporate disclosure, and international investment, as well as a book on accounting standards and practices in a changing financial system (Smoke & Mirrors, Inc.: Accounting for Capitalism, Cornell University Press, 2006). He also writes a regular column for La Tribune, France’s second-leading business daily.
Wade, Robert
Robert Wade is Professor of Political Economy at the Development Studies Institute (DESTIN) at the London School of Economics. His research interests lie with trends in world poverty and income and wealth distribution, the functioning of multilateral economic organisations (eg World Bank, IMF, WTO), the US Empire and the developing countries, and industrial and technology policies, especially in developing countries.
Before he joined the LSE, Robert Wade worked at the Institute of Development Studies at Sussex University, Princeton Woodrow Wilson School, MIT Sloan School, Brown University and the World Bank. He is the author of Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asia’s Industrialization (1990, 2003), which won the American Political Science Association’s award of Best Book in Political Economy, 1992. He was awarded the Leontief Prize in Economics, 2008, and is a member of the Financial Time’s Economists’ Forum.
Webster, Robin
Robin Webster – Friends of the Earth. Robin is head of Friends of the Earth’s Climate and Energy team, she has worked in NGOs and the wider environmental movement for nearly a decade has run campaigns on rainforest destruction, trade and food issues before her current role. She now leads Friends of the Earth’s work on renewable energy and low carbon growth.
Wilks, Alex
Alex Wilks is director of Eurodad (European Network on Debt and Development), a netw ork of 59 NGOs from 18 European countries working on issues related to debt, development finance and poverty reduction.
Before he joined Eurodad in June 2004 Alex Wilks established and ran the Bretton Woods Project from late 1995. The Project is a London-based non-government organisation which monitors the World Bank and IMF. Alex has also been a journalist for The Ecologist magazine and worked for an ethical investment company and has established innovative communications initiatives such as the IFIwatchnet and the World Bank president blog. He has written many articles and briefings, and has been active in many campaigns and protests on development and environment issues.
Williamson, Janet
Janet Williamson is a Senior Policy Officer at the TUC with responsibility for the TUC’s work on corporate governance, capital markets, institutional investment and financial regulation. Recent reports include the TUC’s evidence to the Treasury Committee inquiry into the banking crisis, the TUC’s Response to the Financial Market Regulation White paper, the TUC’s submission to the Walker Review of bank governance and the TUC response to the Financial Reporting Council review of the Combined Code.
Xiaoke Zhang
Xiaoke Zhang is Associate Professor in Political Economy and Asian Studies in the School of Politics and International Relations and a co-director of the Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, the University of Nottingham. His major research interests are in comparative and international political economy, with a regional focus on Asia-Pacific.
Before he joined the University of Nottingham in September 2003, Xiaoke Zhang worked at the University of Amsterdam. He has published extensively on the political economy of development, political institutions and economic policy, and global financial governance. His publications include The Changing Politics of Finance in Korea and Thailand (Routledge 2002) and International Financial Governance under Stress (Cambridge University Press 2003). | |||||
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correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 28 | https://www.refworld.org/reference/annualreport/usdos/1994/en/25060 | en | U.S. Department of State Country Report on Human Rights Practices 1993 - Denmark | [
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"Refworld - UNHCR's Global Law and Policy Database"
] | 2023-10-28T20:38:46+02:00 | en | /themes/custom/unhcr_rw/favicon.svg | Refworld | https://www.refworld.org/reference/annualreport/usdos/1994/en/25060 | Denmark is a constitutional monarchy with a tradition of democratic parliamentary rule. Queen Margrethe II is Head of State. The Cabinet, accountable to the unicameral Folketing (parliament), leads the Government. A majority coalition led by Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen took office in January 1993. Denmark has a unified national police. Its higher ranks are often filled with lawyers on internal rotation from the civil service. It is fully controlled by and responsible to civilian authorities. Personal freedoms and the right to pursue private interests and to hold private property are protected by law and respected in practice. An advanced industrial state, Denmark has an economy with limited public ownership, except in utilities and public transportation. The Government continues to seek ways to reduce the public sector's share of the economy. In 1993, for example, the Government sold 51 percent of the Giro Bank, Denmark's fifth largest bank, and also privatized parts of the Copenhagen regional bus system. Deeply rooted democratic principles, an egalitarian tradition, a lively press, and highly developed educational and social welfare systems have made Denmark a leading defender of human rights domestically and in the world. Anyone may protest to the Ombudsman, established by the Folketing as mandated by the Constitution, if he or she feels wrongly treated by any national authority.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing
Such killings did not occur.
b. Disappearance
There were no abductions or disappearances.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
Such practices are prohibited by law. Torture does not occur. Allegations of inhuman treatment are rare, and there are legal means of redress if it occurs. Two cases alleging excessive use of police force against two African tourists were investigated; the result was a 1992 finding by a judicial inquiry that the force used was excessive, but that it was the result of individual action of one officer, not the result of government policy. While the Danish Government considers the case closed, it resurfaced in the Danish press in 1993, as some, including Amnesty International (AI), were unhappy with the result. AI expressed concern that the report of the inquiry had not accepted that force used against a detainee can qualify as cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment, whether or not that treatment is deliberate or intended to frighten or coerce the detainee. An innovative center for torture victims (from abroad) at a Copenhagen hospital, supported by the Foreign Ministry, treats patients, assists torture victims, and studies ways to counter the use of torture worldwide.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
No person may be deprived of personal liberty without due process of law. Those arrested must appear before a judge within 24 hours. A judge may order that they be held in pretrial detention, including detention in isolation, for a period up to the length of the prison sentence for the crime for which they were arrested. All accused have the right to obtain their own attorney or a public attorney. Bail is allowed. There is no exile.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The Danish judicial system consists of a series of local and regional courts, and the Supreme Court at the apex. Trials are usually public; however, judges may make exceptions, e.g., in paternity and divorce cases. In criminal cases, trials are closed when necessary to protect a victim's privacy, such as in rape cases, or to safeguard a witness' identity. The rights of the accused are carefully protected. Defendants have the right to be present, to confront witnesses, and to present evidence. They are presumed innocent until proven guilty. Both the defendant and the prosecution may appeal a sentence. The judiciary is fully independent. Judges appointed by the Minister of Justice serve until age 70. They may not be dismissed but may be impeached for negligence or criminal acts. There are no political prisoners.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
The constitutional prohibition against searching homes, seizing papers, and breaching the secrecy of communications without a court order is respected.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
An independent press, an effective judiciary, and a democratic political system ensure freedom of speech and press. There is one large state-owned radio and television company. Editorial control is exercised by a board independent of the Government. A second national television channel is one-third government subsidized. In both cases, management decides programming content, but operational decisions are restricted by the television-radio law, which limits, for example, broadcast time reserved for commercials. Programs critical of the Government appear on both channels. Cable television and satellite dishes, which are now common, have greatly increased access to foreign news broadcasts. Private stations are restricted to transmitters of 10 watts for radio or 100 watts for television. Direct relay transmission of foreign radio broadcasts is prohibited, although they may be carried on the cable net. Publications, including books and newspapers, reflect a wide variety of political opinion. Academic freedom is respected.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Danes may freely assemble and form associations. Public meetings require permits, which are routinely given. Any organization may affiliate with international bodies in its field.
c. Freedom of Religion
The Constitution provides for religious freedom. The Evangelical Lutheran Church is the state church and is state supported. There is religious instruction in the schools in the state religion, but any student may without sanction be excused from religion classes with parental permission. No religion is banned or discouraged and conversion is unrestricted. No one may be discriminated against for one's religious beliefs.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation
Danes have full freedom of travel and movement. People determined to be refugees are never repatriated against their will. However, there is a growing popular desire to repatriate those who have been unsuccessful in establishing a legitimate claim to political asylum. A 1991 decision by the Folketing made clear that, following due process, those denied asylum would be returned to their homelands. Meanwhile, asylum seekers who arrive in Denmark via another safe country are returned directly to that country, pursuant to the Dublin Convention. A large influx of asylum seekers from the former Yugoslavia began in September 1992 and continued in 1993. Denmark's financial and logistical resources were stretched to help absorb the new arrivals. In 1992, 14,000 new asylum seekers entered Denmark. This was more than three times as many as came in 1991, and significantly more than came in the previous record years of the mid-1980's (the era of the Iran-Iraq war). In 1993 more than 15,000 asylum seekers arrived in Denmark, more than 10,000 of whom came from the former Yugoslavia. As a result of this influx, the Government modified the country's liberal asylum rules effective October 10, 1992, and again on June 24, 1993. The first change revamped asylum claims processing to make it easier to determine a case to be "obviously groundless." The latter change imposed a requirement that would-be asylum seekers from the former Yugoslavia had to be prescreened by Danish authorities resident in Zagreb. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in the former Yugoslavia can also refer needy cases to the Danish refugee adjudication center in Zagreb. These changes permitted Denmark to control the inflow of asylum seekers from the former Yugoslavia in order to select refugees from the most troubled areas. After a slow startup and initial criticism from the Human Rights Center, the program has met with broad support in Denmark. The Government of Prime Minister Poul Schlueter fell in January as a result of the "Tamilgate" scandal. An investigation led by an independent prosecutor concluded that Schlueter knew of the illegal activities of a justice minister who had ordered his ministry to slow its processing of family reunification petitions from Tamil refugees living in Denmark, with a view to pressuring the Tamils to return home. Although the investigation's conclusions were contested and denied, including by Schlueter himself (who nevertheless announced his intention to resign the day the report was released), the scandal indicated that there was at least some high-level tolerance of, if not active support for, actions to limit the number of refugees in Denmark. This scandal led to the first impeachment in 83 years by the Folketing. The case is now before a special court for trials of cabinet ministers.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government
Danes have the right to change their government peacefully. Ministers are responsible to the Folketing and may be removed by a vote of no confidence. The Prime Minister is appointed by the Queen after consultation with parties in the Folketing. Parliamentary elections must take place every 4 years or earlier by decision of the Prime Minister. The Folketing's 179 members are chosen in free and open elections under a complex system of proportional representation designed to help small parties and to reflect the popular vote. Twelve parties ran in the 1990 election; eight, with a wide range of political views, achieved the minimum 2 percent of the vote needed to obtain seats. The current Government is a four-party majority coalition. Danes 18 years of age or over may vote. Foreigners who are permanent residents may both vote and run in local elections; such persons hold 13 city council seats nationwide. There are no restrictions, in law or in practice, on the participation of women in government or politics. Women head 7 ministries in the new Government, compared to 4 under the former Government, and hold 59 seats in the Parliament. The territories of Greenland (which has a primarily Inuit population) and the Faroe Islands (whose inhabitants have their own language) have democratically elected home rule governments with broad powers encompassing all but foreign and security affairs. Greenlanders and Faroese are Danish citizens and enjoy the same human rights as people in the rest of Denmark. Each territory elects two representatives to the Folketing.
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
Domestic human rights organizations operate freely. The Danish Center for Human Rights, a government-funded institution, conducts research and provides information on human rights. Denmark is party to various international human rights conventions that promote and protect human rights.
Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability, Language, or Social Status
The extensive state welfare system ensures that every member of Danish society regardless of race, religion, sex, age, disability, or ethnic background is provided with food, shelter, health care, education, and training. The rights of indigenous people are carefully protected. Discrimination based on sexual orientation is prohibited.
Women
Denmark places no restrictions on the participation of women in the civilian work force. Women hold positions of authority throughout society, including in politics, though they are less well represented at the top of the business world. Some 75 percent of all women between the ages of 16 and 66 belong to the work force; 46 percent of the work force is female, while 23 percent of all supervisors are women. Wage inequality exists, but wages are generally high for both men and women. Denmark has laws that guarantee equal pay for equal work and that prohibit job discrimination on the basis of sex. Women have and use the legal recourses available to them when they feel discriminated against. Danish authorities do not tolerate, in law or in practice, violence or abuse against women or children. Crimes against women and children are considered serious; cases are investigated promptly by the State, and appropriate action is taken swiftly. However, according to the Danish National Institute of Social Research, less than 10 percent of cases involving domestic violence are reported. Denmark has no specific programs for the prevention of rape and domestic violence, although the Council for Prevention of Crime publishes a pamphlet entitled "Rape Can Be Prevented." There are 34 crisis centers for counseling and housing victims (plus a number of counseling centers without overnight facilities) which are supported by local governments, volunteer workers, and donations. In addition, Denmark has centers for abused men, women, and families.
Children
Children in Denmark are protected by law; parents are required to protect children from physical and psychological abuse. The authorities act quickly to protect children from actually or potentially abusive or neglectful parents. Parents, regardless of income, receive the equivalent of about $1,300 per year for each child younger than 7 years old and about $1,000 per year for children from 7 to 17 years old. At least 20 percent of the total Danish social welfare budget is allocated to children and youths younger than 18 years.
Indigenous People
The rights of the people in Greenland and the Faroe Islands are fully protected. Greenlandic law is specially designed for Inuit customs. It provides for the use of lay people, rather than experts, as judges. Most prisoners are sent to holding centers rather than prisons where they are encouraged to work, hunt, or fish during the day. The Greenlandic Government again in 1993 rejected suggestions that the treatment of criminals be made more severe. This rejection was based partly on the experience of Greenlandic prisoners in Danish jails (they have a very difficult time adapting to confinement) and partly on the expense of building a prison. In Greenland, education is provided to the native population in the Inuit language.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
The inflow of ethnically and racially diverse refugees and immigrants (mostly Iranians, Palestinians, and Sri Lankans, but since late 1992, overwhelmingly former Yugoslavs) has provoked a degree of tension between Danes and immigrants. Incidents of random, racially motivated violence do occur, but are rare. The Government effectively investigates and deals with all cases of racially motivated violence. Overtly racist or neo-Nazi groups are few and small in size, and monitored closely by police. Swastikas and antiforeigner graffiti do exist in certain areas. Violent acts against refugees are rare. A woman active on behalf of refugees was beaten in Copenhagen, and two Albanian asylum seekers were attacked by three young Danish men. The case against the woman's assailant remains unresolved, but in the other case, the three men were prosecuted. Several politicians who have openly called for greater tolerance towards refugees have received hate mail and telephone calls. The former Turkish-born deputy mayor of Farum, the first immigrant ever to be elected to so high a post in Denmark, received telephone threats within the first week of taking office. The authorities investigated the threats, but did not find those responsible for the calls. Refugees and asylum seekers can apply for Danish citizenship upon completing 6 years' residence and passing a language examination. Foreign-born, non-Nordic Danish citizens and legal permanent residents, however, suffer from significantly higher unemployment rates than Nordic residents and citizens. Some naturalized citizens have complained of job discrimination on the basis of race but have so far been unable to prove that they were discriminated against. Legislation prohibits job discrimination on the basis of race and provides for legal remedies. In 1991 the Supreme Court rejected discriminatory racial and ethnic quotas in public housing which had been imposed by some towns to limit the number of immigrants who can live in a building. As a result, the quota system was dropped. Proponents claimed such limitation prevented ghettos. In 1993 about 5 municipalities refused to accept their share of the recent arrivals, despite rules and directives that they do so, because they objected to the cost and did not want the ethnic mix of the communities to be upset. The Government responded by forcing the municipalities to accept the refugees. In one case, the dissenting city councilors were found in contempt, and fines were imposed. The fines were never collected as the city council eventually accepted the Government's position and took the refugees.
People with Disabilities
The extensive social safety net ensures that the special needs of the disabled are addressed. Danish building regulations provide for special installations for the handicapped in public buildings built or renovated after 1977. Older buildings which change the nature of their use also must meet the regulations for public access. The code calls for easy access for the handicapped, defined as level-free access to the ground floor and at least one restroom equipped for use by the handicapped. The Danish Act on Social Welfare includes the provision of financial assistance for the alteration of private dwellings to accommodate the special needs of those in wheelchairs or needing other special equipment and for assistance in purchasing vehicles with special accessories for the disabled. The Center for Equal Treatment of the Handicapped was launched in August 1993. The Center is a consultative body that assists communities and individuals to ensure that existing regulations concerning the handicapped are followed. There is no Danish antidiscrimination legislation in connection with equal employment for the handicapped. However, a written rule on hiring in the civil service states that preference should be given to the handicapped individual when other factors are the same.
Section 6 Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
The law states that all workers, including military personnel and the police, may form or join unions of their choosing. Approximately 80 percent of Danish wage earners belong to unions, which are independent of the Government and political parties. The Danish Confederation of Trade Unions (LO), which includes about half of the country's work force, remains closely associated with the Social Democratic Party. Over the years (but not in 1993) there have been a few but widely reported incidents in which workers who joined trade unions not affiliated with the LO were harassed or rejected by members of the mainstream unions in the workplace. All but civil servants and the military have the right to strike. The number of days not worked due to labor conflicts in 1992 was 62,800 (down from 101,000 in 1991). Unions may affiliate freely with international organizations and do so actively. Worker rights, including full freedom of association, have the same respect in Greenland and the Faroe Islands as in the rest of Denmark.
b. The Right To Organize and Bargain Collectively
Workers and employers acknowledge each other's right to organize. Collective bargaining is widespread. The law prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers against union members and organizers, and there are mechanisms to resolve disputes. Employers found guilty of antiunion discrimination are required to reinstate workers fired for union activities. In the private sector, salaries, benefits, and working conditions are agreed upon in biennial negotiations between the various employers' associations and the union counterparts. In the event of a stalemate, the Confederation of Danish Employers' Associations and the LO conduct these negotiations. If the negotiations fail, a national conciliation board mediates, and its proposal is voted on by management and labor. If the proposal is turned down, the Government may force a legislated solution on the parties (usually based upon the mediators' proposal). The agreements, in turn, are used as guidelines by the rest of the labor market, including the public sector. Collective bargaining in the public sector is conducted between the public sector employees' unions and government representatives, led by the Finance Ministry. Labor relations in Greenland are conducted in the same manner as in Denmark. Working conditions are negotiated through collective bargaining, usually led by the largest Greenlandic union, SIK, which has about 8,000 members, about one-half of the indigenous work force. In disputes, Greenlandic courts are the first recourse, but Danish mediation services or the Danish Labor Court may also be used. In the Faroes, there are unions but no umbrella labor organization. Labor relations in principle are a matter between management and labor. Between them, they decide on salaries, wages, and terms of employment. Should the parties not be able to reach an agreement, a mediator is called in to resolve the dispute. Faroese legislation regulates conditions of apprenticeship, cost-of-living adjustments to negotiated wages, minimum wages in the fisheries sector, length of the workweek, and annual vacations. There are no export processing zones.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
Forced or compulsory labor is prohibited and does not exist.
d. Minimum Age for Employment of Children
The minimum age for full-time employment is 15. The law prescribes specific limitations on the employment of those between 15 and 18 years of age, and it is enforced by the Agency for Supervision of Labor Standards, an autonomous arm of the Ministry of Labor.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
There is no legally mandated national minimum wage, but the lowest wage in any national labor agreement is sufficient for a decent standard of living for a worker and family. The law provides for 5 weeks of paid vacation, and a 37-hour workweek is generally observed. The law prescribes conditions of work, including safety and health; duties of employers, supervisors, and employees; work performance; rest periods and days off; and medical examinations. The Labor Inspection Service ensures compliance with labor legislation. Workers may remove themselves from hazardous situations without jeopardizing their employment, and there are legal protections for workers who file complaints about unsafe or unhealthy conditions. Similar conditions of work are found in Greenland and the Faroes, except that their workweek is 40 hours. Unemployment benefits in Greenland are either contained in labor contract agreements or come from the general social security system. A general unemployment insurance system in the Faroe Islands was established in August 1992, replacing former unemployment compensation covered by the social security system. Sick pay and maternity pay, as in Denmark, fall under the social security system. | |||||
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correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 89 | https://rosalux.eu/en/2019/import-1561/ | en | The Ghost of the Danish People’s Party | [
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"Institute for Marxist Analysis"
] | 2019-12-16T00:00:00 | [:en]For decades, Denmark has been widely known for being among the first movers in harsh anti-immigrant policies. With the ever more influential Danish People's Party (Dansk Folkeparti, DF) as a front-runner, the country has seen itself ... | en | https://rosalux.eu/en/2019/import-1561/ | For decades, Denmark has been widely known for being among the first movers in harsh anti-immigrant policies. With the ever more influential Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti, DF) as a front-runner, the country has seen itself accepting radical anti-immigrant laws testing the outer bounds of international conventions. This year’s national election, however, marked a turning point as the party suffered its first and severe parliamentary setback. The question remains whether this indicates an end to right-wing populism in Denmark. This article takes a deeper look at the roots of the Danish People’s Party and its historical origins in order to analyse its lasting impact on Danish politics.
“I am Rasmus Paludan, the soldier of freedom, the protector of the weak, the guardian of society, the light of the Danes, the source of serenity, the hope of the north and the party leader of Hard Line.” Propaganda video of the Hard Line party on YouTube, spring 2019
The words might appear as the ravings of a lunatic, and many people in Denmark think they are. Nonetheless, they are the ravings of someone who was invited to join the stage with the Prime Minister in several electoral debates and is easily one of the most renowned politicians in Denmark: the party leader of the far-right political party Hard Line (Stram Kurs) that was founded in 2017 and that just missed the parliamentary threshold in the 2019 electios. In numerous and widely viewed YouTube videos, “the light of the Danes” travels from suburb to suburb with a camera man hoping to stir controversy, branding the communities visited as “gay”, calling their inhabitants “societal losers” and setting the Qur’an on fire while dissing the prophet Mohammed.
Scenes like these became the theatrical backdrop for the Danish national election campaign of 2019 that threatened to test the boundaries of what has hitherto been the political comme il faut regarding immigration policies. As the events unfolded, many in Denmark wondered how it could possibly have come to this. Still, the controversial character of Paludan is but the latest example in a line of characters that for decades have spearheaded Denmark’s politico-ideological move to the right.
From libertarian tax evasion to anti-Islamic nationalism
This trajectory traces its origins to the foundation of the Progress Party (Fremskridtspartiet) in 1972 by a tax lawyer named Mogens Glistrup – a highly intelligent but controversial figure. Glistrup had become famous for his libertarian values, endorsing fierce critique of the high tax level in Denmark while also bragging on national television about his own skills at avoiding paying any taxes at all.
An immediate success in the landslide election of 1973, the Progress Party began a slow collapse during the following decade as it disintegrated from within due to anarchical party structures and the incarceration of Glistrup on grounds of taxation fraud. After leaving prison in 1983, Glistrup – now a proud, self-declared racist – nonetheless returned to politics and began to attack the growing Muslim minority, who had been invited by the Danish state to come to Denmark as “guest workers” since the 1960s.
While the political establishment refused to deal with politics related to immigration – partly due to Glistrup’s controversial rhetoric surrounding the subject – a growing minority of the Danish population started worrying about so-called “second generation immigrants”. Public media had started focusing on this social group as examples of failed integration. Taking up a populist stance by appealing more to national-romantic feelings than facts, the Progress Party thus became increasingly xenophobic during the 1980s and early 1990s, demanding among other things a total stop on immigration from countries with Muslim populations.
The nationalist breakthrough
However, the chaotic conditions within party ranks continued to tear it apart resulting in the loss of parliamentary influence. After failing to gain a majority in the attempt to modernise the Progress Party, a group of four MPs led by Pia Kjærsgaard left the party as a result and founded the Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti or just DF) in October 1995.
Still stressing a highly nationalist, anti-immigrant agenda, Kjærsgaard replaced the critique of the welfare state with an outspoken EU-sceptic position and focussed all its attention on the protection of (partly Christian) “Danish values” and social welfare – both presented as threatened by Muslim immigrants and their descendants. This was combined with a successful personality cult around Kjærsgaard, or just “Pia”, supposedly representing the “ordinary Danes” forgotten by the elitist political establishment.
Though entering Parliament with 7.4 percent of the votes in the 1998 national elections and a modest success in local elections the year before, DF was still in an outsider position and excluded from all influence by its political opponents. Opening Parliament in 1999, the then Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, a Social Democrat, famously stated that DF would never be a part of the political establishment. Likewise, other leading political figures ruled out cooperation with DF.
All of this changed dramatically in the 2001 elections, when opposition leader Anders Fogh Rasmussen and his Liberal Party (Venstre) became the largest party in Parliament in a landslide victory. The elections marked a breakthrough for DF, which gained 12 percent of the votes and became the parliamentary basis for the new centre-right government under Fogh Rasmussen. In addition, DF overtook the Social Democrat’s role as the party that garnered the most votes from classical workers.
The yellow Denmark
After 10 years with a centre-right government, a new majority led by the Social Democrat and former MEP Helle Thorning-Schmidt formed a new multiparty centre-left government in 2011. Even before the elections, there were widespread rumours about a possible “flirt” between the Social Democrats and DF, as the Thorning-led party had spent the years in opposition trying to promote a harsher anti-immigrant profile. Whereas DF would never have supported a government led by Social Democrats in 2001, such new affiliations marked a clear change in the politics of both parties with DF moving even closer to a classical Social Democratic position on social issues.
DF did not support the new Social Democratic government, but the party’s success continued, for example with its candidate for the European elections in 2014, Morten Messerschmidt, securing 26 percent of the vote through a staggering record of 605,000 personal votes.
The second breakthrough came at the national elections in 2015, when the Liberal Party Venstre formed a government again, now with Lars Løkke Rasmussen as Prime Minister. On this occasion, DF became Denmark’s largest bourgeois party measured by votes (21 percent) – not least because of the preceding months that saw Syrian refugees walking on the main motorways in Denmark, which DF cleverly used to boost its image as the only party that could “solve the refugee crisis”.
This election also clearly stated that DF was a party with its primary electoral basis in the rural and non-urban areas of Jylland and Sjælland (see Figure 1) even making some areas completely DF-dominated. This led to the use of the phrase “The yellow Denmark” – yellow referring to the colour used by political commentators to mark areas dominated by DF voters.
In spite of its electoral success, DF refused to join government ranks based on the experience of the 2000s, where the party enjoyed great influence by offering select support to a centre-right government implementing its favourite causes whilst being able to act freely on matters such as the EU and foreign policy.
A fatal dance with the Social Democrats
Figure 1. The map shows which party won the various electoral districts (marked by numbers) in the country’s different parts (Landsdel) in the 2015 national elections. After the Social Democrats (Socialdemokraterne), the Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti) became the second-largest party followed by the Liberal Party (Venstre) and the socialist Red-Green Alliance (Enhedslisten). The success of the Danish People’s Party ensured that the Liberal Party could re-enter the government offices with Lars Løkke Rasmussen as Prime Minister. In Denmark the outright winning of one of the 135 district seats is complemented by 40 proportionally distributed seats based on party/list votes. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.
Coming from what was the party’s greatest parliamentary success ever, DF suffered a sheer disaster only four years later in the 2019 national elections, seeing the number of its votes fall dramatically from 21 percent to a mere 8.7 percent thus significantly reducing the party’s weight in Parliament (se Figure 2). Similarly, its voice in public discourse has diminished dramatically.
How to explain such a dramatic change? In the months preceding the national elections in June 2019, DF and the Social Democrats (still in opposition at the time) were approaching each other. As DF party leader Kristian Thulesen Dahl stated in his speech at the 2019 annual party congress, if the Social Democrats were interested in closer collaboration, they had his phone number. In the run-up to the elections, the differences between the two where shrinking as each party tried not to be outdone by the other on central political issues.
For the Social Democrats, this meant supporting the so-called “paradigm shift” designed by DF to cancel the notion of integration in a wide range of legislations in favour of a policy aiming at so-called “re-emigration” of immigrants to their original countries. DF, on its part, vigorously tried to partake in the discussion on pension reforms brought to the campaign trail by the Social Democrats.
As the election campaign unfolded, DF as well as its contenders on the right desperately tried to keep immigration as the priority topic in the minds of the electorate. Contrary to all other elections in the preceding decades, this endeavour failed. Instead, climate, childcare and pensions came to dominate the debate.
As a self-proclaimed party for the elderly, DF had a rhetorical lead on the topic of pensions but was hopelessly lost when talking to the other end of the generational scale. On the matter of climate change, the party decided only after the election on whether to trust science or side with scepticism, clumsily choosing the former.
A “victim” of its own success, DF thus saw their main political asset – the party’s once (too) radical anti-immigrant and asylum policies – successfully adopted by the Social Democrats while failing to deliver on other political issues.
The challenge from the right
This situation has posed a new challenge to the party (to which it still needs to find solutions), since the political challenge of DF historically has come not from the left but from the right.
DF always had to find a careful balance between being a populist, nationalist party while having a serious image at the same time. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, many characterised it as a party for village idiots – a prerogative that was confirmed repeatedly by outright ludicrous remarks from local politicians and branch chairmen. With the chaotic experience from the early years of the anarchic Progress Party in mind, the party was therefore built up in a strict top-to-bottom hierarchy giving almost unlimited power to the small group of top leadership people.
Throughout DF’s political life, the task of the party leadership has been to balance racist views held by its members with the acceptability of such views with the broader public, tactically playing on the divergence between party top and bottom to broaden the scale of acceptable racist opinions. At times, the leadership opportunistically endorsed radical statements concerning immigrants and Islam, when these resonated with the public, while the same leadership at other instances condemned such views, when they were deemed too extreme to be accepted publicly.
Yet, this double standard regarding extreme anti-Muslim and immigrant views has on multiple occasions led DF members to criticise the lack of democracy inside the party. On several occasions, such complaints have been met with expulsions. Nevertheless, throughout the 1990s and 2000s the only alternatives to the right of DF were to be found in leftovers of the Progress Party and Nazi-affiliated movements, all without parliamentary representation, giving DF quasi monopoly on anti-Islamic and anti-immigrant stances, which it insisted on calling “Danish values”.
Inspired by the German initiative bearing the same name, however, a Danish branch of PEGIDA was founded in Copenhagen in January 2015. Later changing its name to For Freedom (For Frihed), this initiative succeeded in associating different parts of the far right with each other under one umbrella somewhat acceptable to the broader public. As such, members of the old Nazi movement, dissatisfied members of the DF as well as islamophobes and right-wingers without organisational affiliations found a common meeting ground.
Alongside other minor initiatives on the right, For Freedom thus became a way of expressing discontent with the growing consensus-seeking style of the DF leadership with many people feeling that the party’s policies were no longer radical enough.
Two new hard liners
Figure 2. The two maps compare the results of the 2015 national elections with those of 2019, and show which party won the electoral districts. In 2019, the Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti) lost all the districts that the party had won just four years earlier. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.
When a minor split from the Conservative Party in September 2015 created the New Right (Nye Borgerlige), some of the above-mentioned groups joined forces with the new party running for elections. This party combines xenophobia with a serious disdain for democracy as well as an aggressive anti-government “liberalism” on economic questions. Promoting a range of demands such as legal discrimination against Muslims in violation of the Danish Constitution as well as a total stop to immigration has given the New Right party a far more fascist outlook than DF has ever had.
For some, the New Right was still far from radical enough in its approach to the perceived threat of Islam. One of those who felt this way was For Freedom’s lawyer Rasmus Paludan, who consequently established his own party called Hard Line (Stram Kurs) in July 2017. With his provocative style, Paludan started to demand the actual deportation of all Muslims in Denmark without exception – by plane with or without parachutes – as well as a total ban on Islam. Although this was too much for the majority of people and led some to publicly condemn Hard Line as a Nazi party, Paludan nonetheless seemed to gain more and more support in the polls preceding the 2019 elections.
While Hard Line eventually failed to enter parliament with its mere 1.8 percent of the votes (the minimum is 2%), the New Right with its somewhat charismatic leader Pernille Vermund got 2.4 percent and thus 4 seats in parliament.
Politics of outbidding
As such, the development of DF from its birth in 1995 and until today has enabled a general shift towards the right in Danish immigration and asylum politics. With the New Right and Hard Line pushing the boundaries of Islamophobia from the right as well as a Social Democratic Party adopting an increasingly harsh stance on immigration, policies that were promoted by only DF just a decade ago are now widely represented in party programmes ranging from the far right to the Social Democrats. The Liberal and the Conservative parties have also gone in that direction respectively.
Yet, this year’s elections could also be interpreted differently. Although having adopted much firmer immigration and asylum policies, the election of the Social Democrat Mette Frederiksen as Prime Minister also marks a clear rejection of what had become the absurd “politics of outbidding” during the now former centre-right government.
Ranging from ludicrous symbolism such as the Conservative Party’s campaigns about fighting alleged “Nazi-Islamism” over the Liberal Party’s bill suggesting to take away jewellery from newly arrived immigrants to DF’s demand that all kindergartens should by law be made to serve pork to children, the electorate now seems completely fed up with such condescending and openly ridiculous policies. From this perspective, the 2019 elections also showed that right-wing populism in Denmark seems to have its limits.
A possible explanation for this could be that DF, throughout its entire lifespan, has been predominantly parliament-orientated. DF never dared to build lasting popular movements since this would have forced them into direct alliances with the aforementioned extreme right-wing segments from which the party has spent its entire existence to distance itself.
A fatal dance for the Social Democrats?
While DF and its supporters thus never had any institutional anchorage in popular movements or media, there have been some attempts to change this. The Christian currents of the party have affiliated with a secluded yet influential group of intellectuals around the century-old magazine Tidehverv. Out of this circle sprang various communities such as The Free Press Society (Trykkefrihedsselskabet) in 2004, seemingly promoting freedom of speech whilst spreading anti-Islamic views and conspiracies. Apart from such academic actions, an online news media called The Short Newspaper (Den Korte Avis) promoting anti-Islamic views was established in 2012. Highly disputed and rather isolated due to its bias, it only holds influence within right-wing circles.
Accordingly, despite DF’s success since its emergence in 1995 and in light of the party’s recent (at least temporary) setback this does not seem to have paved the way for a right-wing avalanche. For the moment, the parties and organisations to the right of DF do not appear to become mainstream such as DF had managed over the past two decades. So far, the New Right and Hard Line are at worst nothing but an expression of dissatisfaction and are still without influence, generally considered a nuisance or laughing stock.
Still, their current position very much resembles the one that DF had in its early years – left out for now of the “good company” but ready to push the boundaries of political reality and anti-democratic policies even further. So far, their political opponents have refused to do what they did, when DF started to challenge them, that is to accept at least parts of their politics. A new “refugee crisis” or similar events could change all of that.
Turning the attention towards an overall ideological dissemination of views – within politics as well as in the public debate – DF has clearly played a crucial role in the acceptance of right-wing populist politics. Not only bourgeois newspapers, tabloids and right-wing parties have adopted huge parts of its rhetoric and anti-immigrant positions; these have seeped into the labour movement as well. As the Social Democrats moved into the government offices this summer, it was with the harshest line on immigration ever seen. While the old worker’s party has since loosened up on its rhetoric, it clearly perceives that it cannot afford to move away from this general line, as all of the opposition from the Liberal Party to the New Right immediately would be at its throat.
In conclusion, while Social Democrats in the rest of Europe might look to Denmark as a way out of their stalemate, one should bear in mind the historical context for the current “success” of the Danish Social Democrats. Any victory won on the ideological premises of one’s opponent carries in itself an intrinsic risk of backfiring. In order to save themselves from the fate that has befallen their European sister parties, the Danish Social Democrats have spent the previous decades deploying neoliberal solutions to economic questions. Now, clearly, they have also adopted the harsh anti-immigration policies of the far right. Taking a socialist stance, this scenario should not result in excitement. | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 82 | https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-17930409 | en | Denmark profile - Timeline | [
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] | 2012-05-02T16:16:55+00:00 | A chronology of key events in the history of Denmark, from the 10th century to the present | en | BBC News | https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-17930409 | 1914-18 - Denmark is neutral during World War One.
1918 - Universal suffrage comes into effect.
1930s - Welfare state established by governments dominated by social democrats.
1939 - Denmark signs 10-year non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany.
1940 - Nazi invasion meets virtually no initial resistance. Government accepts occupation in exchange for measure of control over domestic affairs.
1943 - A determined campaign by the Danish resistance prompts Germany to take over full control of Danish affairs. Thousands of Danish Jews manage to escape to Sweden.
1945 - Germany surrenders and occupation ends. Denmark recognises Iceland's independence, which had been declared in 1944.
1973 - Denmark joins the European Economic Community.
1979 - Greenland is granted home rule. Denmark retains control over Greenland's foreign affairs and defence.
1982 - Poul Schlueter becomes first Conservative prime minister for almost a century.
1985 - Legislation passed banning construction of nuclear power plants in Denmark.
1992 - Danish voters reject the Maastricht Treaty on further European integration in a referendum.
1993 - Schlueter resigns after being accused of lying over a scandal involving Tamil refugees; social democrat Poul Nyrup Rasmussen becomes prime minister.
Danes approve the Maastricht Treaty after Denmark is granted certain opt-outs.
1994 - Poul Nyrup Rasmussen returned to power in general election.
1998 - Poul Nyrup Rasmussen again returned to power.
2000 - Danes reject adoption of the euro as their national currency by 53% to 47%.
New bridge and tunnel link Copenhagen with Malmo in southern Sweden. The new road and rail link makes it possible to travel between the two countries in just 15 minutes.
2001 November - Elections put right-wing coalition led by Anders Fogh Rasmussen into government. Rasmussen campaigned on a pledge to tighten immigration rules and put lid on taxes. The election saw the far-right Danish People's Party win 22 seats and become the third largest party in parliament.
2002 February - New government measures aimed at reducing immigration spark controversy.
2004 August - US and Denmark sign deal to modernise Thule air base on Greenland.
2005 February - Liberal Party leader Anders Fogh Rasmussen wins second term as prime minister in coalition with Conservative Party. Far-right People's Party strengthens presence in parliament by two seats.
2005 July - Diplomatic dispute flares up with Canada over the disputed tiny island of Hans in the Arctic.
2006 January - February - Cartoon depictions of the Muslim prophet Muhammad, published by a Danish newspaper in 2005, spark belated mass protests among Muslims in a number of countries as well as unofficial boycotts of Danish goods.
2007 February - Government says Denmark's 470 ground troops will leave Iraq by the end of August. Denmark was one of the original coalition countries to take part in the 2003 invasion.
2007 November - Government of Prime Minister Fogh Rasmussen wins third term after early elections.
2008 February - Police uncover a plot to kill one of the cartoonists whose depictions of Muhammad sparked outrage across the Muslim world in 2005. Major papers reprint one of the cartoons, prompting some protests.
2008 November - Greenland referendum approves plans to seek more autonomy from Denmark and a greater share of oil revenues off the island's coast.
2009 April - Finance Minister Lars Lokke Rasmussen takes over as prime minister and acting Liberal Party leader on the resignation of Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who had been elected Nato secretary-general.
2009 July - Denmark plans to set up an Arctic military command and task force because the melting ice cap is opening access to Greenland and the Faroe Islands.
2009 December - Denmark hosts UN climate change summit. Great hopes are invested in the Copenhagen summit but it ends without a legally binding global treaty being agreed.
2010 January - A Somali man is charged with trying to kill the Danish artist whose drawing of the Muslim prophet Muhammad in 2005 sparked riots around the world.
2010 December - Three men are charged with planning to attack the offices of a newspaper which printed cartoons of the Muslim prophet Muhammad. A fourth is released and a fifth is held in Sweden.
2011 February - Denmark approves underwater tunnel from Lolland island to the German island of Fehmarn, at a cost of $5.9bn. It will be built in 2014-2020 and speed up transport links between Scandinavia and continental Europe.
Somali man Mohamed Geele is found guilty of attempted murder and terrorism over trying to kill Muhammad cartoonist Kurt Westergaard.
2011 July - Denmark reimposes border controls in bid to curb illegal immigration. Many question the legality of the move under the 1995 Schengen agreement, which abolished internal borders within much of western Europe.
2011 September - Social Democrat Helle Thorning-Schmidt became Denmark's first female prime minister after her left-leaning alliance secured a narrow majority at parliamentary elections.
2012 June - Same-sex marriage legalised.
2013 April - Schools shut for a month because of an industrial dispute involving teachers' unions.
2014 January - The small Socialist People's Party quits the ruling coalition following splits over plans to sell off a stake in state-controlled Dong Energy to investment bank Goldman Sachs and others.
2014 May - The anti-immigration Danish People's Party wins European election with four seats and nearly 27% of the vote.
2014 December - Denmark submits a claim to territory around the North Pole to a United Nations panel gathering evidence to determine control of the region.
2015 February - Islamist Omar El-Hussein shoots dead a film-maker at a free-speech debate and then a synagogue guard, before being killed by police. Security service faces criticism over its anti-extremist strategy. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 21 | http://www.wuacademia.org/politician-europe-13-Denmark.php | en | Elect the best (the worst) European Government leader. �lisez le meilleur (le pire) politicien Europ�en. | [
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"ELECT THE BEST PRESIDENT OF PRIME MINISTER",
"Anders Fogh Rasmussen",
"Prime Minister of Denmark",
"Premier Ministre du Royaume de Danemark",
"premier ministre danois",
"anders fogh",
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"the worst European Government lead... | null | [] | null | Elect the best (the worst) European Government leader. �lisez le meilleur (le pire) politicien Europ�en. | null | Anders Fogh Rasmussen (born January 26, 1953) is the current Prime Minister of Denmark (in Danish Statsminister, meaning State Minister). He is the leader of the Liberal (Venstre) Party. He leads a right-wing coalition of his Liberal (Venstre) Party and the Conservative People's Party which took office in 2001, and won their second term in 2005. His government has made a major reform of the structure of government in Denmark, including tough measures designed to limit the number of immigrants coming to Denmark, and freezing the rates of existing taxes. Taxes have been lowered but the Conservatives repeatedly argue for more tax cuts. As of 1 January 2007, an administrative reform has been implemented slashing the number of municipalities and replacing the thirteen counties with five regions. Rasmussen has referred to this as the biggest reform in thirty years.
Rasmussen has been embroiled in the controversy of the Muhammad cartoons which initially were published in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten.
Life
Rasmussen was born in 1953 in Ginnerup, Jutland and has been active in politics most of his life. He has authored several books and has three children.
He has held numerous positions in government and opposition throughout his career, first winning a seat in the Folketing in 1978. From 1987-1990 he was Minister for Taxation and from 1990 Minister for Economy and Taxation in the Conservative-led Poul Schlüter government. In 1992 Rasmussen resigned from his ministerial posts after a court of enquiry had decided that he had deliberately provided the Folketing with inaccurate and incomplete information. Rasmussen disagreed with the findings of the commission, but faced with the threat of a no-confidence motion, he decided to leave his posts voluntarily.
Rasmussen held the rotating presidency of the European Union from July to December 2002 during which he proved his dedication to a pro-EU agenda and the guiding principles of the Ellemann-Jensen doctrine, also pursuing it to its logical conclusion of publicly denouncing the Danish collaboration policy during its second World War occupation as the first Danish prime minister ever. While his predecessors had not been in favour of it, they had all implicitly maintained that it was 'a good thing', because it had saved Danish lives.
During the EU presidency he was involved in a curious episode with then Italian Premier Silvio Berlusconi. In a joint press conference on 4 October 2002 Silvio Berlusconi said: "Rasmussen is the most handsome prime minister in Europe. I think I will introduce him to my wife because he is even more handsome than Cacciari". Massimo Cacciari is an Italian philosopher and centrist politician opposing Berlusconi, and some gossip tabloids had alleged an affair between him and Berlusconi's second wife Veronica Lario. Rasmussen was puzzled by this remark and Berlusconi quickly told him he'd explain later.
Political career
Early political career
Mr. Rasmussen became a member of the danish parliment (Folketinget) in 1978. From 1987-1990 he was Minister for Taxation and from 1990 Minister for Economy and Taxation in the Conservative-led Poul Schlüter government.
Resignation as minister of taxation
In 1992 Rasmussen resigned from his ministerial posts after a report from a commission of enquiry had decided that he had provided the Folketing with inaccurate and incomplete information regarding his decision to postpone payment of several bills from Regnecentralen and Kommunedata from one accounting year to the next. Rasmussen disagreed with the findings of the commission, but faced with the threat of a no-confidence motion that could bring down the cabinet, he decided to leave his posts voluntarily.
2001 Election
His Liberal (Venstre) Party won power in the November 2001 election, defeating the government of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen and enabling him to form the Cabinet of Anders Fogh Rasmussen I. That election marked a dramatic change in Danish politics. It was the first time since 1920 that the Social Democratic Party lost its position as the largest party in the Folketing (parliament), mainly due to a loss of working class votes to the Dansk Folkeparti (Danish People's Party). Since then, Venstre has operated in coalition with the Conservative People's Party to form a minority government with the parliamentary support of Dansk Folkeparti (Danish People's Party), surviving the 2005 election. Rasmussen's government's agenda is significantly more right wing than has been the case in Denmark for a long time and thus continues the break with the consensus policy of gathering a broad majority for policies that began under Poul Nyrup Rasmussen. He is in favour of deregulation, privatization, and limiting the size of government. His government has also enacted tough measures designed to limit the number of immigrants coming to Denmark, specifically as asylumseekers or through arranged marriages.
Political ideology
The Prime Minister is known for having written the book Fra socialstat til minimalstat (literally: From social state to minimal state), where he advocates an extensive reform of the Danish welfare system, along classic liberal lines, i.e. lower taxes, less government interference in corporate and individual matters etc. In 1993 he was awarded the Adam Smith award by the libertarian society Libertas, partly on account of his authoring Fra socialstat til minimalstat. However, after becoming Prime Minister, Rasmussen has distanced himself tremendously from his earlier writings and has announced the death of liberalism during the national elections of 2005. Commonly recognized as being inspired by the success of Tony Blair, Rasmussen now seems more in favour of the theories of Anthony Giddens and his third way. There was talk in Libertas of cancelling Fogh Rasmussen's award as a result of this, though this never happened. Like Tony Blair he has also participated in the secretive Bilderberg group, Fogh participated in the 2000 meeting and the 2003 meeting.
War in Iraq
Under Fogh Rasmussen, Denmark has supported American foreign policies.
As Prime Minister, Rasmussen strongly supported the 2003 Iraq War. As in most European countries he faced considerable opposition. Subsequent opinion polls suggested the Danish population's opinion was split on the issue. One vocal opponent gained entrance to the Danish parliament where he poured red paint on the prime minister during the lead up to the war while yelling "Du har blod på dine hænder" (literally: "You have blood on your hands"). In the months after the war, Danish troops participated in the multi-national force stationed in Iraq. Approximately 550 Danish troops were stationed in Iraq throughout 2004 and into 2005 at "Camp Dannevang" near Basra.
In 2004 Rasmussen's government came under scrutiny over questions of how much intelligence it had with regard to Iraqi weapons of mass destruction. The government held hearings, and was forced to publish classified reports it had consulted about the likelihood of banned weapons existing in Iraq. While the Blair and Bush administrations have been subject to criticism for extended periods for their reliance on questionable intelligence, Rasmussen has managed to stay clear of this potential government crisis.
In his speech to parliament (folketinget) Anders Fogh Rasmussen said as one of 12 reasons to support a military intervention “Irak har masseødelæggelsesvåben. Det er ikke noget vi tror. Vi ved det” “Iraq has WMDs, it is not what we think, that is something we know”. The Danish Defence Intelligence Service (FE) had produced a classified report stating that it had no absolute proof of WMDs in Iraq. Rasmussen had access to this report and used it in other parts of his speech. Since the presence of WMDs in Iraq has been seriously questioned, Rasmussen has focused almost exclusively on the tyrannical nature of Saddam Hussein's regime. However, for the past two years he has refused to give interviews about Denmark's participation in the Iraq-war.
A former FE analyst, Major Frank Grevil, was sentenced to four months in prison for leaking the information to the press. Grevil argues that Rasmussen has either lied about or misunderstood the content of the secret reports in his argumentation to Parliament.
During Rasmussen's administrations, Denmark has also deployed troops to both Afghanistan, Bosnia and Kosovo. All three missions have only met minor political opposition.
Gay marriage
Civil unions between gay couples have been legal in Denmark since 1989. Rasmussen believes that they should be able to be married in religious ceremonies, which is not currently allowed in The Evangelical Lutheran State Church of Denmark, but has said it should be up to religious communities to decide whether to perform ceremonies for gay couples. Anders Fogh Rasmussen caused controversy in his support for gay marriage as he made it clear his support was 'personal' rather than based on his role as prime minister.
Tax reform
Since the elections in 2001, Venstre, Rasmussen's party, has enacted a total "tax stop". Venstre made a successful campaign convincing the public that the taxes have been growing incessantly during the previous eight years under the Social Democrats. While the overall tax burden was more or less unchanged from 1993 until 2001, however, there was a shift in the taxation of income, both corporate and personal over to a higher level on personal consumption (especially through the "ecological taxes" (da. grønne afgifter), which gave the average citizen the impression of rising taxes.
This tax stop has been under heavy fire from the parties on the left wing of Danish politics, allegedly for being "antisocial" and "only for the rich". Since the tax stop also freezes the tax of real property (da. ejendomsværdiskat, 1%), it is beneficial to the homeowners in the densely populated regions that have experienced an extraordinary growth in the prices of real estate. The tax of real property is actually stopped at a nominal level - not relatively. That is, while the rate was one percent when the tax stop was invoked, the real tax is much less today given the last few years' large increase in property value (+20%/p.a. in large cities). The Danish Economic Council has criticized this as unfairly benefiting current homeowners.
Even though the total tax burden is marginally higher in 2005 than in 2001, the tax stop is enormously popular among the voters. Thus, in January 2005, the Social Democrats announced that it accepts the tax stop until at least one right-wing party is willing to engage in a tax reform.
The tax stop has, however, been ineffective, judging by Venstre's own intentions. The goal of the tax stop was to halt the growth of public expenditures (and halt the growth of taxes), but even with their cuts in public spending (which has been considered aggressive by the aforementioned political left wing), public spending has continued to rise by approximately 1% above inflation, per year.
From 2004 and onwards, minor tax cuts came into effect, on two accounts:
People with jobs get a 3% tax reduction on the 5.5% "bottom tax" (da. bundskat). This initiative is supposed to encourage people to go off welfare, and take jobs instead.
The bottom limit of the "middle tax" (da. mellemskat) of 6%, is raised by 12.000 DKK every year, over the next four years. This will limit the income stresses of middle incomes and families with children.
Venstre has so far refrained from making statements on the future of the "top tax" (da: topskat) of 15%, and the VAT (da: moms) of 25%.
Municipal reform
One of the main initiatives of his term was the introduction of municipal reform, which followed a series of small municipalities being placed under state administration for overspending and a much spoken about case (in Denmark) about a municipality mayor, who managed to spend lavish amounts of tax money on personal wining and dining. Under the proposal the number of counties (amter) would be reduced to five regions (regioner) from the thirteen counties (amter). Also the number of municipalities was reduced from 271 to 98. Also, the responsibilities of municipalities and counties changed significantly, especially with regard to health care delivery.
2005 election
On January 18, 2005 Rasmussen called an election for February 8, 2005. He delayed the call by a couple of weeks because of the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake which killed several Danes. His government had been criticized by a few Danes for what they thought was a slow response to that crisis, although a clear majority applauded the government's way of dealing with the disaster.
Although his party's vote did slip from the 2001 election, losing 4 seats, Venstre was able to maintain its coalition after the election through gains by other parties, and on February 18 Rasmussen formed the Cabinet of Anders Fogh Rasmussen II.
Rasmussen received the most "personal votes" ever of any politician in the Folketing (Denmark's Parliament) with 61,792.
Muhammad Cartoons and Danish goods boycott
Main article: Jyllands-Posten Muhammad cartoons controversy
A major incident of Rasmussen's political career concerned the fallout from a series of cartoons printed by Jyllands-Posten, a major Danish newspaper. In September 2005 the paper ran a series of cartoons of Muhammad including one in which Muhammad appeared with a bomb in his turban. Many muslims took offence to the cartoons. The Danish opposition have severely criticised his handling of the affair, stating that he has damaged the diplomatic and economic standing of Denmark by his actions, primarily by refusing to meet with diplomatic envoys from Islamic countries soon after the cartoons appeared.
Rasmussen has appeared on the Arabic television network Al-Arabiya and explained that he was sorry about the offense caused by the cartoons, but that Danish law means that he has no power over the media. He has stated on numerous occasions that he supports the freedom of speech, but he does not approve of the message in these cartoons. He announced his disapproval after initially stating, that he did not wish to comment on the cartoons themselves. | |||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 38 | https://ecf.com/news-and-events/news/meet-denmark-international-bicycle-darling-member-month | en | Meet Denmark, the International Bicycle Darling: Member of the Month | http://ecf.com/files/wp-content/uploads/Girls-on-bike-in-Copenhagen-660x373.jpg | [
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] | null | [] | 2012-01-27T11:41:05+01:00 | en | ECF | https://ecf.com/news-and-events/news/meet-denmark-international-bicycle-darling-member-month | When the bicycle came to Denmark
As in many other countries, the bicycle came to Denmark in the late 1800s. This mechanical invention created a lot of debate – “the bicycle war” as one national newspaper called it. Some saw the potential right away and declared that those who cycled “will be much better at enjoying their lecture and their music in the evening than the rest, for by exercising their bodily strengths also their mental abilities will be enhanced and enlivened” (Danish Sport Tidings, 1889), while others found the bicycle the devil of a modern world. One priest publicly announced that there are three things that he simply would never allow his daughter: “to smoke, to study and to bicycle!” Others were outraged by the fact that more and more “ugly and skinny legged cyclists” appeared in the streets and worst of all “women who sat astride two-wheeled cycles – had these women no dignity?”
It came and it stayed
Not everybody welcomed the bicycle into the Danish culture – but thankfully two wheels prevailed! This is,
let’s not forget, largely due to more than 100 years of bicycle advocacy from the Danish Cyclists’ Federation, one of ECF’s members.
Up until the 50s, bicycling became an increasingly dominant mode of transportation and pedaling blond girls in flowing robes were a typical picture on Danish tourist posters. But when the economic boom of the sixties came rolling in so did the automobile, finding its way into every Dane’s ordinary life. Urban planners started planning for the car and by 1972 the number of Danish cyclists was at an all-time low. Luckily Denmark was blessed with two oil crises and enormous bicycle demonstrations, orchestrated by members of the Danish Cyclists’ Federation, in the late seventies. Slowly but surely cycling became a natural part of planners and citizen’s life.
Tailwind on all bicycle paths
It can be hard to explain the Danes relationship to the bicycle. The response is normally something along the lines of: “I don’t know - it’s just something I do”. Don’t be fooled though! Bicycling plays a big role in the Danish consciousness.
In 1974 “Cykelsangen - jeg er så glad for min cykel” (The Bicycle Song - I’m so happy for my bike) by the beloved singer-songwriter, Povl Kjøller, instantly became a Danish hit. (If you find a Dane who cannot at least hum the melody of that song you should immediately report it to ECF).
Twenty years later, in 1994, a Danish comedian, Jacob Haugaard, ran for election at the Danish parliament as a practical joke. One of his most popular political promises was tailwind on all bicycle paths. The man won and worked as a Danish politician for four years.
Meanwhile, in 1995, Danish Prime Minister, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, was publicly mocked by the whole nation, not for a sex scandal, but because he wore a bicycle helmet that was too small to a political demonstration. Even though the Danes have a hard time explaining how or why, the two-wheeler has indeed become a part of the Danish mindset.
And now, after the turn of the millennium, Denmark’s bike culture has been placed in the international spotlight. As modest as the Danes try to be, they still secretly gorge themselves on the attention. But why did the Danish bike culture suddenly become so popular and how will Danish bicycle culture evolve in the future? EFC asked its three Danish members, the Danish Cyclists’ Federation, Copenhagenize Consulting, and De Frie Fugle, those questions. Here are the members of the months perspective on the pedaling phenomenon in Denmark.
Why the sudden national and international spotlight?
When it comes to the sudden international attention Danish Cyclists’ Federation believes that the most recent bicycle popularity push happened in the late last decade. The challenges of reducing CO2 emissions and improving health conditions put cycling back on the political agenda. DCF also believes that the “Danish Bicycle trademark” has grown stronger because of the international demand for solutions that tackle urban challenges like congestion, health and climate problems. De Frie Fugle seems to partly agree that it has to do with a change of political focus and agenda, but also thinks, like Copenhagenize Consulting, that change was caused by the social media’s bottom-up effect.
“The power of social media created the focus. Back then few hotels had bicycles for rent for their guests and little material focusing on bicycles was available at the tourist office. We googled "bike Copenhagen", "bicycle Copenhagen" back in early 2007 and there were few hits on Google. If you google those words now, it's a different story. Because of the focus placed on Copenhagen as a bicycle city through blogs, the bicycle has now become a major branding angle for the city and the word we coined - Copenhagenize - is as well-known as Cycle Chic throughout the world”, says Copenhagenize Consulting.
What are the pros and cons about the Danish bicycle culture in the future?
All three members are looking forward with relative confidence regarding to the future of Danish bicycle culture. “Right now there is a window of opportunity to improve and develop the bicycle conditions, because of the recession, the environmental and climate debate” says DCF, while Copenhagenize Consulting emphasizes the importance of a continuous positive branding of cycling. They think that the perception of cycling, in Denmark, has suffered due to helmet promotion and fights to reverse that trend and to promote cycling positively once again.
The challenges as De Frie Fugle sees them is “to make people cycle more also in the countryside” and this calls for “more elegant technical solutions […] including electrical bikes, bicycle bridges and sheltered bike tracks etc.”
Top 3 best practices when developing a bicycle culture? | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 23 | https://www.alamy.com/former-danish-prime-minister-poul-nyrup-rasmussen-takes-part-in-the-debate-wednesday-feb-15-2006-at-the-european-parliament-in-strasbourg-eastern-france-on-the-cartoons-of-muhammad-that-appeared-in-different-european-newspapers-ap-photochristian-lutz-image541783807.html | en | Former Danish prime minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen takes part in the debate, Wednesday Feb 15, 2006 at the European Parliament in Strasbourg eastern France on the cartoons of Muhammad that appeared in | [
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It shouldn't be used for commercial use which includes advertising, marketing, promotion, packaging, advertorials, and consumer or merchandising products. | ||||||
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correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 96 | https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2004/07/port-j21.html | en | Portugal’s Prime Minister Barroso nominated as European Commission president | https://www.wsws.org/asset/78a768bd-e1f5-4834-ae49-6ba957104eae?rendition=image1280&v=2 | [
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] | null | [] | 2004-07-21T05:00:00+00:00 | The European Council of Ministers has nominated Portuguese Prime Minister José Manuel Durão Barroso for the presidency of the European Commission. Barroso’s nomination by the ministers, who are appointed by national governments, must be approved in a secret ballot of members of the elected European Parliament on July 22. | World Socialist Web Site | https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2004/07/port-j21.html | The European Council of Ministers has nominated Portuguese Prime Minister José Manuel Durão Barroso for the presidency of the European Commission. Barroso’s nomination by the ministers, who are appointed by national governments, must be approved in a secret ballot of members of the elected European Parliament on July 22.
If elected, Barroso has declared he will apply a “healing hand” to the crisis confronting the European Union over its relations with the United States and the lack of political support and legitimacy for the EU project amongst Europe’s peoples.
The recent European elections produced major reversals for nearly all the continent’s ruling parties, widespread abstentions and significant votes for right-wing parties opposed to the EU. Most workers no longer distinguish between the social democrats, whether led by Britain’s Tony Blair or Germany’s Gerhard Schroeder, and the traditional parties of the right.
The largest group in the European Parliament—the right-wing People’s Party and Democrats—support Barroso’s nomination. However President Poul Nyrup Rasmussen of the second largest bloc—the European Socialists—warned, “We would never be prepared to give our confidence and our political support to any nominee whose intention would be to take the European Union (EU) in a direction that is not ours.”
The social democrats criticise Barroso for not having “proven experience in promoting the European project” and lacking “a strong belief that strengthening Europe’s competitiveness can and must go hand in hand with social responsibility and security.”
Barroso was the third choice candidate for president and did not even appear on the list of contenders two weeks beforehand. He defeated Belgium’s Liberal Party Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt and former British Conservative Party cabinet minister and current European Commissioner in charge of relations with non-EU countries, Chris Patten.
Verhofstadt, who was sponsored by the German and French governments, blamed “the yanks” for torpedoing his presidential bid. He is closely associated with attempts to develop a military capacity independent of United States and talked recently of Europe’s need for “emancipation” from America.
Patten’s nomination was opposed by French President Jacques Chirac, who said it was a bad idea to have a candidate from “a country which doesn’t take part in all European policies.”
Chirac insisted that the president must speak French and come from a member state that is in the eurozone and the Schengen passport-free area.
President George Bush responded to Barroso’s nomination with a personal telephone call to congratulate him. His nomination is a reward for his unflinching support for Washington’s war against Iraq and helping to organise the pro-Bush “new Europe” bloc with Britain, Spain (when ruled by the right-wing Popular Party) and the eastern European states.
Barroso supported the Iraq War, despite opinion polls showing 84 per cent of the Portuguese population were opposed to it. He hosted the pro-war summit on the Portuguese islands of the Azores shortly before the war in Iraq, but the world’s press regarded him as so subordinate to Bush, Blair and former Spanish Prime Minister Aznar that they cropped him out of the “family photos.” One opposition figure in Portugal described him as a “butler” to the bigger powers.
Barroso, along with Blair and Aznar, worked behind the scenes to develop the coalition and ensure the isolation of France and Germany. He believes that an alliance with the US is Europe’s key strategic task. He is an ardent defender of the European Rapid Reaction Force, but opposes its development without the permission of and consultation with the Bush administration.
The decision to nominate Barroso follows the appointment of Javier Solano, a former NATO secretary-general, as the European Union’s first foreign minister and the adoption of the European Constitution. The protracted conflicts over these issues have threatened to cripple the EU’s ability to make decisions.
The crisis in Europe arises from a major shift in the policy of US imperialism following the downfall of the Soviet Union. Under the Bush administration, US imperialism is trying to establish its global hegemony through its military superiority and assert itself as a European power—mainly by supporting Britain, the eastern European states such as Poland, and to some degree Italy and Portugal—and thereby curb German and French influence.
The French newspaper Le Monde declared that France and Germany “are quite determined to make up for this loss of power by securing important portfolios for their commissioners.” Although German Social Democratic President Gerhard Schroeder insisted that Verhofstadt remained his preferred candidate, he said he would support Barroso if he appointed German commissioners in charge of economic policy. Barroso retorted, “The selection of commissioners is the president’s job, and I’m not about to give up my responsibilities.”
Barroso has warned European governments that they have two choices—to build either a “counter-part or a counterweight” to the US. He continued: “We think it is very important to give high value to the relationship between Europe and the United States. We share the same values—there are differences of sensitivity and style, but the values are the same.”
That a compromise was reached over Barroso’s nomination in part indicates that all the European powers are agreed on at least one set of “values”—destroying vital welfare provisions and ensuring maximum exploitation of the working class on behalf of the major corporations. In Portugal, Barroso has been at the forefront of these attacks. Since his election victory in 2000, he has concentrated his energy on removing what remains of the gutted welfare system and laws protecting workers left over from the Portuguese revolution of 1974-75. He has kept Portugal within the EU’s budgetary requirements in the face of mass demonstrations and strikes and developed what journalists describe as a “thick skin”, indifferent to popular hostility.
The European ruling elite, knowing Barroso’s political pedigree, looks to him to champion these policies on a European-wide scale.
Barroso says he began political life after witnessing a fascist assault on his favourite teacher. Before the fall of the Salazar/Caetano dictatorship in 1974, he joined the Maoist Reorganising Movement of the Proletarian Party (MRPP) and soon became a leading member whilst a student at Lisbon University. The MRPP split from the Portuguese Communist Party in 1970. During the revolutionary events of 1974-75 it became notorious for organising violent provocations against the workers’ movement.
The MRPP openly aligned itself with the Portuguese Socialist Party and the ruling class. In 1975 its leader Arnaldo Matos described a military organisation of left-leaning officers as “the most democratic police force in the world,” only to see this force arrest hundreds of his members a few weeks later. In the first democratic elections in 1976 the MRPP leadership demanded its supporters vote for Ramalha Eanes, who was standing on a law and order campaign.
In Barroso’s official biography this chapter in his political life is omitted, but the episode is not lost on Europe’s political establishment. Italy’s La Republica declared: “He has the makings of a good president of the EU... He is such a flexible politician that he started his career as a sympathiser of Communist China and ended up the leader of an openly conservative party.”
The British Times added, “A former Maoist militant who once denounced capitalism and preached the dictatorship of the proletariat has travelled far.”
Soon after the Portuguese revolution was defeated, Barroso pursued an academic career teaching in Washington, where he said he gained a deep insight into US foreign policy and society.
Only three years after leaving an ostensibly revolutionary organisation, he joined the conservative Social Democratic party in 1980 and moved amongst its most right-wing faction around Anibal Cavaco e Silva, who became Portuguese president in 1985. The Social Democrats have their origins in the Popular Democratic Party that was formed a few days after the revolution. Some of its founders such as Francisco de Sá Carneiro had been deputies in Marcello Caetano’s 1969 government.
In 1992, Silva made Barroso head of foreign affairs and in 1999 he became party chief. After narrowly defeating the ruling Socialist Party government in elections in April 2002, Barroso became prime minister of a coalition government with the far-right Euro-sceptic Popular Party of Paulo Portas, who is currently the defence minister. The People’s Party and Democrats group in the European Parliament, which numbers amongst its members Berlusconi’s Forza Italia, the far-right Austrian Freedom Party of Joerg Haider and Spain’s Popular Party, has expelled Portas’ party for being too nationalistic.
On July 5, during a one-hour meeting with Portuguese President Jorge Sampaio, Barroso abandoned his job as prime minister. According to Barroso, he left office to prepare for the commission job safe in the knowledge that he was acting in Portugal’s “national interest” and that he was confident in the stability of its “democratic institutions.”
Barroso’s resignation threatened to precipitate a general election and a dramatic defeat for the Social Democrats, especially since their trouncing in the recent European elections. However, Sampaio—after a week of consultations with former prime ministers and business leaders—announced that he would ask Lisbon mayor Pedro Santana Lopes, who succeeded Barroso as the leader of the Social Democrats, to form a government instead. Sampaio threatened Lopes that he will use his constitutional powers to intervene if he tries to change Barroso’s austerity programme stating, “I reiterate that the continuation of key policies—regarding Europe, foreign policy, defence, justice, as well as policies of fiscal constraint—must be rigorously respected.”
This precipitated a crisis within Sampaio’s own Socialist Party, which had called for early elections, leading to the resignation of its leader Eduardo Ferro Rodrigues. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 79 | https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/prime-ministers-of-denmark-since-1972-statsministers.html | en | Prime Ministers Of Denmark Since 1972 (Statsministers) | [
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] | 2017-02-03T12:38:00-05:00 | These State Ministers have served as Heads of Government of a modern Denmark under the reign of Margrethe II. | en | /nwa_assets/img/site/favicon.png | WorldAtlas | https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/prime-ministers-of-denmark-since-1972-statsministers.html | History of the Prime Minister of Denmark
Denmark was ruled by only a monarch between the 17th century and the beginning of the 19th century. It became a constitutional monarchy in 1848 and established a bicameral parliament and a Council Presidium. The office of Council President was created, which became the prototype for the office of Prime Minister.
The Prime Minister position as it is known today, was officially established in 1914 and is sometimes referred to as Minister of the State. Over the next several decades, the government underwent significant changes. The political parties with the majority shifted power and during World War II, where two of the Prime Ministers were allies of Nazi Germany. In protest, the government members resigned until the end of the war. A new cabinet took power in May of 1945. From 1947 to 1972, the Prime Ministers served under King Frederick IX. Since 1972, they have served under Queen Margrethe II. This article takes a look at some of the Prime Ministers during the reign of Queen Margrethe II.
Prime Ministers of Denmark Since 1972
Anker Jørgensen
Anker Jørgensen was the first Prime Minister appointed by Queen Margrethe II. His first term was from 1972 to 1973 and he served a second term from 1975 to 1982. He had a long history of political involvement before becoming the Prime Minister. In this position, he is perhaps most remembered for appealing to all the political parties in Parliament in support of the Danish welfare state. During his terms, he assisted Denmark in joining the European Economic Community and broadened the country’s social and welfare programs. Some of these programs include: the Social Assistance Act, the New Basic Education Act, the National Holiday Act, and the Severance Pay Act. This social movement lead to a large federal deficit and substantial government loans to pay the deficit. He resigned as Prime Minister after fighting an unsuccessful battle to increase taxes and decrease government spending. Roughly a decade after serving as Prime Minister, he negotiated the release of Danish hostages in Iraq in 1992. Jørgensen was a member of Parliament until 1994.
Helle Thorning-Schmidt
Helle Thorning-Schmidt served as Prime Minister from 2011 to 2015. She holds the distinction of being the only woman in Denmark to hold this position. Additionally, she is the only woman to have become the Leader of the Social Democrats, a political party. She is most known for expressing a centrist ideology, meaning she gave preference to legislation that was neither conservative nor liberal. During office, she guided Denmark through participation in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) air strikes against Libya. She also successfully negotiated a tax reform to lower taxes for higher tax brackets in an effort to encourage increased workforce participation. Her cabinet faced some internal conflict in the latter part of 2013, causing Thorning-Schmidt to move around and change some of the Ministers. In January of 2014, members of the Socialist People’s Party resigned in opposition to the potential sale of DONG Energy, a state-owned energy company, to Goldman Sachs. In the 2015 election, her party lost control to a more conservative political party and she resigned.
Lars Løkke Rasmussen
Lars Løkke Rasmussen is the current Prime Minister of Denmark. He served previously between 2009 and 2011. His first term was enacted when the previous Prime Minister, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, resigned to become the Secretary General of NATO. Lars was heavily criticized during his first term for his approach to the COP15 summit when he spoke out against discussing procedure and made a call for action. Under Rasmussen in 2010, the government initiated spending cuts by reducing unemployment insurance, foreign aid, and child support. His political party, Venstre, lost the 2011 election and he resigned as Prime Minister. He won the following election in June of 2015, when he created a cabinet made up only of Venstre members. In November 2016, he added members from the Conservative People’s Party and the Liberal Alliance.
Prime Minister Duties
The Prime Minister of Denmark is the head of the government and the principal political figure for the country. The person in this position is appointed by the ruling Monarch, generally with the support of the National Parliament (Folketing). Because the government of Denmark has not had one political party with majority representation since 1901, the powers of the Prime Minister are weakened. This weakened position requires the Prime Minister to work harder to gain support for legislation from various political parties. The responsibilities of this position include: selecting Cabinet members for the Monarch’s approval, setting the agenda for weekly Council of Minister meetings, dealing with special legal issues concerning Greenland and the Faroe Islands, and managing the media’s contact with the state. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 7 | https://isitaholidaytoday.com/birthday/PoulNyrupRasmussen | en | Birthdate: June 15th, 1943 | [
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"Fatima Ahmed"
] | 2024-07-04T00:00:00 | The 38th Prime Minister of Denmark, serving from 1993 to 2001, known for leading the country's social democratic government and implementing v... | en | /apple-touch-icon.png | https://isitaholidaytoday.com/birthday/PoulNyrupRasmussen | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen
The 38th Prime Minister of Denmark, serving from 1993 to 2001, known for leading the country's social democratic government and implementing various reforms. He also served as the President of the European Socialist Party.
Written by: Fatima Ahmed
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen: The Architect of Denmark's Golden Era
A Decade of Progressive Leadership
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen is a name synonymous with Denmark's remarkable economic growth and social progress during the 1990s. As the Prime Minister of Denmark from 1993 to 2001, Rasmussen implemented a series of bold reforms that transformed the country into one of the most prosperous and egalitarian societies in the world.
Early Life and Education
Born on June 15, 1943, in Esbjerg, Denmark, Rasmussen grew up in a working-class family. His parents, Oluf and Vera Eline Nyrup Rasmussen, instilled in him the values of hard work and social responsibility. Rasmussen's academic pursuits took him to the University of Copenhagen, where he earned a Master's degree in Economics in 1971. During his university days, he was actively involved in the social democratic student union, Frit Forum, which helped shape his political ideology.
Rise to Prominence
Rasmussen's entry into politics began in 1987, when he was first elected to the Folketing (Danish Parliament) from Western Jutland. He quickly rose through the ranks, becoming the Deputy Chairman of the Social Democrats in 1988. His leadership skills and vision for Denmark's future earned him the confidence of his party, and in 1992, he replaced Svend Auken as the leader of the Social Democrats.
Prime Minister of Denmark (1993-2001)
As Prime Minister, Rasmussen implemented a series of reforms that tackled Denmark's economic challenges, including high unemployment and a large budget deficit. His government's efforts focused on creating a more business-friendly environment, investing in education and innovation, and promoting social welfare policies. The results were nothing short of remarkable: Denmark's economy grew rapidly, and the country became a model for sustainable development and social equality.
President of the Party of European Socialists (2004-2011)
After leaving office as Prime Minister, Rasmussen continued to play a prominent role in European politics. From 2004 to 2011, he served as the President of the Party of European Socialists (PES), advocating for progressive policies and closer European integration.
Philosophical Contributions and Beliefs
Rasmussen's political philosophy is rooted in his commitment to social democracy and the values of equality, justice, and solidarity. He has been a vocal critic of neoliberalism and the growing power of corporate interests, as evidenced in his 2007 book, "In a Time of Greed" (I gårighedens tid). In it, he argues that the unchecked power of hedge and venture capital funds poses a threat to democracy and social welfare.
Legacy and Impact
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen's legacy extends far beyond his tenure as Prime Minister. He has inspired a generation of politicians and policymakers to prioritize social justice and equality. His commitment to progressive values and his vision for a more equitable society have made him a respected figure on the global stage.
Personal Milestones and Key Life Events
1959: Moved to Copenhagen to pursue higher education
1971: Earned a Master's degree in Economics from the University of Copenhagen
1987: Elected to the Folketing (Danish Parliament) from Western Jutland
1992: Became the leader of the Social Democrats
1993-2001: Served as Prime Minister of Denmark
2004-2011: Served as President of the Party of European Socialists
Quotes and Memorable Sayings
"The welfare state is not a luxury, but a necessity. It is the foundation of our society, and it is the key to our prosperity."
Career Highlights and Major Works
Implemented a series of reforms to tackle Denmark's economic challenges
Advocated for progressive policies and closer European integration as President of the Party of European Socialists
Authored "In a Time of Greed" (I gårighedens tid), a critical assessment of neoliberalism and the power of corporate interests
Historical Context and Legacy
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen's leadership during the 1990s coincided with a period of significant global change, including the end of the Cold War and the rise of globalization. His commitment to social democracy and progressive values has left an indelible mark on Denmark's political landscape, and his influence continues to be felt across the European continent.
Timeline
1943
Born in Esbjerg
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen was born on June 15, 1943, in Esbjerg, Denmark.
1968
Graduated from University of Copenhagen
Rasmussen graduated from the University of Copenhagen with a degree in economics.
1992
Became Leader of SD
Rasmussen became the leader of the Social Democracy Party (SD) in Denmark.
1993
Became Prime Minister
Rasmussen became the Prime Minister of Denmark, serving three consecutive terms until 2001.
2004
Secretary-General of NATO
Rasmussen served as the Secretary-General of NATO from 2004 to 2009, playing a key role in the Alliances operations.
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen Quiz
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen is known for leading which type of government in Denmark?
social democratic
What position did Poul Nyrup Rasmussen hold in the European Socialist Party?
President
What was one of the key aspects of Poul Nyrup Rasmussen's tenure as Prime Minister of Denmark?
implementing reforms
In what capacity did Poul Nyrup Rasmussen serve Denmark?
Prime Minister
What was Poul Nyrup Rasmussen's ranking as Prime Minister of Denmark?
38th
Score: 0/5 | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 37 | https://www.eumonitor.eu/9353000/1/j9vvik7m1c3gyxp/vksmbidhcpvz%3Fctx%3Dviyo4d34k0x5%26v%3D1%26d%3D26-10-2018 | en | Fighting for Democracy! #EuropeTogether, Copenhagen | [
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] | null | [] | null | en | /9353241/g/favicon/favicon-32.png | null | Fighting for Democracy! #EuropeTogether, Copenhagen - Main contents
Fighting for Democracy - #EuropeTogether.
25 years have passed since the Copenhagen Criteria were agreed upon. These rules determine the eligibility for EU membership based on, among other criteria, the preservation of democratic values.
25 years on we are coming back to where it all started. Two of our distinguished speakers were in office at the moment the Copenhagen Criteria were adopted. The two panel debates at this event will focus on guaranteeing democracy in Europe today and standing up for your democracy, both with clear calls for actions from citizens.
The event will start at 17:00 (doors open at 16:30) and will be followed by a reception at 20:30.
Please register here
We’ll have the pleasure to welcome, among other guest speakers:
Felipe Gónzalez, former Prime Minister of Spain
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, former Prime Minister of Denmark, former PES President and former Member of the European Parliament
Udo Bullmann, MEP, President of the S&D Group
Jeppe Kofod, MEP, Vice-President of the S&D Group
Mette Frederiksen, Party Leader of Socialdemokratiet in Denmark
Enrique Guerrero Salom, MEP, S&D Group, European Parliament
Josef Weidenholzer, MEP, S&D Group, European Parliament
Tuulia Pitkänen, Secretary General of Young European Socialists
Tamás Boros, Member of FEPS Scientific Council
Ivan Krastev, Chairman of the Centre for Liberal Strategies
Maria Skora, Senior Project Manager for #DialogueOnEurope, Das Progressive Zentrum, Germany
Yascha Mounk, Lecturer on Government at Harvard University
Frederik Vad, President of the Young Danish Social Democrats
More speakers will be announced soon.
MEPs INVOLVED
BULLMANN Udo
udo.bullmann@ep.europa.eu
+32(0)2 28 45342
+33(0)3 88 1 75342
http://www.udo-bullmann.de/
KOFOD Jeppe
jeppe.kofod@ep.europa.eu
+32(0)2 28 45463
+33(0)3 88 1 75463
http://jeppekofod.dk/
GUERRERO SALOM Enrique
enrique.guerrerosalom@ep.europa.eu
+32 2 284 53 34
+33 3 88 17 53 34
http://enriqueguerrero.eu/
WEIDENHOLZER Josef
josef.weidenholzer@ep.europa.eu
+32(0)2 28 45473
+33(0)3 88 1 75473
http://www.weidenholzer.eu/
S&D PRESS CONTACT
ALLAN, Tim
tim.allan@ep.europa.eu
+33 3 88 17 31 92
+32 2 283 41 82 | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 0 | 57 | https://cphpost.dk/2012-09-18/news/international/rushdie-copenhagen-was-a-threat/ | en | Rushdie: Copenhagen was a threat | [
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] | 2012-09-18T00:00:00 | Salman Rushdie's new memoirs partially vindicate former PM Poul Nyrup Rasmussen's decision to cancel his 1996 trip to Copenhagen due to a security threat | en | The Copenhagen Post | https://cphpost.dk/2012-09-18/news/international/rushdie-copenhagen-was-a-threat/ | In late 1996, Indian-born author Salman Rushdie was due to visit Copenhagen but the prime minister at the time, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen (Socialdemokraterne), initially canceled the visit due to security reasons.
Rasmussen’s decision was lambasted by Rushdie and others for being fabricated in order to protect a lucrative Danish feta-cheese export deal to Iran, which had issued a fatwa on Rushdie for his book 'Satanic Verses'. Rasmussen's cancellation was contradicted by British intelligence, which informed the author that there was not a threat.
It was all seen as a massive political blunder by Rasmussen, who was forced to publicly apologise to Rushdie and re-invite the author back to Copenhagen, which Rushdie visited a few months later, humiliating Rasmussen by appearing in bar dressed in a Christmas ‘nisse’ hat, drinking beer in public and clearly unconcerned by any security risk.
But, according to Rushdie's new memoirs, ‘Joseph Anton’, British intelligence later told him that there was indeed a specific threat in Copenhagen, but that they couldn’t tell him at the time in order to protect a source.
In November of 1996, Rasmussen explained that his decision to not allow Rushdie into the country was purely due to security concerns.
“The reason was a threat assessment. There were such large security risks associated with the arrangement, for Salman Rushdie and for the entire event, that it would be irresponsible to have the event go ahead as planned,” Rasmussen told parliament. “Therefore, I would like to once again confirm my belief that the government took the necessary steps that were correct and responsible.”
While Rushdie’s new memoirs offers vindication for Rasmussen and his actions in 1996, they could very easily be used by Islamists to further incite the trouble created by the film ‘Innocence of Muslims’, according to Mikael Rothstein, a historian at the University of Copenhagen.
“For most Muslims, it won’t be worth a thought, but for the people that have decided to incite trouble, Rushdie’s text contains everything they could ever dream of,” Rothstein told public broadcaster DR.
Rushdie incurred the wrath of the Muslim world after the publishing of his 1988 novel, ‘The Satanic Verses’, which had references to the Islamic prophet Mohammed.
The following year, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini of Iran issued a ‘fatwa’, a religious death sentence, against Rushdie which remains in effect today. The bounty for the death sentence continues to rise and cannot be annulled, according to religious law, as it can only be cancelled by the one who issued it and Khomeini died in 1989.
Salman Rushdie will be discussing his memoirs tonight on Deadline, aired on DR2 at 22:30. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 58 | https://www.petertatchell.net/lgbt_rights/rosecottage/OutRage-archives/vaerDenm.htm | en | Prime Minister Rasmussen, Denmark | [
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] | null | [] | null | null | QUEER INTELLIGENCE SERVICE
LETTER TO PRIME MINISTER RASMUSSEN OF DENMARK
Barbaric 'Experiments' by Nazi Dr. Værnet, War Criminal
The Prime Minister,
Statsministeriet,
Christinsborg,
Prins Jorgens Gaard 11,
Copenhagen 1218,
Denmark.
16th March, 1998
Dear Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen,
We are writing to request the help of your government to discover the fate of the Nazi doctor, Carl Værnet, who fled to Argentina after the war and was last known to be working in the Buenos Aires public health department in late 1947.
Dr. Værnet was a pro-Nazi Danish citizen who served in the SS, conducting barbaric medical experiments --including castration and forced hormonal implants-- on gay concentration camp prisoners at Buchenwald and Neuengamme.
Unlike other Nazi doctors, he was never put on trial at Nuremberg (Nürnberg), and was allowed to flee to Argentina soon after the war was over.
Dr. Værnet's role in the medical abuse of gay prisoners is documented in the archives at the International Tracing Service at Arolsen (example: ITS Arolsen, book 36, folder 405). It is also cited in the books The Pink Triangle by Richard Plant (Mainstream Publishing, Edinburgh 1987) and Hidden Holocaust? by Dr. Günter Grau (Cassell, London 1995).
Dr. Værnet's gruesome experiments on gay internees are also cited in the German documentary film Wir hatten ein grosses 'A' am Bein (We Were Marked With A Big 'A'), directed by Elke Jeonrond and Joseph Weishaupt, and made for NDR. in 1991 by Mediengruppe Schwabing Filmproduktion.
According to our information, which remains incomplete, at the end of the war Dr. Værnet was interned in the British-run Alsgade Skole prisoner-of-war camp in Copenhagen.
On 29th May 1945, the chairman of the Danish Medical Association sent the Ministry of Justice an affidavit signed by a Danish police officer who had been incarcerated in Buchenwald. This affidavit identified Værnet as having been a serving SS officer. The report from the chairman of the Danish Medical Association was, apparently, ignored by the Justice Ministry in Copenhagen.
In the autumn of 1945, the British handed over Dr. Værnet to the Danish authorities. What these authorities did with him at this stage remains unknown. Was he placed in a Danish prison? Or was he moved to hospital for the treatment of his alleged heart problem? This, too, demands an investigation and an answer.
On 2nd January 1946, the Danish Medical Association received a letter from Dr. Værnet's lawyer, informing them that he had resigned -- apparently in a bid to preempt the Association's plan to have him struck off for his wartime activities,
It is known that Dr. Værnet was eventually transferred to hospital, on the grounds that he was allegedly suffering from a heart complaint, (which may well have been fictional in order to facilitate his release from detention). When did this transfer take place? Who authorised it? What independent medical report, if any, confirmed his heart condition?
Dr. Værnet is said to have told fellow doctors that his heart trouble could only be treated in Sweden. Astonishingly, despite being accused of perpetrating war crimes, Dr. Værnet was allowed by the Danish authorities to travel to Sweden.
In Sweden, he made contact with the Nazi escape network, which spirited him away to Argentina, probably in late 1946 or early 1947.
On 19th November 1947, the Copenhagen newspaper, Berlingske Tidende, carried a letter from a Danish exile living in Argentina which reported that Dr. Værnet was working in the Buenos Aires health department.
It is our formal request that the Danish government explain:
Why was Dr. Værnet never put on trial on charges of war crimes, alongside other Nazi doctors?
What explanation is there for the way the Ministry of Justice ignored the serious allegations made by the Danish Medical Association concerning Dr. Værnet's wartime activities?
Who authorised him to leave prison unguarded and attend hospital for treatment without supervision?
How did Dr. Værnet --a former Nazi SS officer accused of war crimes-- get official permission to travel to Sweden for medical treatment?
Was there any disciplinary action taken against those who allowed him to leave prison and go to hospital and, later, to leave Denmark for Sweden?
What action has been taken by the Danish government over the last 50 years to track down Dr. Værnet and bring him to trial on charges of crimes against humanity?
Is he now dead or alive? If he is still living, what action does the Danish government propose to take to put him on trial?
OutRage! is an organisation dedicated to the promotion of lesbian, gay and bisexual human rights in Britain and worldwide.
Dr. Værnet committed acts which are, according to our understanding of international law, crimes against humanity.
We would greatly appreciate your government's assistance in discovering Dr. Værnet's fate. Thank you.
Yours sincerely,
Peter Tatchell
Dr. Værnet -- British Military Collusion?
Dr. Værnet -- Danish Correspondence
Letter to President Menen of Argentina -- Barbaric 'Experiments' by Nazi Dr. Værnet
German Embassy pursues redress for gay holocaust victims
Letter to Helmut Kohl -- Compensation for Nazi Victims
Gays demand share of looted Nazi Gold
Gay Holocaust: Værnet
Gay Holocaust Memorial and Modern Hate-Crimes
Simon Wiesenthal Center
BBC: Queen opens Holocaust exhibition 6-June-2000
OutRage! Home Page I Can See Queerly Now Queer Intelligence Queer History Links to other Sites | ||||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 5 | https://english.stm.dk/the-prime-minister/prime-ministers-since-1848/ | en | Prime Ministers since 1848 | [
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] | null | [] | null | da | /dist/images/stm/favicons/apple-touch-icon.png | https://english.stm.dk/the-prime-minister/prime-ministers-since-1848/ | On this page you will find pictures and information about the 42 Danish Prime Ministers since 1848.
Photo credit: The Danish Parliament and the Prime Minister's Office.
Mette Frederiksen, 2019 -
Born 1977
Prime Minister 2019 - (Socialdemokratiet)
Bachelor degree in administration and social sciences, Aalborg University, 2007. Master in Africa Studies, University of Copenhagen, 2009. Minister of Justice 2014-2015. Minister of Employment 2011-2014. President of the Social Democrats.
Lars Løkke Rasmussen, 2015-2019
Born 1964
Prime Minister 2009-2011 and 2015-2019 (Venstre).
Law graduate from the University of Copenhagen in 1992.Minister for the Interior and Health 2001-07. Minister of Finance 2007-09. 2009: President of Venstre 2009-2019.
Helle Thorning-Schmidt, 2011 - 2015
Born 1966
Prime Minister 2011 - 2015 (Social Democrats)
Political Science graduate from the University of Copenhagen in 1994. 1999-2004: Member of the European Parliament for the Social Democrats. 2005-2015: President of the Social Democrats.
Lars Løkke Rasmussen, 2009-2011
Born 1964
Prime Minister 2009-2011 and 2015-2019 (Venstre).
Law graduate from the University of Copenhagen in 1992. Minister for the Interior and Health 2001-07. Minister of Finance 2007-09. 2009: President of Venstre 2009-2019.
Anders Fogh Rasmussen, 2001-2009
Prime Minister 2001-2009 (Venstre).
Born 1953
MSc. in Economics and Management from University of Aarhus in 1978. Afterwards appointed consultant in the Danish Federation of Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises until 1987. Later served as Secretary General of NATO.
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, 1993-2001
Prime Minister 1993-2001 (Social Democrats).
Born 1943´
MSc. in Economics and Management from University of Copenhagen in 1971. Later he was an economist in the Danish Confederation of Trade Unions and director of the Employee’s Capital Pension Fund (LD Pensions).
Poul Schlüter, 1982-93
Prime Minister 1982-1993 (Conservative Peoples Party).
Born 1929
Master of Laws in 1957. Afterwards he worked as a lawyer and member of the European Parliament.
Anker Jørgensen, 1975-82
Prime Minister 1972-73 and 1975-82 (Social Democrats).
Born 1922
Junior labourer and warehouseman before taking the leaving certificate examination in 1945. From 1968-1972 he was the chairman of the trade union 3F (“Dansk Arbejdsmands- og Specialarbejderforbund” as it was named at that time).
Poul Hartling, 1973-75
Prime Minister 1973-1975 (Venstre).
1914-2000
Master of Theology in 1939 and a primary school teacher in 1945. Afterwards he worked as a teacher at and later as principal for Zahle´s College of Education. Later he was the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.
Anker Jørgensen, 1972-73
Prime Minister 1972-73 and 1975-82 (Social Democrats).
Born 1922
Junior labourer and warehouseman before taking the leaving certificate examination in 1945. From 1968-1972 he was the chairman of the trade union 3F (“Dansk Arbejdsmands- og Specialarbejderforbund” as it was named at that time).
Jens Otto Krag, 1971-72
Prime Minister 1962-1968 and 1971-1972 (Social Democrats).
1914-1978
MSc in Economics and Management in 1940. Afterwards he worked in the Ministry of Supply, associate professor in international politics and organisation at University of Aarhus and head of the EEC Commission’s delegation in the USA.
Hilmar Baunsgaard, 1968-71
Prime Minister 1968-1971 (Danish Social-Liberal Party).
1920-1989
Commercial training and worked as, e.g. a sub-manager, business manager and general manager.
Jens Otto Krag, 1962-68
Prime Minister 1962-1968 and 1971-1972 (Social Democrats).
1914-1978
MSc in Economics and Management in 1940. Afterwards he worked in the Ministry of Supply, associate professor in international politics and organisation at University of Aarhus and head of the EEC Commission’s delegation in the USA.
Viggo Kampmann, 1960-62
Prime Minister 1960-1962 (Social Democrats).
1910-1976
MSc in Economics and Management in 1934. Later he worked in, e.g., the Department of Statistics, the Danish Ministry of Taxation and later, acting director for the Mortgage Bank of the Kingdom of Denmark.
Hans Christian Svane Hansen, 1955-60
Prime Minister 1955-1960 (Social Democrats).
1906-1960
Qualified as a compositor in 1929 and later he was secretary and chairman for the Social Democratic Youth of Denmark.
Hans Hedtoft, 1953-55
Prime Minister 1947-1950 and 1953-1955 (Social Democrats).
1903-1955
Qualified as a lithographer and later worked as secretary for the Social Democrats’ parliamentary group.
Erik Eriksen, 1950-53
Prime Minister 1950-1953 (Venstre).
1902-1972
Farm owner and president for the Nordic Council in 1956 and 1961.
Hans Hedtoft, 1947-50
Statsminister 1947-1950 og 1953-1955 (Socialdemokratiet).
1903-1955
Qualified as a lithographer and later worked as secretary for the Social Democrats’ parliamentary group.
Knud Kristensen, 1945-47
Prime Minister 1945-1947 (Venstre).
1880-1962
Agricultural degree and farm owner.
Vilhelm Buhl, 1945
Prime Minister 1942 and 1945 (Social Democrats).
1881-1954
Master of Laws in 1908 and later a tax expert and tax director in Copenhagen Municipality.
Erik Scavenius, 1942-43
Prime Minister 1942-1943 (Danish Social-Liberal Party).
1877-1962
MSc in Economics and Management in 1901. Afterwards worked as a diplomat.
Vilhelm Buhl, 1942
Prime Minister 1942 and 1945 (Social Democrats).
1881-1954
Master of Laws in 1908 and later a tax expert and tax director in Copenhagen Municipality.
Thorvald Stauning, 1929-1942
Prime Minister 1924-26 and 1929-1942 (Social Democrats).
1873-1942
Qualified as a cigar sorter. Appointed chairman of the Danish Social Democrats in 1910.
Thomas Madsen-Mygdal, 1926-29
Prime Minister 1926-1929 (Venstre).
1876-1943
Trained as a primary school teacher in 1896 and MSc in Agriculture in 1902. Later he was principal of Dalum Agricultural College from 1908-1920 and president of the Danish Agricultural Council 1919-1933.
Thorvald Stauning, 1924-26
Prime Minister 1924-26 and 1929-1942 (Social Democrats).
1873-1942
Qualified as a cigar sorter. Appointed chairman of the Danish Social Democrats in 1910.
Niels Neergaard, 1920-24
Prime Minister 1908-1909 and 1920-1924 (Venstre).
President of the Council 1908-1909 and Prime Minister 1929-1942 (Social Democrats)
MA in history in 1879 and MSc in Economics and Management in 1881.
Michael Petersen Friis, 1920
Prime Minister 1920 (independent).
1857-1944
Master of Laws in 1883. Civil servant with a career as e.g. Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Justice, during WWI he was head of the Special Commission (Den Overordentlige Kommission) and head of the Public Trustee's Office (Overformynderiet).
Otto Liebe, 1920
Prime Minister 1920 (independent).
1860-1929
Master of Laws in 1882 and from 1889 advocate of the Supreme Court.
Carl Theodor Zahle, 1913-20
Prime Minister 1909-10 and 1913-20 (Danish Social-Liberal Party).
1866-1946
Master of Laws in 1890. Later he worked for the newspapers Aarhus Amtstidende and Politiken
Klaus Berntsen, 1910-13
Prime Minister 1910-13 (Venstre).
1844-1927
Head of an independent school and later principal of a folk high school in Særslev on Funen.
Carl Theodor Zahle, 1909-10
Prime Minister 1909-10 and 1913-20 (Danish Social-Liberal Party).
1866-1946
Master of Laws in 1890. Later he worked for the newspapers Aarhus Amtstidende and Politiken
Ludvig Holstein-Ledreborg, 1909
Prime Minister 1909 (Venstre).
1839-1912
MSc in Economics and Management in 1866 and count and caretaker of the Ledreborg estate in 1895.
Niels Neergaard, 1908-09
Prime Minister 1908-1909 and 1920-1924 (Venstre).
1854-1936
MA in history in 1879 and MSc in Economics and Management in 1881.
Jens Christian Christensen, 1905-08
Prime Minister 1905-1908 (Venstre).
1856-1930
Qualified as a primary school teacher in 1877 and later worked as a teacher.
Johan Henrik Deuntzer, 1901-05
Prime Minister 1901-1905 (Venstre).
1845-1918
Master of Laws in 1867 and later Professor of Law at University of Copenhagen from 1872-1901. He was also a co-founder and member of the board in the East Asiatic Company.
Hannibal Sehested, 1900-01
Prime Minister 1900-1901 (Højre).
1842-1924
Master of Laws in 1869. Farm owner and owner of Broholm entailed estate.
Hugo Egmont Hørring, 1897-1900
Prime Minister 1897-1900 (Højre).
1842-1909
Master of Laws in 1868. Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of the Interior.
Tage Reedtz-Thott, 1894-97
Prime Minister 1894-1897 (Højre).
1839-1923
Studies in political science in Geneva and Paris. Later he was the owner of Gavnø Gods (Gavnø Estate) and principal of Herlufsholm School.
Jacob Brønnum Scavenius Estrup, 1875-94
Prime Minister 1875-1894 (Højre).
1825-1913
Degree in forestry in 1844. Afterwards he held a commission as a surveyor and then farm owner.
Christen Fonnesbech, 1874-75
Prime Minister 1874-1875 (Højre).
1817-1880
Master of Laws from University of Copenhagen in 1840. Later he was a senior town administrator and farmer.
Ludvig Holstein-Holsteinborg, 1870-74
Prime Minister 1870-1874 (Mellempartiet).
1815-1892
Count and caretaker of the Holsteinborg estate in 1836.
Christian Emil Krag-Juel-Vind-Frijs, 1865-70
Prime Minister 1865-1870 (Højre).
1817-1896
Master of Laws in 1842. Count and owner of the estate Frijsenborg and later chairman of the Houseowners’ Association.
Christian Albrecht Bluhme, 1864-65
Prime Minister 1852-1853 and 1864-1865 (Højre).
1794-1866
Master of Laws in 1816. Civil servant and among other things, director for the Customs Department in 1843.
Ditlev Gothardt Monrad, 1863-64
Prime Minister 1863-1864 (National Liberals).
1811-1887
Master of Theology in 1836 and Master in Semitic Philology in 1838. Later he was Parish Priest, Bishop of Lolland-Falster and Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Culture.
Carl Christian Hall, 1860-63
Prime Minister 1857-1859 and 1860-1863 (National Liberals).
1812-1888
Master of Laws in 1833 and Doctor of Laws in 1840. Later he had a career as a lawyer and head of the military’s legal system.
Carl Eduard Rotwitt, 1859-60
Prime Minister 1859-1860 (Bondevennerne).
1812-1860
Master of Laws in 1834. Then he was an advocate at the Supreme Court.
Carl Christian Hall, 1857-59
Prime Minister 1857-1859 and 1860-1863 (National Liberals).
1812-1888
Master of Laws in 1833 and Doctor of Laws in 1840. Later he had a career as a lawyer and head of the military’s legal system.
Christian Albrecht Bluhme, 1852-53
President of the Council 1852-1853 and Prime Minister 1864-1865 (Højre).
1794-1866
Master of Laws in 1816. Civil servant and among other things, director for the Customs Department in 1843.
Adam Wilhelm Moltke, 1848-52
Prime Minister 1848-1852 (independent).
1785-1864
Master of Laws in 1805. He was president of the exchequer and a count. | ||||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 3 | 34 | https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Anders_Fogh_Rasmussen | en | Anders Fogh Rasmussen | [
"https://wikiwandv2-19431.kxcdn.com/_next/image?url=https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/e0/Anders_Fogh_Rasmussen_2013_Garden.jpg/640px-Anders_Fogh_Rasmussen_2013_Garden.jpg&w=640&q=50",
"https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/e0/Anders_Fogh_Rasmussen_2013_Garden.jpg/220px-Anders... | [] | [] | [
""
] | null | [] | null | Anders Fogh Rasmussen is a Danish politician who was the 24th Prime Minister of Denmark from November 2001 to April 2009 and the 12th Secretary General of NATO from August 2009 to October 2014. He became CEO of political consultancy Rasmussen Global and founded the Alliance of Democracies Foundation. He serves as a senior adviser to Citigroup. He also served as a senior advisor at The Boston Consulting Group. | en | Wikiwand | https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Anders_Fogh_Rasmussen | Anders Fogh Rasmussen (Danish pronunciation: [ˈɑnɐs ˈfɔwˀ ˈʁɑsmusn̩] ⓘ; born 26 January 1953) is a Danish politician who was the 24th Prime Minister of Denmark from November 2001 to April 2009 and the 12th Secretary General of NATO from August 2009 to October 2014.[1][2] He became CEO of political consultancy Rasmussen Global[3] and founded the Alliance of Democracies Foundation. He serves as a senior adviser to Citigroup.[4] He also served as a senior advisor at The Boston Consulting Group.[5]
Quick Facts S.K., 12th Secretary General of NATO ...
Close
Rasmussen was first elected to the Folketing in 1978 and served in various ministerial positions, including Minister of Tax (1987–1992) and Minister of Economic Affairs (1990–1992). In his early career, Rasmussen was a strident critic of the welfare state,[6] writing the classical liberal book From Social State to Minimal State in 1993. However, his views moved towards the political centre through the 1990s.[7] He was elected the leader of the conservative-liberal party Venstre in 1998 and headed a centre-right coalition with the Conservative People's Party which took office in November 2001 and won its second and third terms in February 2005 and in November 2007. Rasmussen's government relied on the Danish People's Party for support, keeping with the Danish tradition of minority government.
His government introduced tougher limits on immigration and a freeze on tax rates (skattestoppet in Danish). Certain taxes were lowered, but his coalition partners in the Conservative People's Party repeatedly argued for more tax cuts and a flat tax rate at no higher than 50%. Rasmussen's government implemented an administrative reform reducing the number of municipalities (kommuner) and replacing the thirteen counties (amter) with five regions which he referred to as "the biggest reform in thirty years". He authored several books about taxation and government structure.
He resigned as prime minister in April 2009 to become Secretary General of NATO, a military alliance that was expanding into Eastern Europe. He aggressively pushed NATO in new directions that extended far beyond the traditional roles of containment of the Soviet Union and directing the Cold War in Europe.[8] His term ended on 30 September 2014. He was the first former prime minister since Paul-Henri Spaak of Belgium in 1961 to become Secretary General of NATO. | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 78 | https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/danish-opposition-wins-election/article25450531/ | en | Danish opposition wins election | [
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] | 2001-11-21T05:00:00+00:00 | Danish voters concerned that immigrants exploit the welfare system shifted to the right in yesterday's parliamentary election, giving the opposition enough seats to form a new government after eight years of having the Social Democrats in office. ... | en | The Globe and Mail | https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/danish-opposition-wins-election/article25450531/ | Danish voters concerned that immigrants exploit the welfare system shifted to the right in yesterday's parliamentary election, giving the opposition enough seats to form a new government after eight years of having the Social Democrats in office. Opposition Liberal Party Leader Anders Fogh Rasmussen said last night he was prepared to form a new government as national election results showed his party leading in parliament. With 55 per cent of the ballots counted, the Liberal-led coalition had 97 seats, compared with 78 for the Social Democratic coalition led by Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen. AP, AFP | |||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 95 | https://www.multitudes.net/the-pink-rebellion-of-copenhagen/ | en | The pink rebellion of Copenhagen | [
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"Foti Alex"
] | 2007-03-14T16:30:41+00:00 | Danish youth revolt and the radicalization of the European creative classLe Danemark est le seul pays Ouest-Européen à battre les Pays-Bas sur le plan d’un sous-courant socio-politique profondement nationaliste, réactionnaire et xénophobe, ce qui n’est pas peu dire. Mais tout comme les Pays-Bas, l’étranger a plutot une perception sympathique de ce petit pays champêtre et … Continuer la lecture de The pink rebellion of Copenhagen → | fr | multitudes | https://www.multitudes.net/the-pink-rebellion-of-copenhagen/ | Danish youth revolt and the radicalization of the European creative classLe Danemark est le seul pays Ouest-Européen à battre les Pays-Bas sur le
plan d’un sous-courant socio-politique profondement nationaliste,
réactionnaire et xénophobe, ce qui n’est pas peu dire. Mais tout comme les
Pays-Bas, l’étranger a plutot une perception sympathique de ce petit pays
champêtre et soi-disant bon enfant. Les émeutes de Copenhague à
l’occasion de l’éviction et de la destruction du centre culturel de jeunes
‘Ungdomhuset’, batiment historique où Clara Zetkin proclama les Droits de
la Femme au debut du siècle dernier, sont pour nous rappeller a la réalité
alors que s’estompe le souvenir de Prague, de Goteborg et de Genes. La réalité
d’un naufrage politique de l’Europe est de plus en plus manifeste, conséquence
de l’aveuglement et de la surdite de ses élites technocratiques ; mais
également celle du surgissement d’une nouvelle conscience rebelle au bel
avenir. Et cela là ou on s’y attendait peut être le moins. A tort, et les
héritiers des Vikings continueront de nous surprendre.
Patrice RiemensIt was a very hot weekend in Copenhagen between March 1st and March
3rd, particulary in Nørrebro, the alternative neighborhood where the
evicted and demolished Ungdomshuset was located, and around
Christiania, the hippy free city known Europe-wide being harassed by
the Rasmussen government. But the the eviction and the three days and
nights of heavy rioting that followed were initiated by the local
socialdemocrats, who have been in charge of the city since 1900. The
harsh treatment of protesters, Andersen’s mermaid who went pink, and
the 600 arrests of activists, have prompted a wave of transnational
solidarity among the European youth with appeals, actions, boycotts,
and occupations of Danish consulates, not only in nearby Malmö,
Göteborg, Hamburg, Oslo, Helsinki, but also in Berlin, Munich, Leipzig
and every single German city, as well as in Warsaw, Poznan, Budapest,
Amsterdam, Venice, Milan, Athens, Salonica, Istanbul.
Why in Denmark? Why there such a forceful rebellion of the city’s
dissenting youth, promptly joined by the immigrant youth? How could a
full-scale riot occur in peaceful and wealthy European capital, with
burning barricades and sustained the clashes with the police, who had
to bring in help from Sweden to put the situation back under control?
Wasn’t consumerist European youth supposed to be only eager to
discover the world, flying and chatting low-cost? Wasn’t the younger
generation deemed to be irreversibly post-ideological, much less
attracted to radical politics?
In political terms, Denmark is a special country in more ways than
one. It’s been part of the EU since 1973, but its people have opposed
Maastricht with all their will, with major riots (the only comparable
to last weekend’s in recent history) breaking out after the 1993
referendum, which in retrospect were at least as important as the 1995
French strikes in catalyzing the antiglobalization movement in Europe.
And many Danes were in Göteborg, a crucial episode in the maturation
of noglobal protest in Europe, just before Genoa. As the now
respectable Italian right-wing leader and former fascist Gianfranco
Fini said to Time magazine: “Genoa will be like Göteborg, or worse.”
(Since he went on to commandeer the riot cops in Genoa, he made sure
his dire prediction would come true.) As a consequence of the fierce
popular opposition to Maastricht, Denmark is not part of the euro, but
it’s very much part of the eurocratic mainstream. The reason:
flexicurity, currently the solution favored by the European Commission
to temper the disasters (and limit the political costs) brought by
unilateral flexibility, while forcing workfare down the throats of the
unwilling youth of Europe. Although a Nordic country with an extensive
welfare system and strong unions, social democracy hasn’t had an easy
life in 21st century Denmark. A staunchly occidentalist,
neoconservative right has been in power since 2001. Denmark has turned
into a faithful bushist ally, more long-lasting than Berlusconi’s
Italy. This exceptional partiality to NATO and America make the Danish
version of flexicurity – the latest edition of Nordic social model
after the demise of the top-down and paternalist, but generous and
universalist, socialdemocratic welfare state – particularly liked by
the Barroso commission.
Of course, the land which hosted the first Jacobin revolution outside
France and invented quantum physics remains a land with a penchant for
free thinkers and rabble rousers: the Danes have a fierce sense of
humor, which compares favorably with their Scandinavian neighbors
(remember The Kingdom by Lars von Trier?). And Copenhagen, a city
fully immersed in the informational networks and supply channels
(think container and shipping giant Maersk) feeding the global
economy, is full of them. With respect to the British or Italian
creative class, Danish brainworkers are more radical and libertarian.
Anarchism has flourished since the early 80s from anarchopunk to black
bloc and beyond. Radicalism with red and green tinges is also in full
bloom. In fact, generalized reliance on peer-to-peer sharing and free
downloading has been furthered by collectives such as piratgruppe. And
antiprecarity ideas and actions are currently fermented by groups like
flexico. And who could ever forget such great subvertising stunts like
anti-pepsi Guaraná Power (also a commercial success in the Jutland
peninsula)?
And this is just a fractal part of what Copenhagen’s creative class is
able to achieve, when it thinks in terms of political action and
cultural engagement. But Denmark is also a strongly agrarian economy
which has prospered under the Common Agricultural Policy, thanks to
its superior dairy and pork products that have conquered European, and
world, markets. Farmers are as religious and narrow-minded, lily-white
protestant and patriotic, just as urban dwellers tend to be secular
and open-minded. The former have been pivotal in the rise to power of
the Right, the latter are increasingly dissatisfied by the traditional
Left.
The Danish antiglobalization movement has been the only one in Europe
to develop its own independent political force. Sections of it joined
the Red-Green alliance, bringing a woman under 30 to Parliament, and
constituted a Pink list in Copenhagen’s municipal elections, which
scored almost 10 per cent of votes at the city level, and in
alternative neighborhoods like Nørrebro is firmly in the double
digits. No wonder Andersen’s mermaid was covered in pink as a sign of
solidarity with the protesters (the 69 signature instead refers to the
street number of Undgomshuset, which uses it as some kind of punk ying
and yang in its posters). The osmosis of activists into local politics
and cooperative ventures has created a multi-level context, in which
radical forces of all denominations can work in synergy if the
situation requires, from the streets to the city to the parliament,
with a tacit division of labor that respects political autonomy at all
levels. The proliferation of networked autonomous struggles and
alternative media networks combined with municipal representation has
enabled a common political understanding of the connectedness of
various forms of dissent and protest, and has encouraged
experimentation with the possibilities of social radicalism in a
European metropolis. This was not simply a rebellious episode: it will
have far-reaching political consequences.
In the Nørrebro, the neighborhood’s culture of non-conformity has
managed to bridge the divide between alternative youth and ghetto
youth, or more sociologically speaking, between the mainly white
creative class and the mainly immigrant service class. The
neighborhood has long been an inclusive space for young bohemians
and/or immigrants: it hosts many venues of social interaction, and has
a history of connections and exchanges between Arab kids and the
mainly white activists. As the youth of Arab descent was heard saying
during the riots: “You helped us, we help you.” Militant antiracism
was pivotal in breaking the wall of mistrust and building some mutual
respect in Copenhagen, although deep differences still remain between
the two groups. Unlike Paris, where the students storming the
universities and the boulevards to protest against juvenile precarity
and the French government did not really fundamentally connect with
the rioters (there were actually tensions during the demonstrations
between students and radicals and banlieusards intent on looting and
fighting the police), in Copenhagen recent social turmoil has mostly
seen white and non-white youth on the same side of the barricade.
Large-scale riots occur spontaneously in response to blatant
violations of individual liberties and collective rights and arrogant
abuses of state and police power. Think of Rodney King trial and the
1992 L.A. riots, or remember the electrocution of teenagers running
away from the cops which triggered the uprising of Paris banlieues in
2005, and you can understand why the raid of the Danish special forces
to evict Ungomdshuset in the early morning of the first of march, was
just like a match thrown on the parched prairie. Riots are spontaneous
processes emerging after all hopes in non-violent tools of protest and
confrontation are exhausted, due to the deafness of power.
And Danish state power is as deaf as it is dumb. As soon as the Right
took office, it launched a cultural crusade to protect the Occident
from Muslim immigration, perceived as a threat to the Danish cultural
identity. The extent of its hostility to migrants in Denmark (a very
nativist state with very strict immigration laws, in an already
xenophobic European Union) became clear to the whole world with the
mishandling of the crisis of satirical cartoons. The cartoons,
purportedly making fun on the Prophet, were in reality the political
editorial of a conservative newspaper, traditionally expression of the
right-wing agrarian interests above noted. Only a panislamic boycott
of Danish products pushed the country’s multinationals to plead for a
more sensible approach with the Danish Prime Minister, Anders Fogh
Rasmussen.
In fact, the prime minister – whom Berlusconi advised as lover to his
wife for his good looks (seriously!) – shares his last name with a
prime mover of European politics, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, head of the
European socialdemocrats in Strasbourg and influential in the
Socialist International. The socialdemocratic blunder made in
Copenhagen with the shady sale to a homophobic and islamophobic
Christian sect of the social youth center Ungdomshuset, worsened by
the forced eviction (there had already been skirmishes in September,
so it was clear Copenhagen’s youth was going to explode at the next
provocation) makes one thing clear: the two Rasmussens are one of a
same kind! European politicians, either socialdemocratic, liberal or
conservative, increasingly look indistinguishable. They all share
deference to financial markets, big corporations, have repressive and
xenophobic instincts, and pander to firmly established interest groups
and older generations. Even the mainstream Danish unions are realizing
socialdemocrats are no longer reliable to defend the interests of
employees, and when push comes to shove, they side with student
protesters, as it happened during the general strikes and university
occupations that rocked the country in the spring of 2006, when
Rasmussen announced welfare “reforms” cutting benefits for youngsters
and aged workers alike, which the socialdemocrats opposed only
rhetorically. But it would be foolish to ascribe to a supposed Danish
exceptionalism the extension and duration of the riots. Rather, by
virtue of their socialist past and libertarian present, Danish
movements are in a privileged position to fight against the
sociopolitical consequences of both Atlanticist neoconservatism and
European free-market liberalism. Copenhagen’s pink rebellion could be
the harbinger of a more generalized youth insurgence in Europe,
involving large sections of the so-called creative class of
net/flex/temp workers.
In fact, it makes sense to see in the Copenhagen riots as a
continuation of the French protests of 2006, and both as instances of
a new phase for radical movements after the decline which followed the
failed attempt at blocking the Angloamerican invasion of Iraq. In
particular, it is tempting to see it as an anticipation of the
generalized rebellion of the European creative class against the
hyprocrisy, arrogance and corruption elites ruling the EU, which have
been delegitimized by the French-Dutch no, but are clinging to power
as if Europe were an asset that belonged to them. The Brussels summit
is supposed to spruce up the environmental credentials of the EU, in
order to make it appealing at least to somebody beyond the privileged
few. Later in March 2007, the Berlin summit (which will issue the
Berlin declaration on the constitutional future of the EU) will
celebrate half-a-century of European treaties, but it will be the
death of European federalism and the transition to some kind of
confederation of nation-states, combining the bellicosity and racism
of the former with transfer of sovereignty of the latter. We’ll also
see how thing turn out in Heilingdamm-Rostock in June, and how
movements from East and West of Europe will be able to fight the G8
and the huge transnational police force that will protect its
closed-doors decisions. The insurgence of European youth in
Copenhagen, Paris and elsewhere seems to point toward increasing
political awareness and radicalization among young people working in
information, knowledge, culture industries. Only the creative class
can alter the course of European history away from its present
reactionary path toward social emancipation of a finally mulatto
eurogeneration. We have to act now for radical Europe, by connecting
and solidarizing with major struggles like the Copenhagen and Athens
revolts: let’s create a European space for radical youth culture! | |||||
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] | 2000-11-03T00:00:00+00:00 | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, Danish economist and politician, who was leader of the Social Democrats from 1992 to 2002 and then served as prime minister of Denmark from 1993 to 2001. Learn more about Rasmussen’s life and career, including his political views. | en | /favicon.png | Encyclopedia Britannica | https://www.britannica.com/biography/Poul-Nyrup-Rasmussen | Poul Nyrup Rasmussen (born June 15, 1943, Esbjerg, Denmark) is a Danish economist and politician, leader of the Social Democrats from 1992 to 2002, who was prime minister of Denmark from 1993 to 2001.
After receiving a degree in economics from the University of Copenhagen in 1971, Rasmussen worked for the Danish Trade Union Council until 1986. He became its chief economist in 1980. He served as the managing director of the Employees’ Capital Pension Fund and as chairman of Lalandia Invest from 1986 to 1988. In 1987 he became deputy chairman of the Social Democrats and in 1988 a member of the Folketing, or parliament. He became the leader of the Social Democrats in 1992. His positions on major issues were generally left-leaning and included support for increases in spending for Denmark’s extensive welfare programs.
When the Conservative-Liberal coalition government that had ruled Denmark for a decade fell in January 1993, Rasmussen formed a four-party coalition and became the country’s prime minister. One of his first tasks was to persuade voters, including Social Democrats, to support the Maastricht Treaty establishing the European Union (EU). Danish voters had rejected a referendum on the treaty the previous year, but they approved a revised version of the treaty that included special exemptions for Denmark. The referendum’s passage was widely seen as an indication of Rasmussen’s ability as a political leader.
In the 1994 elections the Social Democrats lost ground to both the right and the left, primarily to opponents of European unification. Nonetheless, Rasmussen was able to continue in office as head of a coalition government. In the 1998 elections Rasmussen once again held on to office when his coalition won a one-seat majority in parliament. As prime minister, he continued to promote Denmark’s participation in the EU; he campaigned vigorously for the country to adopt the euro as its currency, but the move was narrowly rejected by Danish voters in a 2000 referendum. In 2001 Rasmussen resigned after his coalition was defeated in parliamentary elections. | ||||
correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 1 | 83 | https://antroperspektiv.org/2018/10/15/what-jimmie-got-right-anthropologists-and-sverigedemokraterna/ | en | What Jimmie got right… Anthropologists and Sverigedemokraterna | [
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] | null | [] | 2018-10-15T00:00:00 | Steven Sampson: A few short weeks ago, nearly one out of six Swedish voters cast their vote for Sverigedemokraterna (SD), the party led by the young alumnus from Lund University, Jimmie Åkesson. Over the years, the SD has been described in the harshest terms: rasistiska, främligsfientliga, nazistiska, osvenska, populistiska, högernationalistiska, etc. Animosity toward SD was… | sv | https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico | ANTROPERSPEKTIV | https://antroperspektiv.org/2018/10/15/what-jimmie-got-right-anthropologists-and-sverigedemokraterna/ | Steven Sampson:
A few short weeks ago, nearly one out of six Swedish voters cast their vote for Sverigedemokraterna (SD), the party led by the young alumnus from Lund University, Jimmie Åkesson. Over the years, the SD has been described in the harshest terms: rasistiska, främligsfientliga, nazistiska, osvenska, populistiska, högernationalistiska, etc. Animosity toward SD was so extreme that SVT, Sweden’s supposedly nonpartisan television channel, found itself compelled to an extraordinary ‘ta avstånd från’ Jimmie’s statement that immigrants ‘do not fit in’ with Swedish society. Just prior to the election, hundreds of prominent Swedish cultural figures encouraged Swedes to vote for anyone but SD. Jimmie and his voters reacted predictably to such attacks: the partisan media and elite criticism were exactly what they were fighting against. SD could now perform as victims and articulate the deep-seated anxieties of millions of Swedes.
Living in Denmark, as I do, one gets a sense of nostalgia for the days when Dansk Folkeparti, led by Pia Kjærsgaard, dwelled at the margins of Danish politics, much like SD has up to now. Contempt for Dansk Folkeparti was so open that the social democratic prime minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen could stand at the podium of the Folketing in 1999 and declare ‘Stueren, Det bliver I aldrig!’ (sv. ‘Rumsrena blir ni aldrig’). Twenty years later, Dansk Fokeparti is a major player in Danish politics and a leading force behind the strict Danish migration politics. Pia Kjærsgaard herself is now Folketingets Formand (sv. talman)! If you really want to play with your imagination, imagine twenty years from now, when Riksdagens talman would be Jimmie Åkesson. Shit happens!
JIMMIE ÅKESSON
Is Sweden special?
Sweden has no shortage of ‘talking heads’, who commented on the election, both before and after. In particular, we have heard discussions that the Swedish situation is special because of the background of Swedish humanitarianism, pervasive welfare, continuing immigration culminating in the 2015 arrivals, and the hidden Nazi legacy that was never purged and which is now being channeled by the SD. Contrasting with this view of Sweden as special, we have also heard that Swedish populism and anti-immigrant sentiment, the mass resentment against the political and cultural elite, is a typical case of European and Western populist rage at globalization, loss of traditional jobs, multiculturalist ideology, immigration and arrogant rule by elites in Brussels or Stockholm. In this latter view, Sweden is nothing special. It has simply caught up with the rest of Europe.
Swedish uniqueness aside, SD’s platform and Jimmie’s statements greatly resemble other anti-immigrant parties. The exception may be that SD’s rhetoric and policies may be a bit milder than what we hear from Southern or Eastern Europe. Of course, SD can win support on the moderate platform and then go further, promoting yet stricter migration policies. All politicians try to do this. Read the platforms of leftwing, green or social democratic parties, and they are always more extreme than the political deal they actually obtained. Of course, there are certainly right-wing extremists within SD, as there are extremists within leftwing parties, or doctrinaire libertarians within conservative parties. But we are left with the fact that one out of six Swedes thinks that SD’s statements and ideology somehow speaks for them.
Our own role
Now, with all this, do we anthropologists have anything specific to add here? Is there anything that we anthropologists could say that might illuminate the situation of Sweden? Is there anything we could add to the discussion not as anti-racists, nor as enlightened intellectuals, nor as people who like to be in solidarity with our suffering subjects, but as social anthropologists?
I think we can, and of all people, we can thank Jimmie for helping us to find our voice. The issue that he brings up is just that of culture. Culture is our business. This is what we anthropologists study. When, during the TV debate, Jimmie declared that immigrants ‘passar inte in i Sverige’ or that they do not fit with ‘svensk kultur’, or when various politicians talk about ‘svenska värderingar’…. Well, these are profoundly cultural statements. We would need an entire conference simply on the concept of ‘passa in’ because people seem to understand it quite differently. Jimmie certainly understood it differently than SVT, with its ‘ta avstånd’-statement.
Besides the ‘inte passa in’-rhetoric, the campaign against SD also operated with various cultural assumptions worth exploring. Hence, defenders of immigrants constantly insist that the problems connected with migration and immigration, the so-called ‘integrationsproblem’ derive not from any sort of culture but with their ‘fattigdom’. This, too, is a cultural statement. It is a statement that immigrants are Homo economicus. That they pursue only practical projects, and that it is Swedish racism that prevents them from achieving these projects. With their focus on the practical, Homo economicus immigrant, the anti-racists invoke immigrants’ ‘culture’ only when talking about issues such as ‘family solidarity’ or everyday customs such as food or dress. It is left to the anti-immigrant groups to take up the more problematic areas of immigrant life, such as honor killings, social control, female genital mutilation (FGM), clan systems, parallel communities, etc.
A third example of the cultural turn in the immigration debate is the understanding of that wonderful Swedish word ‘utanförskap’. The anti-racist wing of the immigration debate sees utanförskap as the underlying cause of immigrants’ antisocial behavior. Utanförskap is viewed largely as the result of majority rejection of immigrants by the host population (i.e. we are racist). But utanförskap can also be a result of immigrants rejecting the majority (they watch their own television stations, they dwell in their own areas, they remain within their own networks, they set up their own football clubs, they form their own gangs, they become fundamentalist, they actively reject Swedish values about democracy or gender equality, etc.). In the words of the sociologist Manuel Castells, it is ‘the rejecting of the rejectors by the rejected.’ The utanförskap rhetoric is a convenient way of constructing Sweden as an innanför-plats, a place where everyone is singing along with Allsång från Skansen. No hijabs here!
MIDSUMMER CELEBRATION I MALMÖ FOLKETS PARK 2018
Is Jimmie a loser?
Högerpopulismen has been continually understood as a reaction by ‘losers’ in the globalization, neoliberalism struggle; they are the ones left behind. Critics see the SD supporters as nostalgic for a Sweden that is lost, and which will never return. This fantasy nostalgia is often invoked as the cause behind SD’s popularity. But as anthropologists, we know that nostalgia, or selective memory, is a driving force in almost all social movements. Socialism also thrives on a nostalgia for the primitive, sharing community. Critics of neoliberalism on the left like to invoke the old fashion workplace, where public employees or professionals were left alone to do their jobs and not subject to control, regulations, surveillance and audit culture. So criticizing the SD simply because they look backwards is not enough. We all look backwards when we construct our visions of the future. We may want faster internet, but we also want to be part of internet communities.
SD also has its own visions. It’s important to take them seriously. Just days after the election, Jimmie was here in Denmark, at the national meeting of Dansk Folkeparti, because, as he says, ‘No one wants to talk to me in Sweden’. Dansk Folkeparti certainly did want to talk to him, and Jimmie’s vision of the future is a vision of Dansk Folkeparti and its influence, of how they went from not being ‘stueren’ (rumsren) to becoming an accepted player in Danish parliamentary politics. Dansk Folkeparti is now the party that will defend the public employees from further, ruthless New Public Management reforms. Dansk Folkeparti is the party that defends overlooked pensioners or the patients suffering from waiting lists in the health bureaucracy. While SD has focused on restricting immigration, Dansk Folkeparti can act as a guide for culturally-based platforms that SD could mobilize in the future. Headgear has been one such platform, and Denmark now has an anti-burka law. Denmark now has citizen ceremonies, and refusal to shake hands is now considered a rejection of Danish society. Take another issue: pork. Denmark is a leading producer of swine. Pork, in various forms from flæskesteg to hotdogs, is the Danish national dish. Dansk Folkeparti has demanded that pork should be standard service in every Danish kindergarten. Pork, they say, is part of Danish culture, and Danish childcare institutions that do not serve pork to accommodate Muslim children are depriving Danish kids of what Dansk Folkeparti considers to be their national heritage. So pork in Denmark is a cultural issue. Pork may not be important to the vegan anthropologists reading this article, but it is important to Dansk Folkeparti because it means something Danish. Eating pork is like singing the entire Swedish national sang on key holidays, or raising the Swedish flag in front of your sommarstuga. It is only a matter of time before SD finds such cultural ‘hooks’ with which it can mobilize public opinion.
So let us anthropologists begin to take Jimmie and SD seriously, and not just as indication of some kind of social pathology. SD is now a party for the one out of six Swedes who feel that Sweden is headed in the wrong direction, people who feel that elites have failed to acknowledge their problems, and that something needs to be done about what they see as the decline of Swedish culture. They are the party that feels that culture – Swedish culture – means something to them. Since we anthropologists study what things mean to people, studying SD should be our territory. For example, we need an analysis of how people understand ‘att passa in’ or ‘att inte passa in’. Since ‘att passa in’ is constantly shifting, we can study how that emic concept is manipulated and operationalized.
Swedish welfare state culture
What, then, is this Swedish culture that we should focus on? I think that we need to include here the culture of the Swedish welfare state administration. The welfare administration is in fact that part of Sweden that has most contact with immigrants. SD is aware of this, and many of their statements deal with the Swedish welfare system and its problems. Healthy Swedes who are working good jobs and living in their various enclaves certainly have periodic contacts with the Swedish welfare bureaucracy. But this contact is not as intense, nor as all-encompassing, as the kind of contacts that immigrants have with their various Swedish offices, agencies and handläggare. The Swedish bureaucracy for example, can tell immigrants where to live and even how to live. It can send their family members out of the country, or refuse to let others in. Now we often describe all this as ‘bureaucracy’, but this term is all too general. Instead, I propose that we conceive of the Swedish welfare state culture in terms of three sets of cultural practices, all of which are the objects of SD rhetoric.
The first type is the culture of the front-line welfare functionaries (the teachers, social welfare workers, personliga assistenter, healthcare workers, policemen, refugee case workers), all of whom who deal face to face with clients (or increasingly by email or telephone). We have many studies of the cultural practices, pressures and dilemmas of this group of front-line bureaucrats. ‘Handläggning’, in its combination of pedagogy, authority and ‘förmynderi’, is an overlooked aspect of Swedish culture.
Second, the welfare state has the managers, those in the back office who set the standards for how the front-line bureaucrats should do their jobs. In Danish, this group is called Djøfere, from their union, the Dansk Jurist og Økonomi Forbundet. Djøfere are the legal and financial administrators who tell the teachers, social workers, pedagogues, etc. not just what to do, but how to do it. Djøfere then also measure their performance to make sure they are efficient. In Danish one speaks of Djøficiering, or the creeping management or audit culture that we are all familiar with. In university life, we observe the rise of the pedagogical consults, administrators, assistant rectors, assistant deans, the quality and excellence specialists all imposing their programs onto our teaching and research. This is the culture of management, and regrettably, it is not readily available to anthropologists, unless you are a management consultant or accountant. The back office managers are largely uncharted territory for most of us. Nevertheless, Swedish welfare culture is incomprehensible without understanding the management assumptions and practices behind it.
Third, we have the culture of reform. During the periodic scandals and political debates, the political landscape is constantly subjected to new schemes of reform: schemes to ‘make things better’, to ‘improve efficiency’, to ‘reduce bureaucracy’, to ‘let the professionals do their jobs’ and ‘to take away the burden of regulations’. Reform movements and policies have their own cultural practices, bringing together activists, interest groups, consultants, statisticians, politicians, journalists, and victims of outrageous abuse by the system, abuse that is depicted in scandal articles in the press, or in programs such as Uppdrag Granskning.
This Swedish welfare state culture in all its three aspects is well understood by Jimmie and SD. Hence, SD are defenders of the front-line bureaucrats, who are viewed as being burdened with too many and too demanding clients, especially the migrants, whom they accuse of abusing the system. The back-office managers are accused of hiding the harsh realities of immigration from ‘folket’ or by selective use of statistics (the most well-known being the refusal to publish ethnic crime statistics). Finally, Jimmie and SD are advocates of a reform, to make the Swedish bureaucracy work better; their reform solutions are to retreat from EU regulations and to reduce the welfare burden by deporting immigrant clients back to their countries of origin. There is nothing inherently racist or Nazi-like about such policies. Similar platforms exist in many European countries, and can be found among political parties ranging from disillusioned social democrats to more conservative groups.
The threat to svenskhet
Like other populist parties, SD and Jimmie have been successful in applying sophisticated cultural tropes, including both the ‘politics of recognition’ and the ‘threatened identity’. Swedish political and cultural elites are accused of promoting a multiculturalist ideology, but of also escaping having to live with the reality of multi-ethnicity in their neighborhoods or schools. The theme of ‘threatened identity’ has been with us for decades in many forms. For SD the threatened identity is not that of some minority group, but that of svenskhet. This svenskhet is a unique combination of universal liberal values (human rights, free speech, gender equality, public associations, welfare care, and trust in state institutions) and the more everyday Swedish practices embodied in Midsummer celebrations, Allsång från Skansen and Ikea’s köttbullar. It is a truly unique vision of what svenskhet is all about.
SVENSKA JORDGUBBAR
Culture, as we anthropologists learn, is about how people see the world and how they act on the world. It’s time for us to re-consider how our own concepts of culture can be applied to groups like SD and their supporters, groups with whom we may not be in any kind of solidarity, and with whom we may profoundly disagree. There is no shortage of identity research in anthropology. New ‘suffering subjects’ are being discovered and promoted every day, groups such as deported asylum seekers, transgender people, bullied schoolchildren, etc. Identity politics is about the recognition of new minority groups. These projects of identity, and people’s resentment over lack of recognition, have been on the agenda for decades, as Fukuyama has recently reminded us. Jimmie and SD, and the right populist groups generally, have been successful at mobilizing a significant segment of the Swedish adult population into a new kind of ‘us’: svenskarna. Their project is not racist, nor is it just a therapy for ‘losers’. It is a project for cultural recognition, and a political platform that is as complex and multifaceted as other cultural projects. It is nostalgia for a past and a vision for a future. It is both simple and sophisticated. It constructs friends, allies, and enemies. And it mobilizes an ever changing configuration of ‘us’ and ‘them’. In short, it does what all movements and parties do. The job of Swedish anthropologists is to look beyond our universal liberal value set, and to explain the complexities of the SD project without reducing it to class, or utanförskap, or to racism, or to a ‘gathering of losers’. Anthropologists have been told to take ‘suffering subjects’ seriously. Jimmie and SD have done just that.
Steven Sampson is professor (emeritus) of social anthropology at Lund University and lives in Copenhagen. He has researched state socialism in Romania, NGOs, corruption, conspiracy theory and business ethics. He is white, male, hetero, and a bunch of other things.
steven.sampson@soc.lu.se | ||||
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correct_leader_00102 | FactBench | 2 | 81 | http://trondni.blogspot.com/2010/02/new-books-foghs-premiership.html | en | Trond Norén Isaksen: New books: Fogh’s premiership | http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_JiP5gn_rIac/S2a3-WsZsLI/AAAAAAAABhI/QNZ2w_2GVMI/w1200-h630-p-k-no-nu/Pr%C3%A6sidenten.jpg | http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_JiP5gn_rIac/S2a3-WsZsLI/AAAAAAAABhI/QNZ2w_2GVMI/w1200-h630-p-k-no-nu/Pr%C3%A6sidenten.jpg | [
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] | null | Anders Fogh Rasmussen was Prime Minister of Denmark from 2001 to 2009 before resigning to become Secretary General of NATO . Unlike other D... | http://trondni.blogspot.com/favicon.ico | http://trondni.blogspot.com/2010/02/new-books-foghs-premiership.html | Anders Fogh Rasmussen was Prime Minister of Denmark from 2001 to 2009 before resigning to become Secretary General of NATO. Unlike other Danish prime ministers he thereby left office of his own free will and in “triumph” rather than because of ill-health, death or defeat. His 7 ½ years in office were also one of the most successful Danish premierships, Troels Mylenberg and Bjarne Steensbeck, political journalists at Berlingske Tidende, argues in their new book Præsidenten – Foghs Danmark 2001-2009 (published by Gyldendal).
This is no full-scale biography of Fogh, but rather a book about the major events of his premiership. It begins with the end, charting the difficult and long drawn-out process which ended with his being chosen to lead NATO in April last year. The authors also take us back to the earlier stages of his political career, showing how Fogh was a more ideological politician than many of his colleagues in the Liberal Party.
Fogh was very narrowly defeated in the 1998 election by the incumbent Social Democrat Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, but succeeded in winning the premiership three years later. By then the parliamentary situation had changed, ejecting two of Fogh’s prospective coalition partners from Parliament, leaving him with a coalition of his own party and the Conservative Party and dependent on the far right-wing Danish People’s Party for a parliamentary majority. Fogh was the undisputed leader of Denmark for nearly eight years, something the authors argue was possible partly due to the fact that the main opposition party, the Social Democrats, was more preoccupied with internal wars than with opposing the government.
Anders Fogh Rasmussen had a clear agenda for his premiership and many (including me) think that he changed Denmark to the worse. Yet one must admit that he was very successful in achieving his goals and some of the changes he implemented are so thorough that they are nearly impossible to reverse. Some of it, such as his very strict immigration policy (it is perhaps a sign of xenophobia that the Danes call it “foreigner policy”), has even been adopted by his political opponents, which shows that Fogh was even able to alter political thinking in general.
Fogh chose confrontation rather than cooperation and his style of leadership was so authoritarian that it earned him the nickname “the President” among the Conservative ministers. According to Mylenberg and Steensbeck, he always got his way in cabinet and his treatment of his colleagues was not always pleasant. One of his party colleagues points out that the way Fogh centralised all decisions might be the reason why the party lost 20,000 members during his leadership, suggesting that his authoritarian style did not really inspire people to become involved. As a prime minister, he was more respected than well-liked, and as a person he projected a near-ascetic image, always completely in control of himself and events, almost entirely without a sense of humour. The authors point out that this was not wholly true, but again it shows how he succeeded in shaping the image he wanted.
This also showed in how he often got away with changing his opinion dramatically, yet insisting that he had held the same view throughout – the debacle over the Danish Mohamed caricatures (“the greatest foreign policy crisis since World War II”) is a prime example, the authors argue. Villy Søvndal, leader of the Socialist People’s Party, once said that Fogh had only three answers: “That I can most certainly deny”, “There is nothing to find there” and “Let us rather look ahead” and that he might rationalise by numbering them and answering any question with either “one”, “two” or “three”.
Some of the most interesting parts of this book are the interviews with Fogh himself, which reveal a lot of his way of thinking and arguing. To be tough on crime was one of Fogh’s election promises in 2001 and when the authors point out that the recent “gang wars” in Copenhagen may be a result of the government’s focus on harder sentences rather than preventing crime, Fogh replies that it should be seen “in relation to how things are in other countries and how it might have been. It might have been much worse”. The belief that things might have been worse is perhaps not the surest sign of success.
Fogh advocated a more activist foreign policy and this led to Denmark taking part in the war on Iraq as one of Bush’s most loyal allies. Although the Danish Parliament’s decision to take part in the war was formally based solely on Saddam Hussein’s failure to comply with UN resolutions, Fogh explicitly used the “fact” that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction as a key argument, such as on 22 September 2002 when he told his party conference that “it is too late when the toxic gas or the lethal illness has been spread over one of our big cities”. Later he has gone to great lengths to deny that he ever used such arguments and in this book even denies that it influenced his decision in any way.
During a visit to George W. Bush’s ranch in Texas in the spring of 2008, Fogh said publicly to Bush that “you, Mr President, and the USA have to a greater extent than anyone else advanced this vision of peace and democracy throughout the world. Allow me to praise you for that”. Now he says that it was only natural for him to consider the American request for assistance in a positive light. “Of course one has to make one’s own decision, but we are allies and partners, and when allies and partners ask for something, one is obliged to consider it positively”.
When asked what spoke against the war, Fogh mentions simply that war “might cost human lives”. The possible consequences of the war, such as destabilising the Middle East, an increase in terrorism and the destruction of Iraq’s infrastructure (dangers which were pointed out by many opponents, who, it should be added, turned out to be right) are not touched on by the man who is now Secretary General of NATO.
It is also interesting that he professes his belief that the “North Korean problem is hopefully solved someday” as if this will solve itself, and adds “I believe one should arm oneself with a certain degree of patience in international diplomacy”. This patience obviously did not extend to allowing the UN weapon inspectors to finish their work in Iraq in 2003.
While Tony Blair during his “testimony” for the Chilcot Inquiry on Friday was only willing to say that he was sorry his decisions over Iraq had proved divisive, Fogh is not even willing to admit that his actions were divisive.
The authors conclude that Fogh “did achieve his goals for Denmark. Particularly because he moved both the goals and himself. And at the same time even made it look like he and the goals were written in stone. Fogh was a deeply pragmatic prime minister. A prime minister who knew what he wanted, but was content with what he got”.
This book will certainly not be the last word on the decisive and divisive premiership of Anders Fogh Rasmussen and with the passing of time we will probably learn more about what went on behind the scenes than Mylenberg and Steensbeck have been able to find out so far. Until then this is an interesting and insightful contribution. The book would in my opinion have benefited from a more chronological approach – as it is it begins with the process leading to Fogh’s NATO appointment in which his handling of the Mohamed caricature crisis and the Iraq war played significant parts, but those events are only dealt with towards the end of the book. Several of the chapters also begin in media res before going back and telling the story from beginning to end, thereby becoming somewhat repetitive. | ||||
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] | 2007-06-27T15:00:00+00:00 | My comments on the Commission’s approach to flexicurity (‘Špidla faces union flak for ‘hire-and-fire’ plan’, 21-27 June) have been placed completely out of context. I am reported as having expressed “concern about the Commission’s blueprint”, but I was commenting on the its approach as a whole since coming into office in 2004, not on a paper which had yet to be published. Since 2004 Commission President José Manuel Barroso has talked much about flexicurity, the Nordic model and a social Europe without actually putting forward new concrete ways for member states to provide better forms of social protection and security, or by giving new momentum to tripartite social dialogue, which is the foundation of flexicurity. This is not the responsibility of the com-missioner for employment and social affairs alone and I believe that if we did not have such a right-wing Commission president, then we would have been able to do much more than has been done to date. <BR>Far from accusing Commissioner Vladimír Špidla, I am extremely confident that his paper might in fact begin to redress the balance. <BR><BR><b>Poul Nyrup Rasmussen</b><BR>President, Party of European Socialists, Brussels | en | https://www.politico.eu/wp-content/themes/politico/assets/images/favicon/favicon.ico | POLITICO | https://www.politico.eu/article/redressing-the-social-balance/ | My comments on the Commission’s approach to flexicurity (‘Špidla faces union flak for ‘hire-and-fire’ plan’, 21-27 June) have been placed completely out of context. I am reported as having expressed “concern about the Commission’s blueprint”, but I was commenting on the its approach as a whole since coming into office in 2004, not on a paper which had yet to be published. Since 2004 Commission President José Manuel Barroso has talked much about flexicurity, the Nordic model and a social Europe without actually putting forward new concrete ways for member states to provide better forms of social protection and security, or by giving new momentum to tripartite social dialogue, which is the foundation of flexicurity. This is not the responsibility of the com-missioner for employment and social affairs alone and I believe that if we did not have such a right-wing Commission president, then we would have been able to do much more than has been done to date.
Far from accusing Commissioner Vladimír Špidla, I am extremely confident that his paper might in fact begin to redress the balance.
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen
President, Party of European Socialists, Brussels | ||||
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] | null | [] | null | Denmark (dĕn´märk), Dan. Danmark, officially Kingdom of Denmark, kingdom (2005 est. pop. 5,432,000), 16,629 sq mi (43,069 sq km), N Europe. It borders on Germany in the south, the North Sea [1] in the west, the Skagerrak in the north, and the Kattegat and the Øresund in the east. | en | /sites/default/files/favicon.ico | https://www.encyclopedia.com/people/history/scandinavian-history-biographies/anders-fogh-rasmussen | Danish politician Anders Fogh Rasmussen (born 1953) served as his country's prime minister during the early and middle 2000s. He found himself confronted after his election in 2001 with some of the hot-button international issues of his time: relations between the West and the Islamic world, immigration, and war in the Middle East.
Acharismatic figure who led his center-right party to its first victory over Denmark's left-leaning Social Democrats in many years, Rasmussen was emblematic of a new breed of conservatives coming to power in Western Europe. He hoped to slash the size of Denmark's large social welfare bureaucracy without eliminating the basic protections it offered, and he implemented restrictions on immigration while offering as few concessions as possible to far-right nationalist groups.
Raised on Farm
Rasmussen (ROS-muess-en) was born on January 26, 1953, in Northern Djursland, in Aarhus County in the rural eastern part of Denmark's Jutland Peninsula mainland. He grew up on the family farm with his parents, Knud and Martha Rasmussen, but he showed an instinct for political life from the start: according to an article in the Financial Times, he and his brothers often played a game they called "politics" and he would invariably choose the role of prime minister. In 1969 he enrolled at the centuries-old Viborg Cathedral School, taking courses in languages and social studies.
While he was there, he organized a chapter of a Danish national organization called Young Liberals. The term "liberal" has a connotation in Denmark (and many other countries) opposite to its meaning in the United States but close to the classical sense of the term, indicating a philosophy or political party devoted to minimizing governmental interference in the affairs of private industry. What motivated Rasmussen to become involved was the outbreak of student demonstrations around Europe in May of 1968, many of which were oriented toward Marxist or Communist ideas. "That was my reaction to the events of May 1968," he told the Economist. Rasmussen remained involved with Denmark's Liberal Party after he entered the University of Aarhus in 1972, and by 1974 he had become chairman of the party's national youth wing. He joined its national central committee in 1976.
In 1976, while still a university student, Rasmussen began doing consulting work for the Danish Federation of Crafts and Small Industries, and he continued to do that work until 1987. Finishing a master's degree in economics at Aarhus in 1978, Rasmussen was immediately elected to Denmark's Folketing, or parliament, from the Viborg district. He married, and he and his wife, Anne-Mette, raised three children. In the early 1980s Rasmussen served as vice-chairman of the Folketing's housing committee.
In the 1980s and 1990s, Rasmussen worked his way up through the Liberal Party hierarchy, moving in and out of the top echelons of government as the party's fortunes fluctuated. In 1984 he was named to the Liberals' parliamentary management committee, and he became vice-chairman of the national party the following year. From 1987 to 1992 he was Minister for Taxation in the Danish cabinet, adding the title of Minister for Economic Affairs to his portfolio in 1990. For much of the 1990s he was out of the Folketing, but he worked as the Liberal Party's national spokesman from 1992 to 1998. In 1998 he became the party's national chairman, after his predecessor, who had been expected to win that year's election, failed to come out on top. Rasmussen held several other administrative posts in the 1990s.
Authored Economic Studies
Denmark enjoyed one of the highest per-capita income figures in the world, but it had correspondingly high tax rates, second only to Sweden in personal income tax rates, by one calculation. Rasmussen's Liberals believed that the country's cradle-to-grave social welfare system had become bloated and could be pared, and a series of books authored by Rasmussen himself provided ammunition for the arguments of party members. Those books included Showdown with the Tax System (1979), The Struggle for Housing, and From Social State to Minimal State (1993).
As party chairman, Rasmussen led the Liberals into Denmark's 2001 national elections against the ruling Social Democratic party and its leader, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen (not a relative). In Denmark's parliamentary system, the leader of the party that wins the most seats in the parliament is given the chance to form a government. Rasmussen's platform was toned down from the conservative economic policies he advocated in his books; in place of the "minimal state" of his free-market 1993 broadside he merely advocated a system in which some of the services of Denmark's welfare state would be opened up to participation by private industry. Rasmussen's telegenic appearance also played a positive role in the campaign when placed in contrast with that of his bearded, lumbering opponent. The Economist called him "a professional politician to his fingertips." He also campaigned on promises to freeze taxes, reduce crime, reduce growing hospital waiting lists in the country's government-run health system, and introduce measures that would help Denmark's large elderly population.
The results of the election displaced the Social Democrats from power for the first time since the 1920s, with the Liberals taking 31 percent of the vote to the Social Democrats' 29 percent. The result was ambiguous, however, for Rasmussen was forced to seek the support of several more conservative parties in order to form a government. These included the Conservative People's Party (Konservative Folkeparti) and Danish People's Party (Dansk Folkeparti), the latter a nationalist group that called for new immigration restrictions and specifically deplored the influence of immigrant Muslims on Denmark's ethnically homogeneous society (with an immigrant population of just over 5 percent, the country was less diverse than most of the rest of Western Europe).
Anti-immigrant sentiment was rising in Denmark in the wake of the U.S. terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The Danish People's Party, which had received just over 7 percent of the vote in the elections, was still seen as extreme, but Rasmussen finessed the issue by lining up the party's support in parliamentary votes but excluding it from his cabinet. He became Danish prime minister on November 27, 2001.
Eliminated Government Boards and Committees
Rasmussen's working majority held together early in his term, and he was able to implement major sections of his agenda. By June of 2002 the governing Liberals had shaved almost $830 million of spending from Denmark's $53 billion budget. They had taken steps to benefit Danish business interests, and Rasmussen took the seemingly noncontrover-sial step of closing down 103 government boards, councils, and committees, a step that was projected to save $35.5 million. "We wish to tidy up the intermediate layer [of government], which drains our resources and removes attention from the essential matters," Rasmussen explained in his New Year's speech of 2002, according to Maria Bern-born of Europe.
One of those panels eliminated, however, was the Board for Ethnic Equality, whose disappearance drew widespread criticism. The controversy arose because the move was viewed as a concession on Rasmussen's part to the Danish People's Party. Rasmussen cut legal immigration levels, and he put new curbs on foreigners who claimed refugee status when trying to enter Denmark; refugees had to prove that they had actually been victimized by religious, political, or ethnic persecution. The number of refugees seeking asylum dropped from 12,000 in 2001 to 3,000 in 2004. Many refugees headed for other European countries, particularly Sweden, which criticized the actions of its Scandinavian neighbor.
The economic specialist Rasmussen was quickly faced with issues that had international implications. In 2003 he backed the U.S. invasion of Iraq, making Denmark one of just a few continental European countries to line up behind the U.S. and Britain, and he sent 500 Danish troops to Iraq in support of the war effort. Danish public opinion first backed the move but later turned decisively against it. A Continental economic slowdown toward the middle of Rasmussen's first term in office dented his popularity, and a massive train bombing in Madrid, Spain, on March 11, 2004, affecting one of the war's other European supporters, raised speculation that Rasmussen could be headed for defeat in the next election.
Rasmussen's Liberals bounced back after he called an election for February 8, 2005, however. Rasmussen campaigned once again on economic issues, claiming that an assortment of tax cuts had added an average of $3,000 to annual Danish family incomes. Teenagers were denied certain welfare benefits, but, noted the Economist, such moves were seen by the Danish electorate as "necessary tweaks, not a conservative revolution." And the new immigration restrictions won support across a wide spectrum of Danish public opinion, excluding only the leftmost segments of the political spectrum. In the February elections, both Rasmussen's Liberals and the Social Democrats actually lost seats, while parties farther to the left and right made gains. Rasmussen's majority in the new Danish parliament was unchanged, standing at 94 of the Folketing's 179 seats.
The major challenge in the first part of Rasmussen's second term came in early 2006, when Islamic anger exploded worldwide after a series of cartoons were published in Denmark's Jyllands-Posten (Jutland Post) newspaper late the previous year. The cartoons depicted the Prophet Muhammad in a disparaging way, with one of them showing him with a bomb-shaped turban. Protests flared in Copenhagen and in many Islamic capitals, and Danish consumer goods were removed from shelves in Islamic markets.
Rasmussen referred in his 2006 New Year's message, quoted in the Economist, to "unacceptably offensive instances" of attempts "to demonize groups of people on the basis of their religion or ethnic background," but he maintained that owing to the principle of freedom of the press in Denmark, the government had no control over what Danish newspapers printed. A group of 11 ambassadors from predominantly Islamic countries asked to meet with Rasmussen. He initially refused, drawing strong condemnation from a group of Danish foreign service officers, but later met with several of the Islamic ambassadors. The controversy simmered down slowly, and the threat of terrorist attacks in Denmark reportedly remained high through 2006 as Rasmussen turned to other aspects of his foreign agenda that included support for the European Union and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Early in 2007, Rasmussen unveiled a plan to cut Denmark's dependence on imported energy, aiming to provide 30 percent of Denmark's energy needs from wind power, hydrogen, and biofuels by 2025.
Books
Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations: World Leaders, Gale, 2003.
Periodicals
Economist, November 24, 2001; March 20, 2004; December 18, 2004; February 5, 2005; January 7, 2006.
Europe, June 2002.
Financial Times, November 22, 2001.
New York Times, November 22, 2001.
Online
"Denmark unveils plan to reduce fossil fuels, double use of renewable energy," International Herald Tribune, http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2007/01/19/europe/EU-GEN-Denmark-Cleaner-Energy.php (January 23, 2007).
"Prime Minister of Denmark: Anders Fogh Rasmussen," Prime Minister's Office of Denmark, http://www.stm.dk (January 23, 2007).
"Rasmussen, Anders Fogh," Parliament (Folketing) of Denmark, http://www.folketinget.dk (January 23, 2007).
Anders Fogh Rasmussen
Prime Minister of Denmark
Born on January 26, 1953, in Ginnerup, Nørre Djurs, Denmark; son of Knud (a farmer) and Martha Rasmussen; married to Anne-Mette; children: three.Education:Earned degree in economics from the University of Århus, 1978.
Addresses: Office—Statsministeriet (Prime Minister's Office), Christiansborg, DK-1218 Copenhagen K, Denmark.
Career
Founder and chairman of the Young Liberals organization at Viborg Cathedral School, 1970-72; first elected to Folketing (legislative assembly of Denmark), 1978; served as minister for taxation, September, 1987-November, 1992; served as minister for economic affairs, December, 1990-November, 1992; leader of Denmark's Liberal Party, 2001—; became prime minister, November, 2001, elections, and formed coalition government; reelected February, 2005.
Sidelights
Anders Fogh Rasmussen, head of Denmark's Liberal Party, has served as prime minister since 2001. That year's election results marked the first time since the 1920s that Denmark's politically dominant leftist party, the Social Democrats, had been spurned by voters. As party leader, Rasmussen became prime minister and formed a center-right coalition government with another party. In his first years in office, Rasmussen's government enacted several sweeping reforms, most aimed at curbing immigration and increasing free-market competition inside the Danish economy.
Rasmussen was born on January 26, 1953, in Ginnerup, a town in the Nørre Djurs coastal region of Denmark's Jutland peninsula. He grew up on one of the many small family farms that dotted the Århus county area, and emerged as a political leader while still in his teens. At the Viborg Cathedral School, he became one of the founders of the Young Liberals group, a youth group affiliated with Denmark's center-right Liberal Party. It was an era of widespread protest among his generation, but the Young Liberals were formed in reaction to the sweeping student movement in Western Europe that had taken a decidedly leftist tone. Denmark's Liberal Party—called Venstre ("left")—was actually less of a left-of-center group than the term "liberal" commonly denotes in North American political terminology. Generally known as a pro-business party, the Liberals called for less government regulation and lower taxes.
Rasmussen studied economics at the University of Århus, and became the national chairperson for the Young Liberals group in 1974. In 1978, the same year he earned his degree, he was elected to the Folketing, Denmark's national legislative body, on the Liberal Party ticket. Since the 1920s, the seats in the Folketing had been dominated by the Social Democrats, Denmark's traditional center-left party. Other competing factions included the Danish People's Party, the far-right group; the Conservative Party, the Socialist People's Party, and the Christian People's Party.
Rasmussen served several years in the Folketing, and became known for his economic expertise. He authored a number of books on the subject, including 1979's Opgør med skattesystemet ("Showdown with the Tax System") and Fra Socialstat til Minimal-sta ("From Social State to Minimal State"), which was published in 1993. Denmark has one of the highest tax-per-person ratios in the world, but the taxes pay for a generous social-service net and its citizens enjoy one of the world's highest standards of living. In his writings and in his political speeches, Rasmussen argued that such a system fosters a dependency on the government, and quells initiative and free enterprise.
In 1987, Rasmussen was appointed to the important cabinet post of minister for taxation. Three years later, he was made minister for economic affairs for a two-year stint; after 1992, he held his seat in the Folketing while retaining various roles in the Liberal Party leadership, including party spokesperson. In 2001, the Prime Minister, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen—no relation—thought November would be a good time for his Social Democrat Party to capitalize on a wave of solidarity stemming from the terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11 of that year, and called for national elections that month. The poll results, however, brought a surprise, with the Social Democrats winning just 29 percent of the Folketing seats, and Rasmussen and the Liberal Party taking 31 percent. It marked the first time that the Social Democrats had been bested by another party since the 1920s. Another surprise was the votes cast for the far right Danish People's Party, which amounted to 12 percent of the tally. Its leader had made anti-Muslim statements that seemed to resonate with nervous Danes in the fearful post-9/11 climate, despite the country's reputation for tolerance. About six percent of Denmark are immigrants, and three percent of the total population list their faith as Muslim in what has historically been a country with a strong Lutheran tra- dition.
Since Rasmussen and his party did not win an outright majority in the Folketing, he formed a coalition government with the Conservatives, which had won nine percent of the vote. The new center-right government, led by Rasmussen, succeeded on most of the reforms it pledged to push forward during the campaign. There were new restrictions on immigration, for example, and in July of 2002 the government issued a decree that Denmark would only to accept refugees who could prove that they were victims of religious, political, or ethnic persecution. That resulted in a dramatic drop in number of those applying for asylum in Denmark, from 12,000 in 2001 down to just 3,000 in 2004.
Rasmussen supported U.S. president George W. Bush and his plans for the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, unlike many Western European leaders. Denmark even sent a contingent of troops, but public support lessened considerably for Denmark's participation over the next two years. In February of 2005, Danes went to the polls again, and though Rasmussen's Liberal Party lost four seats, it maintained its lead in the Folketing and kept control of the government. The prime minister received a high number of personal votes, more than 61,000, which was said to be the most ever won by a Danish politician. His main rival was Mogens Lykketoft, head of Social Democrat Party. Rasmussen is known for his telegenic looks and ease before both the Folketing and television cameras, by contrast to the stodgier, bearded Lykketoft, who resigned from his party leadership after the 2005 election.
Rasmussen surprised many in the spring of 2005 on the 60-year anniversary of the end of World War II in Europe, when he issued a formal apology for Denmark's wartime collaboration with Nazi Germany. The country had been invaded by Nazi Germany, and initially refused to comply with orders to identify and round up its Jewish citizens. Some 7,000 Jews were rescued by a collaborative effort between Danish authorities, the resistance movement, and ordinary citizens, but about 450 were transported to Nazi extermination camps in Eastern Europe. Rasmussen specifically apologized for the government's cooperation in the extradition of those Jews, calling it "shameful" and "a stain on Denmark's otherwise good reputation" according to a BBC News report.
Rasmussen is married and has three children. Known for his healthy lifestyle, he runs every morning, which he claims clears his head for the day's work ahead.
Sources
Books
Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations: World Leaders, Gale, 2003.
Periodicals
Europe, December 2001, p. 25; June 2002, p. 26.
Independent (London, England), February 8, 2005, p. 20.
New York Times, November 22, 2001, p. A16.
Times (London, England), November 22, 2001, p. 19.
Online
"Anders Fogh Rasmussen," Folketingnet, http:// www.folketinget.dk/BAGGRUND/Biografier_ english/Anders_Fogh_Rasmussen.htm (August 23, 2005).
"Danish PM's collaboration apology," BBC News, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/4515089. stm (August 23, 2005).
"Profile: Denmark's new prime minister," BBC News, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/ europe/1669243.stm (August 23, 2005).
—CarolBrennan | |||||
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] | null | [] | 2001-10-31T13:58:37 | null | Under the Danish constitution, the poll could have been held any time before next March, but Mr Rasmussen said a long campaign was not appropriate in the current international situation.
"In times of uncertainty after 11 September and with major decisions to be made on security, four months of election campaigning would not be good for Denmark," he said.
"The world is not the same. In these times of uncertainty, security has to be ensured, increased cohesion and solidarity are needed, Denmark must not be split," Mr Rasmussen said.
The election announcement follows predictions by political analysts that an early poll would allow Mr Rasmussen to capitalise on popular approval of his response to the war on terror.
"The prime minister probably wants to take advantage of the patriarchal role he has built up as prime minister since 11 September," said Professor Ole Borre from Aarhus University.
Mr Rasmussen has been Danish prime minister since January 1993, leading a coalition made up of four centre-left parties.
Support for the Social Democrats had fallen considerably since the last election, but two opinion polls last weekend put them back above the 30% mark - their highest showing in more than a year.
That level of support is still below their showing at the last election in 1998, when they attracted 36% of the vote.
Campaign focus
Mr Rasmussen said an early election would give the government time to prepare for the European Union presidency, in the second half of next year.
The Danish presidency will have to steer attempts to complete the first wave of EU enlargement as the membership negotiations are scheduled to be completed by 2002.
Mr Rasmussen said the election campaign would focus on welfare, health care and immigration policies as important issues.
"Our society is a good house to live in for most of us," he said. "Now we shall renew it and renovate it where necessary."
He also said he aimed to creat a more "robust" and "responsible" 2002 budget to take account of the global economic down turn.
Local elections are also being held on 20 November. | ||||||||
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