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wrong_mix_random_subsidiary_00131 | FactBench | 2 | 38 | https://www.asbmb.org/about/nobel-prize-winners | en | Nobel Prize winners | [
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] | null | [] | null | Discover the ASBMB members who were awarded Nobel prizes. | en | /Content/Images/favicon.ico?v=2 | https://www.asbmb.org/about/nobel-prize-winners | 2020
Emmanuelle Charpentier and Jennifer A. Doudna
Emmanuelle Charpentier at the Max Planck Institute for Infection Biology and Jennifer A. Doudna at the University of California, Berkeley, won the 2020 Nobel Prize for chemistry for the development of the CRISPR-Cas9 method for genome editing.
Read more >
2020
Charles Rice
Charles M. Rice at The Rockefeller University, Harvey Alter at National Institutes of Health and Michael Houghton at the University of Alberta won the 2020 Nobel Prize in physiology or medicine for the discovery of the hepatitis C virus.
Read more >
2019
Gregg Semenza
Gregg L. Semenza at Johns Hopkins University, William G. Kaelin Jr. at the Dana–Farber Cancer Institute and Sir Peter J. Ratcliffe at Oxford University won the 2019 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for their discoveries of how cells sense and adapt to oxygen availability.
Read more >
2017
Michael W. Young
Michael W. Young at the Rockefeller University and Michael Rosbash and Jeffrey C. Hall at Brandeis University won the 2017 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for their discoveries of molecular mechanisms controlling circadian rhythm.
Read more >
2015
Aziz Sancar, Tomas Lindahl and Paul L. Modrich
Aziz Sancar of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, with Tomas Lindahl at the Francis Crick Institute in London and Paul Modrich at Duke University School of Medicine, won the Nobel in chemistry for having mapped, at a molecular level, how cells repair damaged DNA and safeguard the genetic information.
Read more >
2015
Satoshi Ōmura
Satoshi Ōmura of Kitasato University was one of three winners of the Nobel prize for physiology or medicine for their work on therapies for parasitic infections. Ōmura won half of the prize with William Campbell of Drew University for the discovery of avermectins, which have radically lowered the incidence of river blindness and lymphatic filariasis.
Read more >
2013
Michael Levitt
Michael Levitt of the Stanford University School of Medicine shared the Nobel prize for chemistry with Martin Karplus and Arieh Warshel for the development of multiscale models for complex chemical systems.
2013
James Rothman, Randy Schekman and Thomas Südhof
James Rothman of Yale University, Randy Schekman at the University of California, Berkeley, and Thomas Südhof at Stanford University, shared the Nobel for physiology or medicine for their discoveries of machinery regulating vesicle traffic, a major transport system in our cells. | |||||
wrong_mix_random_subsidiary_00131 | FactBench | 3 | 1 | https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/medicine/ | en | NobelPrize.org | [
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] | null | [] | null | Medicine Prize | en | NobelPrize.org | https://www.nobelprize.org/medicine-prize-2/ | “The said interest shall be divided into five equal parts, which shall be apportioned as follows: /- – -/ one part to the person who shall have made the most important discovery within the domain of physiology or medicine …” (Excerpt from the will of Alfred Nobel)
Alfred Nobel had an active interest in medical research. Through Karolinska Institutet, he came into contact with Swedish physiologist Jöns Johansson around 1890. Johansson worked in Nobel’s laboratory in Sevran, France during a brief period the same year. Physiology or medicine was the third prize area Nobel mentioned in his will.
The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine is awarded by the Nobel Assembly at Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm, Sweden. | |||||
wrong_mix_random_subsidiary_00131 | FactBench | 1 | 94 | https://newsroom.lmu.edu/administrative/sexism-in-science-was-rosalind-franklin-robbed-of-a-nobel-prize/ | en | Sexism in Science: Was Rosalind Franklin Robbed of a Nobel Prize? | [
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] | 2021-03-22T19:07:35+00:00 | News and updates from Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles. LMU offers a rigorous academic experience for ambitious students committed to living lives of meaning and purpose. | en | Loyola Marymount University Newsroom | https://newsroom.lmu.edu/administrative/sexism-in-science-was-rosalind-franklin-robbed-of-a-nobel-prize/ | Source: Jewish Women’s Archive. “Rosalind Franklin with Microscope in 1955.”
Written by Reed Jones ’24
Edited by Kennedy Wheatley and Velitchka Kaltcheva
Editor’s Note: When Reed Jones submitted this remarkable story in a First Year Seminar class, she never expected her work to be featured by the university. We had never heard of Rosalind Franklin before and wanted the chance to share Reed’s work on Rosalind Franklin’s story with the LMU community, bringing this important history to light.
At age 15, Rosalind Elsie Franklin knew that she wanted to be a scientist, but little did she know the enormous impact her work would have upon the world. She contributed to a groundbreaking discovery in genetics that would forever be remembered in the history of science – but without her name attached. In her short lifetime of only 37 years, Rosalind Franklin produced research that led to a Nobel Prize, yet she was not one of the awardees.
Born on July 25, 1920, she grew up in the flourishing neighborhood of Notting Hill, London, one of five children in an affluent Anglo-Jewish family. Rosalind’s bright mind and independent spirit were evident from a young age. Her sister Jenifer recalls her beginning to talk very early; at age 2, she was already teasing her older brother. When she first learned about God, she was quick to question his gender.
At age 11, Rosalind excelled at the academically rigorous St. Paul’s Girls’ School and was particularly drawn to the sciences. Her sister Jenifer wrote, “many traits of her character were already clear – her intelligence, her skills with her hands, her perfectionism, her logical mind, her outspoken honesty” (Glynn, 26). Rosalind studied diligently and won an unusually large number of academic prizes at this competitive school; her school certificate noted six academic distinctions. Education was extremely important in her family, for both the men and the women. Rosalind was expected to attend academic schools and to finish university.
She pursued her love of science in her undergraduate and graduate studies, majoring in chemistry at Newnham College in Cambridge. Her friend Gertrude Dyche (nee Clark) remembers Rosalind, “She was straightforward, even forthright, and not inclined to be diplomatic. She had very high standards and expected others to have the same” (Glynn, 41). Rosalind joined the Chemistry Society and the Archimedians (the math club). After earning her B.S. degree, she accepted a position as an assistant research officer at the British Coal Utilisation Research Association. Her research there led her to earn her Ph.D. in physical chemistry in 1945.
After earning her Ph.D., Franklin began working at the Laboratorie Central des Services Chimiques de l’Etat in Paris, France at the recommendation of Marcel Mathieu, a French scientist she met at a conference. She was one of the small percentage of females working in scientific laboratories at that time.
It was at Laboratorie Central that Franklin became fascinated with crystallography. Sometimes called X-ray diffraction, this was a technique used to determine the atomic structure of crystals. At Laboratorie Central, Franklin’s perfectionism was an asset; she labored to master this delicate and difficult process.
In 1951, a scientist named Maurice Wilkins working at Kings College laboratory heard about Franklin’s expertise with X-ray crystallography and sought her out to join his research team. Like many other scientists in the 1950’s, he was racing to discover the structure of DNA, the key to unlocking the human genetic code. Wilkins thought that X-ray crystallography might provide some clues, but his work in this area so far had been unsuccessful. He had failed to produce X-ray crystallography photographs that resulted in any usable data.
Wilkins was out of town when Rosalind Franklin was hired, and their first meeting did not go well. He mistook her for a new secretary, and it appears that they never established a good working relationship as fellow scientists. Franklin had gotten the impression she would be working alone in the lab; Wilkins saw her in a more supportive role to his work. In Wilkins’ later memoir, he referred to Franklin as “Rosy,” complaining that she had an attitude and was too independent.
After about a year at Kings College laboratory, Rosalind Franklin and her Ph.D. student Raymond Gosling took the X-ray crystallography photograph that made history and is still studied in textbooks today. Known as ‘Photograph 51,’ it clearly shows the double-helix structure of DNA and the genes contained inside. This photograph combined with all the research was enough to create a model that would change all scientists’ understanding of DNA.
What happened next is still a subject of great debate. Wilkins may have shared the photograph and research with two other scientists, James Watson and Francis Crick, who were working at Cavendish Laboratory in London and were also racing to crack the DNA code. Most historians believe that Rosalind Franklin did not know that her data had been shared with other scientists. Others argue that that Franklin’s work was not confidential; Watson and Crick found it in a public setting and did not ‘steal’ anything from her.
One year later, in 1953, Watson and Crick made scientific history by publishing a new model of the DNA code, including the crystallography photograph and Franklin’s research. Wilkins was included as one of the researchers. Rosalind Franklin was not credited for her contribution — or even mentioned.
The photograph captured by Rosalind Franklin and Raymond Gosling was revolutionary – not only for the scientific community, but for the world. This photo was the missing piece of the puzzle that enabled scientists to fully understand DNA, which in turn transformed their understanding of genetics. Photograph 51, according to Geoff Bowell, an archivist at King’s College, “is arguably the most important photo ever taken” (Walsh).
What was Franklin’s response when she discovered that her groundbreaking photograph had been published without her permission or a proper credit? There is no documentation of Franklin complaining about not being credited. However, shortly after the paper was published, Franklin left the Kings College laboratory and went to Birkbeck College to set up her own research lab. There, she began a collaboration researching the structure of viruses with a scientist named Aaron Klug, who won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1982.
Franklin reportedly had a lot of respect for both Watson and Crick, did not resent their success, and was even friendly with Crick and his wife. In fact, she had submitted her own
DNA research paper to one of their colleagues, Max Perutz, who was head of the Medical Research Council. The data in her notebooks was not far from the model offered by Watson and Crick; scientists note that she was only slightly behind them in her research.
Several years later, while on a trip to meet with scientists in the U.S., Rosalind Franklin fell seriously ill. She was diagnosed with ovarian cancer. She fought the disease for a year, and passed away on April 16, 1958.
In 1962, a decade after Franklin captured the famous ‘Photograph 51,’ Watson, Crick, and Wilkins were awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology or Medicine for discovering the spiraling ladder helix structure of DNA and its role in heredity. Franklin received no credit for her crucial contribution to this discovery until years after her death.
In 1968, Watson published his memoir revealing that Rosalind Franklin was the scientist who contributed the crucial X-ray crystallography photograph. In 1962, when the three men were awarded the Nobel Prize, the rules stated that only three people could be awarded a single Nobel Prize, but allowed that an additional person could be awarded the prize posthumously. Sadly, this rule allowing a posthumous award was eliminated in 1974, making it impossible for Rosalind Franklin to be awarded the Nobel Prize despite new evidence about her crucial contribution.
There is great controversy about this history; was Rosalind Franklin robbed of the Nobel Prize? Was she denied recognition because her contribution to unlocking the structure of DNA was not essential … or because she was a woman?
Many believe that Franklin should have been credited for her X-ray crystallography research and deserved to be recognized with a Nobel Prize. Kiona Smith argues that Franklin was an essential contributor to the discovery of DNA’s structure; her X-ray crystallography was the final piece of the puzzle that unlocked scientists’ understanding of DNA. She views Franklin as an equal to her male colleagues and worthy of being honored at the same level.
Biologist and Franklin historian Lynne Osman Elkin also supported the view that Franklin should have been recognized alongside her colleagues. Elkin participated in a scientific panel that reviewed Rosalind Franklin’s history and her role in the discovery of the structure of DNA. Elkin notes that a number of Franklin’s publications were on the cusp of discovering the structure of DNA, and although she did not fully solve the structure, her work still should have been referenced as a crucial contribution to the discovery of the structure of DNA.
Other scientists believe that the use of Franklin’s data without any credit was acceptable and the distribution of the Nobel Prizes was appropriate. Widely published zoology professor and genetics scholar Matthew Cobb states that the idea that Watson and Crick stole Franklin’s data is false, as the information was not confidential. Cobb does agree that Franklin’s work was crucial; however, he does not challenge the Nobel Prize distribution.
New York Times science reporter Nicholas Wade also supports the decision to award Watson, Crick, and Wilkins the Nobel Prize. Wade claims that Crick saw ‘Photograph 51’ in an annual report at a public lecture, which made his use legitimate. Wade viewed Franklin as a contributing member of the team, but claims that she did not understand enough about the DNA structure to be considered one of the awardees of the Nobel Prize.
The question of plagiarism is a critical one here, as most historians agree that the research was private. Franklin was unaware that Wilkins, Watson, and Crick had used her X-ray photograph and thus they did not receive her permission to use her data. Not only did they use her photograph, but they published their findings without any mention of Franklin. Smith wrote, “Wilkins shared the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine with Watson and Crick for discovering the spiraling ladder structure of DNA and its role in heredity. Franklin, whose lab produced the photograph that helped unravel the mystery of DNA, received no credit for her role until after her death” (Smith). This is quite literally the definition of plagiarism, yet the entire scientific community has been quiet on this issue. This poses the question raised by Smith, the scientific panel, and Cobb — was there sexism involved in excluding Franklin from the credit?
Smith does not explicitly state that Franklin’s exclusion was caused by sexism. However, she does note that Watson “did not like Franklin” (Smith). Watson did finally give her credit in his publication epilogue; after Franklin’s death and after he had received the Nobel Prize.
Elkins believed that Franklin was not treated well, and certainly not as an equal to her colleagues. She believes that due to the pervasive sexism within the scientific field, Franklin was unaware that she should have been treated better. She claims that Franklin’s paper was not acknowledged, “… because of the snaky deal that was done between Randall, the head of King’s, and Bragg, the head of Cavendish (Laboratory), to cover up the very awkward fact that the data had migrated from one place to the other” (Lloyd). This statement suggests the questionable activities not only of Watson and Crick but also of their superiors.
Others refute the idea of potential sexist intent behind the actions of Watson, Crick, Wilkins, and the Nobel Prize Committee, or struggle to reconcile what occurred. Cobb freely admits that there is sexism in the field of science. In fact, he states that even if Rosalind Franklin had still been alive in 1962, she would not have been awarded the Nobel Prize due to sexism ingrained within the scientific field. But then he contradicts himself, stating the following about the issue of crediting work, “What Watson and Crick needed was far more than the idea of a helix — they needed precise observations from X-ray crystallography. Those numbers were unwittingly provided by Franklin herself, included in a brief informal report that was given to Max of Cambridge University. Their behaviour was cavalier, to say the least, but there is no evidence that it was driven by sexist disdain: Perutz, Bragg, (director of the Cambridge lab) Watson and Crick would have undoubtedly behaved the same way had the data been produced by Maurice Wilkins.” (Cobb) This is an odd argument to make since Wilkins was given credit for all the research coming from his lab, including Franklin’s, and was awarded a Nobel Prize.
Wade makes a particularly curious argument; noting that because Franklin was not aware her data had been shared, she was blissfully ignorant and did not feel like she had been wronged. This argument appears to be refuted by the fact that Franklin left Kings College lab shortly after her groundbreaking photograph was published without giving her credit. The timing does not seem coincidental.
Wade also states that Franklin was detrimental to the King’s research team as a whole because she did not communicate with Wilkins. Wade believes that if she had collaborated with Wilkins throughout the research, the Kings College laboratory would have been the one to publish the model of the structure of DNA and make history.
It is worthwhile to reflect on the charge in Watson’s memoir that Rosalind Franklin was difficult to work with. Was her behavior considered offensive because she tried to stand up for her right to be treated as a scientific equal? Was her desire to focus on her own research in the 1950’s considered inappropriate behavior for a woman? It appears that Franklin had good relationships with some of her male scientific colleagues, as she went on vacation to Italy with Klug and his wife. It is difficult to know how Franklin’s relationships with Wilkins, Watson and Crick played a role in her being denied credit for her research, and thus failing to be recognized by the Nobel Committee when they awarded the three men the Nobel Prize.
But no one can dispute this fact – without Franklin’s X-ray photograph and research, it would have taken Watson, Crick, and Wilkins much longer to discover and model the structure of DNA. Her work was a turning point not only in the scientific quest to unravel the mystery of the structure of DNA but also in the use of X-ray diffraction itself. Her name should be on Watson and Crick’s papers, on the Nobel Prize that she deserved to be awarded, and in textbooks, so all people know the name Rosalind Franklin and how her contribution changed the course of scientific history.
Access list of references here.
OIA Buzz
Join us in congratulating Dr. Cheryl Grills, appointed President’s Professor in BCLA on March 16, 2021!
Cheryl recently co-wrote an article for the Washington Post, on vaccine access for people of color. Read it here.
This semester, the LMU LGBTQ Faculty & Staff Network is hosting “The Rainbow Hour,” a two-times-a-month gathering for LGBTQ+ faculty and staff. Register for the next event(s).
Continuity of Community: Community Check-in Survey | Deadline March 26
The Community Check-in Surveys have provided a snapshot of how LMU is doing over the past year. The third community check-in survey will be open March 15-26. The surveys will continue to assess our virtual campus, sense of belonging, and perceptions of the university related to COVID-19 and racial justice. The second part of the October 2020 results – on gender identity, caregiver and disability status – will be available later this month. Other reports are available at the links listed below. Contact OIA@lmu.edu for questions.
We welcome all staff, students, and faculty to fill out the March 2021 Community Check-in Survey by Friday, March 26.
Students
Faculty
Staff (English)
Staff (Spanish)
Access past survey briefings:
April 2020
October 2020
Systemic Analysis:
Join us TOMORROW, March 24, from 11 a.m.-noon for a Systemic Analysis Consultation Workshop and receive access to the Systemic Analysis Brightspace course, which will provide a systemic analysis guidebook and equity scorecards for student, staff and faculty.
Attend the last Systemic Analysis Report Out session of the semester, on March 30, 2021 from 4-5pm. University Advancement and the College of Communication and Fine Arts and will present on unit systemic analysis and DEI work. | |||||
wrong_mix_random_subsidiary_00131 | FactBench | 2 | 96 | https://www.ucsf.edu/about/achievements | en | Achievements at UCSF | [
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Identified receptors in cells of the peripheral nervous system that play key roles in the body’s ability to sense heat and cold, providing major insights into how the body experiences pain – findings that are valuable for development of pain therapeutics. (David Julius, PhD, 2002 and 1997)
Determined that chronic pain is a medical condition and not just a symptom, leading to improved strategies of management. (Christine Miaskowski, RN, PhD, 2001)
Discovered genes that can double the lifespan of the roundworm C. elegans. These genes encode components of a conserved hormone signaling pathway, and have now been linked to exceptional longevity in flies and mammals, including humans. (Cynthia Kenyon, PhD, 1993)
Discovered the regulatory machinery of the "unfolded protein response," a signaling pathway that controls protein folding in the cell. Improper protein folding is the biological basis for numerous diseases, including cancer, diabetes and neurodegenerative disorders. (Peter Walter, PhD, 1993)
Identified oral lesions as one of the first signs of AIDS, leading to major research breakthroughs in the oral aspects of AIDS and the role of viruses in oral lesions. (John Greenspan, BDS, PhD; and Deborah Greenspan, BDS, DSc, 1984)
Co-discovered the AIDS virus – known as HIV, human immunodeficiency virus – originally calling it AIDS-related retrovirus (Jay Levy, MD, 1983), and discovered that the virus could be transmitted through blood transfusions, leading to new methods of screening donors. (Arthur Ammann, MD; Diane Wara, MD; and Morton Cowan, MD, 1982)
Co-discovered embryonic stem cells in mice and coined the term embryonic stem cells, laying the groundwork for worldwide research on human embryonic stem cells to treat disease. (Gail Martin, PhD, 1981)
Reported for the first time that elevated blood sugar caused abnormal structures in cells, helping to pioneer the intensive glucose control strategies now used throughout the world for managing diabetes. (John Karam, MD, and Gerold Grodsky, PhD, 1980)
Isolated the gene for insulin, leading to the mass production of genetically engineered insulin to treat diabetes. This was recognized as the first major triumph using recombinant DNA technology. Later, discovered the recombinant DNA techniques that led to the creation of the hepatitis B vaccine. (William Rutter, PhD, 1978, 1981)
Discovered that a missing protein called surfactant is the culprit in the deaths of newborns with respiratory distress syndrome. This led to development of a synthetic substitute for surfactant, reducing infant death rates significantly. (John Clements, MD; William Tooley, MD; and Roderic Phibbs, MD, 1961 – 1980)
Created the first recombinant organism through DNA splicing, an achievement that spawned the entire biotechnology industry and has led to development of numerous lifesaving treatments. (Herbert Boyer, PhD, with colleague Stanley Cohen of Stanford University, 1973)
First to link obesity to type 2 diabetes, a finding that resulted in revolutionary changes in diabetes treatment and prevention. (John Karam, MD; and Gerold Grodsky, PhD, 1963)
Discovered vitamin E. (Herbert Evans, MD, during the period when the basic science departments were based at UC Berkeley, 1923)
Conducted initial studies on liver metabolism and the relationship between the liver and blood components, leading to successful treatment of pernicious anemia, a usually fatal form of the disease. (George Whipple, MD, who left UC in 1921, later received the 1934 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for this body of research)
Led the world’s first clinical trial using blood stem cells transplanted prior to birth, leading to the live birth of an infant with a normally fatal fetal condition called alpha thalassemia. (Tippi Mackenzie, MD, 2018)
Conducted first-ever genome editing inside a human body, aiming to treat a severe inherited disease called mucopolysaccharidosis type II (MPS II), also known as Hunter syndrome. (Paul Harmatz, MD, 2018)
Led a National Academy of Sciences Committee that recommended the creation of an extensive data network to revolutionize medical discovery, diagnosis and treatment, and coined the term “precision medicine.” (Susan Desmond-Hellmann, MD, MPH, and Keith Yamamoto, PhD, 2011)
Pioneered techniques in brain mapping to safely remove tumors without harming language and other pathways of the brain. (Mitchel Berger, MD, mid-1990s - 2008)
Developed the ViroChip, a microarray that contains DNA from every known virus and a valuable diagnostic tool for identifying previously unknown viruses in both humans and animals. The tool was first used in 2003 to confirm the identity of the virus that caused severe acute respiratory syndrome, known as SARS. (Joseph DeRisi, PhD, and Don Ganem, MD, 2002)
Established the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library to house and maintain tobacco industry internal corporate documents produced during litigation between 46 states and the seven major tobacco industry organizations. Today, the library has more than 80 million pages. (Stanton Glantz, PhD, 2002)
Created two of the first human embryonic stem cell lines in the world, enabling scientists to study how stem cells might be used to treat such diseases and disorders as cancer, heart disease, diabetes and birth defects. (Roger Pedersen, PhD, 2001)
First to use the X-ray structure of HIV protease to identify an inhibitor that effectively blocks the enzyme's activity, the same method used today to design protease inhibitor drugs. (Charles Craik, PhD, 1990)
Produced clear, dramatic images of the soft tissues of the body, using nuclear magnetic resonance (now known as MRI). UCSF researchers went on to direct some of the first clinical placements in the country of devices that provided the images. (Leon Kaufman, PhD, and Larry Crooks, PhD, 1983)
Established the first special care units for AIDS patients in 1983 at San Francisco General Hospital, which led to the “San Francisco Model” that is now used worldwide.
Performed the first successful fetal surgery, which involves correcting a life-threatening birth defect on a still in the mother's womb. (Michael Harrison, MD; Mitchell Golbus, MD; and Roy Filly, MD, 1981)
Conducted groundbreaking studies on the importance of gender-based health care research that was instrumental in shaping the field of women's health. (Virginia Olesen, PhD, 1981)
Developed a cochlear implant device that enables the deaf to hear. (Michael Merzenich, PhD; Robert Schindler, MD; and Robin Michelson, MD, 1979)
Developed the first prenatal tests for inherited blood diseases such as sickle-cell anemia and thalassemia. (Y.W. Kan, MD, DSc, 1976)
Pioneered the field of “clinical pharmacy” that positioned pharmacists as active members of the health care team, working side by side with physicians and nurses, and trained as drug therapy specialists rather than simply drug dispensers. (Jere Goyan, PharmD; Eric Owyang, PharmD; Sidney Riegelman, PharmD; and Donald Sorby, PhD, 1966)
First university west of the Mississippi to offer a doctoral degree in nursing.
Developed basic sterilization and hygiene procedures for the U.S. canning industry to prevent botulism, thereby safeguarding consumers and saving the industry. (Karl F. Meyer, DVM, PhD, 1920s) | ||||
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Awarded annually since 1901 by the Nobel Foundation, Stockholm.
Katalin Karikó, 1955 –
Drew Weissman, 1959 –
Physiology or Medicine, 2023
Awarded “for their discoveries concerning nucleoside base modifications that enabled the development of effective mRNA vaccines against COVID-19.”
Karikó is an adjunct professor of Neurosurgery the Perelman School of Medicine and Weissman is the Roberts Family Professor of Vaccine Research in the Perelman School of Medicine.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Claudia Goldin, 1946 –
Economic Sciences, 2023
Awarded “for having advanced our understanding of women’s labour market outcomes.”
Goldin was a member of the University of Pennsylvania’s Department of Economics from 1979 to 1990, serving as Associate Professor, 1979–1985; Professor, 1985–1990; Chair of Graduate Group, 1983–1984.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Gregg L. Semenza, 1956 –
Physiology or Medicine, 2019
Awarded jointly to William G. Kaelin, Jr., and Sir Peter J. Ratcliffe “for their discoveries of how cells sense and adapt to oxygen availability.”
Penn Graduate: M.D. 1982; Ph.D. 1984
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Robert J. Shiller, 1946 –
Economic Sciences, 2013
Awarded jointly to Robert J. Shiller, Eugene F. Fama, and Lars Peter Hansen “for their empirical analysis of asset prices.”
Shiller was on the University of Pennsylvania faculty from 1974 until 1982.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Thomas J. Sargent, 1943 –
Economic Sciences, 2011
Awarded jointly to Thomas J. Sargent and Christopher A. Sims “for their empirical research on cause and effect in the macroeconomy.”
Sargent was on the University of Pennsylvania faculty for three semesters, from January 1970 until June 1971.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Ei-ichi Negishi, 1935 – 2021
Chemistry, 2010
Awarded jointly to Richard F. Heck, Ei-ichi Negishi and Akira Suzuki “for palladium-catalyzed cross couplings in organic synthesis.”
Negishi earned his Ph.D. in Chemistry from the University of Pennsylvania, doing his dissertation work under Professor of Chemistry Allan Day.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Oliver E. Williamson, 1932 – 2020
Economics, 2009
Awarded “for his analysis of economic governance, especially the boundaries of the firm.”
Wilson was a member of the University of Pennsylvania’s Department of Economics from 1965 to 1983, serving as Associate Professor, 1965–1968; Professor, 1968–1983; Charles and William L. Day Professor of Economics and Social Science, 1977–1983.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
George E. Smith, 1930 –
Physics, 2009
Awarded for the invention of an imaging semiconductor circuit – the CCD sensor. Charles K. Kao was the third recipient, for his work in fiber optics.
Penn Graduate: A.B. 1955
After earning his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago, Smith joined Bell Labs where he attained 31 patents, including one in 1969 for his work with Boyle on the CCD.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Harald zur Hausen, 1936 –
Physiology or Medicine, 2008
Awarded for for his discovery of human papilloma viruses causing cervical cancer. The other half of the prize was shared by Françoise Barré-Sinoussi and Luc Montagnier for their discovery of the immunodeficiency virus.
Assistant professor, 1968–1969, while working at the Virus Laboratories of Children’s Hospital.
Educated at the Universities of Bonn, Hamburg and Dusseldorf, zur Hausen returned to Germany in 1969 to continue his research and teaching. From 1983 to 2003 he served as professor of medicine at the University of Heidelberg and as a chair and member of the scientific advisory board of the German Cancer Research Center.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Edmund S. Phelps, 1933 –
Economics, 2006
Awarded for his analysis of intertemporal tradeoffs in macroeconomic policy.
Phelps was a professor in the Economics Department at the University of Pennsylvania from 1966 to 1971.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Edward C. Prescott, 1940 –
Economics, 2004
With Finn E. Kydland (Carnegie-Mellon University and the University of California Santa Barbara). Awarded for their contributions to dynamic macroeconomics: the time consistency of economic policy and the driving forces behind business cycles.
Prescott came to Penn in 1966 as a lecturer in the Economics Department. He was an assistant professor here from 1967 to 1971.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Irwin A. Rose, 1926 – 2015
Chemistry, 2004
With Aaron Ciechanover and Avram Hershko (Technion-Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa, Israel). Awarded for the discovery of ubiquitin-mediated protein degradation.
Rose joined Penn’s faculty during the 1970s. Rose was awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship in 1971 while he was Professor of Physical Biochemistry at Penn and a senior member of the Institute for Cancer Research in Philadelphia.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Raymond Davis, Jr., 1914 – 2006
Physics, 2002
With Masatoshi Koshiba (University of Tokyo, Japan) and Riccardo Giannoni (Associated Universities Inc.). Awarded in recognition of their groundbreaking research into the emission of neutrinos produced by nuclear fusion reactions in the center of the sun. The observation of these neutrinos demonstrated conclusively that the sun is powered by the fusion of hydrogen nuclei into helium nuclei.
Davis joined Penn’s faculty in 1985 after 37 years at Brookhaven Lab. Davis has also received the 2001 National Medal of Science from President George W. Bush.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Alan G. MacDiarmid, 1927 – 2007
Alan J. Heeger, 1936 –
Chemistry, 2000
With Hideki Shirakawa (University of Tsukuba, Japan); Awarded “for the discovery and development of conductive polymers.”
MacDiarmid joined the University of Pennsylvania faculty in 1955 and was named Blanchard Professor of Chemistry in 1988. Heeger was a member of Penn’s Physics faculty from 1962 to 1982 and was Director of the Laboratory for Research on the Structure of Matter from 1974 to 1980.
Nobel Foundation information on this award.
Ahmed Zewail, 1946 –
Chemistry, 1999
Awarded “for or his studies of the transition states of chemical reactions using femtosecond spectroscopy.”
Penn Graduate: Ph.D. 1974; Honorary Sc.D. 1997
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Almanac Article
Stanley B. Prusiner, 1942 –
Medicine, 1997
Awarded “for his discovery of Prions – a new biological principle of infection.” This new class of pathogen is now accepted as the infectious agent in “mad cow disease” and in human neurodegenerative diseases such as Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease.
Penn Graduate: A.B. 1964; M.D. 1968
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Almanac Article
Michael Stuart Brown, 1940 –
Medicine, 1985
and Joseph L. Goldstein; Awarded “for their discoveries concerning the regulation of cholesterol metabolism”
Penn Graduate: A.B. 1962; M.D. 1966; Honorary: Sc.D. 1986
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Lawrence Robert Klein, 1920 – 2013
Economics, 1980
Awarded “for the creation of econometric models and the application to the analysis of economic fluctuations and economic policies.” These models have been designed to forecast economic trends and shape policies to deal with them.
Professor of Economics, 1958 –
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Baruch Samuel Blumberg, 1925 – 2011
Medicine, 1976
with D. Carleton Gajdusek; Awarded “for their discoveries concerning new mechanisms for the origin and dissemination of infectious diseases.”
Professor of Medicine, 1964 – 1989; Honorary Degree: Sc.D. 1990
Nobel Foundation information on this award
John Robert Schrieffer, 1931 – 2019
Physics, 1972 (first faculty member to win)
with John Bardeen and Leon N. Cooper; Awarded “for their jointly developed theory of superconductivity, usually called the BCS-theory,” where electrical resistance in certain metals vanishes above absolute zero temperature.
Professor of Physics, 1962–1980; Honorary: Sc.D. 1973
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Gerald Maurice Edelman, 1929 – 2014
Medicine, 1972
with Rodney R. Porter (U.K.); Awarded “for their discoveries concerning the chemical structure of antibodies”
Penn Graduate: M.D. 1954; Honorary: Sc.D. 1973
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Christian Boehmer Anfinsen, 1916 – 1995
Chemistry, 1972
with Stanford Moore and William Howard Stein; Anfinsen’s award was “for his work on ribonuclease, especially concerning the connection between the amino acid sequence and the biologically active conformation”.
Penn Graduate: M.S. 1939; Honorary: Sc.D. 1973
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Simon Smith Kuznets, 1901 – 1985
Economics, 1971
Awarded “for his empirically founded interpretation of economic growth which has led to new and deepened insight into the economic and social structure and process of development.” This interpretation developed the concept of using a country’s gross national product to determine its economic growth.
Assistant Professor of Economic Statistics, 1930–1934; Associate Professor, 1934–1935; Professor, 1936–1954; Honorary Degrees: Sc.D. 1956, LL.D. 1976
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Haldan Keffer Hartline, 1903 – 1983
Medicine, 1967
with George Wald and Ragnar Granit; Awarded “for their discoveries concerning the primary physiological and chemical visual processes in the eye.”
Research Fellow in Biophysics, 1931–1936; Assistant Professor, 1936–1942; Associate Professor, 1943–1948; Professor, 1948–1949; Honorary Degree: Sc.D. 1971
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Ragnar Granit, 1900 – 1991
Medicine, 1967
with George Wald and Haldan K. Hartline; Awarded for work on the human eye.
Research Fellow, 1929–1931; Honorary Degree: Sc.D. 1971
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Robert Hofstadter, 1915 – 1990
Physics, 1961
with Rudolpf Mössbauer (Germany). Hofstadter’s award was “for his pioneering studies of electron scattering in atomic nuclei and for his thereby achieved discoveries concerning the structure of the nucleons.” Hofstadter was thus able to determine the shape and size of the atomic nucleus.
Research Fellow, 1939–1940; Physics Instructor, 1940–1941
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Vincent du Vigneaud, 1901 – 1978
Chemistry, 1955
Awarded “for his work on biochemically important sulphur compounds, especially for the first synthesis of a polypeptide hormone.”
Assistant in Biochemistry, Graduate School of Medicine, 1924–1925
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Otto F. Meyerhof, 1884 – 1951
Medicine, 1922 (awarded in 1923)
with Archibald V. Hill (England). Meyerhoff’s award was “for his discovery of the fixed relationship between the consumption of oxygen and the metabolism of lactic acid in the muscle.”
Research Professor in Physiological Chemistry, 1940–1951
Nobel Foundation information on this award
Otto F. Meyerhof Papers | ||||||
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Murphy (1892–1987) 1936 Sir Henry Hallett Dale (1875–1968) United Kingdom "for their discoveries relating to chemical transmission of nerve impulses" [38] Otto Loewi (1873–1961) Austria 1937 Albert Szent-Györgyi (1893–1986) Hungary "for his discoveries in connection with the biological combustion processes, with special reference to vitamin C and the catalysis of fumaric acid" [39] 1938 Corneille Heymans (1892–1968) Belgium "for the discovery of the role played by the sinus and aortic mechanisms in the regulation of respiration" [11] 1939 Gerhard Domagk (1895–1964) Germany "for the discovery of the antibacterial effects of prontosil" [40] 1940 Not awarded 1941 1942 1943 Henrik Dam (1895–1976) Denmark "for his discovery of vitamin K" [12] Edward Adelbert Doisy (1893–1986) United States "for his discovery of the chemical nature of vitamin K" [12] 1944 Joseph Erlanger (1874–1965) United States "for their discoveries relating to the highly differentiated functions of single nerve fibres" [41] Herbert Spencer Gasser (1888–1963) 1945 Sir Alexander Fleming (1881–1955) United Kingdom "for the discovery of penicillin and its curative effect in various infectious diseases" [42] Sir Ernst Boris Chain (1906–1979) Howard Walter Florey (1898–1968) Australia 1946 Hermann Joseph Muller (1890–1967) United States "for the discovery of the production of mutations by means of X-ray irradiation" [43] 1947 Carl Ferdinand Cori (1896–1984) United States "for their discovery of the course of the catalytic conversion of glycogen" [44] Gerty Theresa Cori, née Radnitz (1896–1957) Bernardo Alberto Houssay (1887–1971) Argentina "for his discovery of the part played by the hormone of the anterior pituitary lobe in the metabolism of sugar" [44] 1948 Paul Hermann Müller (1899–1965) Switzerland "for his discovery of the high efficiency of DDT as a contact poison against several arthropods" [45] 1949 Walter Rudolf Hess (1881–1973) Switzerland "for his discovery of the functional organization of the interbrain as a coordinator of the activities of the internal organs" [46] António Caetano Egas Moniz (1874–1955) Portugal "for his discovery of the therapeutic value of leucotomy (lobotomy) in certain psychoses" [46] 1950 Philip Showalter Hench (1896–1965) United States "for their discoveries relating to the hormones of the adrenal cortex, their structure and biological effects" [47] Edward Calvin Kendall (1886–1972) Tadeusz Reichstein (1897–1996) Switzerland 1951 Max Theiler (1899–1972) South Africa
United States "for his discoveries concerning yellow fever and how to combat it" [48] 1952 Selman Abraham Waksman (1888–1973) United States "for his discovery of streptomycin, the first antibiotic effective against tuberculosis" [49] 1953 Sir Hans Adolf Krebs (1900–1981) United Kingdom "for his discovery of the citric acid cycle" [50] Fritz Albert Lipmann (1899–1986) United States "for his discovery of co-enzyme A and its importance for intermediary metabolism" [50] 1954 John Franklin Enders (1897–1985) United States "for their discovery of the ability of poliomyelitis viruses to grow in cultures of various types of tissue" [51] Frederick Chapman Robbins (1916–2003) Thomas Huckle Weller (1915–2008) 1955 Axel Hugo Theodor Theorell (1903–1982) Sweden "for his discoveries concerning the nature and mode of action of oxidation enzymes" [52] 1956 André Frédéric Cournand (1895–1988) United States "for their discoveries concerning heart catheterization and pathological changes in the circulatory system" [53] Werner Forssmann (1904–1979) West Germany Dickinson W. Richards (1895–1973) United States 1957 Daniel Bovet (1907–1992) Italy "for his discoveries relating to synthetic compounds that inhibit the action of certain body substances, and especially their action on the vascular system and the skeletal muscles" [54] 1958 George Wells Beadle (1903–1989) United States "for their discovery that genes act by regulating definite chemical events" [55] Edward Lawrie Tatum (1909–1975) Joshua Lederberg (1925–2008) "for his discoveries concerning genetic recombination and the organization of the genetic material of bacteria" [55] 1959 Arthur Kornberg (1918–2007) United States "for their discovery of the mechanisms in the biological synthesis of ribonucleic acid and deoxyribonucleic acid" [56] Severo Ochoa (1905–1993) United States 1960 Sir Frank Macfarlane Burnet (1899–1985) Australia "for discovery of acquired immunological tolerance" [57] Sir Peter Brian Medawar (1915–1987) United Kingdom 1961 Georg von Békésy (1899–1972) Hungary "for his discoveries of the physical mechanism of stimulation within the cochlea" [58] 1962 Francis Harry Compton Crick (1916–2004) United Kingdom "for their discoveries concerning the molecular structure of nucleic acids and its significance for information transfer in living material" [59] James Dewey Watson (b. 1928) United States Maurice Hugh Frederick Wilkins (1916–2004) New Zealand
United Kingdom 1963 Sir John Carew Eccles (1903–1997) Australia "for their discoveries concerning the ionic mechanisms involved in excitation and inhibition in the peripheral and central portions of the nerve cell membrane" [60] Sir Alan Lloyd Hodgkin (1914–1998) United Kingdom Sir Andrew Fielding Huxley (1917–2012) 1964 Konrad Bloch (1912–2000) United States "for their discoveries concerning the mechanism and regulation of the cholesterol and fatty acid metabolism" [61] Feodor Lynen (1911–1979) West Germany 1965 François Jacob (1920–2013) France "for their discoveries concerning genetic control of enzyme and virus synthesis" [62] André Lwoff (1902–1994) Jacques Monod (1910–1976) 1966 Peyton Rous (1879–1970) United States "for his discovery of tumour-inducing viruses" [63] Charles Brenton Huggins (1901–1997) "for his discoveries concerning hormonal treatment of prostatic cancer" [63] 1967 Ragnar Granit (1900–1991) Sweden
Finland "for their discoveries concerning the primary physiological and chemical visual processes in the eye" [64] Haldan Keffer Hartline (1903–1983) United States George Wald (1906–1997) 1968 Robert W. Holley (1922–1993) United States "for their interpretation of the genetic code and its function in protein synthesis" [65] Har Gobind Khorana (1922–2011) Marshall W. Nirenberg (1927–2010) 1969 Max Delbrück (1906–1981) United States "for their discoveries concerning the replication mechanism and the genetic structure of viruses" [66] Alfred D. Hershey (1908–1997) Salvador E. Luria (1912–1991) 1970 Julius Axelrod (1912–2004) United States "for their discoveries concerning the humoral transmitters in the nerve terminals and the mechanism for their storage, release and inactivation" [67] Ulf von Euler (1905–1983) Sweden Sir Bernard Katz (1911–2003) United Kingdom 1971 Earl W. Sutherland Jr. (1915–1974) United States "for his discoveries concerning the mechanisms of the action of hormones" [68] 1972 Gerald M. Edelman (1929–2014) United States "for their discoveries concerning the chemical structure of antibodies" [69] Rodney R. Porter (1917–1985) United Kingdom 1973 Karl von Frisch (1886–1982) West Germany "for their discoveries concerning organization and elicitation of individual and social behaviour patterns" [70] Konrad Lorenz (1903–1989) Austria Nikolaas Tinbergen (1907–1988) Netherlands 1974 Albert Claude (1899–1983) United States "for their discoveries concerning the structural and functional organization of the cell" [71] Christian de Duve (1917–2013) Belgium George E. Palade (1912–2008) United States 1975 David Baltimore (b. 1938) United States "for their discoveries concerning the interaction between tumour viruses and the genetic material of the cell" [72] Renato Dulbecco (1914–2012) United Kingdom
United States Howard Martin Temin (1934–1994) United States 1976 Baruch S. Blumberg (1925–2011) United States "for their discoveries concerning new mechanisms for the origin and dissemination of infectious diseases" [73] D. Carleton Gajdusek (1923–2008) 1977 Roger Guillemin (1924–2024) United States "for their discoveries concerning the peptide hormone production of the brain" [74] Andrew V. Schally (b. 1926) Rosalyn Yalow (1921–2011) "for the development of radioimmunoassays of peptide hormones" [74] 1978 Werner Arber (b. 1929) Switzerland "for the discovery of restriction enzymes and their application to problems of molecular genetics" [75] Daniel Nathans (1928–1999) United States Hamilton O. Smith (b. 1931) 1979 Allan M. Cormack (1924–1998) United States "for the development of computer assisted tomography" [76] Sir Godfrey N. Hounsfield (1919–2004) United Kingdom 1980 Baruj Benacerraf (1920–2011) Venezuela "for their discoveries concerning genetically determined structures on the cell surface that regulate immunological reactions" [77] Jean Dausset (1916–2009) France George D. Snell (1903–1996) United States 1981 Roger W. Sperry (1913–1994) United States "for his discoveries concerning the functional specialization of the cerebral hemispheres" [78] David H. Hubel (1926–2013) United States "for their discoveries concerning information processing in the visual system" [78] Torsten N. Wiesel (b. 1924) SwedenUnited States 1982 Sune K. Bergström (1916–2004) Sweden "for their discoveries concerning prostaglandins and related biologically active substances" [79] Bengt I. Samuelsson (1934–2024) Sir John R. Vane (1927–2004) United Kingdom 1983 Barbara McClintock (1902–1992) United States "for her discovery of mobile genetic elements" [80] 1984 Niels K. Jerne (1911–1994) DenmarkSwitzerland "for theories concerning the specificity in development and control of the immune system and the discovery of the principle for production of monoclonal antibodies" [81] Georges J. F. Köhler (1946–1995) West GermanySwitzerland César Milstein (1927–2002) Argentina
United Kingdom 1985 Michael S. Brown (b. 1941) United States "for their discoveries concerning the regulation of cholesterol metabolism" [82] Joseph L. Goldstein (b. 1940) 1986 Stanley Cohen (1922–2020) United States "for their discoveries of growth factors" [83] Rita Levi-Montalcini (1909–2012) Italy 1987 Susumu Tonegawa (b. 1939) Japan "for his discovery of the genetic principle for generation of antibody diversity" [84] 1988 Sir James W. Black (1924–2010) United Kingdom "for their discoveries of important principles for drug treatment" [85] Gertrude B. Elion (1918–1999) United States George H. Hitchings (1905–1998) 1989 J. Michael Bishop (b. 1936) United States "for their discovery of the cellular origin of retroviral oncogenes" [86] Harold E. Varmus (b. 1939) 1990 Joseph E. Murray (1919–2012) United States "for their discoveries concerning organ and cell transplantation in the treatment of human disease" [87] E. Donnall Thomas (1920–2012) 1991 Erwin Neher (b. 1944) Germany "for their discoveries concerning the function of single ion channels in cells" [88] Bert Sakmann (b. 1942) 1992 Edmond H. Fischer (1920–2021) Switzerland
United States "for their discoveries concerning reversible protein phosphorylation as a biological regulatory mechanism" [89] Edwin G. Krebs (1918–2009) United States 1993 Sir Richard J. Roberts (b. 1943) United Kingdom "for their discoveries of split genes" [90] Phillip A. Sharp (b. 1944) United States 1994 Alfred G. Gilman (1941–2015) United States "for their discovery of G-proteins and the role of these proteins in signal transduction in cells" [91] Martin Rodbell (1925–1998) 1995 Edward B. Lewis (1918–2004) United States "for their discoveries concerning the genetic control of early embryonic development" [92] Christiane Nüsslein-Volhard (b. 1942) Germany Eric F. Wieschaus (b. 1947) United States 1996 Peter C. Doherty (b. 1940) Australia "for their discoveries concerning the specificity of the cell mediated immune defence" [93] Rolf M. Zinkernagel (b. 1944) Switzerland 1997 Stanley B. Prusiner (b. 1942) United States "for his discovery of Prions - a new biological principle of infection" [94] 1998 Robert F. Furchgott (1916–2009) United States "for their discoveries concerning nitric oxide as a signalling molecule in the cardiovascular system" [95] Louis J. Ignarro (b. 1941) Ferid Murad (1936–2023) 1999 Günter Blobel (1936–2018) United States "for the discovery that proteins have intrinsic signals that govern their transport and localization in the cell" [96] 2000 Arvid Carlsson (1923–2018) Sweden "for their discoveries concerning signal transduction in the nervous system" [97] Paul Greengard (1925–2019) United States Eric R. Kandel (b. 1929) 2001 Leland H. Hartwell (b. 1939) United States "for their discoveries of key regulators of the cell cycle" [98] Sir Tim Hunt (b. 1943) United Kingdom Sir Paul M. Nurse (b. 1949) 2002 Sydney Brenner (1927–2019) South Africa "for their discoveries concerning 'genetic regulation of organ development and programmed cell death'" [99] H. Robert Horvitz (b. 1947) United States Sir John E. Sulston (1942–2018) United Kingdom Sir Peter Mansfield (1933–2017) United Kingdom Linda B. Buck (b. 1947) J. Robin Warren (b. 1937) Craig C. Mello (b. 1960) 2007 Mario R. Capecchi (b. 1937) United States "for their discoveries of principles for introducing specific gene modifications in mice by the use of embryonic stem cells." [104] Sir Martin J. Evans (b. 1941) United Kingdom Oliver Smithies (1925–2017) United States 2008 Harald zur Hausen (1936–2023) Germany "for his discovery of human papilloma viruses causing cervical cancer" [105] Françoise Barré-Sinoussi (b. 1947) France "for their discovery of human immunodeficiency virus" [105] Luc Montagnier (1932–2022) 2009 Elizabeth H. Blackburn (b. 1948) United States "for the discovery of how chromosomes are protected by telomeres and the enzyme telomerase" [106] Carol W. Greider (b. 1961) Jack W. Szostak (b. 1952) 2010 Sir Robert G. Edwards (1925–2013) United Kingdom "for the development of in vitro fertilization" [107] 2011 Bruce A. Beutler (b. 1957) United States "for their discoveries concerning the activation of innate immunity" [108] Jules A. Hoffmann (b. 1941) France Ralph M. Steinman (1943–2011) Canada "for his discovery of the dendritic cell and its role in adaptive immunity" (awarded posthumously)[109][110] [108] 2012 Sir John B. Gurdon (b. 1933) United Kingdom "for the discovery that mature cells can be reprogrammed to become pluripotent" [111] Shinya Yamanaka (b. 1962) Japan 2013 James E. Rothman (b. 1950) United States "for their discoveries of machinery regulating vesicle traffic, a major transport system in our cells" [112] Randy W. Schekman (b. 1948) Thomas C. Südhof (b. 1955) United States 2014 John O'Keefe (b. 1939) United Kingdom "for their discoveries of cells that constitute a positioning system in the brain" [113] May-Britt Moser (b. 1963) Norway Edvard I. Moser (b. 1962) 2015 William C. Campbell (b. 1930) Ireland
United States "for their discoveries concerning a novel therapy against infections caused by roundworm parasites" [114] Satoshi Ōmura (b. 1935) Japan Tu Youyou (b. 1930) China "for her discoveries concerning a novel therapy against malaria" [114] 2016 Yoshinori Ohsumi (b. 1945) Japan "for his discoveries of mechanisms for autophagy" [115] 2017 Jeffrey C. Hall (b. 1945) United States "for their discoveries of molecular mechanisms controlling the circadian rhythm" [116] Michael Rosbash (b. 1944) Michael W. Young (b. 1949) 2018 James P. Allison (b. 1948) United States "for their discovery of cancer therapy by inhibition of negative immune regulation" [117] Tasuku Honjo (b. 1942) Japan 2019 William Kaelin Jr. (b. 1957) United States "for their discoveries of how cells sense and adapt to oxygen availability" [118] Peter J. Ratcliffe (b. 1954) United Kingdom Gregg L. Semenza (b. 1956) United States 2020 Harvey J. Alter (b. 1935) United States "for the discovery of Hepatitis C virus" [119] Michael Houghton (b. 1949) United Kingdom Charles M. Rice (b. 1952) United States 2021 David Julius (b. 1955) United States "for the discovery of receptors for temperature and touch" [120] Ardem Patapoutian (b. 1967) Lebanon
United States 2022 Svante Pääbo (b. 1955) Sweden "for his discoveries concerning the genomes of extinct hominins and human evolution" [121] 2023 Katalin Karikó (b. 1955) Hungary
United States "for their discoveries concerning nucleoside base modifications that enabled the development of effective mRNA vaccines against COVID-19" [122] | ||||||
wrong_mix_random_subsidiary_00131 | FactBench | 2 | 59 | https://www.washington.edu/research/or/honors-and-awards/nobel-prize/ | en | Nobel Prize | http://s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com/uw-s3-cdn/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/21094817/Univ-of-Washington_Memorial-Way.jpg | http://s3-us-west-2.amazonaws.com/uw-s3-cdn/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/21094817/Univ-of-Washington_Memorial-Way.jpg | [] | [] | [] | [
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] | null | [] | 2016-12-13T18:36:14+00:00 | The Nobel Prize is an annual award for outstanding contributions to chemistry, physics, physiology and medicine, literature, economics, and peace, and is widely regarded as the... | en | UW Research | https://www.washington.edu/research/or/honors-and-awards/nobel-prize/ | The Nobel Prize is an annual award for outstanding contributions to chemistry, physics, physiology and medicine, literature, economics, and peace, and is widely regarded as the most prestigious award one can receive in those fields. | |||
wrong_mix_random_subsidiary_00131 | FactBench | 3 | 54 | https://www.thehindu.com/sci-tech/health/2023-nobel-prize-medicine-physiology-what-are-mrna-vaccines-how-they-work-explained/article67372457.ece | en | 2023 Nobel Prize in Medicine or Physiology: What are mRNA vaccines and how do they work? | [
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"2023 nobel prize medicine"
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"The Hindu Bureau"
] | 2023-10-02T13:06:23+00:00 | The 2023 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine has been awarded to Katalin Karikó and Drew Weissman for their research that enabled the development of mRNA vaccines against COVID-19. | en | https://www.thehindu.com/favicon.ico | The Hindu | https://www.thehindu.com/sci-tech/health/2023-nobel-prize-medicine-physiology-what-are-mrna-vaccines-how-they-work-explained/article67372457.ece | The story so far: The 2023 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine has been awarded to Katalin Karikó and Drew Weissman for their research that enabled the development of mRNA vaccines against COVID-19. The prize was announced by The Royal Swedish Academy of Science on October 2, 2023.
Dr. Karikó and Dr. Weissman were awarded the prize for their “discoveries concerning nucleoside base modifications that enabled the development of effective mRNA vaccines against COVID-19”.
(For top health news of the day, subscribe to our newsletter Health Matters)
The first vaccines to use the mRNA technology were those made by Pfizer/BioNTech and Moderna against COVID-19.
What are mRNA vaccines?
mRNA stands for messenger RNA, is a form of nucleic acid which carries genetic information. Like other vaccines, the mRNA vaccine also attempts to activate the immune system to produce antibodies that help counter an infection from a live virus. However, while most vaccines use weakened or dead bacteria or viruses to evoke a response from the immune system, mRNA vaccines only introduce a piece of the genetic material that corresponds to a viral protein. This is usually a protein found on the membrane of the virus and is called spike protein. Therefore, the mRNA vaccine does not expose individuals to the virus itself.
According to an article by Thomas Schlake et al, in RNA Biology, RNA as a therapeutic was first promoted in 1989 after the development of a broadly applicable in vitro transfection technique. A couple of years later, mRNA was advocated as a vaccine platform. He says, “mRNA offers strong safety advantages. As the minimal genetic construct, it harbours only the elements directly required for expression of the encoded protein.”
The refinement of the mRNA platform owes everything to COVID. Rapid advancements within a remarkable period of one year allowed the technology to gain several revolutionary steps ahead, in order for it to be used successfully to drive vaccines that work.
A common approach by vaccine makers during the pandemic was to introduce a portion of the spike protein, the key part of the coronavirus, as part of a vaccine. Some makers, such as those that made the Oxford University vaccine (AstraZeneca) or Sputnik V, wrapped the gene that codes for the spike protein into an inactivated virus that affects chimpanzees, called the chimpanzee adenovirus. The aim is to have the body use its own machinery to make spike proteins from the given genetic code. The immune system, when it registers the spike protein, will create antibodies against it.
“Dr. Karikó’s revolutionary invention, one hopes, would go some way in negating sexist assumptions about women in science, not many of whom achieve such spectacular success but all of whom contribute to the collective endeavour of human science,” wrote academic Suparna Banerjee in The Hindu in 2021. Read more here.
How are these vaccines different?
A piece of DNA must be converted into RNA for a cell to be able manufacture the spike protein. While an mRNA vaccine might look like a more direct approach to getting the cell to produce the necessary proteins, mRNA is very fragile and will be shred apart at room temperature or by the body’s enzymes when injected. To preserve its integrity, the mRNA needs to be wrapped in a layer of oily lipids, or fat cells. One way to think of this is that an mRNA-lipid unit most closely mimics how a virus presents itself to the body, except that it cannot replicate like one. DNA is much more stable and can be more flexibly integrated into a vaccine-vector. In terms of performance, both are expected to be as effective.
A challenge with mRNA vaccines is that they need to be frozen from -90 degree Celsius to -50 degree Celsius. They can be stored for up to two weeks in commercial freezers and need to be thawed at 2 degrees Celsius to 8 degrees Celsius at which they can remain for a month. A major advantage of mRNA and DNA vaccines is that because they only need the genetic code, it is possible to quickly update vaccines to emerging variants and even use them for a variety of diseases. | ||||
wrong_mix_random_subsidiary_00131 | FactBench | 2 | 18 | https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/medicine/1962/summary/ | en | The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1962 | [
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] | null | [] | null | The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1962 was awarded jointly to Francis Harry Compton Crick, James Dewey Watson and Maurice Hugh Frederick Wilkins "for their discoveries concerning the molecular structure of nucleic acids and its significance for information transfer in living material" | en | NobelPrize.org | https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/medicine/1962/summary/ | The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1962 was awarded jointly to Francis Harry Compton Crick, James Dewey Watson and Maurice Hugh Frederick Wilkins "for their discoveries concerning the molecular structure of nucleic acids and its significance for information transfer in living material"
To cite this section
MLA style: The Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine 1962. NobelPrize.org. Nobel Prize Outreach AB 2024. Wed. 24 Jul 2024. <https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/medicine/1962/summary/>
Back to top Back To Top Takes users back to the top of the page
Nobel Prizes and laureates
Eleven laureates were awarded a Nobel Prize in 2023, for achievements that have conferred the greatest benefit to humankind. Their work and discoveries range from effective mRNA vaccines and attosecond physics to fighting against the oppression of women.
See them all presented here. | |||||
wrong_mix_random_subsidiary_00131 | FactBench | 0 | 95 | https://colonelunthanksnorwich.com/category/decorative-arts/page/3/ | en | COLONEL UNTHANK'S NORWICH | https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/4046253e5d67e381c1e8c72f309e6292733647442fd04e4b3ce113332d4a644a?s=200&ts=1721830782 | https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/4046253e5d67e381c1e8c72f309e6292733647442fd04e4b3ce113332d4a644a?s=200&ts=1721830782 | [
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"reggie unthank"
] | null | Posts about Decorative Arts written by reggie unthank | en | https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/4046253e5d67e381c1e8c72f309e6292733647442fd04e4b3ce113332d4a644a?s=32 | COLONEL UNTHANK'S NORWICH | https://colonelunthanksnorwich.com/category/decorative-arts/ | This week I was doing research on Colonel Unthank in Norwich Library’s Heritage Centre in The Forum – what a resource. And I came across something that I thought would make a quick post before tackling my namesake.
While eating a restorative pizza on the mezzanine I noticed the molecular models decorating the lampshades in Pizza Express (other pizza outlets are available).
These molecular models represent the four DNA bases that make up the genetic code
Then, at the opposite end of the mezzanine I saw a photograph that explains the molecular theme.
Apart from Norwich being Paul’s birthplace the connection must be about yeast and pizza dough, no?
The yeast used in pizza, and baking in general, is baker’s yeast. But Paul Nurse worked on a different kind of yeast, fission yeast, that divides in a slightly different way.
Normally, a freshly-divided cell must grow to (at least) double its birthweight before an internal regulator allows it to divide again (double-up/halve/double-up/halve etc etc). Otherwise the result would be smaller and smaller cells that eventually disappear down their own navels. Paul was working on a mutant fission yeast that did produce abnormally small cells. In the Scottish lab’ in which he worked these small cells were called wee (wee2).
Paul identified the gene responsible for the premature division in fission yeast. It turned out to be synonymous with a gene that Leland Hartwell in the USA had shown to control cell division in baker’s yeast. So, the two sorts of yeast may divide differently but they share the same mechanism for initiating division.
The third character in this story is Tim Hunt. Working on sea urchin eggs he saw that one particular protein accumulated steadily during the build-up to division but suddenly disappeared when all the cells divided. This cyclic protein – unsurprisingly called cyclin – turned out to bind to the regulatory protein identified by Nurse and Hartwell.
These two proteins form part of the complex that ‘tells’ a cell when it is ready to divide. This complex is found in all living things from yeast to man and when faulty plays a part in cancer.
The 2001 Nobel Prize for Physiology or Medicine was shared three ways by Paul Nurse, Leland Hartwell and Tim Hunt.
Respect to Pizza Express for choosing such a brave theme
When I first came to Norwich I was delighted to find two pubs in the Arts and Crafts style whose conical roofs reminded me of a castle I used to see regularly throughout my childhood in Wales.
The first public house was The Artichoke at the top of Magdalen Street. Built in local materials (red brick and flint) with tapering chimney and mullioned windows it is very much in the Arts and Crafts tradition. But perhaps its most distinctive features are the conical roofs capping two-storey semi-circular bays.
In view of these Arts and Crafts signifiers it was surprising to find that The Artichoke was built well after the First World War. The pub was built in 1932 by local builder R G Carter [1] for the brewers Youngs, Crawshay and Youngs. The photograph below was taken by George Plunkett that year and it has not changed substantially since then.
The other pub is The Gatehouse on Dereham Road built in 1934, again by R G Carter and although Carter’s archives show no record of the architect(s) it is highly likely the two pubs were designed by the same hand(s).
The Artichoke resembles its sister building in having a two-storey bay under a conical roof, a dominant tapering chimney and the use of local materials – although the flint, here, is restricted to a panel in which it alternates with concrete blocks. There have been minor structural changes since George Plunkett captured it in 1939 (e.g., loss of one of the chimneys to the right). This photograph also illustrates the use of the cat-slide roof, sweeping down from ridgeline to groundfloor. This was a feature of some of Edwin Lutyens’ domestic architecture of the earlier Arts and Crafts period and underlines the mixture of styles employed here.
The Welsh castle in question – Castell Coch – is, however, very much a product of the Victorian era and an outstanding example of the Gothic Revival. It was designed by the King of the Goths, William Burges, for the Third Marquess of Bute, John Crichton-Stuart [2].
Built high on the side of a valley a few miles north of Cardiff, it was this castle that my sister and I craned our necks to see whenever we were driven to the city along the road below. We knew it as The Fairy Tale Castle – a description used by locals long before they’d seen the towers and turrets of Disney World.
In 1875 Burges built the red castle – Castell Coch – on the remains of a thirteenth century fort for Bute. Bute’s father had almost bankrupted the family in developing Cardiff docks but by the time John was born he was referred to as ‘the richest baby in the world’, due to the wealth extracted from the family’s South Wales coal fields. Burges was a romantic, a dreamer who found his ideal client in Bute. Both men shared a deep passion for the medieval period and in Castell Coch Burges delivered Bute a Gothic fantasy, as he had done with the more extensive restoration of Cardiff Castle. However, Bute never slept a night at Castell Coch.
“a great brain has made this place. I don’t see how anyone can fail to be impressed by its weird beauty … awed into silence from the force of this Victorian dream of the Middle Ages.” (John Betjeman, 1952).
In designing Castell Coch, William Burges seems to have deliberately favoured the picturesque over historical accuracy: his towers were capped by conical roofs that were more typical of continental castles than of the 400 or so medieval castles dotted around Wales.
In doing this, Burges was following his passion for thirteenth century Gothic. In particular, he admired the French Gothic Revival and the works of a near contemporary Eugene Viollet-le-Duc [4], perhaps most widely known for his restoration of the medieval city of Carcassonne.
Viollet-le-Duc was a controversial figure in that his works were imaginative recreations rather than faithful restorations but it was exactly this vein of medieval romanticism that Burges admired. “Billy” Burges’ own home, The Tower House (1875-81), in London’s Holland Park was a hymn to medievalism [5]. Like Castell Coch and Cardiff Castle it was furnished in medieval style, from the door-furniture to the circular stair tower capped with a conical roof.
Over the years The Tower House has been home to Poet Laureate John Betjeman, actor Richard Harris (and singer of the strange but lovely ‘MacArthur Park’) and Jimmy Page of Led Zeppelin and ‘Circular Staircase to Heaven’ fame.
As a solution to capping circular towers it’s not surprising that conical roofs can be traced back to early medieval castle-building (not forgetting the defensive tower houses built in the Scottish Baronial style). The Gothic Revival brought back the conical tower at a time of anti-industrial romanticism but perhaps only the wealthy few could afford such architect-designed structures. CFA Voysey’s more domestic Arts and Crafts houses allowed elements of these style to filter down to the middle classes into the beginning of the twentieth century but by the end of World War I the style had gone out of fashion. Hence the surprise at seeing such strong echoes in The Artichoke and The Gatehouse in the 1930s.
Sources
http://www.rgcarter-construction.co.uk/about/ [and RG Carter archives].
Rosemary Hannah (2012).”The Grand Designer”. Pub Birlinn.
A visit to the fabulous interior of Cardiff Castle is highly recommended (www.cardiffcastle.com) as is Castell Coch only five miles away (http://cadw.gov.wales/daysout/castell-coch/?lang=en).
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eugène_Viollet-le-Duc
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Tower_House
RIBApix at https://www.architecture.com/image-library/customers/login.html
I thank Jonathan Plunkett for access to the essential Norwich website: www.georgeplunkett.co.uk. I am grateful to Mark Wilson and Alan Theobald for information on these two public houses.
Martin Battersby wrote that the sunflower has no special association with Japanese art (1) yet, during the second half of the nineteenth century, it became the symbol of the Anglo-Japanese Aesthetic Movement.
Norfolk’s Thomas Jeckyll played a part in its popularization – his Japonaise designs for fireplaces, produced by the Norwich foundry of Barnard Bishop and Barnards, helped connect the sunflower motif with other more recognisably Japanese emblems like cherry blossom, fan shapes and cranes. The sunflower crops up on illustrations, paintings, metalwork, china. One explanation for its popularity was “… the ease with which its simple flat shape could be wrought into a formal pattern…” (1).
It may be beautiful but the sunflower’s flat shape is anything but simple. The pattern of seeds on the flower head is mathematically complex, comprised of clockwise and anti-clockwise spirals. The numbers of right-handed and left-handed spirals, which change as the flower grows, are adjacent numbers in the Fibonacci series; for example 55 and 89, or 8 and 13. Described by Leonardo Fibonacci in the thirteenth century, this series is 0, 1, 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 13, 21 etc, where the next number is the sum of the previous two. Jeckyll, like all other artists (such as van Gogh in his later series of sunflower paintings [1888]) had to devise a shorthand for representing such complexity. Fortunately, in working for Barnards, Jeckyll was able to exploit their fine casting in his experiments to translate the Fibonacci series into a visually pleasing effect.
Jeckyll was certainly not the only one to use the sunflower motif in an Arts and Crafts context – William Morris had popularised it a generation earlier – but as a member of a London-based circle of connoisseurs of oriental art he was one of the first to apply it within the Anglo-Japanese Aesthetic Movement. One of his most famous designs was for Barnard Bishop and Barnards’ cast-iron Pavilion or Pagoda for the Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition, 1876. Seventy two sunflowers, three-foot-six inches high, formed the railings around the Pagoda (2).
The Pagoda was bought ca. 1880 by the Norwich Corporation for £500 and erected in Chapelfield Gardens.
When exhibited, the ceilings and upper parts of the walls of the Pagoda were decorated with embroidered textiles in the Japanese style. But when the pagoda was dismantled some 70 years later these seem to have been cut for curtains; fortunately large fragments are conserved in the Costume and Textile Department at Norwich Castle Museum & Art Gallery (5).
Below, an early colour photograph from the essential George Plunkett photographic archive of Norwich (3) shows the Pagoda in 1935, left of the bandstand.
The photographer George Plunkett’s great-uncle, the wonderfully named Aquila Eke, was a son of a blacksmith. He also became a blacksmith at Barnard Bishop and Barnards’ Norfolk Iron Works and is said to have made much of the bas-relief work for the Pagoda (3).
“At about the age of 10 [Aquila] ran away from home, finding his way to Norwich. (On arrival, he thought he had reached London!). He found his way into the blacksmith’s shop in the yard of the Royal Oak public house in St Augustine’s Street, where he was recognised, and promptly driven back to Drayton. However, he eventually came to Norwich to work, and joined the Norfolk Ironworks of Messrs Barnard, Bishop and Barnard, where [twelve years after running away] he assisted in the manufacture of the handsome wrought-iron pavilion which for so many years graced Chapel Field Gardens.”(From the Plunkett family archive, courtesy of Jonathan Plunkett).
In 1942 the Pagoda was damaged during the ‘Baedeker’ raids that bombed cities judged by the German travel guide to be of cultural and historic importance. Blast damage and general corrosion led to the dismantling of the structure in 1949. Some panels of the sunflower railings were salvaged and, after being used at the tennis courts of Heigham Park, Norwich, were refurbished in 2004 as the park’s entrance gates. During restoration, Sarah Cocke (4) remembers a mixture of old and new sunflowers mixed in cardboard boxes at Norwich City Works. Presumably, Sarah’s photograph below shows a new sunflower since it has a simplified single row of petals instead of a double row as in the original pieces.
This was the same design that Jeckyll used for the andirons in the fireplace of the Peacock Room, one of Jeckyll’s few remaining vestiges after Whistler’s makeover (see previous post).
The most recent manifestation of Jeckyll’s sunflower design is in the newly-made gates to Chapelfield Gardens, where the originals had surrounded the Pagoda over 125 years ago.
The flower motif is ubiquitous and can be found elsewhere in Norwich. The flatiron-shaped red brick and terracotta building (1880) at the junction of London and Castle streets was part of Edward Boardman’s London Street Improvement Scheme. On this building, around the top of the second storey, Boardman added a series of white terracotta roundels containing flowers with blue-glazed petals. Admittedly, these flowers are more daisy-like than sunflowers but so were some of Jeckyll’s own variations as he worked out ways of representing the sunflower – see, for example, one of his fireplaces in the third figure from top. Boardman would have been well aware of Jeckyll’s work for Barnards, whose showroom was just around the corner in Gentleman’s Walk.
Blue-glazed roundels.
At some point, perhaps for ease of manufacture in materials incapable of showing such fine detail as iron, what might once have been an Aesthetic sunflower becomes a generic daisy. The house at number 19 Ipswich Road is profusely decorated with diapered panels of Aesthetic-influenced flowers above windows and on a gable.
At 50 All Saints Green is a restored (2015) former coach house and stables. It is highly decorative with two panels of terracotta flowers; one in the east end’s Dutch gable…
… and the other above the front door (below).
Although described as sunflowers the central apple-like structure sidesteps the complexity of Fibonacci spirals that Jeckyll had managed to convey in iron.
Sources
1. Martin Battersby (1973). Essay on ‘Aesthetic Design’. pp 18-24 In, The Aesthetic Movement, Ed Charles Spencer. Academy Editions .
2. Susan Weber Soros and Catherine Arbuthnott (2003). Thomas Jeckyll, Architect and Designer, 1827-1881. The Bard Graduate Center for Studies in the Decorative Arts, Design, and Culture, New York. Pub, Yale University Press.
3. George Plunkett’s Photographs of Old Norwich http://www.georgeplunkett.co.uk/Website/
4. Recording Archive for Public Sculpture in Norfolk and Suffolk. http://www.racns.co.uk
5. The Costume and Textile Department at the Castle Study Centre, Norfolk Museums Service. http://www.museums.norfolk.gov.uk/Visit_Us/Norwich_Castle_Study_Centre/index.htm
6. The Freer and Sackler Galleries, The Smithsonian’s Museums of Asian Art. Washington D.C., USA. http://www.asia.si.edu/exhibitions/current/peacockRoom/pano.asp
Thanks to Sarah Cocke of racns; Jonathan Plunkett of the Plunkett photographic site; Lisa Little, Samantha Johns and Shaz Hussain of the Norfolk Museums Service.
THE AESTHETIC MOVEMENT IN NORFOLK
Norfolk’s Thomas Jeckyll was a largely unsung hero of the nineteenth century Aesthetic Movement whose popularization had its roots in Norwich.
I first came across Thomas Jeckyll’s work when I bought the catalogue to a 1973 exhibition that had done much to bring together the work of this diffuse group: The Aesthetic Movement 1869-1890 (1).
In the 1980s, my first house in Norwich had a wrought-iron gate bearing a small roundel embossed with two butterflies. I was told this was how Jeckyll stamped his designs for the Norwich foundry of Barnard and Bishop. These insects have been described as moths but butterflies make more sense to me and tie Jeckyll in to the wider art movement. [A correspondent later suggested that the roundels on the wings signified peacock butterflies. This makes sense in the context of the Aesthetic Movement and even has resonances in Whistler’s later Peacock Room].
Jeckyll was born in 1827 in Wymondham, a market town a few miles south of Norwich. His father was curate of the Abbey Church, Wymondham and church restoration was an important part of Jeckyll’s early work. He established an office in Norwich and his entire family moved to the city’s Unthank Road in 1854 (2). [I hope to write a post on the Unthank Estate].
The opening up of Japan for trade to the west in the early 1850s had an enormous impact on European art: collectors fought over porcelain and James Whistler even tussled over a Japanese fan. There was great competition for the wood-block prints included in shipments of imported goods. Largely free of the western preoccupation with linear perspective these Japanese images came to inspire the ‘flattened’ poster art of western artists such as Toulouse Lautrec and Alphonse Mucha, while Gustav Klimt’s decorative effects can be traced to the coloured patterns and motifs on Japanese fabric.
This avant-garde passion for things oriental filtered into popular culture as the Anglo-Japanese Aesthetic Movement. While The Arts and Crafts Movement had become, under William Morris’ influence, an exclusive enterprise based on handmade goods and opposition to mechanization, The Aesthetic Movement became an expression of middle-class taste for Japonaise objects produced on an industrial scale. Household objects, such as china and pottery, were embellished with roundels, cherry blossom, cranes, fan shapes and other geometric patterns of the kind seen on Japanese fabrics and prints
One of Jeckyll’s first successes for Barnard Bishop and Barnards was his design for the Norwich Gates, shown in the International Exhibition, London 1862. The gates were then presented by the people of Norwich and Norfolk to the Prince of Wales (later, King Edward VII) as a wedding present and can still be seen at the queen’s country estate at Sandringham.
Smaller but more dramatically Aesthetic gates – showing repeated use of the fan shape – were designed for Sprowston Hall (now Sprowston Manor Hotel) just north of Norwich.
In addition to such individual pieces, Jeckyll’s designs reached the mass market in the form of cast-iron fireplaces in the Japanese style. Again, roundels are the predominant motif, the piece below showing various depictions of the sunflower’s mathematically-complex seed heads.
The insects imprinted within Jeckyll’s roundels are sometimes described as moths but they clearly have bulbs at the ends of their antennae as butterflies do but which moths – with feathery antennae – do not. The two initials B of the butterflies would have celebrated Jeckyll’s role as designer for Barnard and Bishop, as the firm was known when he was first associated with them.
Jeckyll worked with Charles Barnard of Barnard and Bishop from 1850 but when Barnard’s two sons joined the company in 1859 the firm used a four-bee motif as seen in the roundel on the fireplace below. The firm became Barnard Bishop and Barnards – note the ‘Barnards’, plural.
On a recent visit to the Costume and Textile Study Centre, Shirehall, Norwich (3), I was shown a working fireplace that had one time been boarded up in a store room. Its top left roundel contains four bees in a square, inside that are four letter Bs and at the centre a capital N, possibly for Norwich.
Although the four-bee motif relates to the enlarged ‘Barnards’ group, the two-butterfly symbol does not seem to have been appropriated by the earlier pairing of Barnard and Bishop and was clearly reserved for Jeckyll himself. Recently, I visited Saint Peter’s church Ketteringham, a few miles south of Norwich. Jeckyll is known to have restored the upper part of the tower in the early 1870s for the Boileau family of Ketteringham Hall. The churchwarden pointed out Jeckyll’s oriental-style monogram carved on one of the stone bosses terminating the eyebrows over the towers’ Gothic arches (below left). This monogram was also used in terracotta panels on the Lodge of Framingham Manor for which Jeckyll was the architect (2).The central image shows another defining symbol of The Aesthetic Movement – the sunflower – while the right-hand image shows his symbol of two-butterflies with interlocking antennae.
This demonstrates that Jeckyll used his two-butterfly motif independently of his metalwork with the Barnards; it also shows that he was using it more than ten years after Barnard and Bishop had expanded to four Bs.
Jeckyll’s family were Jeckells and Thomas changed his name, perhaps as an affectation, much as his Norfolk-born friend Frederick Sandys had elevated himself from Sands (2). Sandys’ paintings in the Pre-Raphaelite style can be seen in Norwich Castle Museum (4). It was Sandys who introduced Jeckyll to a group of London aesthetes including George du Maurier (author of Trilby), the poet Algernon Swinburne, the artists Whistler and the Pre-Raphaelite, Dante Gabriel Rosetti.
Jeckyll was employed by wealthy collector Frederick Leyland to design a room with extensive shelving to display his collection of Chinese porcelain. Jeckyll re-fashioned the dining room in an eclectic style in keeping with the current Aesthetic manner (2). It was lined with embossed leather thought to have come from Catton Hall, in Old Catton just outside Norwich. Another of Jeckyll’s signature motifs, the sunflower, was present in the form of two gilded andirons in the fireplace above which hung Whistler’s appropriately entitled painting, The Princess from the Land of Porcelain (5, 6).
Since his early interactions with the Boileau family at Ketteringham Hall, Jeckyll had shown signs of unreliability. While decorating Leyland’s rooms his behaviour became increasingly erratic (7, 2) due to what is now recognised as severe manic-depression. In his absence Whistler took over the decoration. To achieve one of the high points of the Aesthetic Movement, ‘Harmony in Blue and Gold: the Peacock Room’, Whistler overpainted Jeckyll’s leather-clad walls, shelving and even his sideboard. While the result was undoubtedly splendid it effectively overwrote Jeckyll’s contribution to art history.
The press referred to this as Whistler’s room, a half-truth that Whistler himself seems to have been slow to correct, causing Jeckyll’s loyal friend Sandys to confront the American artist. Whistler did, however, appear to have a begrudging admiration for Jeckyll’s work and his own famous, more ethereal, butterfly signature has been traced to the influence of Jeckyll’s earlier motif (6).
Towards the end of his life Jeckyll spent time in Heigham Hall, a private asylum.
He returned to the family home in Park Lane, Norwich, but Jeckyll’s father was also exhibiting extreme mania at this time so the family transferred Thomas to the Bethel Hospital, Norwich, where he eventually died in 1881.
Victorian attitudes to mental illness may have contributed to the lack of recognition due to Jeckyll but later scholarship helped to right this wrong (1, 2, 7). What is clear is that the Anglo-Japanese designs for Barnard Bishop and Barnards are indisputably Jeckyll’s and that the widespread sale of goods bearing his butterflies, roundels and sunflowers did much to bring the Aesthetic Movement to a broader public.
Sources
This post has relied heavily on the scholarship of Susan Weber Soros and Catherine Arbuthnott (2). I thank Shaz Hussain of the Norfolk Museums Service, Gressenhall, Norfolk for showing me the Jeckyll fireplaces in storage at Gressenhall, and Lisa Little for pointing out another Jeckyll fireplace in situ at the Costume and Textile Study Centre, Shirehall, Norwich. I am grateful to churchwarden Mary Parker for teaching me so much about Jeckyll’s work at Ketteringham.
Sources
1. The Aesthetic Movement (1973). Ed, Charles Spencer. Academy Editions London.
2. Soros, Susan Weber and Arbuthnott, Catherine. Thomas Jeckyll: Architect and Designer, 1827-1881. The Bard Graduate Centre for Studies in the Decorative Arts, Design and Culture, New York in association with Yale University Press, 2003.
3.The Costume and Textile Department, Castle Study Centre, Norfolk Museums Service. http://www.museums.norfolk.gov.uk/Visit_Us/Norwich_Castle_Study_Centre/index.htm
4.http://www.museums.norfolk.gov.uk/Whats_On/Virtual_Exhibitions/Frederick_Sandys_and_the_Pre-Raphaelites/Sandys_and_the_Pre-Raphaelites/NCC081281
5. http://www.asia.si.edu/exhibitions/online/peacock/2.htm.
6. For a highly-recommended interactive tour of The Peacock Room download this free app for iPad and iPhone: http://www.asia.si.edu/apps/
7. Merrill, Linda. The Peacock Room: A Cultural Biography. Washington, D.C.: Freer Gallery of Art in association with Yale University Press, 1998.
Also, do visit Norfolk Museums Service Collections website: http://norfolkmuseumscollections.org
Angels’ Ears
The first exhibition I saw in The Sainsbury Centre for Visual Arts, in the 1980s, was Treasures of Norfolk Churches. The most beautiful piece was a head of an angel painted on glass and I had the poster of this fifteenth century angel on my office wall for many years.
Later, my wife and I were paying homage to Robert Marsham who recorded how nature changes over the seasons and so started the science of phenology in the eighteenth century. We traced him to St Margaret’s church in Stratton Strawless (poor soil, poor wheat, little straw) (1) where there was a small display of his work alongside the imposing memorials to his ancestors. Most of the remaining medieval glass was in the upper traceries of the windows but there, in the otherwise clear main light of the north aisle window, was the angel from the poster (visit the excellent: norfolkstainedglass.co.uk (2)).
Over many years of staring at this poster on a daily basis I had noted some peculiarities. First was the angel’s curly hair with a distinctive double S curl in the centre of the hairline; the second was the peculiar double tragus – the flap in front of the ear. Normally, this is a single-pointed prominence covering the opening to the ear. Abnormally, an accessory tragus can form as a smaller tag but the ear of the Stratton Strawless angel shows a more equal bi-lobing giving it a pie-crust appearance. A friend who spent time as a paediatric dermatologist never encountered a double tragus, indicative of it rarity.
In another chance encounter I visited The Burrell Collection in Glasgow (3) and saw a very similar head in a 15th century stained glass panel attributed to The Norwich School (see also ref 4). Comparison with the Stratton Strawless angel shows they share the double tragus, the double S curl and evidently visited the same hair stylist. The noses are drawn with identical strokes of the brush, as are the philtrums (the double-lined channel between nose and mouth). But there is an overall cartoon-like quality to the Burrell saint that is missing from the softer Strawless angel. Whereas the Burrell saint has expression lines drawn at the corner of the mouth the more wistful appeal of the Strawless angel derives from the smoky shading at the edge of the mouth, giving the face a quizzical look somewhat reminiscent of the Mona Lisa.
From the same family then but not identical twins. At this distance it is not easy to identify the artist but there are clues.
The Burrell glass (3) is attributed to the St Peter Mancroft church, Norwich. In 1450-55 Robert Toppes, a rich wool merchant, donated painted glass panels to this, Norwich’s ‘most prestigious’ parish church (4). An unknown proportion of the glass must have been destroyed by iconoclasts during the mid sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and the explosion of 90 barrels of gunpowder at the Royalist Committee House in nearby Bethel Street didn’t help. In 1647, during the Civil War, this ‘Great Blow’ killed or injured a hundred people (4,5). Apart from the panel now in The Burrell Collection, Glasgow, and two in Norfolk’s Felbrigg Hall (one of which is on loan in the Mancroft treasury) the rest of the surviving glass was gathered together in the east window in an apparently random fashion (4,6). Robert Toppes himself is depicted in the donor panel (below) along with female members of his family. The head of a curly-haired saint or angel replaces a lost third female head.
Toppes (1405-1467) was probably Norwich’s wealthiest tradesman at the height of the city’s trading power, demonstrating the rise of the merchant class. He became mayor and was member of parliament four times. He built his own trading hall in King Street, adjacent to the River Wensum that was used to transport his fine cloths and wool for trade with the continent. This hall, then called Splytts, is now known as Dragon Hall after the carved dragon exposed amongst the roof timbers during restoration.
Records show that Norwich had been a regional centre for glass painting since at least the thirteenth century (7). The Toppes window was made by the prominent workshop of John Wighton (6,8) who was alderman when Toppes was mayor and whose workshop is likely to have been close to Toppes’ trading hall, Splytts. During his mayoralty Toppes paid for the windows of the Guildhall’s council chamber to be glazed by Wighton and on a tour of the Guildhall (highly recommended) it is possible to see generic similarities between figures in this and the Toppes window in St Peter Mancroft.
For the Toppes window, David King in a magisterial book devoted to just this one window, identifies the styles of at least three painters (6, 7). In addition to Wighton himself, he suggests that the Master of the Passion window may have been his apprentice William Moundford who came from Moontfort in Utrecht, underlining the close links between Norfolk and the Low Countries. William’s wife Helen was – perhaps surprisingly considering the date – also a glazier in Wighton’s studio and she is thought to have made a contribution to the Toppes window. Their son John was also apprenticed to Wighton in 1446 and became head of the workshop in 1458.
On a recent visit to The Metropolitan Museum, New York, I saw fifteenth century stained glass attributed to Gloucestershire (9), in which the apostles also had the double tragus, although this bunch of ruffians looked nothing like the angelic Stratton Strawless head. So by itself this facial feature cannot be considered diagnostic of a particular artist or school. Indeed, angels painted on the wooden panels of the beautiful rood screen of St Michael, Barton Turf, Norfolk have the double tragus, showing that this trait was not confined to glass painting.
By comparing more than one facial trait it should be possible to further define the Strawless glass painter. A tour around Norfolk, based on the brilliant Hungate glass trails (10), reveals other saints and angels by the Wighton workshop and by using imaging software it was possible to overlay their images onto the Strawless angel. Below, these reunited fragments of an angel’s head from Warham St Mary share the double tragus and double-S curl with the Stratton Strawless angel.
The transparency of this image was increased and the face overlaid onto the Strawless angel.
The positions of the nose, ear and mouth of the two angels coincide pretty well as do the eyes, despite the lead strip across the Warham figure. Only the Warham angel’s more prominent jaw is significantly out.
Another angel with an enigmatic smile, and which rivals the beauty of the Strawless head, can be seen at All Saints Church, East Barsham, Norfolk. This musician wears ‘feather tights’ as worn in medieval mystery plays.
Below, overlaying the semi-transparent heads of the Strawless and East Barsham angels reveals an exact coincidence between the alignment of ears (with double tragus), the angle of the nose, position of the pupils, size and shape of the mouth as well as the overall shape of the face, even the scratched shading inside the upturned collar.
The exactness of this coalignment strongly suggests that the two heads originated from the same workshop. However, different members of the shop may have used the same template or cartoon at different times yet produced identifiably different results, as with the various artists of John Wighton’s workshop thought to have painted the Toppes window. And remember that not all those figures by the Wighton workshop had the double tragus. It seems probable, therefore, that the Strawless and East Barsham (and Bale) heads are by the same artist.
So who was that artist? After more than 500 years there is little to go on (see 8). David King, the eminent authority on Norfolk stained glass mentions that in 1473 John Marsham left a bequest in his will for the glazing of Stratton Strawless north window (11). There is no guarantee that the Strawless angel was part of the bequest but if it were this would date the angel to the 1470s. In this case John Wighton died too early to have painted the angel’s head (1458). There is record of William Mundford’s will in 1457 so he, too, may have preceded the painting of the angel. However, his son John, who became head of the Wighton workshop, died in 1481 and could have painted the piece. What does seem clear is that the cartoon on which the Stratton Strawless angel was based originated in Norwich’s Wighton workshop and was adapted by its various artists over several decades.
©2015 Reggie Unthank
Sources
norfolkchurches.co.uk
norfolkstainedglass.co.uk
The Burrell Collection, Glasgow. Asset number 45.92_01
Matthew, R. (2013) Robert Toppes: Medieval Mercer of Norwich. Pub, The Norfolk and Norwich Heritage Trust.
http://www.heritagecity.org/research-centre/social-innovation/norwich-in-the-civil-war.html
King, D. J. (2006) The Stained Glass of St Peter Mancroft, Norwich, CVMA (GB), V, Oxford.
Woodforde, C. (1950) The Norwich School of Glass-Painting in the Fifteenth Century. Pub, Oxford University Press.
King, D. (2004). Glass Painting. In, Medieval Norwich eds C. Rawcliffe and R.Wilson. Pub, Hambledon and London. pp121-136.
http://www.metmuseum.org/collection/the-collection-online/search/463580?rpp=30&pg=2&ft=gloucestershire&pos=53
http://www.hungate.org.uk
King, D.J. (1974)Stained Glass Tours Around Norfolk Churches. Pub, The Norfolk Society. | ||
wrong_mix_random_subsidiary_00131 | FactBench | 1 | 98 | https://www.aai.org/About/History/Notable-Members/Nobel-Laureates/RalphMSteinman | en | The American Association of Immunologists | https://www.aai.org/favicon.ico | https://www.aai.org/favicon.ico | [
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] | null | [] | null | /favicon.ico | null | Ralph M. Steinman, M.D.
Brief Bio
Ralph Marvin Steinman was born on January 14, 1943, in Montreal and grew up in Sherbrooke, Quebec. After receiving his B.S. from McGill University in 1963, he earned his M.D. from Harvard Medical School in 1968. A lecture on macrophages at Massachusetts General Hospital, where Steinman completed his residency, stimulated his interest in the role of accessory cells in immunity. He soon decided to pursue a career in the burgeoning field of cell-mediated immunity, and, in 1970, he accepted a postdoctoral fellowship to work with Zanvil Cohn (AAI '62) and James G. Hirsch (AAI '62) at the Rockefeller University.7 It was with Cohn that Steinman co-authored the 1973 study announcing the discovery of DCs. In his retrospective in the Annual Review of Immunology, Steinman praised his colleagues at the Rockefeller University, where he spent his entire career, and claimed that his own research would not have been possible without their contributions.
In addition to conducting research, Steinman served as a consultant for several organizations, including the Charles A. Dana Foundation, the University of Toronto University Health Network, and the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases Special Emphasis Panel, Centers for AIDS Research.
An avid hiker and jogger, Steinman was regularly seen carrying his jogging shoes to meetings, symposia, and other events. He also enjoyed skiing and took advantage of Colorado's Keystone Symposia to enjoy time on the slopes, often with his family—wife, Claudia; two daughters, Lesley and Alexis; and son, Adam.
Steinman died in Manhattan on September 30, 2011, of pancreatic cancer. His death occurred just three days before his Nobel Prize was announced.
Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine
2011 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine “for his discovery of the dendritic cell and its role in adaptive immunity.” Bruce A. Beutler (AAI '06) and Jules A. Hoffmann shared half of the award “for their discoveries concerning the activation of innate immunity.”
Lasker Award
2007 Albert Lasker Basic Medical Research Award “for the discovery of dendritic cells—the preeminent component of the immune system that initiates and regulates the body's response to foreign antigens.” Click here for more details.
AAI Service History
Joined: 1975
Committees
Nominating Committee: 2003–2004
Nobel Prize in Science
Ralph M. Steinman was awarded the 2011 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine for his discovery of the dendritic cell and its role in adaptive immunity. The Nobel Assembly in 2011 divided the prize among immunologists, granting Steinman half of the award and naming Bruce A. Beutler (AAI '06) and Jules A. Hoffmann to share the other half for their discoveries concerning the activation of innate immunity.
Steinman first noted "a novel cell type in peripheral lymphoid organs" in a study on mice in 1973. After identifying and purifying the cells, which he referred to as dendritic cells (DCs) for their resemblance to trees, he observed their high expression of major histocompatibility complex molecules. Once Steinman turned his attention to the mixed leukocyte reaction, he discovered that DCs were potent stimulator cells.
Steinman's discovery of DCs opened an entirely new field of research, and DCs were soon found in a variety of animals and organs. Still, the low density of DCs in tissue meant a relative scarcity of DCs for researchers' use in experimentation. In the 1990s, however, Steinman's group and others devised laboratory culture methods to produce large supplies of DCs, making them widely available. Since then, hundreds of researchers worldwide have studied DCs and their role in immune regulation.
"The relevance of immunology to so many disease states is not something one just mentions in a search for grant funds," Steinman said. "Instead, it is a thrilling, driving, force for choosing which experiments and experimental systems to pursue." Steinman's work identified DCs as the most powerful cell in the instigation of the T cell response, and this knowledge has driven many diverse discoveries throughout the field of immunology. "No one had anticipated that any cell could so efficiently goad T cells into action," said Joseph L. Goldstein, Nobel laureate from the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center and chair of the committee that awarded Steinman the Lasker Basic Medical Research Award in 2007.
One of Steinman's many discoveries relating to DC activity in normal immunity and disease states was the role these cells played in AIDS proliferation. He was among the scientists who found that DCs actually protected the AIDS virus, thus helping to spread HIV instead of killing it. His work also revealed much about the role of DCs in eliciting and modulating T cell immunity, the unique characteristics of DC subtypes, and DC involvement in tumor immunity.
Awards and Honors
Max Planck Research Award, 1998
Member, National Academy of Sciences, 2001
Member, Institute of Medicine, 2002
Novartis Prize in Basic Immunology, 2004
Gairdner Foundation International Award, 2004
Corresponding fellow, Royal Society of Edinburgh, 2005
Lasker Basic Medical Research Award, 2007
Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine, 2011
Institutional/Biographical Links | |||||
wrong_mix_random_subsidiary_00131 | FactBench | 1 | 20 | https://www.pbs.org/newshour/health/watch-live-2023-nobel-prize-in-physiology-or-medicine-announcement | en | WATCH: Nobel in medicine goes to scientists whose work on mRNA led to COVID vaccine | [
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] | 2023-10-01T20:00:47-04:00 | Hungarian-American Katalin Karikó and American Drew Weissman were cited for contributing vaccine development during what the panel that awarded the prize called “one of the greatest threats to human health in modern times.” | en | PBS News | https://www.pbs.org/newshour/health/watch-live-2023-nobel-prize-in-physiology-or-medicine-announcement | STOCKHOLM (AP) — Two scientists won the Nobel Prize in medicine on Monday for discoveries that enabled the creation of mRNA vaccines against COVID-19 and that could be used to develop other shots in the future.
Watch the event live in the player above.
Hungarian-American Katalin Karikó and American Drew Weissman were cited for contributing “to the unprecedented rate of vaccine development during one of the greatest threats to human health in modern times,” according to the panel that awarded the prize in Stockholm.
What is the Nobel for?
The panel said the pair’s “groundbreaking findings … fundamentally changed our understanding of how mRNA interacts with our immune system.”
Traditionally, making vaccines required growing viruses or pieces of viruses and then purifying them before next steps in brewing shots. The the messenger RNA approach starts with a snippet of genetic code that carries instructions for making proteins. Pick the right virus protein to target, and the body turns into a mini vaccine factory.
READ MORE: The powerful technology behind the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines
But simply injecting lab-grown mRNA into the body triggered a reaction that usually destroyed it. Karikó, a professor at Szeged University in Hungary and an adjunct professor at the University of Pennsylvania, and Weissman, of the University of Pennsylvania, figured out a tiny modification to the building blocks of RNA that made it stealthy enough to slip past those immune defenses.
Karikó, 68, is the 13th woman to win the Nobel Prize in medicine. She was a senior vice president at BioNTech, which partnered with Pfizer to make one of the COVID-19 vaccines. She and Weissman, 64, who is a professor and director of the Penn Institute for RNA Innovations, met by chance in the 1990s while photocopying research papers, according to Penn Today, the university’s news website.
Why do mRNA vaccines matter?
Dr. Paul Hunter, a professor of medicine at Britain’s University of East Anglia, described the mRNA vaccines as a “game changer” in helping to shut down the coronavirus pandemic, crediting the shots with saving millions of lives.
“If it hadn’t been for the mRNA technology, COVID would have been much worse,” he said. “Vaccines generally were the turning point in slowing down COVID and the mRNA vaccines were just so much better than all the others,” he said, noting that the main vaccine used in the U.K., made by AstraZeneca, is barely in use anymore.
“We would likely only now be coming out of the depths of COVID without the mRNA vaccines,” Hunter said.
Dr. Bharat Pankhania, an infectious diseases expert at Exeter University, said that a major advantage of mRNA technology was that vaccines could be made in extremely large quantities since their main components are made in laboratories.
Pankhania predicted that the technology used in the vaccines could be used to refine vaccines for other diseases like Ebola, malaria and dengue, and might also be used to create shots that immunize people against certain types of cancer or auto-immune diseases like lupus.
READ MORE: After battling COVID, can mRNA vaccines fight cancer?
“It’s possible that we could vaccinate people against abnormal cancer proteins and have the immune system attack it after being given a targeted mRNA shot,” he explained. “It’s a much more targeted technology than has been previously available and could revolutionize how we handle not only outbreaks, but non-communicable diseases.”
Nobel Committee member Gunilla Karlsson Hedestam said the prize could go some way to addressing concerns among skeptics about the speed with which COVID-19 vaccines were developed.
She said the award highlights “the decades of basic research that’s behind this kind of work.”
Peter Maybarduk, director of the Access to Medicines program at the Washington advocacy group Public Citizen, welcomed the recognition of mRNA vaccines, but said the award should also be deeply embarrassing for Western countries.
“This is a technology that should have been available to all of humanity but it was almost exclusively available only in the richest countries in the world,” he said, adding that much of the funding that led to the development of mRNA technology came from public funds in the U.S.
While mRNA vaccines were widely used in North America and across Europe to shut down COVID-19, only a small number of the shots were made available to poorer countries months after vaccination started in rich countries.
How did Karikó and Weissman react?
“The future is just so incredible,” Weissman said. “We’ve been thinking for years about everything that we could do with RNA, and now it’s here.”
Karikó said her husband was the first to pick up the early morning call, handing it to her to hear the news. “I couldn’t believe it,” she said. “I was very much surprised. But I am very happy.”
Before COVID-19, mRNA vaccines were already being tested for other diseases like Zika, influenza and rabies — but the pandemic brought more attention to this approach, Karikó said.
“There was already clinical trials before COVID, but people were not aware,” she said.
READ MORE: How mRNA and DNA vaccines could soon treat diseases like cancer, HIV, autoimmune disorders
Karikó’s family are no strangers to high honors. Her daughter, Susan Francia, is a double Olympic gold medalist in rowing, competing for the United States.
The prize carries a cash award of 11 million Swedish kronor ($1 million) — from a bequest left by the prize’s creator, Swedish inventor Alfred Nobel. The laureates are invited to receive their awards at ceremonies on Dec. 10, the anniversary of Nobel’s death.
Nobel announcements continue with the physics prize on Tuesday, chemistry on Wednesday and literature on Thursday. The Nobel Peace Prize will be announced Friday and the economics award on Oct. 9.
Corder reported from The Hague, Netherlands. Associated Press writers Maria Cheng in London, Maddie Burakoff in New York and Lauran Neergaard in Washington contributed to this report. | |||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 2 | 7 | https://en.geneastar.org/genealogy/gladstonew/william-ewart-gladstone | en | Family tree of William Ewart GLADSTONE | [
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] | null | [] | null | Born in Liverpool, England, at 62 Rodney Street, William Ewart Gladstone is the fourth son of the merchant Sir John Gladstone from Leith (now amalgamated with Edinburgh), and his second wife, Anne MacKenzie Robertson, from Dingwall, Ross-shire. Gladstone was born and brought up in Liverpool and was of purely Scottish ancestry. One of his earliest childhood memories was being made to stand on a table and say "Ladies and gentlemen" to the assembled audience, probably at a gathering to promote the election of George Canning as MP for Liverpool in 1812. | en | https://geneacdn.net/bundles/geneanetgeneastar/images/favicon.ico | Geneanet | https://en.geneastar.org/genealogy/gladstonew/william-ewart-gladstone | British Politician
Born William Ewart GLADSTONE
British Liberal politician, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
Born on December 29, 1809 in Liverpool, Lancashire, England , United Kingdom
Died on May 19, 1898 in Hawarden Castle, Flintshire, Wales
This form allows you to report an error or to submit additional information about this family tree: William Ewart GLADSTONE (1809) | ||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 19 | https://www.gla.ac.uk/myglasgow/archivespecialcollections/digitisedcollections/provenance/williamewartgladstone/ | en | Archives & Special Collections | http://farm6.static.flickr.com/5172/5549898772_bc28ce111f.jpg | [
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] | null | [] | null | en | /3t4/img/hd_hi.png | https://www.gla.ac.uk/myglasgow/archivespecialcollections/digitisedcollections/provenance/williamewartgladstone/ | William Ewart Gladstone
Xenophon: Anabasis
Leipzig: Caspar Fritsch, 1785
Sp Coll 2288
In this volume is the bookplate of William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898). The former Prime Minister was born in Liverpool, and educated at Eton and Oxford. Always very religious, he considered ordination to the ministry but was dissuaded from this by his father and instead entered politics, being elected MP for Newark in 1832. Gladstone became Prime Minister for the first time in 1868, then again in 1880, 1886 and 1892. He was a keen advocate of votes for working men and was an inspired speaker who attracted huge crowds to open-air meetings; he was especially popular in the industrial north, where he was seen as a man of the people.
Throughout his life, Gladstone had a strong interest in Classics. He had studied Homer at university, and published several papers on the subject and a three volume work: Studies on Homer and the Heroic Age (Store HA 00898-HA 00900), which differed in many respects from mainstream contemporary scholarship in that he considered Homeric literature represented human society in its early purity and that the subsequent development of Greek society and culture was a deterioration: the Athens of Aristotle's day was not the pinnacle of civilization. He also published translations of Homer, Horace, Dante and other authors. Classical scholarship became integral to his routine, and he valued this work as a balance to restlessness and an aid towards self-control.
The Anabasis is the most famous work of the Greek author Xenophon, (431-355 BC) who accompanied the Ten Thousand, an army of Greek mercenaries hired by Cyrus the Younger to help him seize the throne of Persia from his brother Artaxerxes II. This work is traditionally one of the first unabridged texts studied by students of ancient Greek because of its simple, direct style.
On Gladstone's death, a large part of his library came into the possession of the Glyn family, who were connected by marriage to the Gladstones. This volume has the bookplate of Frederic, Baron Wolverton, whose family name was Glyn.
Image: Bookplate of W.E. Gladstone in Xenophon's Anabasis. Go to the next book in the exhibition, previously owned by: Charles Dickens. | |||||
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"Gladstone" and "William Gladstone" redirect here. For other uses, see Gladstone (disambiguation) and William Gladstone (disambiguation).
William Ewart Gladstone ( GLAD-stən; 29 December 1809 – 19 May 1898) was a British statesman and Liberal politician. In a career lasting over 60 years, he was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom for 12 years, spread over four non-consecutive terms (the most of any British prime minister) beginning in 1868 and ending in 1894. He also was Chancellor of the Exchequer four times, for over 12 years. Apart from 1845 to 1847, he was a Member of Parliament (MP) from 1832 to 1895 and represented a total of five constituencies.
Gladstone was born in Liverpool to Scottish parents. He first entered the House of Commons in 1832, beginning his political career as a High Tory, a grouping that became the Conservative Party under Robert Peel in 1834. Gladstone served as a minister in both of Peel's governments, and in 1846 joined the breakaway Peelite faction, which eventually merged into the new Liberal Party in 1859. He was chancellor under Lord Aberdeen (1852–1855), Lord Palmerston (1859–1865) and Lord Russell (1865–1866). Gladstone's own political doctrine—which emphasised equality of opportunity and opposition to trade protectionism—came to be known as Gladstonian liberalism. His popularity amongst the working-class earned him the sobriquet "The People's William".
In 1868, Gladstone became prime minister for the first time. Many reforms were passed during his first ministry, including the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland and the introduction of secret voting. After electoral defeat in 1874, Gladstone resigned as leader of the Liberal Party. From 1876 he began a comeback based on opposition to the Ottoman Empire's reaction to the Bulgarian April Uprising. His Midlothian Campaign of 1879–1880 was an early example of many modern political campaigning techniques.[1][2] After the 1880 general election, Gladstone formed his second ministry (1880–1885), which saw the passage of the Third Reform Act as well as crises in Egypt (culminating in the Fall of Khartoum) and Ireland, where his government passed repressive measures but also improved the legal rights of Irish tenant farmers.
Back in office in early 1886, Gladstone proposed home rule for Ireland but was defeated in the House of Commons. The resulting split in the Liberal Party helped keep them out of office—with one short break—for 20 years. Gladstone formed his last government in 1892, at the age of 82. The Government of Ireland Bill 1893 passed through the Commons but was defeated in the House of Lords in 1893, after which Irish Home Rule became a lesser part of his party's agenda. Gladstone left office in March 1894, aged 84, as both the oldest person to serve as prime minister and the only prime minister to have served four non-consecutive terms. He left Parliament in 1895 and died three years later.
Gladstone was known affectionately by his supporters as "The People's William" or the "G.O.M." ("Grand Old Man", or, to political rivals "God's Only Mistake").[3] Historians often rank Gladstone as one of the greatest prime ministers in British history.[4][5][6][7]
Born on 29 December 1809[8] in Liverpool, at 62 Rodney Street, William Ewart Gladstone was the fourth son of the wealthy slaveowner John Gladstone, and his second wife, Anne MacKenzie Robertson.[9] He was named after a close friend of his father, William Ewart, another Liverpool merchant and the father of William Ewart, later a Liberal politician.[10] In 1835, the family name was changed from Gladstones to Gladstone by royal licence. His father was made a baronet, of Fasque and Balfour, in 1846.[9]
Although born and raised in Liverpool, William Gladstone was of purely Scottish ancestry.[11] His grandfather Thomas Gladstones was a prominent merchant from Leith, and his maternal grandfather, Andrew Robertson, was Provost of Dingwall and a Sheriff-Substitute of Ross-shire.[9] His biographer John Morley described him as "a highlander in the custody of a lowlander", and an adversary as "an ardent Italian in the custody of a Scotsman". One of his earliest childhood memories was being made to stand on a table and say "Ladies and gentlemen" to the assembled audience, probably at a gathering to promote the election of George Canning as MP for Liverpool in 1812. In 1814, young "Willy" visited Scotland for the first time, as he and his brother John travelled with their father to Edinburgh, Biggar and Dingwall to visit their relatives. Willy and his brother were both made freemen of the burgh of Dingwall.[12] In 1815, Gladstone also travelled to London and Cambridge for the first time with his parents. Whilst in London, he attended a service of thanksgiving with his family at St Paul's Cathedral following the Battle of Waterloo, where he saw the Prince Regent.[13]
William Gladstone was educated from 1816 to 1821 at a preparatory school at the vicarage of St. Thomas' Church at Seaforth, close to his family's residence, Seaforth House.[11] In 1821, William followed in the footsteps of his elder brothers and attended Eton College before matriculating in 1828 at Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Classics and Mathematics, although he had no great interest in the latter subject. In December 1831, he achieved the double first-class degree he had long desired. Gladstone served as President of the Oxford Union, where he developed a reputation as an orator, which followed him into the House of Commons. At university, Gladstone was a Tory and denounced Whig proposals for parliamentary reform in a famous debate at the Oxford Union in May 1831. On the second day of the three-day debate on the Whig Reform Bill Gladstone moved the motion:
That the Ministry has unwisely introduced, and most unscrupulously forwarded, a measure which threatens not only to change the form of our Government, but ultimately to break up the very foundations of social order, as well as materially to forward the views of those who are pursuing the project throughout the civilised world.[14]
Gladstone's 45-minute speech made a great impression on those present and his Amendment carried 94 votes to 38. Among those impressed was Lord Lincoln, who told his father the Duke of Newcastle about it, and it was through this recommendation that the Duke offered Gladstone the safe seat of Newark which he then controlled.
Following the success of his double first, William travelled with his brother John on a Grand Tour of western Europe.
Although Gladstone entered Lincoln's Inn in 1833, with intentions of becoming a barrister, by 1839 he had requested that his name should be removed from the list because he no longer intended to be called to the Bar.[11]
In September 1842 he lost the forefinger of his left hand in an accident while reloading a gun. Thereafter he wore a glove or finger sheath (stall).
When Gladstone was 22 the Duke of Newcastle, a Conservative party activist, provided him with one of two seats at Newark where he controlled about a fourth of the very small electorate. The Duke spent thousands of pounds entertaining the voters. Gladstone displayed remarkably strong technique as a campaigner and stump speaker.[15] He won his seat at the 1832 United Kingdom general election with 887 votes.[16] Initially a disciple of High Toryism, Gladstone's maiden speech as a young Tory was a defence of the rights of West Indian sugar plantation magnates—slave-owners—among whom his father was prominent. He immediately came under attack from anti-slavery elements. He also surprised the duke by urging the need to increase pay for unskilled factory workers.[17] After new bills to protect child workers were proposed following the publication of the Sadler report, he voted against the 1833 Factory Acts that would regulate the hours of work and welfare of minors employed in cotton mills.[18]
Gladstone's early attitude towards slavery was highly shaped by his father, Sir John Gladstone, one of the largest slave owners in the British Empire. Gladstone wanted gradual rather than immediate emancipation, and proposed that slaves should serve a period of apprenticeship after being freed.[19] They also opposed the international slave trade (which lowered the value of the slaves the father already owned).[20][21] The antislavery movement demanded the immediate abolition of slavery. Gladstone opposed this and said in 1832 that emancipation should come after moral emancipation through the adoption of education and the inculcation of "honest and industrious habits" among the slaves. Then "with the utmost speed that prudence will permit, we shall arrive at that exceedingly desired consummation, the utter extinction of slavery."[22] In 1831, when the Oxford Union considered a motion in favour of the immediate emancipation of the slaves in the West Indies, Gladstone moved an amendment in favour of gradual manumission along with better protection for the personal and civil rights of the slaves and better provision for their Christian education.[23] His early Parliamentary speeches followed a similar line: in June 1833, Gladstone concluded his speech on the 'slavery question' by declaring that though he had dwelt on "the dark side" of the issue, he looked forward to "a safe and gradual emancipation".[24]
In 1834, when slavery was abolished across the British Empire, the owners were paid full value for the slaves. Gladstone helped his father obtain £106,769 (equivalent to £12,960,000 in 2023) in official reimbursement by the government for the 2,508 slaves he owned across nine plantations in the Caribbean.[25]
In later years Gladstone's attitude towards slavery became more critical as his father's influence over his politics diminished. In 1844 Gladstone broke with his father when, as President of the Board of Trade, he advanced proposals to halve duties on foreign sugar not produced by slave labour, in order to "secure the effectual exclusion of slave-grown sugar" and to encourage Brazil and Spain to end slavery.[26] Sir John Gladstone, who opposed any reduction in duties on foreign sugar, wrote a letter to The Times criticizing the measure.[27] Looking back late in life, Gladstone named the abolition of slavery as one of ten great achievements of the previous sixty years where the masses had been right and the upper classes had been wrong.[28]
Gladstone was an intense opponent of the opium trade.[29][30] Referring to the opium trade between British India and Qing China, Gladstone described it as "infamous and atrocious".[31] Gladstone emerged as a fierce critic of the Opium Wars, which Britain waged to re-legalise the British opium trade into China, which had been made illegal by the Chinese government.[32] He publicly lambasted the wars as "Palmerston's Opium War" and said that he felt "in dread of the judgements of God upon England for our national iniquity towards China" in May 1840.[33] A famous speech was made by Gladstone in Parliament against the First Opium War.[34][35] Gladstone criticised it as "a war more unjust in its origin, a war more calculated in its progress to cover this country with permanent disgrace".[36] His hostility to opium stemmed from the effects of opium upon his sister Helen.[37][38] Before 1841, Gladstone was reluctant to join the Peel government because of the First Opium War, which Palmerston had brought on.[39]
Gladstone was re-elected in 1841. In the second ministry of Robert Peel, he served as President of the Board of Trade (1843–1845).[8]
Gladstone was responsible for the Railways Act 1844, regarded by historians as the birth of the regulatory state, of network industry regulation, of rate of return regulation, and telegraph regulation. Examples of its foresight are the clauses empowering the government to take control of railways in times of war, the concept of Parliamentary trains, limited in cost to a penny a mile, of universal service, and of control of the recently invented electric telegraph which ran alongside railway lines. Railways were the largest investment (as a percentage of GNP) in human history[dubious – discuss] and this Bill the most heavily lobbied in Parliamentary history[dubious – discuss]. Gladstone succeeded in guiding the Act through Parliament at the height of the railway bubble.[40]
Gladstone became concerned with the situation of "coal whippers". These were the men who worked on London docks, "whipping" in baskets from ships to barges or wharves all incoming coal from the sea. They were called up and relieved through public houses, so a man could not get this job unless he had the favourable opinion of the publican, who looked most favourably upon those who drank. The man's name was written down and the "score" followed. Publicans issued employment solely on the capacity of the man to pay, and men were often drunk when they left the pub to work. They spent their savings on drinks to secure the favourable opinion of publicans and further employment.
Gladstone initiated the Coal Vendors Act of 1843, which set up a central office for employment. When that Act expired in 1856, a Select Committee was appointed by the Lords in 1857 to look into the question. Gladstone gave evidence to the committee, stating: "I approached the subject in the first instance as I think everyone in Parliament of necessity did, with the strongest possible prejudice against the proposal [to interfere]; but the facts stated were of so extraordinary and deplorable a character, that it was impossible to withhold attention from them. Then the question being whether legislative interference was required I was at length induced to look at a remedy of an extraordinary character as the only one I thought applicable to the case ... it was a great innovation".[41] Looking back in 1883, Gladstone wrote that "In principle, perhaps my Coalwhippers Act of 1843 was the most Socialistic measure of the last half century".[42]
He resigned in 1845 over the Maynooth Grant issue, which was a matter of conscience for him.[43] To improve relations with the Catholic Church, Peel's government proposed increasing the annual grant paid to the Maynooth Seminary for training Catholic priests in Ireland. Gladstone, who had previously argued in a book that a Protestant country should not pay money to other churches, nevertheless supported the increase in the Maynooth grant and voted for it in Commons, but resigned rather than face charges that he had compromised his principles to remain in office. After accepting Gladstone's resignation, Peel confessed to a friend, "I really have great difficulty sometimes in exactly comprehending what he means".[44] In December 1845, Gladstone returned to Peel's government as Colonial Secretary. The Dictionary of National Biography notes: "As such, he had to stand for re-election, but the strong protectionism of the Duke of Newcastle, his patron in Newark, meant that he could not stand there and no other seat was available. Throughout the corn law crisis of 1846, therefore, Gladstone was in the highly anomalous and possibly unique position of being a secretary of state without a seat in either house and thus unanswerable to parliament."[45]
When Peel's government fell in 1846, Gladstone and other Peel loyalists followed their leader in separating from the protectionist Conservatives; instead offering tentative support to the new Whig prime minister Lord John Russell, with whom Peel had cooperated over the repeal of the Corn Laws. After Peel's death in 1850, Gladstone emerged as the leader of the Peelites in the House of Commons. He was re-elected for the University of Oxford (i.e. representing the MA graduates of the university) at the General Election in 1847—Peel had once held this seat but had lost it because of his espousal of Catholic Emancipation in 1829. Gladstone became a constant critic of Lord Palmerston.[46]
In 1847 Gladstone helped to establish Glenalmond College, then The Holy and Undivided Trinity College at Glenalmond. The school was set up as an episcopal foundation to spread the ideas of Anglicanism in Scotland, and to educate the sons of the gentry.[47]
As a young man Gladstone had treated his father's estate, Fasque, in Kincardineshire, southwest of Aberdeen, as home, but as a younger son he would not inherit it. Instead, from the time of his marriage, he lived at his wife's family's estate at Hawarden in Flintshire, Wales. He never actually owned Hawarden, which belonged first to his brother-in-law Sir Stephen Glynne, and was then inherited by Gladstone's eldest son in 1874. During the late 1840s, when he was out of office, he worked extensively to turn Hawarden into a viable business.[48]
In 1848 he founded the Church Penitentiary Association for the Reclamation of Fallen Women. In May 1849 he began his most active "rescue work" and met prostitutes late at night on the street, in his house or in their houses, writing their names in a private notebook. He aided the House of Mercy at Clewer near Windsor (which exercised extreme in-house discipline) and spent much time arranging employment for ex-prostitutes. In a "Declaration" signed on 7 December 1896 and only to be opened after his death, Gladstone wrote, "I desire to record my solemn declaration and assurance, as in the sight of God and before His Judgement Seat, that at no period of my life have I been guilty of the act which is known as that of infidelity to the marriage bed."[49]
In 1850–51 Gladstone visited Naples, Italy, for the benefit of his daughter Mary's eyesight. Giacomo Lacaita, a legal adviser to the British embassy, was at the time imprisoned by the Neapolitan government, as were other political dissidents. Gladstone became concerned at the political situation in Naples and the arrest and imprisonment of Neapolitan liberals. In February 1851 Gladstone visited the prisons where thousands of them were held and was extremely outraged. In April and July, he published two Letters to the Earl of Aberdeen against the Neapolitan government and responded to his critics in An Examination of the Official Reply of the Neapolitan Government in 1852. Gladstone's first letter described what he saw in Naples as "the negation of God erected into a system of government".[50]
In 1852, following the appointment of Lord Aberdeen as prime minister, head of a coalition of Whigs and Peelites, Gladstone became Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Whig Sir Charles Wood and the Tory Disraeli had both been perceived to have failed in the office and so this provided Gladstone with a great political opportunity.[51]
His first budget in 1853 almost completed the work begun by Peel eleven years before in simplifying Britain's tariff of duties and customs.[52] 123 duties were abolished and 133 duties were reduced.[53] The income tax had legally expired but Gladstone proposed to extend it for seven years to fund tariff reductions:
We propose, then, to re-enact it for two years, from April 1853 to April 1855, at the rate of 7d. in the £; from April 1855, to enact it for two more years at 6d. in the £; and then for three years more ... from April 1857, at 5d. Under this proposal, on 5 April 1860, the income tax will by law expire.[54]
Gladstone wanted to maintain a balance between direct and indirect taxation and to abolish income tax. He knew that its abolition depended on a considerable retrenchment in government expenditure. He therefore increased the number of people eligible to pay it by lowering the threshold from £150 to £100. The more people that paid income tax, Gladstone believed, the more the public would pressure the government into abolishing it.[55] Gladstone argued that the £100 line was "the dividing line ... between the educated and the labouring part of the community" and that therefore the income taxpayers and the electorate were to be the same people, who would then vote to cut government expenditure.[55]
The budget speech (delivered on 18 April), nearly five hours long, raised Gladstone "at once to the front rank of financiers as of orators".[56] H.C.G. Matthew has written that Gladstone "made finance and figures exciting, and succeeded in constructing budget speeches epic in form and performance, often with lyrical interludes to vary the tension in the Commons as the careful exposition of figures and argument was brought to a climax".[57] The contemporary diarist Charles Greville wrote of Gladstone's speech:
... by universal consent it was one of the grandest displays and most able financial statement that ever was heard in the House of Commons; a great scheme, boldly, skilfully, and honestly devised, disdaining popular clamour and pressure from without, and the execution of it absolute perfection. Even those who do not admire the Budget, or who are injured by it, admit the merit of the performance. It has raised Gladstone to a great political elevation, and, what is of far greater consequence than the measure itself, has given the country assurance of a man equal to great political necessities, and fit to lead parties and direct governments.[58]
During wartime, he insisted on raising taxes and not borrowing funds to pay for the war. The goal was to turn wealthy Britons against expensive wars. Britain entered the Crimean War in February 1854, and Gladstone introduced his budget on 6 March. He had to increase expenditure on the military and a vote of credit of £1,250,000 was taken to send a force of 25,000 to the front. The deficit for the year would be £2,840,000 (estimated revenue £56,680,000; estimated expenditure £59,420,000). Gladstone refused to borrow the money needed to rectify this deficit and instead increased income tax by half, from sevenpence to tenpence-halfpenny in the pound (from 2.92% to 4.38%). By May another £6,870,000 was needed for the war and Gladstone raised the income tax from tenpence halfpenny to fourteen pence in the pound to raise £3,250,000. Spirits, malt, and sugar were taxed to raise the rest of the money needed.[59] He proclaimed:
The expenses of a war are the moral check which it has pleased the Almighty to impose upon the ambition and lust of conquest that are inherent in so many nations ... The necessity of meeting from year to year the expenditure which it entails is a salutary and wholesome check, making them feel what they are about, and making them measure the cost of the benefit upon which they may calculate.[60]
He served until 1855, a few weeks into Lord Palmerston's first premiership, and resigned along with the rest of the Peelites after a motion was passed to appoint a committee of inquiry into the conduct of the war.
The Conservative Leader Lord Derby became Prime Minister in 1858, but Gladstone—who like the other Peelites was still nominally a Conservative—declined a position in his government, opting not to sacrifice his free trade principles.
Between November 1858 and February 1859, Gladstone, on behalf of Lord Derby's government, was made Extraordinary Lord High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands embarking via Vienna and Trieste on a twelve-week mission to the southern Adriatic entrusted with complex challenges that had arisen in connection with the future of the British protectorate of the United States of the Ionian Islands.[61]
In 1858, Gladstone took up the hobby of tree felling, mostly of oak trees, an exercise he continued with enthusiasm until he was 81 in 1891. Eventually, he became notorious for this activity, prompting Lord Randolph Churchill to observe:
For the purposes of recreation he has selected the felling of trees; and we may usefully remark that his amusements, like his politics, are essentially destructive. Every afternoon the whole world is invited to assist at the crashing fall of some beech or elm or oak. The forest laments in order that Mr Gladstone may perspire."[62]
Less noticed at the time was his practice of replacing the trees felled by planting new saplings.
Gladstone was a lifelong bibliophile.[63] In his lifetime, he read around 20,000 books, and eventually owned a library[64] of over 32,000.[65]
In 1859, Lord Palmerston formed a new mixed government with Radicals included, and Gladstone again joined the government (with most of the other remaining Peelites) as Chancellor of the Exchequer, to become part of the new Liberal Party.
Gladstone inherited a deficit of nearly £5,000,000, with income tax now set at 5d (fivepence). Like Peel, Gladstone dismissed the idea of borrowing to cover the deficit. Gladstone argued that "In time of peace nothing but dire necessity should induce us to borrow".[66] Most of the money needed was acquired through raising the income tax to 9d. Usually, not more than two-thirds of a tax imposed could be collected in a financial year so Gladstone therefore imposed the extra four pence at a rate of 8d. during the first half of the year so that he could obtain the additional revenue in one year. Gladstone's dividing line set up in 1853 had been abolished in 1858 but Gladstone revived it, with lower incomes to pay 6½d. instead of 9d. For the first half of the year, the lower incomes paid 8d. and the higher incomes paid 13d. in income tax.[67]
On 12 September 1859 the Radical MP Richard Cobden visited Gladstone, who recorded it in his diary: "... further conv. with Mr. Cobden on Tariffs & relations with France. We are closely & warmly agreed".[68] Cobden was sent as Britain's representative to the negotiations with France's Michel Chevalier for a free trade treaty between the two countries. Gladstone wrote to Cobden:
... the great aim—the moral and political significance of the act, and its probable and desired fruit in binding the two countries together by interest and affection. Neither you nor I attach for the moment any superlative value to this Treaty for the sake of the extension of British trade. ... What I look to is the social good, the benefit to the relations of the two countries, and the effect on the peace of Europe.[69]
Gladstone's budget of 1860 was introduced on 10 February along with the Cobden–Chevalier Treaty between Britain and France that would reduce tariffs between the two countries.[70] This budget "marked the final adoption of the Free Trade principle, that taxation should be levied for Revenue purposes alone, and that every protective, differential, or discriminating duty ... should be dislodged".[71] At the beginning of 1859, there were 419 duties in existence. The 1860 budget reduced the number of duties to 48, with 15 duties constituting the majority of the revenue. To finance these reductions in indirect taxation, the income tax, instead of being abolished, was raised to 10d. for incomes above £150 and at 7d. for incomes above £100.[72]
In 1860 Gladstone intended to abolish the duty on paper—a controversial policy—because the duty traditionally inflated the cost of publishing and hindered the dissemination of radical working-class ideas. Although Palmerston supported the continuation of the duty, using it and income tax revenue to buy arms, a majority of his Cabinet supported Gladstone. The Bill to abolish duties on paper narrowly passed the Commons but was rejected by the House of Lords. No money bill had been rejected by Lords for over 200 years, and a furore arose over this vote. The next year, Gladstone included the abolition of paper duty in a consolidated Finance Bill (the first ever) to force the Lords to accept it, and accept it they did. The proposal in the Commons of one bill only per session for the national finances was a precedent uniformly followed from that date until 1910, and it has been ever since the rule.[73]
Gladstone steadily reduced Income tax over the course of his tenure as Chancellor. In 1861 the tax was reduced to ninepence (£0–0s–9d), in 1863 to sevenpence, in 1864 to fivepence and in 1865 to fourpence.[74] Gladstone believed that government was extravagant and wasteful with taxpayers' money and so sought to let money "fructify in the pockets of the people" by keeping taxation levels down through "peace and retrenchment". In 1859 he wrote to his brother, who was a member of the Financial Reform Association at Liverpool: "Economy is the first and great article (economy such as I understand it) in my financial creed. The controversy between direct and indirect taxation holds a minor, though important place".[75] He wrote to his wife on 14 January 1860: "I am certain, from experience, of the immense advantage of strict account-keeping in early life. It is just like learning the grammar then, which when once learned need not be referred to afterwards".[76][incomplete short citation] [a]
Due to his actions as Chancellor, Gladstone earned the reputation as the liberator of British trade and the working man's breakfast table, the man responsible for the emancipation of the popular press from "taxes upon knowledge" and for placing a duty on the succession of the estates of the rich.[78] Gladstone's popularity rested on his taxation policies which meant to his supporters balance, social equity and political justice.[79] The most significant expression of working-class opinion was at Northumberland in 1862 when Gladstone visited. George Holyoake recalled in 1865:
When Mr Gladstone visited the North, you well remember when word passed from the newspaper to the workman that it circulated through mines and mills, factories and workshops, and they came out to greet the only British minister who ever gave the English people a right because it was just they should have it ... and when he went down the Tyne, all the country heard how twenty miles of banks were lined with people who came to greet him. Men stood in the blaze of chimneys; the roofs of factories were crowded; colliers came up from the mines; women held up their children on the banks that it might be said in after life that they had seen the Chancellor of the People go by. The river was covered like the land. Every man who could ply an oar pulled up to give Mr Gladstone a cheer. When Lord Palmerston went to Bradford the streets were still, and working men imposed silence upon themselves. When Mr Gladstone appeared on the Tyne he heard cheer no other English minister ever heard ... the people were grateful to him, and rough pitmen who never approached a public man before, pressed round his carriage by thousands ... and thousands of arms were stretched out at once, to shake hands with Mr Gladstone as one of themselves.[80]
When Gladstone first joined Palmerston's government in 1859, he had opposed further electoral reform, but he changed his position during Palmerston's last premiership, and by 1865 he was firmly in favour of enfranchising the working classes in towns. The policy caused friction with Palmerston, who strongly opposed enfranchisement. At the beginning of each session, Gladstone would passionately urge the Cabinet to adopt new policies, while Palmerston would fixedly stare at a paper before him. At a lull in Gladstone's speech, Palmerston would smile, rap the table with his knuckles, and interject pointedly, "Now, my Lords and gentlemen, let us go to business".[81] Although he personally was not a Nonconformist, and rather disliked them in person, he formed a coalition with the Nonconformists that gave the Liberals a powerful base of support.[82]
Shortly after the outbreak of the American Civil War Gladstone wrote to his friend the Duchess of Sutherland that "the principle announced by the vice-president of the South...which asserts the superiority of the white man, and therewith founds on it his right to hold the black in slavery, I think that principle detestable, and I am wholly with the opponents of it" but that he felt that the North was wrong to try to restore the Union by military force, which he believed would end in failure.[83] Palmerston's government adopted a position of British neutrality throughout the war while declining to recognise the independence of the Confederacy. In October 1862 Gladstone made a speech in Newcastle in which he said that Jefferson Davis and the other Confederate leaders had "made a nation", that the Confederacy seemed certain to succeed in asserting its independence from the North, and that the time might come when it would be the duty of the European powers to "offer friendly aid in compromising the quarrel."[84] The speech caused consternation on both sides of the Atlantic and led to speculation that Britain might be about to recognise the Confederacy."[85][86] Gladstone was accused of sympathising with the South, a charge he rejected.[87][83] Gladstone was forced to clarify in the press that his comments in Newcastle had not been intended to signal a change in Government policy, but to express his belief that the North's efforts to defeat the South would fail, due to the strength of Southern resistance.[85][88] In a memorandum to the Cabinet later that month Gladstone wrote that, although he believed the Confederacy would probably win the war, it was "seriously tainted by its connection with slavery" and argued that the European powers should use their influence on the South to effect the "mitigation or removal of slavery."[89]
In May 1864 Gladstone said that he saw no reason in principle why all mentally able men could not be enfranchised, but admitted that this would only come about once the working classes themselves showed more interest in the subject. Queen Victoria was not pleased with this statement, and an outraged Palmerston considered it a seditious incitement to agitation.[90]
Gladstone's support for electoral reform and disestablishment of the (Anglican) Church of Ireland won support from Nonconformists but alienated him from constituents in his Oxford University seat, and he lost it in the 1865 general election. A month later he stood as a candidate in South Lancashire, where he was elected third MP (South Lancashire at this time elected three MPs). Palmerston campaigned for Gladstone in Oxford because he believed that his constituents would keep him "partially muzzled"; many Oxford graduates were Anglican clergymen at that time. A victorious Gladstone told his new constituency, "At last, my friends, I am come among you; and I am come—to use an expression which has become very famous and is not likely to be forgotten—I am come 'unmuzzled'."[91]
On Palmerston's death in October, Earl Russell formed his second ministry.[92] Russell and Gladstone (now the senior Liberal in the House of Commons) attempted to pass a reform bill, which was defeated in the Commons because the "Adullamite" Whigs, led by Robert Lowe, refused to support it. The Conservatives then formed a ministry, in which after a long Parliamentary debate Disraeli passed the Second Reform Act of 1867; Gladstone's proposed bill had been totally outmanoeuvred; he stormed into the Chamber, but too late to see his arch-enemy pass the bill. Gladstone was furious; his animus commenced a long rivalry that would only end on Disraeli's death and Gladstone's encomium in the Commons in 1881.[93]
Lord Russell retired in 1867 and Gladstone became leader of the Liberal Party.[8][94] In 1868 the Irish Church Resolutions were proposed as a measure to reunite the Liberal Party in government (on the issue of disestablishment of the Church of Ireland—this would be done during Gladstone's First Government in 1869 and meant that Irish Roman Catholics did not need to pay their tithes to the Anglican Church of Ireland).[95] When it was passed Disraeli took the hint and called a General Election.
In the next general election in 1868, the South Lancashire constituency had been broken up by the Second Reform Act into two: South East Lancashire and South West Lancashire. Gladstone stood for South West Lancashire and for Greenwich, it being quite common then for candidates to stand in two constituencies simultaneously. To his great surprise he was defeated in South West Lancashire but, by winning in Greenwich, was able to remain in Parliament. He became prime minister for the first time and remained in office until 1874.[99] Evelyn Ashley recorded that he had been felling a tree at Hawarden when brought the news that he was about to be appointed prime minister. He broke off briefly to declare 'My mission is to pacify Ireland' before resuming his exertions.[100]
In the 1860s and 1870s, Gladstonian Liberalism was characterised by a number of policies intended to improve individual liberty and loosen political and economic restraints. First was the minimisation of public expenditure on the premise that the economy and society were best helped by allowing people to spend as they saw fit. Secondly, his foreign policy aimed at promoting peace to help reduce expenditures and taxation and enhance trade. Thirdly, laws that prevented people from acting freely to improve themselves were reformed. When an unemployed miner (Daniel Jones) wrote to him to complain of his unemployment and low wages, Gladstone gave what H. C. G. Matthew has called "the classic mid-Victorian reply" on 20 October 1869:
The only means which have been placed in my power of 'raising the wages of colliers' has been by endeavouring to beat down all those restrictions upon trade which tend to reduce the price to be obtained for the product of their labour, & to lower as much as may be the taxes on the commodities which they may require for use or for consumption. Beyond this I look to the forethought not yet so widely diffused in this country as in Scotland, & in some foreign lands; & I need not remind you that in order to facilitate its exercise the Government have been empowered by Legislation to become through the Dept. of the P.O. the receivers & guardians of savings.[101]
Gladstone's first premiership instituted reforms in the British Army, civil service, and local government to cut restrictions on individual advancement. The Local Government Board Act 1871 put the supervision of the Poor Law under the Local Government Board (headed by G.J. Goschen) and Gladstone's "administration could claim spectacular success in enforcing a dramatic reduction in supposedly sentimental and unsystematic outdoor poor relief, and in making, in co-operation with the Charity Organization Society (1869), the most sustained attempt of the century to impose upon the working classes the Victorian values of providence, self-reliance, foresight, and self-discipline".[102] Gladstone was associated with the Charity Organization Society's first annual report in 1870.[103] Some leading Conservatives at this time were contemplating an alliance between the aristocracy and the working class against the capitalist class, an idea called the New Social Alliance.[104] At a speech at Blackheath on 28 October 1871, he warned his constituents against these social reformers:
... they are not your friends, but they are your enemies in fact, though not in intention, who teach you to look to the Legislature for the radical removal of the evils that afflict human life. ... It is the individual mind and conscience, it is the individual character, on which mainly human happiness or misery depends. (Cheers.) The social problems that confront us are many and formidable. Let the Government labour to its utmost, let the Legislature labour days and nights in your service; but, after the very best has been attained and achieved, the question whether the English father is to be the father of a happy family and the centre of a united home is a question which must depend mainly upon himself. (Cheers.) And those who ... promise to the dwellers in towns that every one of them shall have a house and garden in free air, with ample space; those who tell you that there shall be markets for selling at wholesale prices retail quantities—I won't say are impostors, because I have no doubt they are sincere; but I will say they are quacks (cheers); they are deluded and beguiled by a spurious philanthropy, and when they ought to give you substantial, even if they are humble and modest boons, they are endeavouring, perhaps without their own consciousness, to delude you with fanaticism, and offering to you a fruit which, when you attempt to taste it, will prove to be but ashes in your mouths. (Cheers.)[105]
Gladstone instituted the abolition of the sale of commissions in the army: he also instituted the Cardwell Reforms in 1869 that made peacetime flogging illegal. In 1870, his government passed the Irish Land Act and Forster's Education Act. In 1871 his government passed the Trade Union Act allowing trade unions to organise and operate legally for the first time (although picketing remained illegal). Gladstone later counted this reform as one of the most significant of the previous half-century, saying that prior to its passage the law had effectively "compelled the British workman to work...in chains."[28] In 1871, he instituted the Universities Tests Act. He secured passage of the Ballot Act for secret ballots, and the Licensing Act 1872. In foreign affairs, his over-riding aim was to promote peace and understanding, characterised by his settlement of the Alabama Claims in 1872 in favour of the Americans. During this time, his government gave the approval to launch the expedition of HMS Challenger at a time when public interest had turned away from scientific explorations.[106] His leadership also led to the passage of the Supreme Court of Judicature Act 1873 restructuring the courts to create the modern High Court and Court of Appeal.
Gladstone unexpectedly dissolved Parliament in January 1874 and called a general election.[b]
Gladstone's proposals went some way to meet working-class demands, such as the realisation of the free breakfast table through repealing duties on tea and sugar, and reform of local taxation which was increasing for the poorer ratepayers.[108] According to the working-class financial reformer Thomas Briggs, writing in the trade unionist newspaper The Bee-Hive, the manifesto relied on "a much higher authority than Mr. Gladstone...viz., the late Richard Cobden".[109] The dissolution itself was reported in The Times on 24 January. On 30 January, the names of the first fourteen MPs for uncontested seats were published. By 9 February a Conservative victory was apparent. In contrast to 1868 and 1880 when the Liberal campaign lasted several months, only three weeks separated the news of the dissolution and the election. The working-class newspapers were so taken by surprise they had little time to express an opinion on Gladstone's manifesto before the election was over.[110] Unlike the efforts of the Conservatives, the organisation of the Liberal Party had declined since 1868 and they had also failed to retain Liberal voters on the electoral register. George Howell wrote to Gladstone on 12 February: "There is one lesson to be learned from this Election, that is Organization. ... We have lost not by a change of sentiment so much as by want of organised power".[111] The Liberals received a majority of the vote in each of the constituent countries of the United Kingdom and 189,000 more votes nationally than the Conservatives. However, they obtained a minority of seats in the House of Commons.[112]
In the wake of Benjamin Disraeli's victory, Gladstone retired from the leadership of the Liberal party, although he retained his seat in the House.
Gladstone had a complex ambivalence about Catholicism. He was attracted by its international success in majestic traditions. More important, he was strongly opposed to the authoritarianism of its pope and bishops, its profound public opposition to liberalism, and its supposed refusal to distinguish between secular allegiance on the one hand and spiritual obedience on the other.[113][114]
In November 1874, he published the pamphlet The Vatican Decrees in their Bearing on Civil Allegiance, directed at the First Vatican Council's dogmatising Papal Infallibility in 1870, which had outraged him.[115] Gladstone claimed that this decree had placed British Catholics in a dilemma over conflicts of loyalty to the Crown. He urged them to reject papal infallibility as they had opposed the Spanish Armada of 1588. The pamphlet sold 150,000 copies by the end of 1874. Cardinal Manning denied that the council had changed the relation of Catholics to their civil governments, and Archbishop James Roosevelt Bayley, in a letter which was obtained by the New York Herald and published without Bayley's express permission, called Gladstone's declaration "a shameful calumny" and attributed his "monomania" to the "political hari-kari" he had committed by dissolving Parliament, accusing him of "putting on 'the cap and bells' and attempting to play the part of Lord George Gordon" in order to restore his political fortunes.[116][117] John Henry Newman wrote the Letter to the Duke of Norfolk in reply to Gladstone's charges that Catholics have "no mental freedom" and cannot be good citizens.
A second pamphlet followed in Feb 1875, a defence of the earlier pamphlet and a reply to his critics, entitled Vaticanism: an Answer to Reproofs and Replies.[118] He described the Catholic Church as "an Asian monarchy: nothing but one giddy height of despotism, and one dead level of religious subservience". He further claimed that the Pope wanted to destroy the rule of law and replace it with arbitrary tyranny, and then to hide these "crimes against liberty beneath a suffocating cloud of incense".[119]
Gladstone was opposed to socialism after 1842, when he heard a socialist lecturer.[120] Lord Kilbracken, one of Gladstone's secretaries commented:
The Liberal doctrines of that time, with their violent anti-socialist spirit and their strong insistence on the gospel of thrift, self-help, settlement of wages by the higgling of the market, and non-interference by the State.... I think that Mr. Gladstone was the strongest anti-socialist that I have ever known....It is quite true, as has been often said, that "we are all socialists up to a certain point"; but Mr. Gladstone fixed that point lower, and was more vehement against those who went above it, than any other politician or official of my acquaintance. I remember his speaking indignantly to me of the budget of 1874 as "That socialistic budget of Northcote's," merely because of the special relief which it gave to the poorer class of income-tax payers. His strong belief in Free Trade was only one of the results of his deep-rooted conviction that the Government's interference with the free action of the individual, whether by taxation or otherwise, should be kept at an irreducible minimum. It is, indeed, not too much to say that his conception of Liberalism was the negation of Socialism.[121]
Further information: April Uprising of 1876
A pamphlet Gladstone published on 6 September 1876, Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East,[122][123][124] attacked the Disraeli government for its indifference to the Ottoman Empire's violent repression of the Bulgarian April uprising. Gladstone made clear his hostility focused on the Turkish people, rather than on the Muslim religion. The Turks he said:
were, upon the whole, from the black day when they first entered Europe, the one great anti-human specimen of humanity. Wherever they went, a broad line of blood marked the track behind them; and as far as their dominion reached, civilisation disappeared from view. They represented everywhere government by force, as opposed to government by law. For the guide of this life they had a relentless fatalism: for its reward hereafter, a sensual paradise.[125]
The historian Geoffrey Alderman has described Gladstone as "unleashing the full fury of his oratorical powers against Jews and Jewish influence" during the Bulgarian Crisis (1885–88), telling a journalist in 1876 that: "I deeply deplore the manner in which, what I may call Judaic sympathies, beyond as well as within the circle of professed Judaism, are now acting on the question of the East".[126] Gladstone similarly refused to speak out against the persecution of Romanian Jews in the 1870s and Russian Jews in the early 1880s.[126] In response, the Jewish Chronicle attacked Gladstone in 1888, arguing that "Are we, because there was once a Liberal Party, to bow down and worship Gladstone—the great Minister who was too Christian in his charity, too Russian in his proclivities, to raise voice or finger" to defend Russian Jews...[127] Alderman attributes these developments, along with other factors, to the collapse of the previously strong ties between British Jews and Liberalism.[126]
During the 1879 election campaign, called the Midlothian campaign, he rousingly denounced Disraeli's foreign policies during the ongoing Second Anglo-Afghan War in Afghanistan. (See Great Game). He saw the war as "great dishonour" and also criticised British conduct in the Zulu War. Gladstone also (on 29 November) condemned what he saw as the Conservative government's profligate spending:
...the Chancellor of the Exchequer shall boldly uphold economy in detail; and it is the mark ... of ... a chicken-hearted Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he shrinks from upholding economy in detail, when, because it is a question of only £2,000 or £3,000, he says that is no matter. He is ridiculed, no doubt, for what is called saving candle-ends and cheese-parings. No Chancellor of the Exchequer is worth his salt who is not ready to save what are meant by candle-ends and cheese-parings in the cause of his country. No Chancellor of the Exchequer is worth his salt who makes his own popularity either his first consideration, or any consideration at all, in administrating the public purse. You would not like to have a housekeeper or steward who made her or his popularity with the tradesmen the measure of the payments that were to be delivered to them. In my opinion the Chancellor of the Exchequer is the trusted and confidential steward of the public. He is under a sacred obligation with regard to all that he consents to spend.... I am bound to say hardly ever in the six years that Sir Stafford Northcote has been in office have I heard him speak a resolute word on behalf of economy.[128]
In 1880, the Liberals won again and the Liberal leaders, Lord Hartington (leader in the House of Commons) and Lord Granville, retired in Gladstone's favour. Gladstone won his constituency election in Midlothian and also in Leeds, where he had also been adopted as a candidate. As he could lawfully only serve as MP for one constituency, Leeds was passed to his son Herbert. One of his other sons, Henry, was also elected as an MP. Queen Victoria asked Lord Hartington to form a ministry, but he persuaded her to send for Gladstone. Gladstone's second administration—both as Prime Minister and again as Chancellor of the Exchequer until 1882—lasted from June 1880 to June 1885. He originally intended to retire at the end of 1882, the 50th anniversary of his entry into politics, but did not do so.[129]
Historians have debated the wisdom of Gladstone's foreign policy during his second ministry.[130][131] Paul Hayes says it "provides one of the most intriguing and perplexing tales of muddle and incompetence in foreign affairs, unsurpassed in modern political history until the days of Grey and, later, Neville Chamberlain."[132] Gladstone opposed himself to the "colonial lobby" pushing for the scramble for Africa. His term saw the end of the Second Anglo-Afghan War, the First Boer War, and the war against the Mahdi in Sudan.
On 11 July 1882, Gladstone ordered the bombardment of Alexandria, starting the short, Anglo-Egyptian War of 1882. The British won decisively, and although they repeatedly promised to depart in a few years, the actual result was British control of Egypt for four decades, largely ignoring Ottoman nominal ownership. France was seriously unhappy, having lost control of the canal that it built and financed and had dreamed of for decades. Gladstone's role in the decision to invade was described as relatively hands-off, and the ultimate responsibility was borne by certain members of his cabinet such as Lord Hartington, Secretary of State for India, Thomas Baring, 1st Earl of Northbrook, First Lord of the Admiralty, Hugh Childers, Secretary of State for War, and Granville Leveson-Gower, 2nd Earl Granville, the Foreign Secretary.[133]
Historian A.J.P. Taylor says that the seizure of Egypt "was a great event; indeed, the only real event in international relations between the Battle of Sedan and the defeat of Russia in the Russo-Japanese war."[134] Taylor emphasizes long-term impact:
The British occupation of Egypt altered the balance of power. It not only gave the British security for their route to India, it made them masters of the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. It made it unnecessary for them to stand on the front line against Russia at the Straits....And thus prepared the way for the Franco-Russian Alliance ten years later.[135]
Gladstone and the Liberals had a reputation for strong opposition to imperialism, so historians have long debated the explanation for this reversal of policy. The most influential was a study by John Robinson and Ronald Gallagher, Africa and the Victorians (1961) which focused on The Imperialism of Free Trade and was promoted by the Cambridge School of historiography. They argue there was no long-term Liberal plan in support of imperialism. Instead, they saw the urgent necessity to act to protect the Suez Canal in the face of what appeared to be a radical collapse of law and order, and a nationalist revolt focused on expelling the Europeans, regardless of the damage it would do to international trade and the British Empire. Gladstone's decision came against strained relations with France and manoeuvring by "men on the spot" in Egypt. Critics such as Cain and Hopkins have stressed the need to protect large sums invested by British financiers and Egyptian bonds while downplaying the risk to the viability of the Suez Canal. Unlike the Marxists, they stress "gentlemanly" financial and commercial interests, not the industrial capitalism that Marxists believe was always central.[136] More recently, specialists on Egypt have been interested primarily in the internal dynamics among Egyptians that produce the failed Urabi Revolt.[137][138]
In 1881 he established the Irish Coercion Act, which permitted the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to detain people for as "long as was thought necessary", as there was rural disturbance in Ireland between landlords and tenants as Cavendish, the Irish Secretary, had been assassinated by Irish rebels in Dublin.[139] He also passed the Second Land Act (the First, in 1870, had entitled Irish tenants, if evicted, to compensation for improvements which they had made on their property, but had little effect) which gave Irish tenants the "3Fs"—fair rent, fixity of tenure and free sale.[140] He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society (FRS) in 1881.[141]
Gladstone extended the vote to agricultural labourers and others in the 1884 Reform Act, which gave the counties the same franchise as the boroughs—adult male householders and £10 lodgers—and added six million to the total number of people who could vote in parliamentary elections.[142] Parliamentary reform continued with the Redistribution of Seats Act 1885.[143]
Gladstone was increasingly uneasy about the direction in which British politics was moving. In a letter to Lord Acton on 11 February 1885, Gladstone criticised Tory Democracy as "demagogism" that "put down pacific, law-respecting, economic elements that ennobled the old Conservatism" but "still, in secret, as obstinately attached as ever to the evil principle of class interests". He found contemporary Liberalism better, "but far from being good". Gladstone claimed that this Liberalism's "pet idea is what they call construction,—that is to say, taking into the hands of the state the business of the individual man". Both Tory Democracy and this new Liberalism, Gladstone wrote, had done "much to estrange me, and had for many, many years".[144]
Historian Sneh Mahajan has concluded, "Gladstone's second ministry remained barren of any achievement in the domestic sphere".[145] His downfall came in Africa, where he delayed the mission to rescue General Gordon's force which had been under siege in Khartoum for 10 months. It arrived in January 1885 two days after a massacre killed approximately 7,000 British and Egyptian soldiers and 4,000 civilians. The disaster proved a major blow to Gladstone's popularity. Queen Victoria sent him a telegram of rebuke which found its way into the press. Critics said Gladstone had neglected military affairs and had not acted promptly enough to save the besieged Gordon. Critics inverted his acronym, "G.O.M." (for "Grand Old Man"), to "M.O.G." (for "Murderer of Gordon"). He resigned as prime minister in June 1885 and declined Queen Victoria's offer of an earldom.[146]
The Hawarden Kite was a December 1885 press release by Gladstone's son and aide Herbert Gladstone announcing that he had become convinced that Ireland needed a separate parliament.[147][148] The bombshell announcement resulted in the fall of Lord Salisbury's Conservative government. Irish Nationalists, led by Charles Parnell's Irish Parliamentary Party, held the balance of power in Parliament. Gladstone's conversion to Home Rule convinced them to switch away from the Conservatives and support the Liberals using the 86 seats in Parliament they controlled. The main purpose of this administration was to deliver Ireland a reform which would give it a devolved assembly, similar to those which would be eventually put in place in Scotland and Wales in 1999. In 1886 Gladstone's party allied with Irish Nationalists to defeat Lord Salisbury's government. Gladstone regained his position as prime minister and combined the office with that of Lord Privy Seal. During this administration, he first introduced his Home Rule Bill for Ireland. The issue split the Liberal Party (a breakaway group went on to create the Liberal Unionist party) and the bill was thrown out on the second reading, ending his government after only a few months and inaugurating another headed by Lord Salisbury.
Gladstone, says his biographer, "totally rejected the widespread English view that the Irish had no taste for justice, common sense, moderation or national prosperity and looked only to perpetual strife and dissension".[149] The problem for Gladstone was that his rural English supporters would not support home rule for Ireland. A large faction of Liberals, led by Joseph Chamberlain, formed a Unionist faction that supported the Conservative party. Whenever the Liberals were out of power, home rule proposals languished.
Gladstone supported the London dockers in their strike of 1889. After their victory he gave a speech at Hawarden on 23 September in which he said: "In the common interests of humanity, this remarkable strike and the results of this strike, which have tended somewhat to strengthen the condition of labour in the face of capital, is the record of what we ought to regard as satisfactory, as a real social advance [that] tends to a fair principle of division of the fruits of industry".[150] This speech has been described by Eugenio Biagini as having "no parallel in the rest of Europe except in the rhetoric of the toughest socialist leaders".[151] Visitors at Hawarden in October were "shocked...by some rather wild language on the Dock labourers question".[150] Gladstone was impressed with workers unconnected with the dockers' dispute who "intended to make common cause" in the interests of justice.
On 23 October at Southport, Gladstone delivered a speech where he said that the right to combination, which in London was "innocent and lawful, in Ireland would be penal and...punished by imprisonment with hard labour". Gladstone believed that the right to combination used by British workers was in jeopardy when it could be denied to Irish workers.[152] In October 1890 Gladstone at Midlothian claimed that competition between capital and labour, "where it has gone to sharp issues, where there have been strikes on one side and lock-outs on the other, I believe that in the main and as a general rule, the labouring man has been in the right".[153]
On 11 December 1891 Gladstone said that: "It is a lamentable fact if, in the midst of our civilisation, and at the close of the nineteenth century, the workhouse is all that can be offered to the industrious labourer at the end of a long and honourable life. I do not enter into the question now in detail. I do not say it is an easy one; I do not say that it will be solved in a moment; but I do say this, that until society is able to offer to the industrious labourer at the end of a long and blameless life something better than the workhouse, society will not have discharged its duties to its poorer members".[154] On 24 March 1892 Gladstone said that the Liberals had:
...come generally...to the conclusion that there is something painful in the condition of the rural labourer in this great respect, that it is hard even for the industrious and sober man, under ordinary conditions, to secure a provision for his own old age. Very large propositions, involving, some of them, very novel and very wide principles, have been submitted to the public, for the purpose of securing such a provision by means independent of the labourer himself....our duty [is] to develop in the first instance, every means that we may possibly devise whereby, if possible, the labourer may be able to make this provision for himself, or to approximate towards making such provision far more efficaciously and much more closely than he can now do.[155][156]
Gladstone wrote on 16 July 1892 in autobiographica that "In 1834 the Government...did themselves high honour by the new Poor Law Act, which rescued the English peasantry from the total loss of their independence".[157] There were many who disagreed with him.
Gladstone wrote to Herbert Spencer, who contributed the introduction to a collection of anti-socialist essays (A Plea for Liberty, 1891), that "I ask to make reserves, and of one passage, which will be easily guessed, I am unable even to perceive the relevancy. But speaking generally, I have read this masterly argument with warm admiration and with the earnest hope that it may attract all the attention which it so well deserves".[158] The passage Gladstone alluded to was one where Spencer had spoken of "the behaviour of the so-called Liberal party".[158]
The general election of 1892 resulted in a minority Liberal government with Gladstone as prime minister. The electoral address had promised Irish Home Rule and the disestablishment of the Scottish and Welsh Churches.[159] In February 1893 he introduced the Second Home Rule Bill, which was passed in the Commons at the second reading on 21 April by 43 votes and the third reading on 1 September by 34 votes. The House of Lords defeated the bill by voting against by 419 votes to 41 on 8 September.
The Elementary Education (Blind and Deaf Children) Act, passed in 1893, required local authorities to provide separate education for blind and deaf children.[160]
Conservative MP Colonel Howard Vincent questioned Gladstone in the Commons on what his government would do about unemployment on 1 September 1893. Gladstone replied:
I cannot help regretting that the honourable and gallant Gentleman has felt it his duty to put the question. It is put under circumstances that naturally belong to one of those fluctuations in the condition of trade which, however unfortunate and lamentable they may be, recur from time to time. Undoubtedly I think that questions of this kind, whatever be the intention of the questioner, have a tendency to produce in the minds of people, or to suggest to the people, that these fluctuations can be corrected by the action of the Executive Government. Anything that contributes to such an impression inflicts an injury upon the labouring population.[161][162]
In December 1893, an Opposition motion proposed by Lord George Hamilton called for an expansion of the Royal Navy. Gladstone opposed increasing public expenditure on the naval estimates, in the tradition of free trade liberalism of his earlier political career as Chancellor. All his Cabinet colleagues believed in some expansion of the navy. He declared in the Commons on 19 December that naval rearmament would commit the government to expenditure over a number of years and would subvert "the principle of annual account, annual proposition, annual approval by the House of Commons, which...is the only way of maintaining regularity, and that regularity is the only talisman which will secure Parliamentary control".[163] In January 1894, Gladstone wrote that he would not "break to pieces the continuous action of my political life, nor trample on the tradition received from every colleague who has ever been my teacher" by supporting naval rearmament.[164] Gladstone also opposed Chancellor Sir William Harcourt's proposal to implement a graduated death duty. In a fragment of autobiography dated 25 July 1894, Gladstone denounced the tax as
...by far the most Radical measure of my lifetime. I do not object to the principle of graduated taxation: for the just principle of the ability to pay is not determined simply by the amount of income.... But, so far as I understand the present measure of finance from the partial reports I have received, I find it too violent. It involves a great departure from the methods of political action established in this country, where reforms, and especially financial reforms, have always been considerate and even tender.... I do not yet see the ground on which it can be justly held that any one description of property should be more heavily burdened than others unless moral and social grounds can be shown first: but in this case, the reasons drawn from those sources seem rather to verge in the opposite direction, for real property has more of presumptive connection with the discharge of duty than that which is ranked as personal...the aspect of the measure is not satisfactory to a man of my traditions (and these traditions lie near the roots of my being).... For the sudden introduction of such change, there is I think no precedent in the history of this country. And the severity of the blow is greatly aggravated in moral effect by the fact that it is dealt only to a handful of individuals.[165]
Gladstone had his last audience with Queen Victoria on 28 February 1894 and chaired his last Cabinet on 1 March—the last of 556 he had chaired. On that day he gave his last speech to the House of Commons, saying that the government would withdraw opposition to the Lords' amendments to the Local Government Bill "under protest" and that it was "a controversy which, when once raised, must go forward to an issue".[166] He resigned from the premiership on 2 March. The Queen did not ask Gladstone who should succeed him but sent for Lord Rosebery (Gladstone would have advised on Lord Spencer).[167] He retained his seat in the House of Commons until 1895. He was not offered a peerage, having earlier declined an earldom.
Gladstone is both the oldest person to form a government—aged 82 at his appointment—and the oldest person to occupy the Premiership—being 84 at his resignation.[168]
In 1895, at the age of 85, Gladstone bequeathed £40,000 (equivalent to approximately £5.84 million today)[169] and much of his 32,000 volume library to found St Deiniol's Library in Hawarden, Wales.[170] It had begun with just 5,000 items at his father's home Fasque, which were transferred to Hawarden for research in 1851.
On 8 January 1896, in conversation with L.A. Tollemache, Gladstone explained that: "I am not so much afraid of Democracy or of Science as of the love of money. This seems to me to be a growing evil. Also, there is a danger from the growth of that dreadful military spirit".[171] On 13 January, Gladstone claimed he had strong Conservative instincts and that "In all matters of custom and tradition, even the Tories look upon me as the chief Conservative that is".[172] On 15 January Gladstone wrote to James Bryce, describing himself as "a dead man, one fundamentally a Peel–Cobden man".[173] In 1896, in his last noteworthy speech, he denounced Armenian massacres by Ottomans in a talk delivered at Liverpool. On 2 January 1897, Gladstone wrote to Francis Hirst on being unable to draft a preface to a book on liberalism: "I venture on assuring you that I regard the design formed by you and your friends with sincere interest, and in particular wish well to all the efforts you may make on behalf of individual freedom and independence as opposed to what is termed Collectivism".[174][175]
In the early months of 1897, Gladstone and his wife stayed in Cannes. Gladstone met Queen Victoria, and she shook hands with him for (to his recollection) the first time in the 50 years he had known her.[176] One of the Gladstones' neighbours observed that "He and his devoted wife never missed the morning service on Sunday ... One Sunday, returning from the altar rail, the old, partially blind man stumbled at the chancel step. One of the clergy sprang involuntarily to his assistance but retreated with haste, so withering was the fire which flashed from those failing eyes."[177] The Gladstones returned to Hawarden Castle at the end of March and he received the Colonial Premiers in their visit for the Queen's Jubilee. At a dinner in November with Edward Hamilton, his former private secretary, Hamilton noted that "What is now uppermost in his mind is what he calls the spirit of jingoism under the name of Imperialism which is now so prevalent". Gladstone riposted "It was enough to make Peel and Cobden turn in their graves".[178]
On the advice of his doctor Samuel Habershon in the aftermath of an attack of facial neuralgia, Gladstone stayed at Cannes from the end of November 1897 to mid-February 1898. He gave an interview for The Daily Telegraph.[179] Gladstone then travelled to Bournemouth, where a swelling on his palate was diagnosed as cancer by the leading cancer surgeon Sir Thomas Smith on 18 March. On 22 March, he retired to Hawarden Castle. Despite being in pain he received visitors and quoted hymns, especially Cardinal Newman's "Praise to the Holiest in the Height".
His last public statement was dictated to his daughter Helen in reply to receiving the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford's "sorrow and affection": "There is no expression of Christian sympathy that I value more than that of the ancient University of Oxford, the God-fearing and God-sustaining University of Oxford. I served her perhaps mistakenly, but to the best of my ability. My most earnest prayers are hers to the uttermost and to the last".[180] He left the house for the last time on 9 April. After 18 April he did not come down to the ground floor but still came out of bed to lie on the sofa. The Bishop of St Andrews, Dunkeld and Dunblane George Wilkinson recorded when he ministered to him along with Stephen Gladstone:
Shall I ever forget the last Friday in Passion Week, when I gave him the last Holy Communion that I was allowed to administer to him? It was early in the morning. He was obliged to be in bed, and he was ordered to remain there, but the time had come for the confession of sin and the receiving of absolution. Out of his bed he came. Alone he knelt in the presence of his God till the absolution has been spoken, and the sacred elements received.[181]
Gladstone died on 19 May 1898 at Hawarden Castle, Hawarden, aged 88. He had been cared for by his daughter Helen who had resigned from her job to care for her father and mother.[182] The cause of death is officially recorded as "Syncope, Senility". "Syncope" meant failure of the heart and "senility" in the 19th century was an infirmity of advanced old age, rather than a loss of mental faculties.[183] The House of Commons adjourned on the afternoon of Gladstone's death, with A.J. Balfour giving notice for an Address to the Queen praying for a public funeral and a public memorial in Westminster Abbey. The day after, both Houses of Parliament approved the Address and Herbert Gladstone accepted a public funeral on behalf of the Gladstone family.[184] His coffin was transported on the London Underground before his state funeral at Westminster Abbey, at which the Prince of Wales (the future King Edward VII) and the Duke of York (the future King George V) acted as pallbearers.[185] His wife, Catherine Gladstone (née Glynne), died two years later on 14 June 1900 and was buried next to him.
Gladstone's intensely religious mother was an evangelical of Scottish Episcopal origins,[186] and his father joined the Church of England, having been a Presbyterian when he first settled in Liverpool. As a boy, William was baptised into the Church of England. He rejected a call to enter the ministry, and on this, his conscience always tormented him. In compensation, he aligned his politics with the evangelical faith in which he fervently believed.[187] In 1838 Gladstone nearly ruined his career when he tried to force a religious mission upon the Conservative Party. His book The State in its Relations with the Church argued that England had neglected its great duty to the Church of England. He announced that since that church possessed a monopoly of religious truth, nonconformists and Roman Catholics ought to be excluded from all government positions. The historian Thomas Babington Macaulay and other critics ridiculed his arguments and refuted them. Sir Robert Peel, Gladstone's chief, was outraged because this would upset the delicate political issue of Catholic Emancipation and anger the Nonconformists. Since Peel greatly admired his protégé, he redirected his focus from theology to finance.[188]
Gladstone altered his approach to religious problems, which always held first place in his mind. Before entering Parliament he had already substituted a high church Anglican attitude, with its dependence on authority and tradition, for the evangelical outlook of his boyhood, with its reliance upon the direct inspiration of the Bible. In middle life he decided that the individual conscience would have to replace authority as the inner citadel of the Church. That view of the individual conscience affected his political outlook and changed him gradually from a Conservative into a Liberal.[189]
Gladstone's early attempts to find a wife proved unsuccessful, having been rejected in 1835 by Caroline Eliza Farquhar (daughter of Sir Thomas Harvie Farquhar, 2nd Baronet) and again in 1837 by Lady Frances Harriet Douglas (daughter of George Douglas, 17th Earl of Morton).[190]
The following year, having met her in 1834 at the London home of Old Etonian friend and then fellow-Conservative MP James Milnes Gaskell,[191] he married Catherine Glynne on 25 July 1839 - a joint wedding shared with Catherine's sister Mary Glynne and betrothed George Lyttelton, to whom he remained married until his death 59 years later. They had eight children together:
William Henry Gladstone MP (1840–1891); married Hon. Gertrude Stuart (daughter of Charles Stuart, 12th Lord Blantyre) in 1875. They had three children.
Agnes Gladstone (1842–1931); she married Very Rev. Edward Wickham in 1873. They had three children.
The Rev. Stephen Edward Gladstone (1844–1920); he married Annie Wilson in 1885. They had five children: their eldest son Albert, inherited the Gladstone baronetcy in 1945.
Catherine Jessy Gladstone (1845–1850); died aged 5 on 9 April 1850 from meningitis
Mary Gladstone (1847–1927); she married Reverend Harry Drew in 1886. They had one daughter, Dorothy.
Helen Gladstone (1849–1925), Vice-Principal of Newnham College, Cambridge
Henry Neville Gladstone, 1st Baron Gladstone of Hawarden (1852–1935); he married Hon. Maud Rendel in 1890.
Herbert Gladstone, 1st Viscount Gladstone, MP (1854–1930), 1st governor-general of South Africa (1910–1914); he married Dorothy Paget in 1901.
Gladstone's eldest son William (known as "Willy" to distinguish him from his father), and youngest, Herbert, both became Members of Parliament. Henry and Herbert became Peers (a Baron and a Viscount) and so members of the House of Lords. William Henry predeceased his father by seven years. Gladstone's private secretary was his nephew Spencer Lyttelton.[192]
Two of Gladstone's sons and a grandson, William Glynne Charles Gladstone, followed him into parliament, making for four generations of MPs in total. One of his collateral descendants, George Freeman, has been the Conservative Member of Parliament for Mid Norfolk since 2010.[194]
Sir Albert Gladstone, 5th baronet, an Olympic Games rowing champion, and Sir Charles Gladstone, 6th baronet (from whom the 7th and 8th baronets are descended) were also grandsons.
The historian H. C. G. Matthew states that Gladstone's chief legacy lay in three areas: his financial policy, his support for Home Rule (devolution) that modified the view of the unitary state of the United Kingdom and his idea of a progressive, reforming party broadly based and capable of accommodating and conciliating varying interests, along with his speeches at mass public meetings.[195]
Historian Walter L. Arnstein concludes:
Notable as the Gladstonian reforms had been, they had almost all remained within the 19th-century Liberal tradition of gradually removing the religious, economic and political barriers that prevented men of varied creeds and classes from exercising their individual talents in order to improve themselves and their society. As the third quarter of the century drew to a close, the essential bastions of Victorianism still held firm: respectability; a government of aristocrats and gentlemen now influenced not only by middle-class merchants and manufacturers but also by industrious working people: a prosperity that seemed to rest largely on the tenets of laissez-faire economics; and a Britannia that ruled the waves and many a dominion beyond.[196]
Lord Acton wrote in 1880 that he considered Gladstone one "of the three greatest Liberals" (along with Edmund Burke and Lord Macaulay).[197]
In 1909 the Liberal Chancellor David Lloyd George introduced his "People's Budget", the first budget which aimed to redistribute wealth. The Liberal statesman Lord Rosebery ridiculed it by asserting Gladstone would reject it, "Because in his eyes, and in my eyes, too as his humble disciple, Liberalism and Liberty were cognate terms; they were twin-sisters."[198]
Lloyd George had written in 1913 that the Liberals were "carving the last few columns out of the Gladstonian quarry".[199]
Lloyd George said of Gladstone in 1915: "What a man he was! Head and shoulders above anyone else I have ever seen in the House of Commons. I did not like him much. He hated Nonconformists and Welsh Nonconformists in particular and he had no real sympathy with the working classes. But he was far and away the best Parliamentary speaker I have ever heard. He was not so good in exposition."[199] Asquithian Liberals continued to advocate traditional Gladstonian policies of sound finance, peaceful foreign relations and the better treatment of Ireland. They often compared Lloyd George unfavourably with Gladstone.[citation needed]
Writing in 1944 the classical liberal economist Friedrich Hayek said of the change in political attitudes that had occurred since the Great War: "Perhaps nothing shows this change more clearly than that, while there is no lack of sympathetic treatment of Bismarck in contemporary English literature, the name of Gladstone is rarely mentioned by the younger generation without a sneer over his Victorian morality and naive utopianism."[200]
In the latter half of the 20th century Thatcherite Conservatives began to claim association with Gladstone and his economic policies. Margaret Thatcher proclaimed in 1983: "We have a duty to make sure that every penny piece we raise in taxation is spent wisely and well. For it is our party which is dedicated to good housekeeping—indeed, I would not mind betting that if Mr. Gladstone were alive today he would apply to join the Conservative Party."[201] In 1996, she said: "The kind of Conservatism which he and I...favoured would be best described as 'liberal', in the old-fashioned sense. And I mean the liberalism of Mr Gladstone, not of the latter-day collectivists."[202] Nigel Lawson, one of Thatcher's Chancellors, called Gladstone the "greatest Chancellor of all time".[203]
A. J. P. Taylor wrote:
William Ewart Gladstone was the greatest political figure of the nineteenth century. I do not mean by that that he was necessarily the greatest statesman, certainly not the most successful. What I mean is that he dominated the scene.[204]
Historical writers have often played Disraeli and Gladstone against each other as great rivals.[205] Roland Quinault, however, cautions us not to exaggerate the confrontation:
they were not direct antagonists for most of their political careers. Indeed initially they were both loyal to the Tory party, the Church and the landed interest. Although their paths diverged over the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 and later over fiscal policy more generally, it was not until the later 1860s that their differences over parliamentary reform, Irish and Church policy assumed great partisan significance. Even then their personal relations remained fairly cordial until their dispute over the Eastern Question in the later 1870s.[206]
Lambeth Palace holds Gladstone's Diaries.
The British Library holds the Gladstone Papers, which contains Gladstone's political correspondence and papers.
Gladstone's Library holds Gladstone's personal collection of books used to found the Library in its Foundation Collection and the Glynne-Gladstone Archive, which contains the personal papers and correspondence of Gladstone. They also hold copies of the papers, on microfilm, related to Gladstone and held by the British Library and the National Library of Wales.
The National Library of Wales holds many pamphlets that were sent to Gladstone during his political career. These pamphlets show the concerns of people from all strands of society and together form a historical resource of the social and economic conditions of mid to late-nineteenth-century Britain. Many of the pamphlets bear the handwriting of Gladstone, which provides direct evidence of Gladstone's interest in various topics.
Thomas Edison's European agent, Colonel Gouraud, recorded Gladstone's voice several times on phonograph. A wax cylinder of one of the recordings is held by the BBC Sound Archive. According to H. C. G. Matthew, the voice on the recording has a 'slight North Welsh accent'.[207]
A statue of Gladstone stands prominently in the front grounds of the eponymous Gladstone's Library (formerly known as St. Deiniol's), near the start of Gladstone Way in Hawarden.
A statue of Gladstone by Albert Bruce-Joy erected in 1882, stands near the front gate of St. Marys Church in Bow, London. Paid for by the industrialist Theodore Bryant, it is viewed as a symbol of the later 1888 match girls strike, which took place at the nearby Bryant & May Match Factory. Led by the socialist Annie Besant, hundreds of women working in the factory, where many sickened and died from poisoning from the white phosphorus used in the matches, went on strike to demand improved working conditions and pay, eventually winning their cause. In recent years, the statue of Gladstone has been repeatedly daubed with red paint, suggesting that it was paid for with the "blood of the match girls".[208]
A statue of Gladstone in bronze by Sir Thomas Brock, erected in 1904, stands in St John's Gardens, Liverpool.[209]
The Gladstone Memorial erected in 1905 stands at Aldwych, London, near the Royal Courts of Justice.[210]
A Grade II listed statue of Gladstone stands in Albert Square, Manchester.[211]
A monument to Gladstone, Member of Parliament for Midlothian 1880–1895 was unveiled in Edinburgh in 1917 (and moved to its present location in 1955). It stands in Atholl Crescent Gardens.[212] The sculptor was James Pittendrigh MacGillivray.[213]
A statue to Gladstone, who was Rector of the University of Glasgow 1877–1880 was unveiled in Glasgow in 1902. It stands in George Square. The sculptor was Sir William Hamo Thornycroft.[214]
A bust of Gladstone is in the Hall of Heroes of the National Wallace Monument in Stirling.
Near Hawarden in the town of Mancot, there is a small hospital named after Catherine Gladstone.
A statue of Gladstone stands in front of the Kapodistrian University building in the centre of Athens.[215]
There is a Gladstone statue at Glenalmond College, unveiled in 2010, which is located in Front Quad.[216]
A Gladstone memorial was unveiled on 23 February 2013 in Seaforth, Liverpool by MP Frank Field. It is located in the grounds of Our Lady Star of the Sea Church facing the former site of St Thomas's Church where Gladstone was educated from 1816 to 1821. The Seaglam (Seaforth Gladstone Memorial) Project, whose chairman is local historian Brenda Murray (BEM), was started to raise the profile of Seaforth Village by installing a memorial to Gladstone. Funds for the memorial were raised by voluntary effort and additional funding was provided by the Heritage Lottery Fund. Sculptor Tom Murphy created the bronze bust.[217]
A statue of Gladstone was unveiled on the Boulevard in Blackburn, Lancashire on 4 November 1899 by the Earl of Aberdeen.[218] The statue, sculpted by John Adams-Acton at a cost of £3,000, bears the inscription "The most brilliant intellect that has been placed at the service of the state since parliamentary government began - Salisbury". It was later moved to Blakey Moor and in 1983 was moved again to Northgate.[219] In 2020 there were calls for the statue to be removed.[220]
Gladstone Park in the Municipal Borough of Willesden, London was named after him in 1899. Dollis Hill House, within what later became the park, was occupied by Sir Dudley Coutts Marjoribanks, who subsequently became Lord Tweedmouth. In 1881 Lord Tweedmouth's daughter and her husband, Lord Aberdeen, took up residence. They often had Gladstone to stay as a guest. In 1897 Lord Aberdeen was appointed Governor-General of Canada and the Aberdeens moved out. When Willesden acquired the house and land in 1899, they named the park Gladstone Park after the old Prime Minister.[citation needed]
Gladstone Rock, a large boulder about 12 ft high in Cwm Llan on the Watkin Path on the south side of Snowdon where Gladstone made a speech in 1892, was named for him. A plaque on the rock states that he "addressed the people of Eryri upon justice to Wales".[221]
Gladstone, Oregon; Gladstone, New Jersey; Gladstone, Michigan;[222] Gladstone, Missouri; and Gladstone, New Mexico, in the United States are named for him. The city of Gladstone, Queensland, Australia, was named after him and has a 19th-century marble statue on display in its town museum.[223]
Gladstone, Manitoba, was named after him in 1882.[224]
Streets in the cities of Athens, Sofia (including a school), Plovdiv, Varna, Burgas, Ruse, Stara Zagora, Limassol, Springs, Newark-on-Trent, Waterford City, Clonmel, Baltimore, MD., Brighton, Bradford, London (in Lambeth, Merton Park and South Acton), Scarborough, Swindon, Vancouver (including a school), Windsor, Ottawa, Toronto, Halifax and Brisbane are named for him. There is also Gladstone Avenue and adjoining Ewart Road in his hometown of Liverpool in a part of the city where he was a landowner.[225]
There is an imposing 'Arts and Crafts' pub in Dulwich Hill, a suburb of Sydney, Australia named for him on the corner of Marrickville Road and New Canterbury Road;[226] also a street is named for him in Dulwich Hill (Ewart Street) which crosses into the adjoining suburb of Marrickville. On Ewart Street there is a mansion called 'Gladstone Hall' built in 1870 by William Starkey, founder of Starkey's Ginger Beer and cordial factory in 1838 which became the largest of its type in the southern hemisphere for some time.[227] Gladstone Park is located in the Sydney suburb of Balmain. The Lord Gladstone Hotel is located on the corner of Meagher and Regent Street in Chippendale, Sydney.[228]
At the University of Liverpool, there is Gladstone Hall of residence,[229] and the Gladstone Professor of Greek.
A Gladstone bag, a light travelling bag, is named after him.[230]
The Gladstone Theatre is a theatre located in Port Sunlight, Wirral, across the water from Liverpool where Gladstone was born.
The London, Brighton and South Coast Railway B1 Class Steam Locomotives were known as the "Gladstones", after the first member of its class.
Statue at Aldwych, London, near to the Royal Courts of Justice and opposite Australia House
Statue in Albert Square, Manchester, Manchester
Statue on the Gladstone Monument in Coates Crescent Gardens, Edinburgh
A high school named after Gladstone in Sofia, Bulgaria
A statue of William Gladstone, erected in 1899 in Blackburn, Lancashire
Gladstone was popularly known in his later years as the "Grand Old Man" or "G.O.M.". The term was used occasionally during the Midlothian election campaign, first became widely associated with him during the 1880 general election, and was ubiquitous in the press by 1882. Henry Labouchère and Sir Stafford Northcote have both been credited with coining it; it appears to have been in use before either of them used it publicly, though they may have helped popularise it. While it was originally used to show affectionate reverence, it was quickly adopted more sarcastically by his opponents, using it to emphasise his age. The acronym was sometimes satirised as "God's Only Mistake", or after the fall of Khartoum, inverted to "M.O.G.", "Murderer of Gordon". (Disraeli is often credited with the former, but Lord Salisbury is a more likely origin). The term is still widely used today and is virtually synonymous with Gladstone.[231]
Gladstone's burial in 1898 was commemorated in a poem by William McGonagall.[232]
Since 1937, Gladstone has been portrayed some 37 times in film and television.[233]
Portrayals include:
Montagu Love in the film Parnell (1937)
Arthur Young in the films Victoria the Great (1937) and The Lady with a Lamp (1951)
Malcolm Keen in the film Sixty Glorious Years (1938)
Stephen Murray in the film The Prime Minister (1941)
Gordon Richards in the film The Imperfect Lady (1947)
Ralph Richardson in the film Khartoum (1966)[234]
Graham Chapman in the Monty Python's Flying Circus episode Sex and Violence (1969)
Willoughby Gray in the film Young Winston (1972)
David Steuart in the television serial Jennie: Lady Randolph Churchill (1974)
Michael Hordern in the television series Edward the Seventh (1975)
John Carlisle in the television serial Disraeli (1978)
John Phillips in the television series Lillie (1978)
Roland Culver in the television series The Life and Times of David Lloyd George (1981)
Denis Quilley in the television series Number 10 (1983)
Gladstone, William Ewart (1841). The State in its relations with the Church (4th ed.). London: John Murray – via Internet Archive.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1858). Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age. Oxford: At The University Press – via Internet Archive. , volume 1, volume 2, volume 3.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1868). A Chapter of Autobiography. London: John Murray – via Internet Archive.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1870). Juventus Mundi: The Gods and Men of the Heroic Age (2nd ed.). London: Macmillan and Co – via Internet Archive.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1876). Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East (1st ed.). London: John Murray – via Internet Archive.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1879). Gleanings of Past Years, 1848–1878, 7 vols (1st ed.). London: John Murray – via Internet Archive.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1890). On books and the Housing of them. New York: Dodd, Mead & Company – via Internet Archive. A treatise on the storing of books and the design of bookshelves as employed in his personal library.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1890). The impregnable rock of Holy Scripture (Revised and Enlarged from Good Words). London: Isbister and Company – via Internet Archive.
William Ewart Gladstone, Baron Arthur Hamilton-Gordon Stanmore (1961). Gladstone-Gordon correspondence, 1851–1896: selections from the private correspondence of a British Prime Minister and a colonial Governor, Volume 51. American Philosophical Society. p. 116. ISBN 978-0871695147 . (Volume 51, Issue 4 of new series, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society) (Original from the University of California)
Liberalism in the United Kingdom | ||||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 2 | 40 | https://mixedmuseum.org.uk/btcotc/gladstone-park/ | en | The Mixed Museum | [
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] | null | [] | 2022-04-06T18:43:39+00:00 | The history behind why some people would like Gladstone Park, named after Prime Minister William Gladstone, to be renamed. | en | The Mixed Museum | https://mixedmuseum.org.uk/btcotc/gladstone-park/ | Introduction
All about 'By The Cut of Their Cloth'
Introduction: Colonial Brent
Read about our exploration of Brent's colonial history
Princess Omdutel Aurau Begum
The sad tale of an Indian princess in Brent.
'Britannia Pacificatrix'
The connection between a Brent grave and imperial display https://www.traditionrolex.com/27
The British Empire Exhibition
A show of imperialism at Wembley
Introduction: Multiracial Brent
A look at the borough's diversity from the post-war period
All About Brent
Key stats and info about the 'Borough of Cultures'
The Grunwick Strike
The groundbreaking strike by Brent migrant workers in the 1970s
Multiracial education in Brent
Racism and anti-racism in Brent schools in the 1970s and 80s.
Icons of Colour
An exclusive interview with the team behind the 'Icons of Colour' exhibition
Urban Angel
How an agency took on the modelling world
Rajah Rampal Singh and Princess Alice
An Indian prince and his white English wife in 19th century Wembley
'Prince' Mac Fee and Jennie Lung
The very public divorce of a Willesden couple.
Introduction: Brent stories
Collecting stories and artwork at our Open Days
Creative Stories: Kinga
The centrality of mixedness to Brent Museum and Archives' resident artist's work | |||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 15 | https://ancestors.familysearch.org/en/LHL9-33G/prime-minister-william-ewart-gladstone-1809-1898 | en | Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone (1809â1898) ⢠FamilySearch | [
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] | null | [] | 2024-06-05T00:00:00 | Discover life events, stories and photos about Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone (1809â1898) of Liverpool, Lancashire, England, United Kingdom. | FamilySearch | https://ancestors.familysearch.org/en/LHL9-33G/prime-minister-william-ewart-gladstone-1809-1898 | When Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone was born on 29 December 1809, in Liverpool, Lancashire, England, United Kingdom, his father, Sir John Gladstone 1st Bt, was 45 and his mother, Anne MacKenzie Robertson, was 37. He married Catharine Glynne on 25 July 1839, in Flintshire, Wales, United Kingdom. They were the parents of at least 4 sons and 4 daughters. He lived in United States in 1898 and Hawarden, Canterbury, New Zealand in 1898. He died on 19 May 1898, in Hawarden, Flintshire, Wales, United Kingdom, at the age of 88, and was buried in Westminster Abbey, Westminster, Middlesex, England, United Kingdom. | ||||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 0 | 9 | https://www.montana.edu/news/23831/montana-state-university-students-named-to-spring-semester-2024-honor-rolls | en | Montana State University | http://www.montana.edu/assets/images/695dr/image3.jpg | http://www.montana.edu/assets/images/695dr/image3.jpg | [
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wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 0 | 75 | https://news.ku.edu/news/article/2022/07/26/university-announces-summer-fall-2021-spring-2022-graduates | en | University announces summer-fall 2021, spring 2022 graduates | [
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Christy Little Schock
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LAWRENCE — The names of more than 6,600 graduates at the University of Kansas for summer and fall 2021 and spring 2022 have been announced by the University Registrar. Many graduates and candidates for degree celebrated by participating in KU Commencement, which took place May 15.
A list of summer and fall 2021 and spring 2022 graduates is below, listed in alphabetical order. Names are also available by geography:
Kansas graduates | Out-of-state graduates | International graduates.
Note: Not all graduates have made their name and hometown information publicly available. Those students can email kunews@ku.edu if they would like their information included. Learn more about KU hometown news.
A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z
Rebekkah Rachael Aarnes, Eudora, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Grace Diana Aaronson, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Management & Leadership
Grace Merritt Abbott, Naperville, Illinois; Bachelor of General Studies in Economics and Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Janie Elizabeth Roe Abbott, Little Rock, Arkansas; Bachelor of Science in Molecular Biosciences
Moustafa Mahmoud Mahmoud Abdelaziz, Ismailia, Egypt; Master of Science in Bioengineering
Guled M Abdi, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Microbiology
Radhia Hassan Abdirahman, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Global & International Studies and Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Fatima H. Abdo, Timonium, Maryland; Certificate in Pediatrics
Oaklee Layne Abernathy, Wichita, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Dhanushki Abeykoon, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Romesha Monique Abimbola, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Petroleum Engineering
Symone Renae Abington, Brooklyn Park, Minnesota; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Jasper R Ables, Eureka, Missouri; Bachelor of Arts in Chemistry
Ahmad Abdullah Abouswid, Sharjah, United Arab Emirates; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Nihil Tom Abraham, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Justin T Abramovitz, Kansas City, Missouri; Bachelor of General Studies in American Sign Language & Deaf Studies
Megan Abruzzo, Neosho, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Education in Elementary Education
Mason B Abshier, Berryton, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Health Information Management
Qays Abu-Saymeh, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Molecular, Cellular & Developmental Biology
Maya Rami Abuhijleh, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Applied Science in Biotechnology
Maria B Accardi, Kansas City, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Amy Nicole Accardo, Lee's Summit, Missouri; Master of Science in Journalism
Sarah Lyn Acevedo, Leawood, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Jessika Acharya, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Biochemistry
Alyssa Lorraine Achenbach, Union, Missouri; Master of Architecture
Christian Andrew Acker, Kechi, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Economics
Diego Leonardo Acosta, Kansas City, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Linguistics
Melissa Isabel Acosta, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Biochemistry
Olivia Grace Acree, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in News & Information and Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Ross T Acree, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Global & International Studies
Ilene Adair, Bucyrus, Kansas; Doctor of Physical Therapy
Logan Grace Adair, Tulsa, Oklahoma; Bachelor of Science in Education in Community Health
Amy Dawn Rousselo Adam, Basehor, Kansas; Doctor of Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Jacob Conner Adam, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Economics
Jarrett Chase Adam, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Alyssa May Adams, St. Louis, Missouri; Bachelor of General Studies in Applied Behavioral Science
Brant Adams, Wichita, Kansas; Certificate in Anesthesiology
Breanna Adams, Overbrook, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Biochemistry
Brenda Adams, Galena, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Christopher James Adams, Topeka, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Harold D Adams, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Management & Leadership
Londyn Adams, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Design
Mitchell Ross Adams, Andover, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Nicole Lynn Adams, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Elementary Education
Robert Sunao Adams, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Liberal Arts & Sciences
Samantha J Adams, Mobile, Alabama; Master of Business Administration
Zachary Scott Adams, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
David J Adamson, Gardner, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Silas Benjamin Adamson, Lakeville, Minnesota; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Bridget Marie Adcock, Sioux Falls, South Dakota; Doctor of Medicine
Emily Katherine Adelman, Winfield, Kansas; Doctor of Nurse Anesthesia Practice
Tyler Aden, Hutchinson, Kansas; Master of Science in Applied Statistics, Analytics & Data Science
Pranjali Adhikari, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Srijan Adhikari, Overland Park, Kansas; Certificate in Neurology
Alex Adkins, Shawnee, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Jaime Lynn Adkins, Cypress, Texas; Doctor of Nurse Anesthesia Practice
Kelsey Adkins, Basehor, Kansas; Master of Science in Nursing
Miriam Eve Adler, Leawood, Kansas; Master of Science in Business Analytics
Maaz Adnan, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Health Information Management
Cloey Adrian, Raymore, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Environmental Studies
Yasmine Adrian, Arlington, Virginia; Bachelor of Arts in German Studies and Bachelor of Arts in Global & International Studies
Toluwani John Adubi, Grandview, Missouri; Master of Business Administration
Falestine Farid Afani Ruzik, Minneapolis, Kansas; Master of Science in Digital Content Strategy
Ochai Young Agbaji, Kansas City, Missouri; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Dora Agbas, Prairie Village, Kansas; Master of Fine Arts
Ewud Agborbesong, Rochester, Minnesota; Doctor of Philosophy in Biochemistry & Molecular Biology
Sarah Jo Agee, Salina, Kansas; Doctor of Nursing Practice
Gabriella R Aguilar, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Film & Media Studies
Matthew Aaron Aguilera, Kansas City, Missouri; Master of Accounting
Alexis K Ahlert, Brentwood, Tennessee; Master of Science in Geology
Jakob Ahlschwede, Lincoln, Nebraska; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Camron Dominque Ahmad-Daugherty, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Blake Katherine Aho, Highlands Ranch, Colorado; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Kaitlyn Michelle Airy, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Jephte Yao Akakpo, Cotonou City, Benin; Doctor of Philosophy in Toxicology
Zoe Mae R. Akin-Amland, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Applied Behavioral Science
Yazan Akkam, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Molecular Biosciences
Rachel Aks, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Kwadwo Akyea Larbi, Lenexa, Kansas; Doctor of Nurse Anesthesia Practice
Maisam Al Patty, La Jolla, California; Certificate in Internal Medicine
Ethar K Al-Husseinawi, Mission, Kansas; Certificate in Anatomic & Clinical Pathology
Jihad Basem Al-Khatib, Wichita, Kansas; Certificate in Preliminary Surgery
Mejalli Mahmoud Al-Kofahi, Overland Park, Kansas; Certificate in Internal Medicine
Ammar Al-Obaidi, Wichita, Kansas; Certificate in Internal Medicine
Hayder Ibrahim Awad Al-Salih, Al-Qasim, Iraq; Doctor of Philosophy in Civil Engineering
Adi Mohammad Al-Smadi, Irbid, Jordan; Doctor of Philosophy in Civil Engineering
Sattam Abdullah Alajmi, Jeddah, Saudi Arabia; Bachelor of Arts in Architectural Studies
Fares Jameel Alalawi, Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates; Bachelor of Science in Geology
Abdulwahab Alalyani Sr, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Arts in Architecture
Awadh Marzouq Alanazi, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Juridical Science
Maricela Alaniz, San Antonio, Texas; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Theatre Design
Raymond Luis Alaniz, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Dance
Rafael D Alaras, Topeka, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Razan Alazemi, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Petroleum Engineering
Dante Frederico Miranda Albanese, Pleasanton, California; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Griffin Albaugh, Fort Collins, Colorado; Juris Doctor
Rachel Lynn Albers, Lake Quivira, Kansas; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Design
Jaime M Albertson, Chillicothe, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Education in Community Health
John Charles Albright, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Supply Chain Management
Katelin Jeanne Aldrich, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Social Work
James Thomas Alexander III, Jackson, Michigan; Doctor of Musical Arts
Courtney Renee Alexander, Wamego, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Jeff Melvin Alexander, Parsons, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Jenna R Alfaro, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Tristan J Alfie, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Ayman Alghamdi, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Respiratory Care
Alaa Alhaj Issa, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Science in Architectural Engineering
Mujri Faihan M Alhajri, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Chemical Engineering
Haider Mohammed H Alhazmi, Jazan, Saudi Arabia; Doctor of Philosophy in Physics
Mahmoud Mostafa Eldaramali Ali, Temah, Egypt; Doctor of Philosophy in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Syed H Ali, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Fatimah Aljubran, Al-Ahsa, Saudi Arabia; Doctor of Philosophy in Molecular & Integrative Physiology
Mohamed Abdalla Saeed Salim Alketbi, Almamdam, Sharjah, United Arab Emirates; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Batool Abdulelah Alkhamis, Kansas City, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in Rehabilitation Science
Zachary Thomas Alleman, Edmond, Oklahoma; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Amante N Allen, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Applied Behavioral Science
Ashley Nichole Allen, Columbia, Missouri; Certificate in Family Practice
Brianna Lynn Allen, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Geneva Xerin Allen, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
James Eric Allen, Prairie Village, Kansas; Certificate in Internal Medicine
Jessica Michelle Allen, Kearney, Missouri; Doctor of Medicine
Katherine E Allen, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Elementary Education
Madison Elizabeth Allen, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Elementary Education
Reed Allen, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Occupational Therapy
Zev Allen, Soldier, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Avery Allin, Trenton, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Chemistry
Chelsea Irene Allison, Chatham, Illinois; Bachelor of Arts in Applied Behavioral Science
Zachary James Allison, St. Peters, Missouri; Bachelor of Arts in History
Samir Sahim Allos, Kansas City, Kansas; Certificate in Internal Medicine
Isaac John Allred, Bloomington, Indiana; Doctor of Philosophy in Geology
Omar Abdulla Almoghrabi, Wichita, Kansas; Certificate in Surgery
Abdullah KH A KH E Alonaizi, Faiha, Kuwait; Doctor of Philosophy in Education in Educational Leadership & Policy
Adrianna N Alonzo, Kansas City, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
May H Alorainy, Kansas City, Kansas; Certificate in Internal Medicine
Sultan Khalid Alotaibi, Al Khafji, Saudi Arabia; Bachelor of Science in Petroleum Engineering
Mohammed Ali Alqattan, Dhahran, Saudi Arabia; Doctor of Philosophy in Geology
Hussain Ali Alsadiq, Safwa, Saudi Arabia; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Nadine Hani Sada Alshakhshir, Amman, Jordan; Master of Science in Pharmacology & Toxicology
Ishahe Mohammed M Alshanqiti, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in Educational Leadership & Policy
Mohammad Alshare, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Husam AlShatti, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Petroleum Engineering
Alexander Michael Alsup, Baldwin City, Kansas; Master of Science in Biostatistics
Alexander Branham Alt, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Behavioral Neuroscience
Haneen Altamimi, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Chemical Engineering
Bernard Gregory Altamirano, Garden City, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Gabriel C Altenbernd, Prairie Vlg, Kansas; Master of Public Administration
Tyler Altholz, Scottsdale, Arizona; Bachelor of Science in Business Administration and Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Emily Hope Altschuler, Atlanta, Georgia; Master of Science in Education in Special Education
Lavanya Aluru, Portland, Oregon; Bachelor of Arts in Architectural Studies
Vilmer Saul Alvarado-Martinez, Kansas City, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Political Science and Bachelor of Arts in Public Administration
Michael Andrew Alvarado, Maize, Kansas; Certificate in Anesthesiology
Abel Carlos Alvarez, Salina, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Management & Leadership
Joanna Alvarez, El Paso, Texas; Juris Doctor
Emilio Nelson Alverio, Quincy, Illinois; Master of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Jessica Dawn Alves, Neosho, Missouri; Master of Science in Education in Special Education
Katherine A Alvidrez, Lyons, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Global & International Studies and Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Ridah Amanullah, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Biochemistry
Harper Ann Amend, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance and Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Alice Louise Ames, Mission, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Callison Ames, Swansea, Illinois; Bachelor of General Studies in the History of Art
Talia Amjadi, Vernon Hills, Illinois; Bachelor of General Studies in Political Science
Ashley B Ammann, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Zenia K Amrolia, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Yulin An, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Film & Media Studies and Bachelor of Arts in Theatre
Miranda Taylor Anaya, Andover, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Sarah Andaverde, Shawnee, Kansas; Doctor of Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Anna Sere Andersen, Albert Lea, Minnesota; Master of Arts in Speech-Language Pathology
Caleb Anderson, Catoosa, Oklahoma; Master of Science in Education
Cameron Anderson, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Science in Education
Cammye Anderson, Lawrence, Kansas; Specialist in Education in School Psychology
Clayton W Anderson, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Corey Patrick Anderson, Carbondale, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Craig Matthew Anderson, Round Lake Beach, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Economics
Dameron Elizabeth Anderson, Kansas City, Missouri; Master of Social Work
Emily Ann Anderson, Tonganoxie, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Eric Scott Anderson, Wichita, Kansas; Certificate in Family Practice
Jenna K Anderson, Derby, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Mathematics
Katherine E Anderson, Omaha, Nebraska; Bachelor of Music Education
Katherine Elizabeth Anderson, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Speech-Language-Hearing
Kaylee S Anderson, Newton, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Elementary Education
Laura Anderson, Mission, Kansas; Doctor of Nursing Practice
Lauren Rose Anderson, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Mackenzie Anderson, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business Administration
Marley Anderson, Chesterfield, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Martin Patrick Anderson, Peace River, Canada; Doctor of Occupational Therapy
PJ Anderson, Cleveland, Ohio; Bachelor of General Studies in Film & Media Studies
Rhavean Denise Anderson, Memphis, Tennessee; Master of Science in Homeland Security
Rylee C Anderson, Longmont, Colorado; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Sabiel Jermaine Anderson, Okatie, South Carolina; Master of Science in Homeland Security
Trent M Anderson, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Supply Chain Management
Tyler Graham Anderson, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Doriane Andrade Meyer, Salvador, Brazil; Doctor of Philosophy in Architecture
Selena E Andrade, Independence, Missouri; Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Mykah Elise Andregg, Gardner, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Angelo Eusebio Andres, Hialeah, Florida; Doctor of Philosophy in Medicinal Chemistry
Tyler Andrew, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Aerospace Engineering
Joshua Adam Andrews, Apopka, Florida; Master of Science in Supply Chain Management
Rachel Louise Andrews, Titusville, Florida; Master of Arts in Classics
Lucio Anez Velarde, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia; Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering
Aaron J Angeles, Pittsburg, Kansas; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Design
Sage L Angell, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Lacey Jo Angello, Lansing, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Antonio Angulo, Eudora, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Adriana Annett, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Tamara-Doubra Grace Anoruse-Thomas, Lekki, Nigeria; Bachelor of Science in Microbiology
Suhaib Ansari, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Anna Elizabeth Anstine, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Ella G Anstoetter, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Liddy Anstoetter, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Debra Lee Anthony, Pittsburg, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Kathia Antillon, Phoenix, Arizona; Master of Science in Medicinal Chemistry
Aric Neil Antisdel, Denver, Colorado; Bachelor of Science in Business Administration
Isabelle Annmarie Antonacci, St. Louis, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business Administration
Kayla E Apland, Leavenworth, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Applied Behavioral Science and Bachelor of General Studies in Law & Society
Taylor Marie Apley, Olathe, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Hailey Ann Apperson, Gardner, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Kimberly Apuzzo, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Arts in Speech-Language Pathology
Gabriella Anne Araiza, Plano, Texas; Master of Arts in Speech-Language Pathology
Karla D Arana, Pittsburg, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Ashley Melody Aranda, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in English
Devin Grace Araujo, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Environmental Studies
Shruthi Shree Aravind, Overland Park, Kansas; Certificate in Plastic Surgery
Conlin Archer, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Jay Alan Arends, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Christopher D Ariagno, Hutchinson, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Katherine Armstrong, Englewood, New Jersey; Bachelor of Science in Chemistry
Katherine Grayson Armstrong, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Arts in Museum Studies
Dylan Michael Arndt, Kansas City, Missouri; Master of Science in Applied Statistics, Analytics & Data Science
Elizabeth Dene Arneson, Junction City, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Community Health
Sydney Caroline Arnett, Dallas, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Alex Jay Arnold, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Alex M Arnold, Hutchinson, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Political Science
Alexandra Grace Arnold, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Physical Therapy
Aubrey Ana Arnold, Austin, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Administration
Catherine E Arnold, Webster Groves, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Clifford Stuart Arnold, Overland Park, Kansas; Certificate in Psychiatry
Halle P Arnold, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Jelani Akeem Arnold, Irving, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Kelly Arnold, Lee's Summit, Missouri; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Mary Kaitlin Arnold, Mission, Kansas; Master of Arts in Visual Art Education
Rachel Dawn Arnold, Caldwell, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Jessica Arnwine, Overbrook, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Shelby K Arrieta, Parkville, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Architectural Engineering
Payton Danielle Arrington, St. Helens, Oregon; Bachelor of Science in Biology
Ashley Nicole Arrowood, Lee's Summit, Missouri; Doctor of Nursing Practice
Emily R Arsenault, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in Ecology & Evolutionary Biology
Sara Cathrine Arthur, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Chelsea Rae Artzer, Topeka, Kansas; Doctor of Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Elise Avery Artzer, Wamego, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Biochemistry
Silvia Asandei, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Arts in Spanish
Emily Allece Ascher, Prairie Village, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance and Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Chandler Elizabeth Ashcraft, Hutchinson, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Molecular, Cellular & Developmental Biology
Mariam Ashfaq, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Taylor D'Wayne Ashford, Grandview, Missouri; Master of Science in Education in Health, Sport & Exercise Science
Azmain Taosif Ashraf, Lindsborg, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Syed Umar Ashraf, Wichita, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Reagan Noelle Ashworth, Allen, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Devin M Askew, St. George, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Chemical Engineering
Rachel Charee Askew, St. George, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Laurel Anne Aspegren, Carbondale, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in French, Francophone & Italian Studies
Stephanie Chidinma Assimonye, Wichita, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Kingsley Ime Atakpa, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies and Doctor of Pharmacy
Margarita Krasimirova Atanasova, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Liberal Arts & Sciences
Lexus Anne Atcheson, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Uditha S Athapattu, Mawilmada, Sri Lanka; Doctor of Philosophy in Chemistry
Sharon Matendechere Atito, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Andrew Hubbell Atkin, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Jamie Lynn Atkins, Scottsdale, Arizona; Master of Science in Education in Special Education
Thomas N Atkins, Lansing, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Engineering
Jordaan R. Atsangbe, Grandview, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting and Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Serene K Attaria, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Biochemistry
Palmer David Attias, New York, New York; Master of Science in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Abby Faith Atwood, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Music in Violin
Gage Lorenzo Atwood, Harveyville, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Eric Y Aube, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Christina M Audette, Woodbury, Minnesota; Bachelor of Arts in Spanish
Adam Clark Lawrence Auer, Oakton, Virginia; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Reagan Ashlea AufDerHeide, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Interior Architecture
Aishah Augusta-Parham, Kansas City, Missouri; Doctor of Philosophy in Counseling Psychology
Rikki Marie Augustine, Farmington, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Elizabeth Marie Ault, Mission, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in Educational Leadership & Policy
Kyaw Zaw Aung, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Physics
Alexandria M Austin, Phillipsburg, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Claire Ella Austin, Silver Lake, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies and Bachelor of General Studies in Sociology
Maureen Lenae Austin, Carrollton, Missouri; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Dance
Savanah A Austin, La Vernia, Texas; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Design
Kelsy Noelle Austwick, Mundelein, Illinois; Bachelor of Arts in Global & International Studies and Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Ravi Kiran Rao Avirineni, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Carrie Zara Awan, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Grace Elizabeth Awbrey, Springfield, Missouri; Bachelor of Arts in Anthropology and Bachelor of Arts in Religious Studies
Joshua L Axlund, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Shannon Kathryn Ayers, Overland Park, Kansas; Educational Specialist in School Psychology
Aaron Aylor, Fredonia, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Brittany Dawn Ayres, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Molecular, Cellular & Developmental Biology
Joseph Matthew Ayres, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Rabia Azam, Olathe, Kansas; Doctor of Occupational Therapy
Ahmad Baset Azizi, Kabul, Afghanistan; Bachelor of Arts in Global & International Studies, Bachelor of Arts in Political Science, Bachelor of Arts in Music
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Haley Elizabeth Babcock, Mission, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Administration
Sasha Babeyko, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Social Work
Jennifer M Babitzke, Lenexa, Kansas; Master of Arts in Sociology
Celia Josephine Babst, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Stephen M Baca, Gallup, New Mexico; Doctor of Philosophy in Ecology & Evolutionary Biology
Heather Cory Bace, Framingham, Massachusetts; Bachelor of General Studies in Liberal Arts & Sciences
Andy T Bach, Minneapolis, Minnesota; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Hunter M Bach, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Political Science
Sabeeha Bachelani, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics and Bachelor of Science in Business in Information Systems
Andrew Bachinskas, Grapevine, Texas; Certificate in Orthopedic Surgery
Tyler Leroy Bachman, Hesston, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Thomas Robert Bacon, Hutchinson, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Geraughty Thomas Badger, Essex Junction, Vermont; Master of Architecture
Quinn F Baenziger, Naperville, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Michael R Baglieri, Cranford, New Jersey; Doctor of Philosophy in Counseling Psychology
Chelsea Marlene Bagnall, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Science in Education in Special Education
Maura Joan Bagstad, Omaha, Nebraska; Bachelor of Arts in Environmental Studies
Stephen Xiaoxiang Bai, Manhattan, Kansas; Certificate in Physical Medicine & Rehabilitation
Yankai Bai, Yinchuan, China; Bachelor of General Studies in Geography
Evan Elise Bail, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Barry Jordan Bailey, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Education in Educational Leadership & Policy
Hannah Bailey, Kansas City, Missouri; Doctor of Philosophy in American Studies
Kayla Joy Bailey, Kernersville, North Carolina; Master of Science in Education in Health, Sport & Exercise Science
Shelby Renae Bailey, Colorado Springs, Colorado; Doctor of Philosophy in Communication Studies
Steffine Bailey, Woodbury, Minnesota; Bachelor of General Studies in Speech-Language-Hearing
Briana Jenon Bailie, Maple Grove, Minnesota; Bachelor of Arts in Biology
Kyle Malcolm Baillie, Surrey, Canada; Doctor of Education in Educational Leadership & Policy Studies
Kylie Ann Baima, Pittsburg, Kansas; Master of Arts in Applied Behavioral Science
Jessica Elizabeth Bair, Sharon Springs, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Chemistry
Zachary Andrew Baird, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Fredis Anthony Baires, Elmont, New York; Bachelor of Arts in Economics
Lauren Haley Bajorek, Ward, Arkansas; Master of Arts in African & African American Studies and Master of Arts in Museum Studies
Shilpika Bajpai, Leawood, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Sarah C Bak, Vernon Hills, Illinois; Master of Science in Counseling Psychology
Allison Aleida Baker, Okemos, Michigan; Bachelor of Science in Education in Elementary Education
Alyssa Ryan Baker, Highlands Ranch, Colorado; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Amy S. Baker, Olathe, Kansas; Doctor of Audiology
Claire Baker, Gladstone, Missouri; Bachelor of General Studies in American Sign Language & Deaf Studies
Journey Ann Baker, Mulvane, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Lyndsey Baker, Mission, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Meghan Renee Baker, Kansas City, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in News & Information
Molly Nicole Baker, Edwardsville, Illinois; Doctor of Physical Therapy
Nicholas Reese Baker, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Ryan Patrick Baker, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Information Systems
Michael Anthony Balazs, Ingleside, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Information Technology
Cristian Xavier Baldenegro Barrera, Hermosillo, Mexico; Doctor of Philosophy in Physics
Adison Elaine Balderston, Chesterfield, Missouri; Master of Accounting
Ty C Balduf, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in Chemistry
Caitlin M Balk, Mound, Minnesota; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Kaley F Ball, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance and Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Maryann A Ball, Parkville, Missouri; Bachelor of Arts in Biology
Grayson Lowe Ballard, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas; Master of Arts in Global & International Studies
Kaitlyn Elizabeth Ballentine, Lindenhurst, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Jealani A Balram, Wichita, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Jason Rae Baltazar, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in English
Alyssa Rene' Bamberger, Goddard, Kansas; Bachelor of Music Education
Kara K Bamberger, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Bailey Bea Banach, Ames, Iowa; Doctor of Philosophy in Bioengineering
Kwaku Osei Banahene, Middletown, Delaware; Master of Business Administration
Hannah Rae Bandy, Colby, Kansas; Doctor of Nursing Practice
Michelle J Banks, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Speech-Language-Hearing
Amy Barber, Shawnee, Kansas; Doctor of Occupational Therapy
Lincoln Taft Barber, Miramar Beach, Florida; Master of Business Administration
Hayden L Barbour, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Olivia Paige Barbour, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Management & Leadership
Javier Barea Lara, Málaga, Spain; Bachelor of Arts in Mathematics and Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Hannah F Bargas, Omaha, Nebraska; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Lorrana Fernandes Bariani, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Jacob Barker, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Management & Leadership
Tiffany Thu Barkley, Mission, Kansas; Certificate in Neurology
Obed Balderas Barkus, Salina, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Rene Barnard, Hinsdale, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Alexis Jean Barnes, Falls City, Nebraska; Master of Science in Education in Health, Sport Management & Exercise Science
Candace Delaney Barnes, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Urban Planning
Haley Birgitta Barnes, Celina, Texas; Master of Science in Dietetics & Nutrition
Kestrel Barnes, Great Bend, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Clinical Laboratory Science
Matthew David Barnes, Charlotte, North Carolina; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Heather Rose Barnhart, Lisle, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Education in Secondary Level Education and Bachelor of General Studies in English
Joey Barnhill, Lees Summmit, Missouri; Doctor of Education in Educational Leadership & Policy
Gabriella Nichole Barnum, Kansas City, Missouri; Master of Social Work
Aaron Jordan Barrett, Abilene, Kansas; Master of Arts in Mathematics
Cole J Barrett, Lake Quivira, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Supply Chain Management
Brogan Cole Barry, Topeka, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Tobi N Barta, Basehor, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Emma R Bartelsen, Nashotah, Wisconsin; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Lucas James Bartl, Prairie Village, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Audrey Caitlin Barton, Manhattan, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Jared S Baruth, De Soto, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering
Anton M Barybin, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Chemistry
Brooke A Bascue, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Chalene Amber Base, Baldwin City, Kansas; Master of Science in Education in Special Education
Emma K Bassette, Cummings, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Kathleen Lauri Basta, Bridgeton, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Interior Architecture
Griffin Anthony Bastian, Gardner, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Abigail A Bates, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Unified Early Childhood
Anthony Batiz, Emporia, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies and Doctor of Pharmacy
Emilia Battles, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Jahra Batul, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Biology
Kayden Brianne Baucom, Carthage, Missouri; Master of Social Work
Katherine Dawn Bauer, Iola, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Ryan T Bauer, Ballwin, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business in Information Systems
Ethan John Bauguess, Valley Center, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Aerospace Engineering
Isabelle R Bauguess, Topeka, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Regan Elizabeth Baum, Holton, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Speech-Language-Hearing
Taylen Kathryn Baumgardner, New Strawn, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Duncan Thomas Bauserman, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Philip Andrew Baxter, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Ryan Michael Bayerle, Arlington Heights, Illinois; Master of Architecture
Kelvin Beal, Elgin, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting and Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Parker E Beal, Topeka, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Architectural Engineering
Adeline Grace Beals, Alexandria, Nebraska; Bachelor of Science in Microbiology
Amanda Marguerite Beam, Phoenix, Arizona; Professional Science Master's in Applied Science
Hannah Marie Beard, Pea Ridge, Arkansas; Doctor of Nurse Anesthesia Practice
Marc Alan Beason, Alamogordo, New Mexico; Master of Business Administration
Quanita Lasha Beattie, Roanoke Rapids, North Carolina; Master of Science in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Kathryn Monet Beaudoin, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Arts in Visual Art Education
Chrystine Beaumont, Olathe, Kansas; Doctor of Audiology
Ryan M Beaupre, Deer Park, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Josephine Anne Beaver, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Helene G Bechtel, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in English and Bachelor of Arts in French, Francophone & Italian Studies
Bryce M Beck, Bucyrus, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Dylan Carl Beck, Brookline, Missouri; Doctor of Philosophy in Mathematics
Emma M Beck, Topeka, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Jamie S. C. Beck, White City, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Courtney Marie Becker, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Environmental Studies
Hanna Nicole Becker, Louisburg, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Lauren M Becker, Louisburg, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Chanceler Beckham, Rose Hill, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Danielle Beckman, Glen Burnie, Maryland; Master of Science in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Sydney Rose Beckman, Chanhassen, Minnesota; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Jessica L Beckmann, St. Charles, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Chemical Engineering
Parker Blake Bednasek, Tulsa, Oklahoma; Juris Doctor
Gregory Nabil Bedros, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Civil Engineering
Zoe Kathryn Bedrosian, Platte City, Missouri; Bachelor of Arts in Biology
Isaac M Beech, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Aerospace Engineering
Brett S Beene, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in History
Christena Ruth Beer, Paola, Kansas; Master of Public Health
Luke August Beesley, Prairie Village, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Leslie Beggs, Colorado Springs, Colorado; Master of Science in Dietetics & Nutrition
Shannon Valerie Behan, Powell River, Canada; Doctor of Education in Educational Leadership & Policy Studies
Ashmika Behere, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Ecology, Evolution & Organismal Biology
Sarah Behrens, Prairie Village, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in Therapeutic Science
Paymon Behzadpour, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Carolina Maria Bejarano, Cincinnati, Ohio; Clinical Child Doctor of Philosophy in Psychology
Camara Cheyanne Belanger, Leavenworth, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Kendall Jared Belcher, Girard, Kansas; Master of Architecture
Ethan Charles Belew, San Antonio, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Aerospace Engineering
Shelley C Belgard, New Orleans, Louisiana; Master of Science in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Edan Alemayehu Belihu, Shawnee, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Alysha L Bell, De Soto, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Chemical Engineering
Blaise Patrick Bell, Lansing, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Hunter Zimmerman Bell, Olathe, Kansas; Doctor of Nurse Anesthesia Practice
Michael D Bell, Wichita, Kansas; Master of Science in Business Analytics
Michael Roy Bellew, Roeland Park, Kansas; Certificate in Neurology
Katherine Bellinger, Topeka, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Ryan James Bellinger, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Mary Abigail Bellon, St. Louis, Missouri; Bachelor of Arts in Biochemistry
Deanne Marie Belshe, Shawnee, Kansas; Master of Science in Journalism
Sophia W Belshe, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Political Science and Bachelor of Science in Journalism in News & Information
Kalie Michelle Belt, Andover, Kansas; Juris Doctor
Benjamin Beltran, Colorado Springs, Colorado; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Hailey Nicole Belzer, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Business Administration
Melek Ben-Ayed, Fort Lauderdale, Florida; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Kelsey Bender, Chesterfield, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Education in Unified Early Childhood
Lisa Marie Benjamin, Buffalo Grove, Illinois; Master of Science in Education in Special Education
Sydney Bennett, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Secondary Level Education
Olivia Benoit, Topeka, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in English and Bachelor of Arts in Environmental Studies
Athena Elisabeth Bensing, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Film & Media Studies
Sean Michael Benson, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Liberal Arts & Sciences
Tate E Benson, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Emma Louise Berendsen, San Clemente, California; Bachelor of Arts in Sociology
Joshua Alan Berkley, Downs, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Matthew Berkshire, Roselle, Illinois; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Design
Tristan James Matthew Bermudez, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Clinical Laboratory Science
Anna Bernacik, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Joshua David Bernal, Merriam, Kansas; Master of Science in Biostatistics
Gabriella Bernard, Fort Leonard Wood, Missouri; Bachelor of Music in Music Therapy
Alexis Lee Berra, Chesterfield, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Environmental Studies
Sofia Viviana Berrospi Fernandez, Lima, Peru; Bachelor of Science in Economics and Bachelor of Arts in Mathematics
Andrew P Berry, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Adam William Bertroche, Lenexa, Kansas; Certificate in Psychiatry
Samantha Jayne Bessette, Topeka, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Nicholas A Best, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Matthew Michael Bettencourt, Norfolk, Nebraska; Bachelor of Arts in English and Bachelor of Arts in Sociology
Claire Betterbed, Fox Island, Washington; Master of Business Administration
Jack A Bettis, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Supply Chain Management
Christina Betzer, Lancaster, California; Master of Science in Education in School Administration
Marissa Jean Beverman, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Elementary Education
Kylee Beyea, Gothenburg, Nebraska; Master of Arts in Speech-Language Pathology
Apurba Bhattarai, Kathmandu, Nepal; Doctor of Philosophy in Computational Biology
Zackery J Biddison, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Thomas D Biddlecombe, Prairie Village, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Liberal Arts & Sciences
Heath Tarpley Bideau, Chanute, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Kameron Ted Bielawski, Liberty, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Meagan Alexandra Biesiadecki, St. Louis, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Mark T Biggins, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Myltin James Bighorn, Poplar, Montana; Bachelor of Science in Education in Physical Education Plus
Jacob Manfred Bigus, Springhill, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Christopher C Billings, Gardner, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Film & Media Studies
Emma M Billings, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Environmental Studies
Di Bin, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Amanda Nicole Binger, Lee's Summit, Missouri; Bachelor of Arts in Chemistry
Brittany Bingham, Waukomis, Oklahoma; Master of Arts in Anthropology
Cassidy P Bingham, Baxter Springs, Kansas; Master of Science in Education & Social Policy
Sierra N Bingham, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Management & Leadership and Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Emily K Binkley, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in News & Information and Bachelor of Arts in English and Bachelor of Arts in Film & Media Studies
Julia Ann Bippert, Wichita, Kansas; Master of Science in Dietetics & Nutrition
Katie MacKenzie Birchard, Fraser, Michigan; Master of Science in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Cassandra Bird, Grandview, Missouri; Master of Science in Engineering Management
Charles Griffin Bird, ColoradoSprings, Colorado; Master of Business Administration
Christopher Michael Bird, Hutchinson, Kansas; Master of Science in Pharmaceutical Chemistry
Madeline Grace Birdashaw, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Ekin Birdir, Turkkonut, Turkey; Master of Arts in Psychology
Janada Andrew Elizabeth Birdling, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Ryan Q Birky, Russell, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Gretchen Lynn Birong, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Science in Education
Yelena Anastasia Birt, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Junaid Bisaria, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Kiran Bisarya, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Alyse Edna Biscan, Lee's Summit, Missouri; Doctor of Occupational Therapy
Kevin Bischoping, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Daniel David Bishop, Denville, New Jersey; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Kaytlin A Bishop, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Kirsten Ann Bizzell, Bonner Springs, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Joshua F Bjelland, Holton, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy and Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Wayne L. Black Jr, Indianapolis, Indiana; Doctor of Philosophy in Education in Educational Leadership & Policy Studies
John Patrick Black, Captiva, Florida; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Olivia S Black, Wichita, Kansas; Juris Doctor
Katelyn Lorraine Blackburn, Easton, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Engineering
Kevin David Blacke, Homewood, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Matthew C Blackford, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Abigail L Blackman, Endicott, New York; Doctor of Philosophy in Behavioral Psychology
Victoria A Blackwood, High Point, North Carolina; Master of Science in Bioengineering
Gillian D Blair, Carlinville, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Matthew R Blakemore, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas; Master of Arts in Global & International Studies
Taryn Nicole Lisa Blanchard, Sioux Falls, South Dakota; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Visual Art
Haley Marie Blanck, Houston, Texas; Doctor of Pharmacy and Master of Science in Health Informatics
Nicholas Stephen Blanckensee, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Jeffrey Robert Bland, Lenexa, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Jocelyn Makenna Blander, Thousand Oaks, California; Bachelor of Science in Behavioral Neuroscience
Nolan Thomas Blankenau, Manhattan, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Brooke Nichole Blankenship, Jackson, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Interior Architecture
Jeffrey Louis Blase, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Daniel Ryan Bleakmore, Minneapolis, Minnesota; Master of Science in Project Management
Amanda Bledsoe, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Social Work
Max Klayman Blen, Memphis, Tennessee; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
McKenzie Lee Blevins, Kansas City, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Molecular, Cellular & Developmental Biology
Grant Blodgett, Perry, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Electrical Engineering
Bailey A Bloedorn, Naperville, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics
Kaleb Bloomfield, Dunlap, Illinois; Bachelor of Arts in East Asian Languages & Cultures
Mitchell Brett Bloss, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics
Caroline Marie Blubaugh, Prairie Village, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing and Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Dalton Jacob Blubaugh, Augusta, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Miya Marie Blythe, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Communication Studies and Bachelor of Arts in Global & International Studies
Heather Hadley Boaz, Owensboro, Kentucky; Master of Science in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Blake Bobrowski, West Chester, Pennsylvania; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Melanie R Bock, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Sushmitha Boddi Reddy, Warangal Urban, India; Master of Science in Computer Science
Claire Bodemann, Hot Springs, Arkansas; Master of Arts in Mathematics
Jared A Boehm, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Wesley John Boehm, Merrill, Wisconsin; Master of Music
Austin C Bogina, Arma, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in Health, Sport Management & Exercise Science
Paige M Bogle, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Karly Elizabeth Bohan, Thornton, Colorado; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting and Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Lane Faith Bohlken, Fort Scott, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Anna Isabella Bohlmann, Chesterfield, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in News & Information
Mackenzie Nicole Bohn, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Brittany Anne Bohrer, Kansas City, Montana; Master of Science in Education in Special Education
Varun Chandra Boinpelly, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Science in Applied Statistics, Analytics & Data Science
William Charles Boisture, Dallas, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Reilly Bolger, St. Paul, Minnesota; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Daniel Richard Bollig, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Supply Chain Management
Laurie Bollig, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Science in Journalism
Carlo Philip Bolognino, Greenlawn, New York; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Elizabeth Ann Boman, Kansas City, Missouri; Doctor of Nursing Practice
Hadley J Bomberger, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
William Anthony Bomprezzi, Bixby, Oklahoma; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Andrea Bond, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies and Doctor of Pharmacy
Jamison R Bond, Bel Aire, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Electrical Engineering
Toni L Bond, Leavenworth, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Katherine Elaine Bonnema, Stilwell, Kansas; Doctor of Education in Educational Leadership & Policy Studies
Kyle A Bonnstetter, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics and Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Caroline Jeanne Bono, Kansas City, Missouri; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Caylie Nicole Bontz, Andover, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Catherine Booth, Somerville, Massachusetts; Master of Science in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Tyler William Booth, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Gregory Steven Boots, Quincy, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Taylor R Bordman, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Administration
Timothy Jules Borel II, Leawood, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Joseph Carlton Bornfleth, Edina, Minnesota; Bachelor of Science in Architectural Engineering
Chelsea Rae Moore Borntrager, Kansas City, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Alaina Borra, Kansas City, Missouri; Master of Social Work
Jamie Rose Bortz, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Applied Behavioral Science
Ashley Marie Bosco, Monroe, Connecticut; Master of Science in Education in Special Education
Julia Anne Bosco, Wilmette, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Kasey Jo Bossard, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Earl Rashard Bostick Jr., Barnwell, South Carolina; Bachelor of Science in Business
Jennifer Lynn Bottrell, Chatham, Illinois; Master of Arts in Museum Studies
Carly Catherine Botts, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Arts in Visual Art Education
Tanner J Botts, Stilwell, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Secondary Level Education
Sydney Bouddhara, Andover, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Kristin Nicole Bound, Troy, Missouri; Bachelor of General Studies in Law & Society
William J Bourdow, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Philosophy and Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Matthew Boushka, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Electrical Engineering
Alyssa Bouton, Bel Aire, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Connor Patrick Bowden, Omaha, Nebraska; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics
Hannah Elise Bowen, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Warren Bower, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Electrical Engineering
Alexis M Bowman, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Community Health
Calvin Tyler Bowman, Chanhassen, Minnesota; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Jarrett B Bowman, Derby, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Ryan Boyce, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Alexis Boyd, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Clara M Boyd, Moran, Kansas; Bachelor of Music in Voice
Jonathan Garrett Boyd, Berryton, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Ecology, Evolution & Organismal Biology
Meaghan R Boyd, St. Louis, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Kakra K Boye-Doe, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Tatum Nikole Boyer, Salina, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Alexis Dion Boyles, Lubbock, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Molecular, Cellular & Developmental Biology
Maxwell Craig Braasch, Mission Hills, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Albert Edward Bracic, Lake Forest, Illinois; Bachelor of Arts in Economics
Ava A Brack, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Speech-Language-Hearing
Heidi Bradford, Leavenworth, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Zachery Paul Bradford, Bloomington, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Dre'Von Adonjae Bradley, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in News & Information
Erin E Bradley, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Nicholas Terrell Bradley, Zion, Illinois; Master of Accounting
Amanda Brady, Basehor, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Erica Brady, Basehor, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Administration
Peter Gardner Brady, Fairway, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Tanner Joseph Brady, Eureka, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business in Supply Chain Management
Corey Joseph Braet, Wichita, Kansas; Certificate in Internal Medicine
Annabelle Marie Bragalone, Dallas, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Lucas Brakenridge Rolon, Asuncion, Paraguay; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Marcos Brakenridge Rolon, Asuncion, Paraguay; Bachelor of Business Administration
Jackie Rose Brandenburg, Augusta, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Katelyn R Branstetter, Kingman, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Film & Media Studies
Connor James Brass, Salina, Kansas; Certificate in Opthamology
Thomas Ray Braun, Omaha, Nebraska; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics and Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Hayden Victoria Brax, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Applied Behavioral Science
Nikola A Braynov, Wichita, Kansas; Master of Architecture
Andreas Lawrence Braz, Manhattan, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Laura Anne Bredemeier, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Elementary Education
Cassandra Lucille Breit, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Chemical Engineering
Shelby R Breit, Wichita, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Emily Brenman, San Antonio, Texas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Kade Thomas Brennaman, Deerfield, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Celeste Kilgarin Brennan, Lincoln, Nebraska; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Ryan A Brennan, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Luc Richard Bressett, Cary, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Jessica E Brewer, Parsons, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Josephine Anne Brewington, Ashburn, Virginia; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Mary M Brezik, Mountainside, New Jersey; Bachelor of Science in Business Administration
John Thomas Bricklemyer, Shawnee, Kansas; Doctor of Education in Educational Leadership & Policy Studies
Andrew J Bridges, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Avery Bridges, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Malia R Bridges, Owasso, Oklahoma; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Mitchell R Brill, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business Administration
Trey Brillhart, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Film & Media Studies
Jonathan G Briones, Raytown, Missouri; Bachelor of Arts in Communication Studies
Kathryn Blair Briscoe, Chesterfield, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Education in Elementary Education
Alec Spencer Britt, Shawnee, Kansas; Certificate in Internal Medicine
Cassidy Kaitlyn Brobst, Topeka, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Alexa Nicole Brockel, Wichita, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Abigail Brockman, Plano, Texas; Doctor of Nursing Practice
Rebecca M Brodine, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Sarah Jane Bromley, Prairie Village, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Michael Bronshtein, Frankfort, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics and Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Julie Brosseau, Morin Heights, Canada; Master of Business Administration
Joseph Henry Brouillette, Mission Hills, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics and Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Alexis C Brown-Doane, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Aaron Edward Martin Brown, Yuma, Arizona; Master of Science in Supply Chain Management
Abagale Grace Brown, Hutchinson, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Adriana Marie Brown, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Business Administration
Allysa D Brown, Driftwood, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Community Health
Amelia Carol Brown, St. Louis, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Atmospheric Science
Ashlee L Brown, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Ben Patrick Brown, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Bridget Ann Brown, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science and Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Christopher M Brown, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in Health, Sport & Exercise Science
Corbin Trevor Brown, Shawnee, Kansas; Master of Health Services Administration
Easton C Brown, Hutchinson, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business Administration and Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Easton R Brown, Augusta, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Elementary Education
Hayden Dietz Brown, Eudora, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Aerospace Engineering
Jodi Lee Brown, El Dorado, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Johncie M Brown, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Joseph Michael Brown, Puyallup, Washington; Master of Business Administration
Kash Patrick Brown, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Nurse Anesthesia Practice
Katie L Brown, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Madeline Kay Brown, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Mariah Brooke Brown, Kansas City, Missouri; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Maryn E Brown, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Secondary Level Education
Max Sullivan Brown, St. Louis, Missouri; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Paige Elizabeth Brown, Hutchinson, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Piper Lynn Brown, Kansas City, Missouri; Doctor of Occupational Therapy
Rebekah Lynne Brown, Roeland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Nursing Practice
Robert James Brown, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Arts in Philosophy
Rolona Donree Brown, Harker Heights, Texas; Master of Science in Supply Chain Management
Rose E Brown, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Roxie Alaya Brown, Florence, South Carolina; Master of Science in Education in Special Education
Skyelar Jo Brown, Fort Scott, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Tyler Aaron Brown, Bates City, Missouri; Master of Architecture
William Dayton Brown, Muskogee, Oklahoma; Master of Business Administration
Neelie L'Chelle Browne, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology and Bachelor of Arts in Spanish
Peyton K Browne, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Management & Leadership
John Armistead Tyler Browning III, Castle Pines, Colorado; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Brendan M Brownlee, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Lauren Brownlow, St. Joseph, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Respiratory Care
Lillian E Broz, O'Fallon, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Kesair Ann Brubeck, Sabetha, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Ecology, Evolution & Organismal Biology
Ty Alexander Bruce, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Ashlei Dawn Bruewer, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Political Science
Megan Bruey, Wichita, Kansas; Master of Architecture
Eduarda Brum Kopp Jantsch, Eagan, Minnesota; Bachelor of Science in Business in Supply Chain Management
Joseph Brummer, Folsom, Pennsylvania; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Michael Jay Bruner, Neosho Falls, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Economics
Louis Patrick Brunetti, Frontenac, Kansas; Doctor of Occupational Therapy
Cori H Brungardt, Lee's Summit, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Carl E Brunner, Belleville, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Kyle James Bryan, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering
Alison Leigh Bryant, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Caleb Bryant, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Joseph Paul Bryden, Shawnee, Kansas; Juris Doctor
John Buchan, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering
Jacob Ryan Buchanan, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Physical Therapy
Kaiti Buchta, New Berlin, Wisconsin; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Camden Geza Buck, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Film & Media Studies
Jonathan Lee Buckland, Centreville, Virginia; Master of Arts in Global & International Studies
Julia R Budetti, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Biology
Sidney Payge Budinas, Junction City, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Molecular, Cellular & Developmental Biology
Gabrielle Alexis Budzon, Naperville, Illinois; Master of Science in Education
Sean Michael Budzowski, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Jacob R Buechler, Mission Hills, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Public Administration
Levi T Buerk, Florissant, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business Administration
Charles Scott Buess, Wichita, Kansas; Certificate in Internal Medicine
Erin J Bugee, St. Louis, Missouri; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Design
Elsie Laura Buhl, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Petroleum Engineering
Michelle L Bui, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Molecular, Cellular & Developmental Biology
Galina Bulgakova, Balashikha, Russia; Doctor of Philosophy in Chemistry
Joshua Paul Bull, Temecula, California; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Sara Elizabeth Bullard, Stilwell, Kansas; Master of Science in Dietetics & Nutrition
Alexandria Buller, Kansas City, Kansas; Master of Public Health
Elise Marie Bunting, Maize, Kansas; Master of Science in Journalism
Jacob W Bunting, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Speech-Language-Hearing
Carolyn Mary Burchfield, Iowa Falls, Iowa; Bachelor of Arts in Speech-Language-Hearing
Kate Elizabeth Burditt, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Carla Burford, Leawood, Kansas; Certificate in Obstetrics & Gynecology
Damien J Burger, Papillion, Nebraska; Bachelor of Arts in Communication Studies
Logan Frederick Burgess, Belleville, Illinois; Bachelor of Arts in Speech-Language-Hearing
Heidy Vera Burgoa, Kansas City, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Spencer P Burkard, De Soto, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Management & Leadership
Audrey Elizabeth Burks, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering
Jacob Burks, Baxter Springs, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics
Lindsey D Burleson, Olathe, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy and Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Madeline Marie Burling, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Micah I Burman, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Kennedy Burnell, Odessa, Missouri; Bachelor of Music Education
Casey R Burnham, Grand Island, Nebraska; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Peyton F Burnham, Andover, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in News & Information
Max Burnley, Marysville, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Brent Alan Burns, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Science in Education in School Administration
Jacob Burns, Sarona, Wisconsin; Master of Science in Aerospace Engineering
Kathryn Marie Burns, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Speech-Language-Hearing
Sydney Adele Burns, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Owen T Burrows, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Secondary Level Education
Sydney Jane Burrus, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Administration
Seth R Bursby, High Ridge, Missouri; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Design
Holly A Burt, Bennington, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Abigail J Burtin, St. Louis, Missouri; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Design
Alexander Butler Burton, Richmond, Virginia; Master of Arts in Global & International Studies
Caroline N Burton, Shawnee, Kansas; Educational Specialist in School Psychology
Lillie Elizabeth Buschmann, Long Beach, California; Doctor of Occupational Therapy
Shannon Marie Busenitz, Peabody, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Lauren Elizabeth Bush, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Chemistry
Lucas Edward Bush, Kansas City, Kansas; Master of Business Administration
Rebecca M. Bush, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in the History of Art
Daniel Gregory Businger, Millbrae, California; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Andrew Buss, Cedar Rapids, Iowa; Master of Science in Engineering Management
Claire L Buss, Salt Lake City, Utah; Bachelor of Science in Education in Physical Education Plus and Bachelor of Fine Arts in Dance
Jacey W Buss, Leonardville, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Ilse Bustillos-Martinez, Independence, Missouri; Bachelor of Social Work
Jesse W. Butin, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Hallie Marie Butler, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Ryan D Butler, Castle Pines, Colorado; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in News & Information and Bachelor of Arts in Mathematics
Maruby Rebecca Byarlay-McQueen, Barnard, Kansas; Bachelor of Social Work
Trent W Byers, Topeka, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Gabrielle Alexandra Byrd, Phoenix, Arizona; Doctor of Philosophy in Communication Studies
Kelli Ann Byrd, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Madeline K Byrd, Eastborough, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Braden Patrick Byrne, Aurora, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics and Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
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Monica Gabriella Caballero, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Law & Society
Samuel E Caballero, San Antonio, Texas; Bachelor of Arts in Public Administration
Dimitrije Cabarkapa, Veternik, Serbia; Doctor of Philosophy in Health, Sport & Exercise Science
Erik Cabildo Arias, Puebla, Mexico; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Jose Maria Cabrera, Kansas City, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Tiffany Patricia Cackler, Lansing, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Allie M Cacy, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Occupational Therapy
José Héctor Cadena, San Diego, California; Doctor of Philosophy in American Studies
Andrew Cadle, Chanhassen, Minnesota; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Design
Emily A Caedo, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Joshua Manuel Caicedo, West Chicago, Illinois; Doctor of Physical Therapy
Emma Cathleen Cailteux, Andover, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Cristi Cain, Topeka, Kansas; Master of Public Health
Elijah Z Cairo, Salina, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Ecology, Evolution & Organismal Biology and Bachelor of Science in Environmental Studies
Robert J Cajas, San Angelo, Texas; Bachelor of Arts in Anthropology and Bachelor of Arts in Latin American & Caribbean Studies
Idaima Calderon, Kansas City, Kansas; Master of Public Health
Phylicia Lauren Call, Blue Springs, Missouri; Master of Accounting
Catherine Ann Callahan, Edmond, Oklahoma; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Trey L Callahan, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Tristan Martin Callis, Hays, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Alexis Marie Calverley, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Biology
Kelsey Marie Cambern, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Michael Aristide Camburako, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Biology
Claire Elise Campbell, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Elise Michelle Campbell, Platte City, Missouri; Bachelor of Arts in Biochemistry and Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Jack Griffin Campbell, Columbia, Missouri; Certificate in Urological Surgery
Kaitlyn M Campbell, Palm Beach Gardens, Florida; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Kurtis Lee Campbell, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Science in Engineering Management
Nicole Marie Campbell, Havertown, Pennsylvania; Master of Science in Education in Special Education
Peter Campbell, Mission Hills, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Alexi R Campidilli, Amarillo, Texas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Noah Francis Campin, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Film & Media Studies
Nicholas Michael Camugnaro, Mundelein, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting and Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Dominic Christian Cancino, Wheatland, Wyoming; Doctor of Medicine
Stephanie Lynn Canfield, Palatine, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Olivia M Cannata, Lake In The Hills, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Jaclyn Nichole Canova, Chesterfield, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Electrical Engineering
Parker Evan Capehart, Bonner Springs, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Lauren R Capling, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Caitlin A Capuana, Lakeville, Minnesota; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Kylene Loretta Caquelin, Manhattan, Kansas; Master of Arts in Applied Behavioral Science
Cecelia Marie Caraccilo, Lansing, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Michael Andrew Caradine, St. Louis, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Nai Cardenas-Duran, Aurora, Colorado; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Seth Leander Carder, Wichita, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Maria Jose Cardona Giraldo, Kansas City, Missouri; Master of Arts in Design
Kris-Ann McKenzie Carduff, Prairie Village, Kansas; Master of Science in Journalism
Joseph J Caresio, Liberty, Missouri; Bachelor of General Studies in History
Casey Carlgren, Kansas City, Kansas; Master of Science in Dietetics & Nutrition
Casey Michelle Carlile, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Astronomy
McKenzie Ann Carlin, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Design
Amanda Carlson, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Science in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Erin Rachelle Carlson, El Dorado, Kansas; Master of Science in Journalism
Grace Elizabeth Carlson, Kansas City, Missouri; Doctor of Audiology
Sarah Roberts Carlson, Madison, Tennessee; Doctor of Philosophy in Education in Special Education
Brooke Katherine Carlstedt, Shawnee, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Reese Jordan Carmona, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Amy N Carnahan, O'Fallon, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Education in Community Health
Jason R Carpenter, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Health Information Management
Victoria Estela Carpenter, Webster Groves, Missouri; Master of Arts in Speech-Language Pathology
Caroline Ashtyn Carr, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance and Bachelor of Science in Business in Management & Leadership
Samanta S Carreno, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Adam C Carreon, Statesboro, Georgia; Doctor of Philosophy in Education in Special Education
Elizabeth Alice Carrigan, Stilwell, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Mara G Carrigan, Junction City, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Micaela Carrillo Marquez, De Soto, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in English and Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Aaron Michael Carrillo, Newton, Kansas; Master of Health Services Administration
Daphne Nicole Carrillo, McPherson, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Political Science
Nikki Carrillo, Kansas City, Missouri; Master of Social Work
Ricardo Sebastian Carrizosa Ortiz, Asuncion, Paraguay; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Jordan R Carroll, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Science in Civil Engineering
Nathan S Carroll, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
John Henry Carson, Fort Collins, Colorado; Certificate in Pediatrics
Tanna Corrine Carson, Longmont, Colorado; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Kele Aileen Carter, Eudora, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Quinlan Elisabeth Carttar, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Spanish
Stephanie Elizabeth Carvalho, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Music Education in Music Therapy
Agustina Carvallo Vazquez, Asuncion, Paraguay; Bachelor of Science in Economics and Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Jacob Ryan Cascio, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Microbiology
Breanna Marie Case, North Las Vegas, Nevada; Professional Science Master's in Applied Science
Mackenzie Taylor Case, Highlands Ranch, Colorado; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Maxine Austen Case, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Physics
Joseph C Casella, Wichita, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Jill Ashley Casero, Flagstaff, Arizona; Bachelor of Science in Respiratory Care
Eastin Michelle Casey, Wichita, Kansas; Certificate in Family Practice
Drew C Cashion, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Natalie C Casquino Wolff, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Communication Studies
Basil Rogers Cassell, Newcastle, California; Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology
Tyler Owen Cassity, Belton, Texas; Master of Business Administration
Robert Anthony Castaneda, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Chemistry
Julianna Rose Castillo, Ballwin, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Stephanie Alisha Castillo, Paola, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Chemistry
K. Matthew Castinado, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Giordanno Raul Castro Garcia, Arequipa, Peru; Master of Science in Computer Science
Keelan A Castro, Larned, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Biology
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Audrey J Caudle, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
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Angela Cha, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Biochemistry
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Patrick S Chan, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Microbiology
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Payton Gipson Chandler, Black Earth, Wisconsin; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
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Colton Darwin Chapman, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering
Johnny Jamaal Chapple Jr, Independence, Missouri; Master of Science in Education in Health, Sport Management & Exercise Science
Evan August Charles, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in History
Jaiden Taylor Chase, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Courtney Chatmon, Kansas City, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Andrew Chau, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Applied Biological Sciencees
Riddhi Chaudhari, Patan, India; Bachelor of Science in Molecular Biosciences
Sibgha Gull Chaudhary, Overland Park, Kansas; Certificate in Internal Medicine
Aneeq Babar Chaudhry, Lahore, Pakistan; Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering
Iqra Ameen Chaudhry, Floral Park, New York; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Priyal Harshadkumar Chauhan, Ahmedabad, India; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Conrad R Chavey, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in History and Bachelor of Arts in Slavic Languages & Literatures
Diego Kevin Chavez, Kansas City, Missouri; Master of Science in Bioengineering
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Jaymin Alan Cheatham, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Carolyne Chelulei, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Andrea Daphne Chen, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Wendy Chen, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
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Chai Ling Cheng, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Aerospace Engineering
Huan Cheng, Baoding, China; Doctor of Philosophy in Biostatistics
Sarah Chenoweth, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Public Administration
Mathew Babu Cherian, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Yan Ho Brian Cheung, Nottingham, England; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Austin J Childs, Hutchinson, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Global & International Studies and Bachelor of Arts in History
Bailey Marie Chinn, Topeka, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Daniel Ford Chmill, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; Doctor of Philosophy in History
Laura Cho, Shawnee, Kansas; Doctor of Nursing Practice
Muhammad Tamoor Chohdry, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Biochemistry
Joanna Marie Choi, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Leone Marie Choi, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Nathalie Chow-Yuen, Roeland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Art Education
Joyeta Chowdhury, Overland Park, Kansas; Professional Science Master's
Hannah Belle Chrisman, Thayer, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Cameron John Christ, Santa Clara, California; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Delaney Christensen, Gretna, Nebraska; Bachelor of Arts in Spanish
Jaden Coryn Christian, Meriden, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Jordan Christiansen, Des Moines, Iowa; Doctor of Philosophy in Communication Studies
Beth Anne Christie, Lee's Summit, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Applied Biological Sciencees
Coby L Christman, Mulvane, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Religious Studies
Alexis Kate Christopher, Parker, Colorado; Juris Doctor
Brayson Cole Christopher, Lenexa, Kansas; Master of Science in Information Technology
Georgia Nicole Christy, South Barrington, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Jason Alexander Church, Sacramento, California; Master of Arts in Applied Behavioral Science
Samantha R Church, White House, Tennessee; Bachelor of Science in Interior Architecture
Sarun Chuwonganant, Manhattan, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Brian Anthony Chwalisz, Kailua, Hawaii; Master of Science in Supply Chain Management
Greta Ciccolari-Micaldi, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Courtney Melissa Ciciora, Oak Brook, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Daniel S Cirotski, Leawood, Kansas; Master of Public Health
Alyssa Rose Ciullo, Whippany, New Jersey; Bachelor of Arts in Anthropology
Brennan M Clark, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Camryn Elizabeth Clark, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Emily A Clark, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Microbiology
Hannah Clark, Chapel Hill, North Carolina; Master of Arts in Psychology
Helen E Clark, Neodesha, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Kaitlin E Clark, Manhattan, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Kristina F Clark, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Nicholas W Clark, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Information Systems
Samantha A Clark, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Samuel Strom Clark, Manhattan, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Shelby Leigh Clark, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in Social Work
Skyler Nicole Clark, Kansas City, Missouri; Bachelor of Arts in Communication Studies and Bachelor of Arts in Communication Studies
William Clark, Leavenworth, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Global & International Studies
Tennyson Noelle Clary, St. Joseph, Missouri; Master of Social Work
Zachary Kent Clary, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma; Certificate in Plastic Surgery
Deshanett Lynn Clay, Inglewood, California; Certificate in Pediatrics
Jami Noel Clay, Kansas City, Missouri; Master of Social Work
Marisha Clay, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Myranda Cleary, Grain Valley, Missouri; Master of Business Administration
Garrett Paul Cleek, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Social Work
Anna R Cleland-Leighton, Overland Park, Kansas; Certificate in Family Practice
Hanna Mackenzie Clem, St. Louis, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Ashley Nicole Click, Hutchinson, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Taylor Kay Click, Augusta, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in History
Lauren Elizabeth Clifford, Newton, Kansas; Doctor of Physical Therapy
Dieumene Cloristin, Port-au-Prince, Haiti; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Ashley Susan Cloud, Mission, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in Molecular & Integrative Physiology
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David Charles Clouse, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas; Master of Science in Project Management
Trâm Anh Cấn Nguyên, Ho Chi Minh, Vietnam; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Design
Madison Elisabeth Coakley, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Andre Coates, Omaha, Nebraska; Bachelor of Arts in Architectural Studies
Chad Christopher Coates, Overland Park, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Eryn E Coates, Lake Winnebago, Missouri; Doctor of Physical Therapy
Amanda Leigh Coatney, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Jessica Lynn Cobb, Pittsburg, Kansas; Master of Health Services Admininstration and Master of Science in Nursing
Jason William Cochran, Raytown, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Molecular, Cellular & Developmental Biology
Burt Thomas Cockley, McKinney, Texas; Master of Science in Education in Health, Sport & Exercise Science
Reed Griffin Coda, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Timothy James Coe, Brussels, Belgium; Master of Science in Organizational Leadership
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Dylan J Coens, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Kaitlyn R Coffey, Omaha, Nebraska; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Abigail Marie Coffman, St. Charles, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Kelly Cogan, Rushville, Missouri; Doctor of Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Alexander Jay Cohen, Broomfield, Colorado; Bachelor of Arts in Geology
Levi Mitchell Cohen, Pleasant Hill, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Biochemistry
Ariel Cohn, Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Bachelor of Science in Education in Community Health
Corey Cohn, West Bloomfield, Michigan; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics
Kevin P Cokingtin, Overland Park, Kansas; Certificate in Internal Medicine
Autumn Colbeth, Grandview, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Biology
Dane J Colclasure, Portis, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Alyssa Patryce Cole, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in History
Hallie Cameron Cole, Tulsa, Oklahoma; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Visual Art
Hunter Kenneth Cole, Edgerton, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Information Technology
Zachary A Cole, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Justin Edward Coleman Jr, Springfield, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting
Kyle A Collier, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Andrew Nathaniel Collins, Lee's Summit, Missouri; Bachelor of Fine Arts in Design
Andrew P Collins, Londonderry, New Hampshire; Master of Arts in Linguistics
Brian P Collins, Murrieta, California; Bachelor of Science in Chemical Engineering
Brooke Nicole Collins, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Business Administration
Cameron Jo Collins, Concordia, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Kelsie A Collins, Fayetteville, Arkansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Max Severson Collins, Prairie Village, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics and Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Michael Timothy Collins, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Rybekah Lyn Collins, Tulsa, Oklahoma; Master of Social Work
Graham T Colombo, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Kristen Yvette Colyer, Pittsburg, Kansas; Certificate in Obstetrics & Gynecology
Chelsea Grindstaff Comadoll, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in Chemistry
Elizabeth R. Combest, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Carol Renee Comer, Kansas City, Missouri; Master of Business Administration
Dana M Comi, Montgomery, Alabama; Doctor of Philosopy in English
Matt Comi, Montgomery, Alabama; Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology
Camden R Commerford, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Exercise Science
Emily M Conard, Overland Park, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Drew P Coniglio, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Amy Grace Conkle, Elmhurst, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing and Bachelor of Science in Business in Supply Chain Management
Elisha Robert Conlin-Sellami, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Tyler Lee Conn, Lawrence, Kansas; Specialist in Education School Psychology
Christopher D Connell, Elkhorn, Nebraska; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics
Trevor Jay Conner, Overland Park, Kansas; Certificate in Family Practice
Andrew Conners, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Literature, Language & Writing
Liam Michael Connolly, Chicago, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Brendan Connor, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Administration
Colin Conrad, Swisher, Iowa; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics and Bachelor of Science in Business in Information Systems
Shannon G Conrad, St. Peters, Missouri; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
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Carly Jordan Cook, Grand Prairie, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Management & Leadership
Christine Marie Cook, Wildwood, Missouri; Certificate in Internal Medicine
James Willoughby Cook, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Lily Alexandra Cook, Louisburg, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Architectural Studies
Tavin R Cook, Merriam, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Tyler Daniel Cook, Lansing, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Becca Noel Cooke, Osawatomie, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Benton T Coolidge, Georgetown, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in News & Information
Mark L Coomes, Phillipsburg, Kansas; Master of Arts in Economics
Patrick Cooney, Arlington Heights, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Business in Supply Chain Management
Riley K Cooney, Loveland, Colorado; Juris Doctor
Cole Andrew Cooper, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Dylan J Cooper, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business Administration
Grace L Cooper, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Sociology
Jennifer Rose Cooper, Shingle Springs, California; Doctor of Philosophy in Physics
Lakisha Shantell Cooper, Shawnee, Kansas; Juris Doctor
Mac Maurice Copeland, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Communication Studies
Ross Hugo Copeland, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Corbin M Copsey, Lee's Summit, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Chemical Engineering
Tyler Mason Corbett, Topeka, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Mirissa Corbin, Independence, Missouri; Master of Social Work
Christine Marie Corcoran, Kansas City, Missouri; Doctor of Pharmacy
Greer K Corcoran, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Elementary Education
Tyler Chase Corcoran, Wichita, Kansas; Master of Science in Applied Statistics, Analytics & Data Science
Maura Delma Corder, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; Bachelor of Arts in Communication Studies
Josiah Cordes, Logan, Utah; Doctor of Musical Arts
Jamie Danielle Cordia, Denver, Colorado; Master of Science in Education
Rachel Corl, Kansas City, Missouri; Doctor of Nursing Practice
Ava Elizabeth Cormaney, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Spanish
Andrew James Cornelius, Paola, Kansas; Master of Science in Education
Evan Andrew Cornell, Lawrence, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Caleb Mark Cornish, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Social Work
Ewan Rhys Cornstubble, Leavenworth, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Information Technology
Nathan Steven Cornwall, Bedford, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Accounting and Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Samuel R Corona, Basehor, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Health Information Management
Gabrielle Corporal, Bowie, Maryland; Bachelor of Arts in Dance and Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Miroslava Corral Vale, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Clinical Laboratory Science
Margaret E Cortright, Basehor, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Emma Louise Cosner, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Chemistry
Joseph T. Costalez, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Electrical Engineering
Hannah J Costello, Wichita, Kansas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Jessica Erin Cotter, Platte City, Missouri; Master of Science in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Richard Harper Coulson, Kansas City, Missouri; Master of Business Administration
Emily S Counsil, Neodesha, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in English
Dawsen Counts, Salina, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Caylin Leigh Coursey, Ottawa, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Mallori Elizabeth Courtney, Kansas City, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Elise Nicole Couse, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Scott Alan Cowan Jr, Kansas City, Kansas; Master of Science in Education in Special Education
Lillie Cowen, Maple Grove, Minnesota; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Elena Marie Cox, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Spanish and Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics
Jackson A Cox, Tulsa, Oklahoma; Master of Business Administration
Justin Allen Cox, Leawood, Kansas; Master of Science in Applied Statistics, Analytics & Data Science
Robin Hannah Cox, Leavenworth, Kansas; Master of Arts in Global & International Studies
Timothy R. Cox, Baltimore, Maryland; Certificate in Family Practice
Andrea Rachel Crabaugh, Lenexa, Kansas; Doctor of Nursing Practice
James S Crabtree, Mission, Kansas; Juris Doctor
Clayton Bryhn Craft, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Elise Craig, Kansas City, Missouri; Doctor of Philosophy in Nursing
Grace Alexandra Craig, Des Peres, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Interior Architecture
Maebry R Craig, Highlands Ranch, Colorado; Bachelor of General Studies in Economics
Sarah Craig, Ballwin, Missouri; Master of Architecture
Sydney Nichole Crandall, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering
Kisha Erin Cranston, Pittsburg, Kansas; Master of Science in Education
William M Creamer, Brandon, Mississippi; Master of Accounting
Joseph Paul Creighton, Longmont, Colorado; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Faith Jo Creten, Tonganoxie, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Biochemistry
Kristina Marie Reneau Cripe, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Biology
Danyel J Crispin, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Ashley S. Crist, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Psychology
Austin C Crist, Basehor, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in Philosophy
Elizabeth Ann Cristiano, Lansing, Kansas; Certificate in Internal Medicine
Connor R Croake, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering
Zachary Paul Croake, Leawood, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
John Austin Crocker, Shawnee, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Trini Crocker, Lawrence, Kansas; Master of Music
Ethan A Crockett, Baxter Springs, Kansas; Juris Doctor
Kaylee Madison Croft, Houston, Texas; Doctor of Pharmacy
Connor Cross, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Marketing
Haleigh B Cross, Pana, Illinois; Bachelor of Arts in Applied Behavioral Science
Kathryn Bailey Cross, Grapevine, Texas; Bachelor of Science in Education in Foreign Language
Kellen Jeansonne Cross, Lake Quivira, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Oliver Michael Cross, Kankakee, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Sport Management
Garrett Troy Crossnoe, Bentonville, Arkansas; Bachelor of Science in Physics
Kerstin Elizabeth Crouch, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Biology
Devan S Crow, Emporia, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Jeanette Marie Crowder, Wentzville, Missouri; Master of Science in Education in Health, Sport Management & Exercise Science
Katherine Elizabeth Crowe, Lake Forest, Illinois; Bachelor of Science in Education in Community Health
Camdyn June Crowell, Gretna, Nebraska; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
John William Crowley, Andover, Kansas; Certificate in Anesthesiology
Josiah Andrew Crowley, Edwardsville, Kansas; Bachelor of General Studies in English
Haley Nicole Crupper, Lebo, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Pharmaceutical Studies
Anthony Ralebh Cruz, Arkansas City, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Human Biology
Cristopher Rogelio Cruz, Salina, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Business Administration
Janet Patricia Cruz, Lenexa, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Environmental Studies
Kianna R Csolle, Kelowna, Canada; Master of Arts in Applied Behavioral Science
Maria Del Mar Cuadron Roldan, Clarksville, Tennessee; Master of Arts in Educational Curriculum & Instruction
Madison K Cuda, Castle Pines, Colorado; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication
Aleana E Cuevas-Montagne, Olathe, Kansas; Master of Social Work
Daniel Webster Cullington, Southampton, Massachusetts; Master of Science in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Jaleah Kayla Cullors, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Global & International Studies and Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Christopher Zoran Cummings, Wichita, Kansas; Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Joseph David Cummings, Parkville, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Alexander Harold Cunningham, Blue Springs, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Administration
Anne Elizabeth Cunningham, Portland, Oregon; Master of Science in Education in Special Education
Sean Cunningham, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Computer Science
Stepfon Demar Cunningham, Topeka, Kansas; Master of Science in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
Emily Dawn Curl, Ulysses, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Journalism in Strategic Communication and Bachelor of Science in Neuroscience
Will Jacob Curran, Kansas City, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics and Bachelor of Science in Business in Finance
Alyssa Cathleen Curry, Tulsa, Oklahoma; Master of Engineering in Bioengineering
James Curry, Overland Park, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Civil Engineering
Toni Marie Curry, New York, New York; Doctor of Philosophy in School Psychology
Marilyn J Curtis, Olathe, Kansas; Bachelor of Science in Neuroscience and Bachelor of Arts in Linguistics
Michelle Emma Curttright, Edwardsville, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Jacob Michael Cushing, Olathe, Kansas; Doctor of Medicine
Rachael Cuta, Minneapolis, Minnesota; Master of Business Administration
Kristen J Cypret, Lawrence, Kansas; Doctor of Philosophy in Education in Curriculum & Instruction
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Kailey Saya D'Ambrosia, Englewood, Colorado; Bachelor of Arts in Psychology
Kevin Anthony D'Rummo, Kansas City, Missouri; Certificate in Radiation Oncology
William Colby Clark Dace, Oregon, Illinois; Master of Science in Education
Spencer Lyon Daesch, Webster Groves, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Business in Business Analytics and Bachelor of Science in Business in Supply Chain Management
Anna Olivia Dagg, Overland Park, Kansas; Certificate in Family Practice
Karsyn Barbara Dahl, Clearfield, Utah; Juris Doctor
Sydney Mae Dahlgren, Wichita, Kansas; Master of Accounting
Charita Jolynn Dailey, Omaha, Nebraska; Master of Science in Education in Educational Psychology & Research
JaRen Malaya Dailey, Maryland Heights, Missouri; Bachelor of Science in Architectural Engineering
Zachary Miguel Daley, Frisco, Texas; Juris Doctor
Ellie B Dallet, Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Bachelor of Science in Nursing
Mackenzie Kay Dalrymple, De Soto, Kansas; Bachelor of Sc | ||||
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wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 97 | https://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/r/D8209621 | en | Name Murray, William Ewart Gladstone Date of Birth: 08 April 1892 | [
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The following records may contain information about the person described above. As the links are found by computer analysis, we cannot guarantee they are the same individual or that every record in which the person appears will be listed.
= Held by The National Archives
= Held by other organisations
WO 339/1105
Army Officer's service record
Strong match
Murray, Robert Ewart Gladstone
Service number(s): 196293
AIR 79/1780/196293
Airman's service record
Weak match
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wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 78 | https://www.mediastorehouse.com/mary-evans-prints-online/birthplace-william-ewart-gladstone-11558387.html | en | Birthplace of William Ewart Gladstone Our beautiful Wall Art and Photo Gifts include Framed Prints, Photo Prints, Poster Prints, Canvas Prints, Jigsaw Puzzles, Metal Prints and so much more | [
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] | null | [] | null | Prints of Photograph of 62 Rodney Street, Liverpool; the birthplace of William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898) | en | Media Storehouse Photo Prints | https://www.mediastorehouse.com/mary-evans-prints-online/birthplace-william-ewart-gladstone-11558387.html | Mary Evans Picture Library Photo Prints and Wall Art
Birthplace of William Ewart Gladstone
Photograph of 62 Rodney Street, Liverpool; the birthplace of William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898), the English Liberal Statesman and British Prime Minister (1868-1894). Date: 1910
Mary Evans Picture Library makes available wonderful images created for people to enjoy over the centuries
Media ID 11558387
© Mary Evans / Grenville Collins Postcard Collection
Birthplace Ewart Gladstone Letterbox Liberal Liverpool Merseyside Minister Postbox Prime Rodney
EDITORS COMMENTS
62 Rodney Street, Liverpool: The Humble Beginnings of William Ewart Gladstone, English Liberal Statesman and British Prime Minister This evocative photograph, taken in 1910, captures the unassuming yet historically significant building at 62 Rodney Street in Liverpool, England. This was the birthplace of William Ewart Gladstone, a towering figure in British politics who served as the English Liberal Statesman and British Prime Minister on no less than four separate occasions between 1868 and 1894. Gladstone, born on September 15, 1809, grew up in this modest house, which now stands as a testament to his remarkable political career. The son of a Scottish father and English mother, Gladstone was educated at Eton College and Oxford University before embarking on a career in law. However, his true calling was in politics, and he quickly rose through the ranks of the Liberal Party. Gladstone's political beliefs were shaped by his upbringing in Liverpool, a bustling port city that was a hub of commerce and industry. His commitment to social reform, free trade, and the expansion of the British Empire resonated with the people of Liverpool and helped him build a strong political base. The house at 62 Rodney Street is a humble reminder of the humble beginnings of this extraordinary man. The letterbox and postbox outside the house are relics of a bygone era, adding to the historical charm of the photograph. Today, the building is a protected historical site, and visitors can still marvel at the simple yet significant place where one of Britain's most influential politicians was born. As we gaze upon this photograph, we are transported back in time to an era of great political change and social upheaval. We are reminded of the power of humble beginnings and the indomitable spirit of a man who left an indelible mark on British history.
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wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 0 | 63 | https://fraser.stlouisfed.org/title/rand-mcnally-bankers-directory-105/july-1925-598587/content/fulltext/rmbd_192507_05_mississippi | en | Full text of Rand McNally Bankers Directory : July 1925 : Mississippi-North Dakota | [
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Britton & Koontz National Bank Natchez, Miss. OFFICERS M. R. BELTZHOOVER, President Cashier A. B. LEARNED - - Vice-President C. B. RICHARDSON JAMES S. FLEMING - Vice-President G. S. PINTARD - Assistant Cashier Send Us Your Natchez Collections Direct They Will Receive Prompt and Personal Attention 1 <'• • jSu; IN JACKSON, MISS. DEPOSIT GUARANTY BANK & TRUST CO. 18* Jackson is so cent rally locate^ that we can handle on all parts of tKe state and save you time. Ki&j fK&rll t|& fm\\ Capital Paid in $100,000 Surplus Paid in $25,000 OFFICERS Geo. L. Donald - - President Lee R. Hart - - - Vice-Pres. Joe K. Armstrong Cashier James H. Swann - Asst. Cash. George E. Shaw - - Attorney DIRECTORS GEO. L. DONALD MYER A. LEWIS W. G. PLUMMER LEE R. HART GEORGE E. SHAW J. A. MOSAL WM. O. LITTLE MITCHELL ROBINSON E. O BRIEN FRED L. NELSON DAVID H. RICE HARRY G. PETERS JOE K. ARMSTRONG J. G. KENNEDY W. A. DAVENPORT We Solicit Your Mississippi Business and Will Give Prompt Attention to All Items Sent Us. Progressive, Modern, Hustling for Business. Try Our Service. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis m KlK! 2 - O O • e S; z 3 Q« ii ~ m h vOt-'f' LIBRARY PASTE Sticks Quickest Is the Most Reliable Keeps Clean Never Spoils 5T1 ra CD CD 3 D) CO CD https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis O zi_bb m Slzg-^r(b b .fl«WW Mo'u ymamnmmn'mmmrmmi)mmmnrninumiimuummi'nmnmmnmnnmmuuimiimiunumnniimniimmmummmiiuuiuinnnmu»uninnnmnnnnminum Send Your Mississippi Collections Direct to the CAPITAL NATIONAL BANK Citizens Savings Bank & Trust Co. JACKSON, MISSISSIPPI Combined Capital, Surplus AAA and Profits over WUUjUUU.UU PLANTERS NATIONAL BANK OF CLARKSDALE AND PLANTERS TRUST & SAVINGS BANK CLARKSDALE, MISSISSIPPI In the Heart of the Mississippi Delta Depositary of State of Mississippi, Hinds County and City of Jackson CAREFUL ATTENTION PROMPT SERVICE DIRECT CONNECTIONS :: REASONABLE RATES The conduct of these institutions have heen marked hy the principles of sound hanking. Your patronage solicited. OFFICERS Combined Capital and Surplus THAD. B. LAMPTON, President W. M. BUIE, Vice-Pres. & Tr. Officer EDWARD W. FREEMAN, Vice-President AMOS R. JOHNSTON, V.-Pres. & Cash. J. CLYDE McGEE, V.-Pres. & A. Tr. Officer W. C. ALLEN, Asst. Cashier $655,000.00 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis wiinnmiiiiiiiiiiiminiiiiniimiiiiinminimmnmimmn:nni»iiinuiuuBni!iuuiiuuiiBuiiimiimmiinxmnmnnnii<TmmiiTiniinTtmnw<nnmmiiTinimnf 727 Number under Name of Bank Is the New Transit Number given to each bank in U. S. exclusively by Tbe Kand-McNally Bankers’ Directory, under the authority of The American Bankers Ass'n. Non-Bauk Towns with Nearest Banking Point (In dexed Accos.), Lawyers, Laws (indexed) in back of this volume. For Interest Bates, Holidays, etc., see Laws. MISSISSIPPI TownandOounty •Mem. A.B. A. nNew §State t Priv. ‘County Seats. {Mem. State B. Ass’n. [Estab. Fig. is F. Res. Dist. ♦M. Fed. Res. T-Trust Powers. jj.Q.N.Or.H.Memp. $ Last Sale % Dir. ©Bar. Dept. ‘Aberdeen.4071 |M Monroe E21 President. Vice-President. Ass't Cashier. Cashier. NFII UcRlSKILL.__ B. SNOW COMMERCIAL BK. J. C. McFARLANE, Jr. & TRUST CO. FIRST NATIONAL SYKES A. J. BROWN..---- C. E. HAMILTON— C. C. BROWN BANK *no-8% 85-132 T F PAIHF C. Subplus Depos Other Paid-up AND Liabili its Capital Profits ties 8 100.000 I 35.790 S 462,300 $ 135.000 S 432.000 $ 146.0 ---------- ---------- 100,000 Collection! have the personal attention ef an officer of the bank. Proceeds promptly neeounted for. 85-131 Monroe Banking & Tr. Co. W. H. Carlisle___ G. J. Leftwich ___ Henry Dugan $200-10% 85-133 ®T«tJ’04 $160-10% ‘Ackerman...1400 Bank of Ackerman........ tl’99 100,000 __ First National Bank —1’08 J. A. McCain_____ W. H. Gaston A. E. Fox_______ 85-201 E. D. Gilmore____ S. J. Collier_____ E. C. Bourland.... 85-189 8M Monroe D21 $250-20% Security Bank........ --©•21*12 T. J. Cole A. M. Green. L. B. Roberts 85-430 Amory______ 2861 Bank of Amory__ ..©•2S’97 Anguilla_____ 361 Bank of Anguilla.. ....•ll'04 T. W. Fields_____ G. C. Fields _____ W. B. Crockett.__ 85-267 Artesla................583 Artesla State Bank...®*tS'08 J. N. Roberts_____ J. F. Mcllwain—-. O. G. Mcllwain. _ 8M Lowndes F21 $95-6% 85-268 ‘Ashland_____190 Ashland Branch Bank®*28’06 8M Benton A17 $175-10% 770 222,070 Seab. N..N.Y.; 1st N., St. L.; Whitney-Cent. N., N. O.; Union & Pian. Bk.ft Tr. Co., Memp. N. Bk. Com., N. Y.; Canal-Com'l Tr. & Sav.. N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co.; Memp.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson. Merch. & Far.. Meridian. 446,900 272,020 32,340 277,270 101,310 13,490 171,500 N. City, N. Y.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.: N. Bk. Com.. St. L.; 1st N., Birm. 216,200 Seab. N., N. Y.; 1st N.. Memp.; Merch.* Lac. N., St. L. 100,000 25,000 45.000 50,120 827,640 30,000 21,850 554,700 30,000 25,000 218,230 13,500 1,500 57,720 3,000 92,090 12,060 600,000 15.000 5,890 39,350 35,000 20.000 J. C. Price.............. R. C. McGinnis ... C. P. Perkins 10,000 6,500 ‘Bay Springs..861 Bay Springs Bank.__®»tl’04 O. Blankinship.__ R. J. Burnett_____ D. T. Burnett........ 85-272 6N. 0. Jasper L17 $200-20% 20,000 20,180 85-240 T. W. Milner, Act. ®*2I’97 Forest Prather.__ L. C. Prather_____ Allen Cox Farmers Savings Bank W. D. Harmon $160-10% 85-420 ®»tl’ll ‘Bay St.Louls 4250 6 N.Q. Hancock R16 HANCOCK COUNTY H. S. WESTON BANK _____ $130-20% 102.000 5,000 54,940 4,000 2,380 3,250 64,470 10,970 383,680 9,600 4,790 E. J. LEONHARD...... LEO W. SEAL. PETER TU0URY. A. Cash. ®»t*'99 S. L. EN6MAN E. A. LANG C.J. MITCHELL 60,000 COMPANY©T»tS'03 E. J. Lacoste Chas. Traub, Jr... Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 28,110 Peo., Mobile. 16,790 58,810 1.100 4,710 4,270 391.290 41,190 19,700 190,000 92.000 22,000 122,400 N. Bk. Com.. N. Y. and St. L.; Whitney-Cent. N., N. O.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp. 95,000 Han. N., N. Y.: Cent.-State N.. Memp.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co.. N. O. 388,250 303,690 27.750 3,000 93,990 Mech. ft Metals N.. N. Y.; Whitney-Cent. N., N. O. 126,750 1,797,200 84,150 1.148,650 605.960 37,350 600,000 74,750 30,000 82,000 N. Park, N. Y.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O. 3,530 5,180 68,210 Corinth Bk. & Tr. Co., Corinth; 1st N., 68,450 Please send 15e with each sight draft for presentation and 25c for Credit Reports. MERCHANTS BANK & TRUST G. R. Rea................. Jno. O. Soinach ... W. V. Yates _ 150,000 N. Bk. Com., N. Y.; Cont. & Com’l N., Chi.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 14,910 Mtle. Tr. Co., St. L.; Col. N., Col. 225,270 Chem. N., N. Y.; Bk. of Com. ft Tr. Co., Memp.: 1st N., St. L.; Peo., Tueplo. special attention given Bill or Lading drarts, Cash and Time Items. 85-134 30% 1,710 W. B. Caldwell Merchants & Farmers Bank . J. A. Peeler______ V. L. Crawford.__ $125 ♦ 85-536 ®t§’23 ‘Batesvllle ...1000 Bank of Batesville..—®t|'97 Walter Pipkin .... W. M. Keith.......... M. E. Jarratt . — 85-271 8M Panola C13 $150-20% S. C. S. Smythe J. W. Whitten Han. N., N. Y.; N. Bk. Com., St. L.; 1st N. and Cent. State N., Memp.i Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co. and CanalCom’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; 1st N., Blrm. 319,600 963,550 40,000 $1*5-8% 205.000 557.970 36,860 10.000 Lee B21 Chem. N., N. Y.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk.&Tr. Co., Memp.;N. Bk. Com., St. L. 491.000 Baldwyn______ 922 Bank of Baldwyn 8M 68,170 (Branch of Bank of Blue Mounted n, Blue Mounta in, Miss J. W. Gresham, Mgr. 85-269 85-512 76.910 S 395,000 71,000 920.000 — Sand IS c with a 11 sight 3r3t*T 25c for cred it repot ta. Avera________ 500 Bank of Avera_____©»t§’20 B. M. Stevens____ R. L. Walley .......... V. L. McBride___ 6N.0. Greene N20 $125-4% $ (Branch of Oran adaBk., Orenad a, Miss.) J. L. Seawright... ♦ 85-200 6N.0. Sharkey H8 Principal Correspondents. 0i’“ * **• SEE*: ©•t§'20 ®T*t’87 Vigorous attention given same. Choctaw 017 $227.50 Resources. Bondi MlSCELand Securities LANE 0178 ------------ Special attention given B-L drafts. Checks remitted promptly at 61.00 per thousand. Send 15c with each sight draft and 25c for Credit reports. E. L. IM Loans and Discounts 35,000 61,660 700,000 10,000 7,850 182,660 123,600 (Branch of Oren adaBk., a, Miss.) 12,420 Cent. State N., Memp. 276,130 Chem. N. and Mech. & Metals N., N. Y.; Cont. & Com’l N., Chi.; WbltneyCent. N. and Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 85-135 J. High................ C. C. Eason_____ B. L. Hicks Belmont_____ 459 Bank of Belmont______«§’19 B. F. Wright- __ S. 8MTishomingoB23 85-478 ‘Belzonl_____ 2277 Bank of Belzoni ___ ®T»tl’04 85-225 8‘MHumphreysG9 Citizens Bank & Trust Co. 12% 85-226 ®T»tf09 W. P. Holland. T. L. Gilmer .......... N. B. Leggitte Benoit................412 Bank of Benoit_______«tl’04 C. D. Terrell_____ F. Biscoe_____ M. M. Thompson. 85-274 8M Bolivar F6 $200-20% Beulah .............369 Bank of Beulah_______•H’01 W. T. Cassity_____ H. H. McGowen... R. L. Ammons____ 85-275 H. C. Lenoir 8M Bolivar E7 T. C. Stamphill... 50,000 77,900 564,810 10,000 10,000 10,600 118,000 13,660 34,300 145,030 581,230 9,620 44.400 24,000 370 46.400 Birm. N. Bk. Com., N.Y.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 178,430 Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson; Interstate Tr. & Bkg. Co.. N. O.; N. Bk. Com., St. L.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp. 64,000 Han. N., N. Y.; Bk. of Com. ft Tr. Co., Memp. 12,110 Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co.. N. O.; Mtle. N.. Memp. MERCHANTS NATIONAL BANK. Viicksburg, Miss—“TlHE BANIK CIF SUIPERU]R SE:rvi CE” https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 728 Number under Name of Bank U the New Transit Number rtm to each bank in U. S. exclusively by The Band-McNally Bankers’ Directory, under the authority of The American Bankers Ass’n. TOWN AND COUNTY. •Mem.A.B.A.wNewiS'tatetPriv. ^County Seats. 1 tMem. State B. Ass’n. [Estab. Fig. is F. Res.Dist. ♦M. Fed. Kes. T-Trust Powers. N.O. N.Or.M.Memp. $ Last Sale %Div. ©Sav. Dept. I, Liabilities. PRESIDENT. Vice-President. Cashier. Paid-up Surplus AND Capital Profits Ass’t Cashier. Depos its Other ' Liabili- 1 TIES 1 Biloxi--------- 10,937 First National Bank—T»t'93 E. 0. Tonsmeire... Win. Gorenflo.__A. S.Gorenflo______ $ 100,000 $ 6N.0.HarrisonR10 83-74 Peoples Bank______ ®»}|'98 D. J. Gay_. — J. C. Clower. O. G. Swetman___ B. O. Bailey_____ 97,100 $170-10% 85-75 T. H. Gleason E. M. Wallace Blountvtlle____50 (See Prentiss) J. A. McReadie 6 N.O. Mi Blue8 MountainSOO Bank of Blue Mountain»tl'05 Lee Godwin__ ___ J. W. Crump_____A. A. Graham ___ A. J. Guyton____ 20,000 8M Tippah B19 $165-10% 83-277 B«KueChltto_.605 Planters Bank.......... ®»tf’05 B. E. Brister--------B. B. Brister______ L. W. Brister........... 23,100 6N 0. Lincoln N9 85-278 Bolton---------- 500 Merchants Bank.......... .JJ'10 D. W. Graham J. L. Gaddis, Jr..—........ ........................... A. B. Graham, 15.000 6 N.O. Hinds J10 $200-10% 85-279 73,580 $2 161010 $ 138,900 $ *B«?.?nevB,e---1495 Bank of Booneville.®»tS1900 J. C. Stanley_____ J. R. Curlee______ J. C. Stanley, Jr... R. L. Bolton. 8M Prentiss B21 10% 85-204 Booneville Banking Co. $200-10% 85-205 ®»ti’06 Boyle____ _ 830 Bank of Commerce.__»iS'21 8M Bolivar E8 $131.50 85-521 *B»r?5d°n--------691 Rankin County Bank..»tl'05 6N.0. Rankin K12 $175-8% 85-247 Braxton............237 Braxton Bank................ ®tS’03 6 N.O. Simpson L13 85-281 ‘B/pokhaven .4793 85-103 85-105 85-282 ® •tl'98 -------- 5000 85-124 5,130 10,150 60,570 20,000 7,920 20,010 202,410 13,930 116,750 78,800 13.270 50,000 15,940 370,960 50,000 | 341,460 46,780 35,440 12.270 88,940 555,000 60,030 1,210 98,700 23,440 11,700 S. L. McLaurin -jW. H. Barnes------ R. L. Fox_______ _ 80,000 25,000 500,000 45,000 350,000 115,000 45,000 J. P. Cox_____ . W. T. Hemphill... R. W. Patrick 4,200 125,000 90,000 140,030 1.902.530 1,390.250 351,340 33,490 357,470 N. Park. N. Y.: Cont.& Com’l N., Chi.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 936.100 290,530 11,120 230,580, Han. N., N.Y.; 1st N., Chi.; Marine Bk.&Tr, Co. and Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav.. N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr.Co., Memp. 474.100 26,320 20,720 D Send'us your1miWif Ladiri g Dram and Coil Irene Kelley. 11,000 S. A. WALKER-- 100.000 ectlons. ' A. B. FURL0W...... R. E. HIGDON -......... J.E. BARRON- - - - - - R. L. DAVIS — F. K. ANDING . 100.000 67,760 1,200,970 99,600 Collections, Bill of Lading Drafts, Cash and Time Items given special attention. Send us your business. G. T. Heard----------J. L. S. Peterson.. C. H. Hudson . Delbert Cope. 60,000 H. 44,870 475,420 2,060 j . j (Branch of Merch . & Far. Bk., Hoi J 1 Spring s, Miss.) 25,000 8,590 214,170 130.350 20,000 (Branch of Gren adaBk., 21,500 Grenad a, Miss.) 4,190 315,590 48.000 167,890 89,000 80,000 66,230 793,830 320 551,260 211,630 668,420 62,010 396,780 180,450 22,500 204,420 N.City,N.Y.iCont.&Com’IN.,Chi,;Whitney Cent.N.,N.O.;Union & Plan. Bk.&Tr .Co., Memp. 60,000 462,770 85,890 13,060 3,380 48,040 N. Park, N.Y.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Cent.State N., Memp. 14 110|Cent.-State N., Memp.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson. 92,200 Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Capital N., Jackson; N. Bk. Com., St. L. 66,810 Chem. N., N. Y.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson. 65,220 Interstate Tr. & Bkg. Co., N. O. KER — H.B. BENTHAL-. 0. F. GARRETT — E. A. HOWELL — l. P. HOSSLEY -...... C. K. WOHNER-........ J. S. WEATHERBY- 65,000 | 68,730 r busine ss solid ted. 1 430,000 62.500 37,250 C. G. Ray............... 15,000 3,130 80,270 71,630 9,300 W. R. Gross____ 25,000 7,480 250,220 131.100 50,000 9,400 M. E. Cadenhead.. 30,000 20,980 381,600 288.350 47.600 105,920 20,000 1,930 138,570 10,000 7,740 132,570 1 76,100 27,730i i 77,460 150 43,420 — 101,530 200 16,590 (Branch of Gren adaBk., Grenad Miss.) 457.600 31,340 R. H. Tomlinson.. R. RICE.......... W. S. TATUM_ _ _ _ _ C. B. PARRISH ... . J N.Special attenti on given Bill of L adlng Drafts, Cas h and Time Item s. 131 Out of town bu siness solicited. , 1 TALLAHATCHIE HOME BK. MERCHANTS NATIONAL BANK. 61,210 N. Bk. Com.. N. Y.; 1st N.. Meridian; Guaranty Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. ______ Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.; 1st N„ St. L. 5,940 69,970 Chem. N., N. Y.; Cent.-State N„ Memp.; Merch.-Lac. N., St. L. ______ Han. N., N. Y.; Union Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.: Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav.. N. O. 43,540 97,330 Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Capital N., Jackson: Union Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Peo. Bk. & Tr. Co., Tupelo. 60,830 116,660 Han. N., N. V.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Say. N. O.; 1st N., St. L. 7 30,000 Special attentio n'given Bill of Lading Drafts, C ash and Time Ite’ ms. FIFTEEN CEN TS sent to us wit h each sight draft for presentatlo and ^TWENTY-FIVE CENTS for each c redit report lnsur es prompt pers 1 al atten tlon. ‘Charleston..3007 Bank of Charleston... Tti'OL................................... J. H. Caldwell.___ W. W. Woods... 8M Tal’chie D12 $300 85-187 *t§ 81,450 N. Park, N. Y.; 1st N. and Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 13,6401 Hibernia Bk. 3s Tr. Co.. N. O,; 1st N., Brookhaven. 42,530 Chem. N., N.Y.: Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. 0.; Jackson-State N., Jackson; 1st N., Vicksburg. 63,220 Chase N„ N. Y.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Canal-Com'l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; N. Bk. Com., St. L. 98,040 Han. N.. N. Y.: 1st N. and Boatmens, St. L.: 4th & 1st N. & Cent. N.. Nash. 36,940 Ex. Bk. &Tr. Co., Memp.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav.. N.O. 90,000 Chase N„ N. Y.; Hibernia Bk.& Tr. Co., N.O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr.Co., Memp. 20,000 Whitney-Cent. N., N. O. 149,500 Prompt, careful attention given al 1 collections sent 85-126 by Fee in advan ce. Plain sight dr afts 15c; Credit $200-12% ®‘t'03 .......... “ Madison County Bank©»t§’20 D. H. Blackston... J. B. Howell______F. E. Allen . $85-15% 85-501 S.M. Riddick „ 1 A. S. Michel Carrollton-----510 Carroll County Bank ®t§’23 J. R. Bingham____ G. K. Gee............. . J. R. Fancher____ 8M Carroll F13 85-537 *c?urthaBe........ 700 Carthage Bank-------- ©t§’21 J. L. McMillon___ F. L. Brantley____ J. H. Beeman______ 6N.0. Leake 115 $145-8% 85-515 Leake County Bank..®*t|’22 R. L. Jordan_____ W. M. Jordan____ M. E. Cadenhead.. _ $160-15% 85-287 «™IlJrevB,e-----900 Farmers Exchange Bank E. B. Robinson.... K. R. Ewald............ T. C. Pepper........ 6N.0.Wilkinson 03 $105 85-541 ©»t§’24 Chalybeate—300 Chalybeate Bank____“iS’16 W. E. Clemmer ..._________________ C. V. Wilbanks__ 8M Tippah A19 sieo-io% 85-464 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 278,720 18,000 558,780 H.B. GREAVESI ®»t§’80 FIRST NATIONAL BANK 85-189 1,520 57,880 5,070 .•t§’18 W. J. Evans-------- T. E. Quinn, Active.y. L. Crawford.... W. M. Tindall.__ . CANTON EXCHANGE BANK 112 $200-20% 337,330 3,150 219,820 27,620 — W. M. Nichols. A. Fitts, A. M 8M Marshall A14 Mgr. -283 Citizens Bank_______®«JS’19 E. B. Horn..............W. H. French____ L. D. Myers______ A. N. French. „ ... *56~10% 85-492 Calhoun City.1200 Calhoun County Bank—*t$’06_________________ R. A. Creekmore __________________ 8M Calhoun E17 83-484 6N.0.Madison 41,630 $ 240,590 N. City, N. Y.; 1st N„ Chi.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N.O. 228,960 N. Park. N. Y.; Cont. & Com'l N., Chi.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 16,590 680,630 15,000 Byhalia---------- 511 Byhalia Bank-.............. . |’03 -............ ............ .......................... Peoples Bank____ sno 85-523 $ 860,750 I 959,490 50,000 <4 BANK OF BR00KSIMLLE 1165-10% M. A. Sanders------ Cash h ExMiscel CHANGES,DUX laneous prom Banks 72,820 ®t»t"|’0f ^Prompt and Ca reful attention gi ven all items entr usted to us. Old estand Largest ba nk in this section. FIRST NATIONAL BANK BropksvlUe ....854 8M Noxubee G21 Jos. W. Sanders... L. M. Phillips____ S. V. Crowe___ . Bonds and Securities C. E. Young..____ I. M. Crowder..........W. C. Hill_______ BR00KHAVEN BANK&TR.C0. 6N.O. Lincoln M10 $200-12% Non-Bank Towns with Nearest Banking Point (In dexed Accee.), Lawyers, Laws (Indexed) In back of this volume. For Interest Bates, Holidays, etc., see Laws. Resources. Principal Correspondents. MISSISSIPPI—Continued 100,000 38,210 981,670 1 Vicksburg. Miss—“THE 383,230 564,430 31,990 Cent. State N., Memo.; N. Bk. Com., St. L.; Bk. of New Albany, New Albany; Bk. of Ripley, Ripley. N. Bk. Com,, N. Y.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 449,740 N. Park, N. Y.; Cont. & Com’l N., Chi.; Liberty Cent.Tr.Co., St. L.; Guaranty Bk.&Tr. Co., Memp.; Interstate Tr. & Bkg. Co., N.O. BANK OF SUPERIOR SERVICE Number under Name of Bank is the New Transit Number given to each bank in U. S. exclusively by The Rand-McNaiiy Bankers’ Directory, under the authority of The American Bankers Ass’n. 79Q • ^ Town and County. ‘County Seats. Fig. is F. Res. Dist. N.CLN.Or.M.Memp. »Mem.A.B.A. 7lNew §State tPriv. tMem. State B. Ass’n. [Bstab. ♦M. Fed. Res. T-Trust Powers. $ Last Sale %Div. ©Sav. Dept. President. Vice-President ‘Clarksdale. 10,000 Bank of Clarksdale -®»tS1900 E. P. Peacock........... 8 M Coahoma D9 12% 85-121 .. Commercial Bank___ ©<§’20 J. O. Lamkin____ UOO-3% 85-498 A. M. Crump, Cashier. Ass’t Cashier. J.W. Gray ______ W. B. Rarr_____ C. G. Callicott PLANTERS NATIONAL BANK Liabilities. Surplus DeposPaid-up and Capital Profits Resources. Principal Correspondents. Bonds Loans Miscel- Caan & Exand and Discounts Securities LAJSibO UB from Banks Other ties $ 200,000 $ 310,460 $4 224 970 1 322,150 $2 896 520 $ 760,640 * J. 0. Wallis H. O. Walker 38,810 $1361620 N. Park, N. Y.; 1st N. and Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memn.; 1st N., St. L.; Hib. Bk. & Tr. Co.. N. 0. J. A. Martin............. W. B. McLain__ ... Mrs. C.W. Taylor.. S. A. Corley Ch. of Bd. A. B. Adams .. Non-Bank Towns with Nearest Banking Point (In dexed Acces.), Lawyers, Laws (indexed) in back of this MISSISSIPPI—Continued — OSCAR JOHNSTON... W. P. HOLLAND......... N. 8. SESSIONS —- L. B. DORSEY______ E.O.MOORE.A.CasA. E. L. GRAVES E. L. ANDERSON dpeuiai hiumiiiuh given to diii oi imuing urans, uoiiecuons, A. F. TOLER, Sec. Cash and Time Items. Bonds, Mortgages and Securities Bought and Sold. Send your Clarksdale Business Direct. 200,000 27,340 485,570 211,750 774,170 43,300 26,710 81,470 Chem. N.. N. Y.; Cont. & Com’l N.. Chi.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. 0.; Union & Plan. Rk. & Tr. Co.. Memp.; N. Bk. of Com., St. L. 600,000 148.480 2,301.970 267,000 1,555,820 699,780 SEE DIS PLAY AD VERTIS EMENT. 85-120 ©»tS’22 * a...— * Planters Trust & Savings W. P. Holland____ E. L. Anderson___ N. B. Sessions____ L. B. Dorsey______ 332.460 50,000 274,810 4,500 20,830 Bank 85-123 ©Tt§’04 ^■ r■ - ‘Cleveland___ 3000 Bank of Cleveland.. ®»i§’24 A. K. Eckles.........— B. H. Hardee, Mgr. (Branch of Grena da Bank, Grenada, Miss.) 8 M Bolivar E8 85-258 .. .. ... Cleveland State Bank-®»tl’(r8 N. L. Cassibry____ G. B. Woodward — *200-15% 85-228 N. V. Brown 352.390 81,490 609,460 N. Bk. Com., N. Y.; Cont. & Com’l N., Chi.; Caual-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 42,490 N. Bk. Com., N. Y.: Plan. N., Clarksdale. N. Bk. Com., N. Y.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Canal Com'l.Tr. & Sav., N. O.; Gienada, Grenada. Han. N., N. Y.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Miss. Valley Tr. Co., St. L. _ Clinton fififl 6 N.O. Hinds Jll ‘Coffeeville___ 800 811 Yalobusha D14 Cold water.........900 8M Tate B12 ‘Collins. . - _2000 6 N.0.CovingtonM15 ‘Columbia.__ 3500 6 N.O. Marion N13 . Bank of Clinton____ ®»tS’05 *125-10% 85-288 CofTeeville Bank_______ tS’01 1175-15% 85-289 Bank of Coldwater____ »t|’03 10% 85-290 Bank of Collins-------- ©•tl’01 * 50-8% 85-150 Citizens Bank_______ ©»tS’13 *125-10% 85-438 COLUMBIA BANK *350-25% ‘Columbus .10,501 8M Lowndes F22 " _ " “ _____ •• 85-171 *tS'90 COLUMBUS NATIONAL BANK .T T Wallapp B. R. Albritton___ Mrs. M. A. Staple- B. B. Sayle________ W. H. Bailey______ J. F. Provine _ F. E. Collins . ... 28,690 371 950 319,470 43,400 4,760 If? HA N. Bk. Com.. N. Y.; Whitney Cent. N., N. O.: Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson. Seab. N., N. Y.: Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Hib. Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O. N. Park, N. Y.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp. Chem. N., N. Y.: Cont. & Com’l N., Chi.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O. Chem. N., N. Y.: N. Bk. Com.. St. L.: Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co. and Marine Bk. & Tr. Co.. N.O. Chase N., N. Y.; Whitney-Cent. N. and Caual-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; 1st N.. St. L. 56,510 E. G. Bond—............ W. H. Pickering... E. G. Bond_______ 25,000 6,010 320,870 199,870 69,160 9,120 73,740 J. T. Rankin........... J. H. Chapman ___ N. H. Rankin____ A. S. Turner_____ S. E. Lawrence 40,000 10,500 522,500 1,670 452,410 29,120 16,990 76,050 (W. E. LAMPTON—. G. G. MAXWELL_____ R. L. HALL 35,000 jSpeeial attentio T15 CENTS sent to us with each sight draft for pr esentation, and (25 CENTS for each credit report insures prompt, personal attentl on. 66,670 944,770 15,380 701,540 115,930 26,190 218,160 rj. T. WOOD — 50 010 769,170 646,160 67,980 298,610 N. Bk. Com., N. ¥.: Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O. 65,000 130,350 Han. N., N. Y.; N. Bk. Com., St. L.: - L. MARX J. W. SLAUGHTER... E, R. HOPKINS_____ H. V. WINGFIELD Oldest Bank 1 n Mississippi, J Largest in this section. Special attention given c ollections, V. sight drafts, b ills of lading, etc. Outside corresp ondence invited. 100,000 71,910 1,560,600 __ I. L. Gaston______ A. B. Lawrence .. 100,000 52,100 904 090 564,230 296,610 (5,000 56,000 900,000 500,000 250,000 MERCH. & FARMERS BANK Parker Reeves.... T. H. Henry______ C. H. Reeves.......... D. D. Patty *175-10% 85-65 ®»t§’02 . (W.H. PUCKETT- J.T. SANFORD------ WILLIS POPE------- F. M. DRAKE........... F. P. PHILLIPS „ ; Special attentl on given to Coll ectioni and pro mpt remittance | on day of pay ment. *175-8% 85-67 «t’13 Como................ 1500 Planters Bank............. ®»tl’09 M. W. Wesson......... E. G. Taylor..__ _ Mrs. E. B. Blalock 85-280 8M Panola B13 *200-22% State Bank of Qomo ®*t|T6 Travis H. Taylor.. David Painter, Sr.. R. H. Lipscomb.__ David Painter. Jr.. *175-20% 85-KO ‘Corinth 6000 Corinth Bank & Trust Co. J. E- Gift.................. H. E. Ray—............. F. F. Anderson.... R. H. Price 8 M Alcorn A21 85-107 ®W§1900 J. L. Holley R. B. Moore Miss Lily B. Ward “ w| " Corinth State Bank ®t§’23 p. J. Foster_____ D. A. Hill______ mo 85-111 .. .. First National Bank .®«1'08 G. A. Hazard.......... J. A. Ledbetter... N. L. Armistead .. *150-10% 85-109 H. Y. Peerey D. F. Sharp Courtland____ 265 Bank of Courtland.___®tl’04 H. R. Elliott________ T. B. Ricks----------------- Sam Herring, Jr... 85-291 8M Panola 013 *no-8% Crawford-------- 500 Bank of Crawford________®|’08 C. W. Hairston.__ L. S. Ledbetter.... A. J. Ervin, Jr._____ J. C. Lnoklev 8M Lowndes G23I*125-10% 85-292 1 MERCHANTS NATIONAL BANK. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 23.500 4,890 E. C. Turley______ E. W. Du Bois____ *200-10% 85-63 ®»f’52 First State Bank & Trust Co. G.Y. Banks_______ I. L. Gaston.. *150-8% 85-64 ®T«t*’68 J. M. Morgan NATIONAL BANK OF COMMERCE 1 mn OF- AAA Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. 0.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co.. Memo, 271,000 i eab. N.. N. Y.: 1st N., Memp. and St. L.; Whitney-Cent. N., N. 0. 100.000 49,410 792,000 584,000 174,230 183.180 Bk. & Tr. Co.. Memp.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 25,000 12,500 112,900 5.000 87,210 20,000 24,670 50,000 10,000 311,230 11,380 190,260 37,310 24,870 150,000 2,250,000 2,000,000 150,000 ?75 noo 170,000 29,000 82,500 1,044,830 55,070 227,040 150,000 23,510 : Memp.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 130,170 : i. City, N. Y.; Cont. Se Com’l N., Chi.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co. and Cent.State N.. Memp. 350,000 j Ian. N., N. Y.; Cont. & Com’l N..Chi.: 1st N., St. L.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp. 50,000 100,000 7,500 30,520 1,156,260 128,090 5,000 98,000 70,000 24,590 10,000 6,500 85,000 67,000 8,000 Vicksburg, Miss—“THE Boatmens. S. L.; Cent.-State N.. Memp. 87,930 1 ian. N„ N Y.: lstN..Chi.andSt. U.;ITnion & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.; WhitneyCent. N., N. O. 19,000 1 69,000 < 12,000 430 : 26,070 N. : Bk. Com.. St. L.r 1st N., West Point. BANK OF SUPERIOR SERVICE” 7or» / JU Number under Name of Bank in the New Transit Number given to each bank in U. S. exclusively by The Band-McNally Bankers' Directory, under the authority of The American Bankers Ass'n. Town and County, ‘County Seats Fig. is F. Res. Dist. N.0..N.Or. M Memp. •Mem.A.B.A.«New §StatetPriv. tMem. State B. Ass’n. [Estab. ♦M. Fed. Res. T-Trust Powers. $ Last Sale % Dir. ©Sav. Dept. Non-Bank Towns with Nearest Banking Point (In dexed Acoes.), Lawyers, Laws (indexed) in back of this volume. For Interest Rates, Holidays, etc., see Laws. MISSISSIPPI—Continued Resources. Liabilities. President. Vice-President. Cashier. Ass’t CASHIER. Crenshaw______512 Bank of Crenshaw____<*’15 H. W. Crenshaw... A. A. Crawford___ L. S. Fox................. t M Panola B12 *135—10% 85-293 Loans Bonds Other Surplus Miscel Paid-up Depos Liabili and and AND its Capital Profits Discounts Securities laneous ties $ 20,000 $ 9,180 $ 230,570 380 $ 153,240 $ 52,780 $ 14,400 10,960 $ 43,140 Chem. N., N. Y.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 8,060 39,810 Mech. & Metals N., N. Y.: Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 124,130 N. Park, N. Y.; Cont. & Com'l N„ Chi.; Marine Bk. A Tr. Co.. N. O.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson. 131,330 Chem. N„ N. Y.: 1st N.,Chi.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O. 21,280 Hibernia Bk. ft Tr. Co.. N. O.; 1st N„ Meridian. 193,500 Mech. & Metals N., N. Y.; Am. N., Nash.; „ 1st N„ Meridian. 17,440 Canal-Com’l Tr. &Sav„ N. O.; Bk. Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Bk. of Hou., Hou. 65,000 N. Park, N.Y.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co.. N. O.; Merch.Bk.&Tr. Co.. andCapitalN.Jack. 20,000 Canal-Com’l Bk. ft Tr. Co.. N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 61,960 Han.N. and Chem. N..N.Y.; Cent. State N„ Memp.; 1stN.,St. L. Cruger.................500 Bank of Oruger_______ <|’04 8M Holmes Gil *125-10% 85-294 Crystal Springs CRYSTAL SPRINGS BANK SN.O.CopiahLIO 1893 *175-10% 85-203 ®<*'01 “ -------- " Peoples Bank..............©<§'22 1*115-6% ♦ 85-528 ‘Decatur-------- 319 Bank of Decatur..............tl'05 6 N.O. Newton J18 *160-25% 85-295 *De Kalb..------ 554 Commercial Bank____ <§’15 6N.O. Kemper 121 85-295 Derma.................700 Bank of Derma............T<|06 IM Calhoun E17 sioo 85-297 Dio --------- 1600 D'LO GUARANTY BANK • N.O. Simpson L13 *300-16% 85-461©<|’16 Drew------------- 1200 Com'l Bank & Tr. Co. IM SnnflowerFlO 85-529®«TC§’22 ' -------- ** Merchants A Planters Bank 1*120-8% 83 298 ®<§’10 A. B. Archer_____ R. W. Downer ___ W. R. King-------- Lucile Wilburn.__ 30,000 19,740 188,060 1,600 177,120 L. M.DAMPEER. JR. R. B. THOMAS_ _ _ _ MARION DAMPEER- I. H. BARRON- - - - - - - 50.000 53.630 518,650 245,080 743,280 3,130 212,220 52,650 138,060 18,940 4,670 Mrs. M. B. Potter . 15,000 9,640 213,940 40,500 209.300 35,520 12,960 C. Rosenbaunn___ S. D. Stennis_____ O. H. King_______ F. M. Locker------ 10,000 28,000 393,800 222,500 10,000 4,000 75,640 55,400 R. L. Mangum____ G. P. Rhodes_____ H. B. Barr_______ S. R. Sinclair. 15,000 25,000 425,000 370,000 T. B. Ricks.............. N. J. Burnett_____ L. C. Barnes___ Ada Manning R. K. Sage FredGrittman.... D. M. Rives, Active D. M. Rives____ ... J.Q. Keith... R. C. Smith 25,000 2,500 160,000 100,000 50,000 17,810 342,980 Duck Hill.—_550 Duck Hill Bank______ <§’06 IM MontgomeryF14 *175-15% 85-299 Duncan......... ...500 Bank of Duncan............ <§'19 8 M Bolivar D8 *110-10% 85-475 Durant--------- 1870 Merchants & Farmers Bank 8 M Holmes H13 *120-10% 85-518 ©<§'20 “ ——- “ Peoples Bank________<11900 10% 85-184 W. A. Oliver------- . G. Y. Gillespie___ C. A. Wilkins.. 15,000 6,000 180,000 Ecru_________ 642 IM Pontotoc C18 Edwards_____ 727 6 N.O. Hinds K9 Largest and Str ongest Bank in t hls county, excell ent facilities for bandlin 5 collections, sigh t drafts, cash & ti me Items. Prom pt Service. 25,000 W. B. McCluney .. W. A. Price______ Floy Mackey... C. M. Wells______ F. W. Gaines... M. B. Potter.__ D. B. Woods_____ T. B. Ricks............. M. H. Alford_____ W. H. Harris-------- F. B. Wylie____ 20,000 5,490 90,000 Eugene Cole_____ M. T. Woods ___ G. A. Guess R. L. Cooper_____ R. E. Howard.... J. M. Howard 30,000 10,500 266,970 C. G. Mansfield___ O. Hnnoldstein___ B. S. Sheehy. Merchants & Farmers Bank V. B. Tucker_____ J. E. A. Browning T. M. Wingo______ *50-10% 85-301 <§T8 Bank of Edwards.__ ©<|'04 J. W. Ratliff_____ W. G. Redfleld__ W. A. Montgomery, Lucille Luster. Jr. *200-10% 85-302 26,000 9,700 1,100 15,710 30,000 10,000 284,470 40,660 49,700 95,000 14,700 5,000 66,000 7.280 5.500 • 5,000 2,900 201,600 35,000 14,950 148,590 117,180 42,050 43,839 N. Park, N. Y„ Merch. N„ Vicksburg. 790,000 38,000 7.500 40.000 1,000 5,040 399,500 N. Bk. Com., N. Y.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co. and Whitney-Cent. N., N. O. S.500 Han. N„ N. Y.: Ex. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 160,000 2,000 3,000 358,970 11,540 15,000 10,000 617,400 (Branch of Oren adaBk., Orenad a, Mies.) 2,500 3,100 11,390 26,250 13,600 324,000 10.000 3,000 65,000 15,000 17,560 282,060 30,000 85,000 1,020,000 63,000 37.050 W. H. Ellsworth. W. H. Ellsworth.. F. Bynnm.__ F. S. Senton T. E. Corley W. G. Thompson .. A. S. Franklin___ T. B. Risks O. S. Crosthwalt.. J. R. Lane. Z. Akins T. W. Foard---------O. C. Leigh............... " _____ " Merchants & Farmers Bank J. R. Phillips__ *125-8% 85-232 ©t§’06 Falkner.... ......... 350 Bank of Falkner--------©t§’23 W. E. Clemmer. 8M Tippah A19 1*125-10% 85-533 ‘Fayette______800 Jefferson County Bank Jeff Truly_____ 6N.0.JeffersonM6 *155-12% 85-305 ®<§'0l J. W. Harpole, Sr. Morris Wells_____ E. T. Criss............. 20,000 2,530 218,010 1,080 189,230 ....................................S. G. McBride_____ A. L. Conner, Sec. I R. R. Liddell_____W. T. Harper.......... 10,000 3,030 84,860 4,160 63,120 4,000 25,000 32,280 353,500 193.300 69,800 J. C. Shelton------- L. J. Guice............. 25,000 10,000 417,350 83,130 277,570 8,600 5,050 _____ '* Peoples Bank & Trust Co. A. Krauss_______ G. Krauss.... 5J4% 85-520 ®T<§’20 Flora...................698 Bank of Flora_______ ®<S’04 W. M. Buie__.......... J. E. Wilson.......... H. U. Geiger, 10,000 2,540 42,000 10,300 6,000 179,000 5,000 690 R. L. Corban, Jr.. Sec. 4,000 213,080 25,000 14,000 240,000 Florence_____ 350 Citizens Bank---------------+§’05 W. A. Rogers------- R. M. Laird--------- W. A. Rogers------- Mary Lowther — 10,000 5,000 110,000 69,950 8,000 ‘Forest.............1300jBank of Forest........ ®<§1900 J. R. McCrayey.__ D. G. Allen.............. P. H. Brown_____ 15,500 46,650 646,740 306,310 318,970 4.500 39,000 54,000 696,010 500,000 124,550 236,640 10,000 2,450 111,710 23,010 28,910 5,870 6N.0.Madison J10 *175-12% 6 N.O.Rankin K1’ *125-8% 6N. 0. Scott J16 “ -------- “ V. P. & Cash, 85-306 85-307 1*400-30% 85-218 W. M. Buie Farmers & Merch. Bank W. A. Davenport.. R.L.Good win,-4ciice H. E. Bishop_____ 85-219 ®<|’05 O. R. Stuart ‘Friar Point...980 Commercial & Savings Bk. 8M Coahoma C 9 *110 85-540 ®<§’24 J. O. Lamkin_____ E. B. Quinn______H. J. Landry. H. J. Landry ‘Fulton............1100 Fulton Bank........ ...........<§'05 8M ItawambaC22 85-309 Itawamba County Bank B. H. Baine............. S. J. High 85-539 ©T<§’24 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Sol. Hirsberg. 80,000 Union & Plan. Bk. ft Tr. Co. Memp.; Whitney-Cent. N., N.O. 36,700 Chem. N., N. Y.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co.. Memp. 93,510 Canal-Com’l Tr.&Sav., N.O.; Union & Plan. Bk.&Tr. Co. and Cent. State N„ Memp. 112,300 N. Park, N. Y.; Hibernia Bk. * Tr.Co., N. O.; N. Bk. of Com., St. L.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp. 15,000 Han. N„ N. Y. 208,770 2,720 ‘Ellisvllle.__ 1681 Merchants & Mnfrs. Bk.<|’02 J. C. Austin______ 6 N.O. Jones M17 85-166 Enid _________450 Bank of Enid_______ ®<§T4 Jacob Kuykendall. }MTallahatchieD12 *100-6% 85-453 Ethel_________ 466 Bank of Ethel_________ tl’10 T. B. Ricks______ 8 M Attala H16 *150-15% 85-304 Eupora................ 943 Bank of Eupora---------T<l’98 8 M WebsterF17 ♦ 85-231 ** Principal Correspondents. Cash k EX CHANGE*,DU mem Baku 85,180 (Branch of Bank of Tape lo. Tapel 0, Mist.) J. C. Whitehead, Mar. 53,190 41,800 2,239 16,000 4,000 R. E. L. Gillentine N. B. Huey.............. 85,300 Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; Exchange Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 294,360 N. Bk. Com., N. Y.: Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; Union ft Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 48,390 Canal-Com'l Tr. ft Sav., N O.; Grenada, Grenada. 23,530 Ex. Bk. ft Tr. Co„ Memp. 147,690 Han. N„ N. Y.; 1st N„ Jackson: Britton & I Koontz, Natchez; Canal-Com’l Tr. & 1 Sav., N. O. 83,730 Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co. and Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; City Bk. & Tr. Co., Natchez. 20,000 N. Bk. Com., N. Y.: Capital N„ Jackson; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav.. N. O. 42,000 Han. N„ N. Y.: Canal-Com’l Tr. ft Sav., N. O.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson. 80,110 N. Bk. Com.. N.Y.; Capital N„ Jackson; Hibernia Bk. & Tr.Co., N. O. 144,510 Mtle. Tr. Co., St. L.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav. and N. O. Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson. 66,360 Chem. N„ N. Y.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Com’l, Clarksdale. N. Park, N. Y.; Bk. of Tupelo, Tupelo, Miss. 6,580 27,040 Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. C6.. Memp.; Canal-Com'l Tr. ft Sav., N. O.; Peo. Bk. & Tr. Co., Tupelo. MERCHANTS NATIONAL BANK, Vicksburg, Miss.—“THE BANK OF SUPERIOR SERVICE” 701 ' Number under Name of Bank is the New Transit Number given to each bank in U. S. exclusively by The Rand-McNally Bankers’ Directory, under the authority of The American Bankers Ass’n. Town and county ^County Seats. Fig. is F. Res. Dist. H.O.N.Or. M.Memp, •Mem. A. B. A. «New §State fPriv. JMem. State B. Ass’n. [Estab ♦M. Fed. Res. T-Trust Powers. $ Last Sale % Pi?. ® Say. Dept. President. Georgetown.. .317 Georgetown Bank___ ©<l’10 L. D. Spell.... 6 N.O. Copiah Lll 85-310 7% Glen Allan...1000 Washington & Issaquena Bk. B. J. Tonnar. 8MWashingtonH6 Sioo 85-482 6 N. 0. Amite 0 Vice-President. Cashier. Ass’t Cashier. C. A, Shoemaker.. W. S. Allen. P. Sharkey____ P. Sharkey. W. L. Tatum___ T. J. Breed. ®t§’19 Gloster_____1070 Amite County Bank.—<114 0. E. Bates___ 85-451 A. McLean___ W. L. Breed Goodman__ 700 Commercial State Bank®|5’21 Eugene Cole__ J. R. Moody______ D. K. Gulledge.... 8M Holmes H 13 85-524 ‘Greenville. 12,500 ♦Citizens Bank______ ®<i'88 F. N. Robertshaw. J. A. Crawford___ R. D. Bedon______ N. E. Wingate. 8MWashingtonF6 85-55 J. A. Crawford, Jr. ‘COMMERCIAL BANK $100-10% 85-59 ©<|’21 Non-Bank Towns with Nearest Banking Point (In dexed Acces.), Lawyers, Laws (indexed) in back of this volume. For Interest Kates, Holidays, etc., see Laws. MISSISSIPPI—Continued W. P. KRETSCHMAR HARLEY METCALFE— A. M. LYELL- - - - - - - - - E. M. BURTON- - - - - - - - A modern, prog ressive bank dol ng a commercial business, Bills of Lading, Cash letters and Collections have prompt attentlo Send us your G reenvllle Items f or quick returns. ♦First National Bank__ ‘t'87 W. H. Negus .......... J. T. Atterbury— A. B. Nance_____ W. F. Carnahan__ 15% 85-54 ♦Greenville Bank & Tr. Co. F. L. Harbison ___ A. V. Wiseman___ Edwin Mills______ $100-8% 85-58 ®»tf'05 Liabilities. Surplus Paid-up Depos AND Capital Profits its Resources. Loans Bonds Miscel and and Discounts Securities laneous Cash k Ex0ha sou,Dm prom Barks J $ 101,500 $ 25,000 $ 5,000 $ 100,000 26,000 1,500 105,200 30,000 15,940 367,520 74,790 $ 284,550 16,610 $ 4,260 43,080 21,000 FIRST NATIONAL BANK T*. $300-20% F. MU—y. sateoWir "• 15,000 4,170 78,200 29,410 44,970 927,820 1,090,670 5,700 28,400 180,000 23,040 1.107,640 990,600 111,540 79,160 156,290 N. Park, N. Y.; Chi. Tr. Co., Chi.; Hiber nia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; 1st N„ St. L.; 1st N. and Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 100.000 236,850 1,423,820 100,000 1,538,120 193,100 N. Park. N. Y.; Cont. & Com’l N„ Chi.; Whitney-Cent. N„ N. O.; 1st N„ St. L. 75,190 Chem. N.. N. Y.: Hibernia Bk. &Tr. Co.. N. O.; N. Bk. of Com., St. L. 26,910 4,020 104,440 25,000 381,690 24,500 128,630 450,920 40,720 18,190 206,411 1.790.590 1,181,700 2,612,750 273,190 134.930 638,630 266,600 952,150 13,500 61 630 15.000 35,0*00 51,260 1,151,320 420 935,070 80,120 387,070 760 315,260 25,000 130,000 1 200,000 1,000,000 50,000 250,000 391 680 5,929,510 613,470 5,330,680 494,880 50.000 4,000 515,000 50,910 $135-121^%^85-101 R. A. Ball_________ W. R. Humphrey.. J. A. Williams____ R. V. Pollard. ®T»tS’16 E. K. Myrick, J. W. Quinn Ch. of Bd. WILSON...... Attenti on Given Bui of ■dXgfldk- Cash and” |l™*s lpt all Business Sent 85-97 ®‘«’13 { Tim1 Time Items and ‘Grenada......... 4000 Grenada Bank...........®T<i’98 J. T. Thomas____ 8 M Grenada E14 $225-12% ♦ 85-141 Grenada Tr. & Bkg. Co.<i'0S H. J. Ray-----------$300-24% 85-142 ‘Gulfport ___8157 68 0.Harrison R18 BANK OF GULFPORT 95,470 1,286,180 250.000 200,000 57,170 V. P. & Tr. Off. Greenwood Savings Bank F. T. Ransom_____ W. M. Hamner.... R. G. De Loach ... M. P. Saunders.... $85-20% 85-99 ©»t*’04 Security Bank & Tr. Co, D. A. Linthicnm... Lee R. Hart______ C. W. Stockett.__ $HS 85-102 ®T<§'22 WILSON BANKING COMPANY 100,000 3,500 . Us. J. C. Perry----------- B. C. Adams______ A. N. Rayburn 20,000 35,000 350,000 3,000 268,000 60,000 L. N. DANTZLER...... J. C. CL0WER-—... E. S. TAYLOR— . R. H. WASHINGTON, J..L. BERRY, Active JR. our Giijfport Gt" lend.your Collections,direct to us. 1 pecial attention given 6m of Lading Grafts 75.000 40,800 1.201,210 100 857.110 103,230 N. Park, N. Y.; N. Bk. Rep., Chi.; Whltney-Cent. N. and Marine Rk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; 1st N.. St. L.; N. Shawmut, Bos.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.; 1st N., Cin. 135,120 N. Bk. Com., N. Y.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; 1st N., Bos.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp. 202,800 1st N., Greenwood. 50,000 5,000 338,090 23,530 274,540 22,320 99,650 Han. N„ N. Y.; 1st N., Jackson; CanalCom’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 275,000 N. Bk. Com., N.Y.; Bk. of Com. &Tr. Co., Memp.: 1st N., Bos.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 205,980 1,093.110 N. Bk. Com., N. Y.: Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N.O.; Union & Plan.Bk. &Tr.Co., Memp. 10,000 70,000 N. Bk. Com., N.Y.; Wixitney-Cent. N„ N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 35.420 321,350 N. Bk. Com., N. Y.; 1st N., Chi.; Whlt- 13,370 106,380 Han. N„ N. Y.: Interstate Tr. & Bkg. Co., N. O.; N. Bk. Com., St. L. Save time >e and *“ get uva service »avv w/ by ovuuiug sending advance 3E: Plain Sight Sic ht Draft*, Drafts. 15c; 15a Credit Report*, 25c. 85-89 ®<§’17 Commercial Bk. & Trust Co. A. C. Purple-------- G. H. Claussen ___ Ivan Ballenger ___ J. C. Ross $110 85-90 ®T<§’23 Tr. Officer 377.830 11,410 Cowles Horton. — W. K. Hufflngton.. fee in 971,830 N. City, N. Y.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.: N. Bk. Com.. St. L.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. "E “*■— "•r- SEND US YOUK GREENWOOD BUSINESS DIRECT. Special attention given Collections, BUI of Lading Drafts, Cash and Time Items. 85-95 Greenwood Bank & Tr. Co. 28,500 N. Park. N. Y.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.: Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memo.; Capital N„ Jackson. 31,580 Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson; WhitneyCent. N., N. O. 64,820 N. Park. N. Y.: Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memo.; 1st N.. St. L. 63,990 Fidelity Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.: Merch. & Far., Durant. 178,100 Bk. of America, N. Y.; Ill. Merch. Tr. Co., Chi.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav„ N. O. 200,000 (Formerly Greenville Savings Bank & Trust Co.) Greenville Clearing House F. N. Robertshaw. F. L. Harbison ___ E. M. Burton, (Members indicated by a ♦) Mgr. ‘Greenwood.. 9500 Bank of Commerce.__ <f’04 T. R. Henderson.. Harry Hulen_____ R. O. King. J. H. Peebles.. 8 M Leflore F11 85—98 Principal Correspondents. ney-Cent. N. and Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. $140-8% FIRST NATIONAL BANK $150-12% 85-87 ©T<’02 J. J. HARRY............ H. S. WESTON- - - - - - - - P. A. STILWELL....... R. E. DEVORE........ A. L. JAGOE. Active J. J. HARRY, JR., F. W. DORHAUER" P. A. STILWELL Tr. Officer 250,000 72,820 5,069,380 298.890 2,175,580 2,145,140 88,440 1,281.930 Seab. N. and N. Bk. Com.. N. V.; Cont. & Com’l N., Chi.; Hibernia Bk.& Tr. Co., N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. THE OLDEST NATIONAL BANK ON THE MISSISSIPPI COAST. Collections isolicitediand.promptly gemittc^ for, at moderate rates. Special attention given ling Drafts. Gunnison____ 485 Peoples Bank_________ <§’22 J. S. Kirk_____ 85-527 8 M Bolivar E 8 G intown_____365 Bank of Guntown___ ©‘tl'04 L. A. Mitchell... 10% 85-313 8 M Lee C 20 S. J. Holcomb____ R. S. McKnight. 15,000 1,500 100,000 65 000 D. W.Robins_____ 20,000 23,280 243,580 254.590 E. C. Norton R. M. Patrick.. 6,340 30,000 Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co.. Memp. 25,920 1st N.,St. L.; Union&Plan. Bk. &Tr. Co., Memp.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. MlERCH/\NTS NATI0WiL BAfIK. Vicksburg. Miss—“THE BANK OF SUPERIOR SERVICE” https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 700 / *J£-t Number under Name of Bank is the New Transit Number given to each bank in U. S. exclusively by The Rand-McNally Bankers' Directory, under the authority of The American Bankers Ass’n. Town and County. ■>Mem.A.B.A.r!New§Stateti’riv. ^County Seats. JMem. State B. Ass’n. [Estab. Fig. is F. Res. Dist. M. Fed. Bes. T-Trust Powers. H.lJ.N. Or. M.Memp. $ Last Sale % Div. ® Say. Dept. ^Hattiesburg 13.270 6N.0.Forrest N17 Liabilities. President. CITIZENS BANK 135-8% 85-49 110-8% 85-50 Vice-President Cashier. Ass’t Cashier. 0- TATUM-......... G. M. MCWILLIAMS- T. J. WALKER_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ We offer Banks,Wholesalers and Jobbers,superior service in the collection and prompt remittance of all commercial collections, drafts with bill oi lading attached, etc. try cs. ®<§’02 COMMERCIAL NATIONAL BANK TV. Officer UP-TO-DATE SYSTEM AND METHODS. F. W. FOOTE- - - - - - - - - G. J. HAUENSTEIN- W. P. JONES............. ........................... J. P. CARTER, Cho/Bd. First and oldest established Bank in county. We solicit your collections. Correspondence invited. ©<’95 $ 100,000 $ $ 32,970 $1428 890 $1009 080 $ 149,410 $ 80.000 100.000 16.220 1,179,430 $ 100,000 793,530 368,970 >,770,500 732,270 48,270 184,880 Chem. N., N. Y.; III. Merch. Tr. Co., Chi.; Interstate Tr. & Bkg. Co., N. O. G. W. Covington— J. S. Decell______ R. L. Covington... W. R. Cooke______ 176,370 4.636.720 100,000 30,010 1,173,640 709,400 104,220 22,000 468,020 Guaranty Tr. Co., N. Y. 377,000 147,000 20,000 150,000 N. Park, N. Y.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co„ N.O. 20,000 Mech. & Metals N„ N. Y.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N, O.; 1st N„ Meridian. 7.000 Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N.O.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co.. Jackson. 67,310 Ex. Bk. & Tr. Co. and Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co.. Memp.; 1st N.. St. L. 209,480 N. Park, N. Y.; Cont. & Com’l N.. Chi.; Cent.-State N„ Memp.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N.O. 25,000 Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; 1st N., Meridian. 18,550 Bk. of New Alb., New Alb.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co. and Union & Plant. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 4,500 Greenwood Bk. & Tr. Co., Greenwood; Grenada. Grenada; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co.. Memp. 80,510 N. Bk. Com.; N. Y.; Cont. &Com’l N„ Chi; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 51.329 Chem. N„ N. Y.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.: Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co.. Memp. 203,030 Mech. & Metals N„ N. Y.; Cent.-State N., Memp.; N. Bk. Com., St. L. 93,000 N. Bk. Com.. N. Y.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.; N. Stock Yds. N„ N. Stock Yds,, Ill. I. N. Ellis________ D. M. Miller______ H. R. Ellis_______ 75,000 20,000 600,000 C. Blankinship____ S. D. Russell_____ J. H. Jones______ 10.0Q0 4,100 100,000 317,900 10,000 978,220 Chem. N., N. Y.; Cont. & Com'l N.. Chi.; N. Bk. Com., St. L.; WhltneyCent. N., N. O.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Mernp.; Merch., Moblie. 95.000 E. B. Barland_____ T. F. Clark............. J. R. Peery______ 15.000 1.500 40,000 48,000 1,500 30,000 8,670 261,950 184,640 36,990 R. P. Cooke_____ R. L. Redding____ T. P. Flinn______ W. A. Lauderdale 50,000 52.030 710,830 399,110 Hickory______ 618 Bank of Hickory.............. }§’04 F. E. McCormick— A. S. McClendon.. Ethel Henton___ 6 N.O. Newt on K18 85-317 Hickory Flat 269 Bank of Hickory Flat..<§’09 L. M. Baker______ J. M. Welch______ D. G. Baker______ Evie Crum______ $250-20% 85-318 8M Benton B17 J. T. Cox 15,000 2.500 200,000 10,000 8,010 121,670 Holcomb_____ 300 Bank of Holcomb.............. §’14 R. V. Nason______ B. C. Adams______ H. T. Calhoun-........ J. M. Fancher. 85-319 8M Grenada £12 $100-15% 10.000 2,500 70,000 Hollandale... 1000 Bank of Hollandale ___ <§’02 Paul Holland_____ E. L. Anderson___ 8M Washing’n G7 85-320 Planters Bank_______ <§’20 J. B. Drew—........ E. J. Ganier______ 85-493 *HolIySprlngs2500 Bank of Holly Sprines©<§’69 L. G. Fant_______ W. T. Ross ..........— 8M Marshall A16 12% W. B. Bradberry 85-166 R. L. Tucker___ Henry Gatewood— { Newest and mo Excellent facili 85-462 Collections give Merchants k Farmers Bank S. W. Mullins.......... 22% 85-167 <§’9 J. E. Anderson, Ch. of Bd. Houlka........... 803 Bank of Houlka_______<§’05 A. L. Jagoe______ 85-321 8M ChickasawD18 .Houston........1408 Bank of Houston___®<|’03 L. B. Bays............ 8M Chickasaw E18 85-198 Houston State Bank.........§19 A. Toomer_______ 85-495 st Up-to-date Ba ties for handling n special attenti A. Q. Greer______ .Indlanola.__ 2112 Bank of Indianola____ <|’02 Leslie Fletcher. 8M Sunflower F9 85-223 <§16 323,360 Han. N., N. Y.; N. Bk. Rep., Chi.; Whltney-Cent. N„ N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co.,Memp.; Merck.Laclede N., St. L. 350,000 J. W. Barbee_____ D. M. Dockery___ J. L. Ricks______ E. S. North_____ FIRST STATE BANK- Principal Correspondents. Gash k ExCHANGKH,I)UE 1 Banks Fully Equipped to Handle Commercial or Trust Business. Prompt Service, Reasonable Rates on Collections. ®T<’13 iHazIehurst 2600 Bank of Hazlehurst___ •*§’91 6N.0.Copiah L10 85-174 Merchants & Planters Bank 85-173 <§’82 Heidelberg ___ 489 Citizens State Bank. <§’20 6N.0. Jasper L18 85-497 Hermanville ..400 ClaiborneBank_______ <§’20 85-496 6N.0.ClaiborneL7 H04 ^Hernando___790 De Soto County Bank®_t§’20 85-517 8M Do Soto A12 1145-10% Hernando Bank_____®<§’90 1200-15% 85-316 Resources. Lords Bonds Miscel Paid-tjp Surplus Depos Other AND and and Liabili Capital Profits its Discounts Securities laneous ties R. B. McLEOD----- T. F. DREYFUS-- G. B.McDUFF------- L. A. SMITH, ‘FIRST NATIONAL BANK 85-48 1145-8% Non-Bank Towns with Nearest Banking Point (In dexed Acces.), Lawyers, Laws (indexed) in back of this volume. For Interest Rates, Holidays, etc., see Laws. MISSISSIPPI—Continued 184,900 19,370 32,750 10,410 160,000 n.560 89,520 72,500 6,500 Duncan Cope_____ 50,000 57,200 268,570 307,830 2,500 18,710 Grant Hamilton... Chas. Clower. Jr... 25,000 8,870 241,270 215,970 2,880 4,960 J. F. Daniel______ T. J. Quiggins___ Fred Tyson E. R. McGowan__ S. A. Win born___ C. D. Collins nk in Holly Sprln 8». out of town Item on. TRY US. H. T. Powers_____ D. W. Greer--------- 60,000 85,600 915,000 619,910 208,130 50,000 18,000 386,000 318,000 11,000 147,670 1,239,920 8,700 1,184,390 20,000 33,790 I. N. Joyner______ R. E. Atwell, Ruby Atwell------V. P. and Cash. K. Gilfoy_______ S. M. Hall_______ O. E. Shell_____ 14,000 145,000 80,000 30,000 50,000 600,000 530,000 J. P. Tabb----------- A. M. Harley........ . F. Dulaney... Louise Evans 25,000 9,450 295,000 245,000 S. D. Neill____ D. L. Bingham 50,000 54,710 612,290 454,370 E. A. Tanner.----- Delta Penny Savings Bank J. E. Walker___ W. S. Stephens. J. A. McCraine.__ T. S. Crawford. 85-224 »§'04 Sunflower Bank........ ..... <§'96 W. R. Early______ D. M. Quinn_____ S. A. Hamel___ Herman Moore. 1140-10% 85-222 25,000 7,100 111,010 158.000 75,000 40.090 479,910 356,250 32,000 231.890 Han. N., N. Y.; Un. & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co„ Memp.; 1st N„ St. L.: Hib. Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O. 35,000 Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 2,500 13,750 13,000 150,000 N. Bk.Com., N.Y.; Union APlan. Bk. &Tr. Co., Memp.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N.O. 84,450 Han. N.. N. Y.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.: 1st N., St. L.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 248,540 Chatham Phenix N. Bk. & Tr. Co., N. Y.; Canal Bk. & Tr. Oo„ N. O.: Cent.-Slate N„ Memp. 22,330 Harriman N„ N.Y.; Cont. & Com’l N„ Chi.; N. Bk. Com., St. L. 223,750 N. Park, N.Y.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co. and Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp. MlERCH/\NTS lIATIIONAiL BAINK, Vicksburg. Miss—“THE BANK OF SUPERIOR SERVICE” https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Make the D. H. Collections Pay for Your BLUE BOOK Do you spend an hour or more of your time every day working for “strangers” for nothing at an expense of both time and money to your Bank? Hundreds of banks will have to answer “yes” to the above question and thousands will answer “no, not any more” because they use the RAND MCNALLY BANKERS DIRECTORY BLUE BOOK SYSTEM in handling their incoming collections and letters requesting credit information and reports. Get Your Fee In Advance! using the Blue Book cards tich icn are furnished free --------- ----------- arlvprticprc. _— advertisers. -----__-------------»• „ ^ . Con ",l ______ ___ ____-______ —------ ' ~ cTthat you do not “CO^pROVlDED same are Collections ' ' . ' minimum fee - ' which* we are 50 cts. each hed. or to Notes. ®n. * . > This rule does not a wiU be upon informa acpmpany'ng -ollel whatever. Fees company-* -uTatlng all ■£££&*, whatever &&&&-**be "Wne. W'« ^ bandied promptUpon receipt ot e . ______ ____ How to Use These Cards Successfully FOR CREDIT REPORTS ON SIGHT DRAFTS On receipt of inquiry return the post card with two cent stamp or enclose in inquirer’s stamped envelope if one is enclosed, and retain the inquiry itself. In cases where you know your local customer has refered inquirer to you, most banks make out the report and return with card enclosed. The most advisable system is to endeavor to collect draft if same is or is not accompanied by presentation fee of 15c. Then if draft is paid, deduct your usual exchange charges. If draft is not paid retain the draft and return only the post card. On receipt of the 15c fee then return the draft with reason for non-payment. EXCHANGE CHARGES The following rates have been suggested as fair to both banks and forwarders. One-tenth of one per cent on all collections, minimum fee 25c, except on plain sight drafts covering a past due account. In this latter case the usual charge is one per cent of amount collected, minimum charge 25c. HAVE YOUR BANK LISTED AS FOLLOWS: https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis COMMERCIAL BANK&TRUSTCO. 101-340 J§’12 WM. LEWIS, A. Sec.. in every respect, Our rapid, subs tantial growth is evidence of the sa tisfaetory service, Special attentio n given Bill of La ding drafts, Cash and Time Items. .Please send lac wi th each sight draft fo r presentation and 50c for credit reports. . GREEN---------F. JONES______ «•,Scorn W. mcrcial Bank an yrust Company Direct Banking Connections Throughout the State of Mississippi Capital, Surplus and Undivided Profits $787,000.00 Resources over $8,500,000.00 SPECIAL COLLECTION SERVICE This Bank is located in the most central, largest and fastest grow ing city in the State of Mississippi. It renders a very prompt and satisfactory service on all bill of lading and other collection items. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 700 • Number under Name of Bonk ia the New Transit Number clrun to each bank in C. S. exclusively by The Rand-M*iVally Bankers' Directory, under the authority of The American Bankers Ass'n. Town and County. •Mem.A.B.A.«New §StatetPriv. ‘County Seats. JMem. State B. Ass’n. [Estab. Fig. is F. Res. Dist. ♦M. Fed. Res. T-Triist Powers. N.O. N.Or. M.Memp. ? Last Sale %Dlv. ®Sav. Dept. President. Vice-President. Cashier. Ass’t Cashier. Inverness.__ ..561 Bank of Inverness_____ JS'04 J.F. Jones.............. W. B. Catlette.. — C. E. Wallace. 8M Sunflower G9 85-322 Isola.................. 616 Isola State Bank____ ©<§'19 F. H. Hutson_______________________ — J. T. Griffin 8M HumphreysGO 85-480 Ittabena_____ 1800 First National Bank..<’1900 U. Ray------------------- A. Robinson___ A. B. Reese-----------Paul Townsend.___ 8M Leflore Fll 85-193 First Savings Bank..®<|’14 85-452 Yazoo State Bank___ ©<|'10 *125-10% 85-195 ‘Iuka________ 2000 Iuka Guaranty Bank...<§’14 8M Tishom'goA20 *160-15% 85-422 ‘Jackson....31,000 Bankers Bond & Trust Co 6N.0. Hinds Kll 12% 85-538 Tt§’23 15% CAPITAL NATIONAL BANK 85-27 ©<’68 85-543 ®T§ 25 FIRST NATIONAL BANK *250-15% 85-28 ©T<’85 MERCHANTS BANK & TRUST COMPANY *300-10% 35-30 ©T*t§’92 ^Capital N. Bk. Bldg.) A. Robinson----------G. B. Clower—.— A. B. Reese________ Paul Townsend ... C. C. Moore---------- R. W. Harvey_____ E. M. Murphy, Jr..____________________ 20,960 632,130 366,400 850,390 76,200 15,000 13,310 190,670 20,0001 189,070 1.000 730 30,000 6,000 213,810 23,360; 178,330 1,400 39.780 700,000 50,000 25,000 25,000 15,770 T. B. LAMPT0N....... W. M. BUIE_____ E. W. FREEMAN J. C. McGEE 200.000 300.420 4.043.820 332.930 Principal Correspondents. 8,000 $ 101.490| 1st N„ St. L.; Interstate Tr. & Bkg. Co.. N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co.. Memo. 65,940 Cent. State N.. Memp.; Whitney-Cent. N., N. O.; Plan. N„ Clarksdale. 78,060 214,850 Chem. N., N. Y.: Mtle. Tr. Co.. St. L.: Marine Bk. & Tr. Co. and Interst. Tr. & Bkg. Co.,N.O. 143,940 100,000 Direct Connections. Prompt Service. Reasonable Rates. Send your Mississippi Collections to us. 71,950 129,060 A. L. Jagoe----------- J. C. Jourdan---------- R. A. McRee, Jr.. W. L. Williamson. AMOS R. JOHNSTON, W. C. ALLEN............ V. P. and Cash. J.C.McGEE............. W. M. BUIE, Tr. Officer A. Tr. Officer W. H. EARBEE. Careful Attention. Auditor $ 127,280 S 76,010 R. E. Kennington . H. V. Watkins — R. G. Beevers_____ A. B. Cook, Tr.......... ______ W. H. Pullen 51,460 225,000 325,000 125,000 320,000 120,000 10,000' 2.379.620 844,620 48,180 1st N„ Ittabena; Interstate Tr. & Bkg., Co.,N. O. 53,650 Hau. N..N.Y.; Union & Plan.Bk.& Tr. Co., Memp.: Hib. Bk. & Tr. Co.. N. O. 125,000 N. Bk. Com.. N. Y.: Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.; 1st N., Gulfport. 65,000 Bk. of America, N. Y.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co.. Jackson. 266,680 1,386.240,N. Pk.. N. Y.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Canal-CoinM Tr.& Sav., N. O.; N. Shawmut, Bos. SEE AD V. 0PP0 SITE BE GINNING 0FMISS BANKS. 967,730 253,680 3,300 279,740 8.310 5,000 32.620 200.000 309.500 2,826.820 1.676.950 482.000 251.500 200,000 86,730 2,297,940 924,030 801,000 6,000 50.000 68,330 1,186,060 24,370 104,04^ Capital N.. Jackson. G. L. DONALD-------- LEE R. HART----------- J K. ARMSTRONG-— J. H. SWANN............ Excellent facilities for handling items on Jackson and all parts of Mississippi. 100.000 25,000 358.810 N. Park, N. Y.; N. Bk. Com., St. L.; Cent. State, Meinp.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. Prompt, careful attention given Collections and Bill of Lading Drafts. J.B. STIRLING------- R. F. Y0UNG- R.F. YOUNG. O.J. WAITE, Ch.ofBd. J.A.L0GUE-----CARTER STIRLING OLDEST BANK IN JACKSON Prompt Remittance. Collections on Jackson will receive Prompt Attention at the First National Bank. |M, S. Craft, W. A. Connley V. P and Cash. I J. M. HARTFIELD — H. 0. BLAND........ _H. 0. BLAND_ _ _ _ 0. B. TAYLOR, 0. B. TAYLOR, J. E. HEIDELBERG, Active V. P. {One Branch*) 250.000 516 050 7,247,560 18.510 5.090,370 772,160 549,240 195,200 A. Tr. Officer Mgr. Bond Dept. Special Attention given BUI of Lading Drafts, Cash Letters and Time Collections. Remittance made Promptly. _ ....... . W.M. BUIE_ _ _ _ _ fAj.l julienne E. W. FREEMAN, Tr. E. L. TRENH0LM Dealers in Mun icipal and Mortg age Bonds MERCHANTS NATIONAL BANK. not o-rn 925 870 Seab. N., N. Y.: Cont. & Com’l N., Chi.; Whitney-Cent. N. and CanalCom’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; 1st N„ St. L. and Phila. 853,640 Han. N., N. Y.; Canai-Com’l Tr. & Sav. and Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N.O. sv LAIRD Tr. Officer Sec. and A. Cash. A. K. G0DB0L0 E. 0. KENNA, H. HILZIM, Jonestown___ 469 Peoples Bank_____ _____ <8’12 W. P. Holland........ C. W. King_______ B. K. Smith_______________________ 8M Coahoma CIO 85-429 E. L. Anderson Kilmichael___ 500 Bank of Kilmichael ..®<J’04 H. J. Flowers_____ A. E. Wilson______ B. S. Kent_________________ 8M Montg’y F15 *200-15% 85-325 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 20,640 $ 268,070 200.000 State Savings Bank & Trust L. M. Gaddis-------- W. N. Cheney_____ J. M. Jolley_______ ____________________ 8% Company. 85-39..®T<I’07 1ISSISSIPPI BOND & SECURITIES CO., Inc. -’23 20,000 1,500 J ackson-State National Bank L. M. Gaddis------- T.McCleland_____ 85-29 <’89 W. N. Cheney, V. P. T. B. Gaddis THE Liabilities. Resources. Loans ther Bonds LABOUR MisrEi. ^a** 4 **Paid-up Surplus Depos LOiabili and „ and AND Capital Propits its EOUS rEUM B.irxj Discounts Securities ties 25.000 IR. L. Skinner____ Citizens Savings Bk. & Tr. T. B. Lampton-------W. M. Buie-------.“...IS. C. Hart. 16% Company.85-31 ®T«}5'03 ________________ E. W. Freeman | V. 1\ and Cash] DEPOSIT GUARANTY BANK & TRUST GO. Non-Bank Towns with Nearest Banking Point (In dexed Acces.), Lawyers, Laws (indexed) in back of this volume. For Interest Kates, Holidays, etc... see Laws. MISSISSIPPI—Continued Sec, 50,000 24,140 868,320 143,570 2,026,030 N. Bk. Com. and N. City, N.Y.; N. Bk. —' ■■' i m of Rep., Chi.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co.. N. O.; N. Bk. Com., St. L. 590 197,430; Jackson-State N., Jackson. Referen ce: Cap ital N at ional Ba nk. 10,000 10,000 62,220 45,120 08,520 2,030 8,590 25.000 19,960 263,080 2,310 140,180 110,450 13,380 Vicksburg. Miss—“THE 18,190 Cont. & Com’l N., Chi.; Cent. State N., Memp.; Canal Com'1 Tr. & Sav., N. O. 46,330 Han. N., N .Y.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.: Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson. BANK OF SUPERIOR SERVICE” 734 Number under Name of Bank ie the New Tranalt Number siren to each bank in U. S. exclusively by The Rand-McNally Bankers’ Town and county. •Mem.A.B.A.wNew § State tPriv. ^County Seats. tMem. State B. Ass’n. [Estab. Fie. is F. Res. Dist. ♦M. Fed. Res. T-Trust Powers. H.0.N.Or.HI..Memp. $ Last Sale %Dh. ® Sav. Dept. Vice-President. President. Cashier. Ass t Cashier. L. K. Crawford___ ^Kosciusko -.-2500 Guaranty Bank & Trust Co. W. K. Pope---------- T. B. Ricks — 85-516 ®Tt§'20 8M Attala H16 $120-10% J. H. Cain----------- W. H. Cain.... ........ Kosciusko Bank......... ®»tl’05 F. Z. Jackson____ E. L. Ray____ C. M. Jackson $125-10% 85-163 Merchants & Farmers Bank W. B. Potts______ S. P. Rimmer____ A. E. Atkinson ___ Jno.C. Lucas____ 20% 85-162 ®»t§ ’90 Lake................. 455 Bank of Lake_______ ®tl’05 Floyd Loper____ J. E. Welch______ D. McMullin____ W. P. McMullin— 85-326 6N.0. Scott J16 io% Lambert,.____957 Bank of Lambert....®»t§’23 J. S. Allen_______ I. L. Singleton ___ J. P. Williams___ Sara A. Thomas 85-508 8M Quitman Dll $ioo W. E. Brown____ W. T. Barnes____ Lauderdale.. ..187 Lauderdale State Bank..|’20 T.JI. Naylor___ 85-511 6N.0. Laud'le J21 ^Laurel....... 15,000 S. M. JONES-......... S. W. LIND||Y......... T. M. GIBBONS.........0. U. MADDOX6H.0. Jones M18 COMMERCIAL NATIONAL BANK AND TRUST CO. $200-10% 85-70 Resources. Liabilities. Loans Bonds Surplus Other Miscel Paid-up D epos and and and Liabili its Capital Profits Discounts Securities laneous ties 30,000 394.940 17.760 32,120 5.760 398.850 99,980 436.310 *hem. N., N. Y.; Cont. & Com’l N., 331.700 168,770 509.030 Chase N., N. Y.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. 400,000 210,000 40,000 Ian. N„ N. Y.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co.. N. O.; Peo. Bk. of Mobile. Mobile, Ala. 150,000 ihem. N. and N. Bk. Com., N. Y.; CanalCom’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 50,000 53.080 12,000 7,460 173.270 25.000 5,490 130.530 12.000 2,400 78,500 48,000 87.050 1.997.740 100.000 1,349.660 100.000 5.930 139,190 7,670 ! 94,300 126,790 42,610 3,270 chahom.Duk FROM BaHKS 551,530 50.000 956,460 $ & Ex- ' Tr. Co., Memp. 83.890 L City, N.Y.; IstN.. St. L.: Union & Plan, Bk. & Tr. Co. and Cent.State N., Memp. 98.570 I. Bk. Com., N.Y.:Cont. & Com’lN., Chi.; 1st N., St. L.; Hib. Bk. & Tr. Co.. N.O. 28,050 'anal-Com’l Tr.&Sa v. .N.O.: Merch. & Far., Meridian; Merch.Bk. & Tr. Co.. Jackson. 29,490 Ian. N., N. Y.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O. 43.000 st N.. Meridian.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co.. N. O. 357.370 $ 221,100 $ 575,680 Principal Correspondents. Cash $ S 169,740 6,000 $ 245,000 Chi.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., Hiber nia Bk. & Tr. Co., and WtaitneyCent. N., N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. fi' H cWmBLISS Unexcelled service on Bill of Lading Drafts and all collections. Prompt careful attention to all items entrusted to us. Send us your Laurel business. I ®T»t’05 FIRST NATIONAL BANK F. G. WISNER_ _ _ _ P. S. GARDINER_ _ _ J. F, CALHOUN- - - - - - - - McW. BEERS........... GEORGE BACON C. rf. FERRILL. L W. L. PRYOR A. Cash. 100.000 198,850 3,278.790 171.830 2,741,970 579,290 462,330 135,000 1,000,000 450,000 Co., N. O. Send us your Bill of Lading. Personal attention—Prompt remittance. $275-12% 85-69 ®T«t'03 iLeakesville ...555 Bank of Leakesville.—•tl'02 B. W. McLeod___ 85-829 6N.0. Greene 021 Leland_____ 2300 Bank of Leland_____©•tl'BB B. O. McGee------85-330 8M Wash'ton F 7 $200-15% Lena...............400 ABank of Lena________ §’25 Joy Davis.............. 85-547 6N..0. Leake 115 ^Lexington ,.-2500 Bank of Lexington...®*tf’96 S. L. Burwell____ 85-158 8M Holmes H12 $150-10% Merch. & Far. Bk, & Tr. Co. Morris Lewis....... $200-20% 85-160 T»tl’05 J. E. Alderman__ A. Turner. M. A. Williams. C. C. Dean_______ H. C. Crosby______ J. G. Tucker. B. Garrett.............. B. D. Spivey............ A. M. Pepper____ E. F. Rathell___ 30,000 75.000 12.500 12.000 1,200 100,000 37,250 H. H. Johnson.. W. M. Meek N. B. Hooker.. 100,000 .Liberty........... 515 Liberty Bank_______®»tl’02 W. H. Jackson.— S. B. Robinson. 8% 85-331 6N.0.Amite 07 N. G. May hall. 25,000 Logtown..........,220 Pearlington Branch,Hancock 6N-0.HancockR15 County Bank.85-368® *t§'02 Louin_______ 500 Peoples Bank............. ®«+§’23 85-535 6 N.O. Jasper L18 $50 .Louisville___2500 Bank of Louisville_____tl’03 85-216 8M Winston H18 Louisville Home Bank..t§’20 ins 85-217 .Lucedale....... 800 Bank of Lucedale ___®»t|’08 85-332 6 N.0.GeorgeP21 $160-20% Lula................. 344 Bank of Lula_________*tS'08 85-333 8M Coahoma CIO io% Lumberton4000 FIRST NATIONAL BK.-©»tl900 85-334 6N.0. Lamar 016 $200-10% Peoples Bank------------ ®§’24 $115 85-542 Maben ........500 Maben HomeBank_____tl’07 85-335 8M OktibbehaF18 .Macon_____ 2051 Bank of Macon_______ •tl'B9 8 M Noxubee H21 *150-10% 85-179 Merchants & Farmers Bank woo-10% 85-178 *41*88 Madison Sta._.500 Bank of Madison____©tl'01 85-336 6N.0. Madison Jll $25-8% Magee............ 1000 Commercial Bank .—©»il'09 85-337 6 N.O. Simpson L14 State Guaranty Bank©«t§’23 *115 85-531 .Magnolia,. ..2012 Citizens Savings Bank®»tl'13 6 N.O. Pike OlO $200-10% 85-440 Magnolia Bank_____ ©»tl'95 10% 85-338 L. W. Seal. Mar... 635,000 552,250 105,320 1,614,260 645,320 106,480 92,150 353,020 238,360 78,250 10,650 25,500 3,050 8,150 11,470 119,680 64,940 a,Mi88.) P. L. Blackwell ... 220,000 N. Park. N.Y.; Marine Bk.&Tr.Co., N. O. (Branch of Bay S t. Louis, Miss.).. J. T. Thomas____ J. D. McGraw------- J. L. McCracken... W. J. Webb______ (Branch, ofOrena da Bank R. A. Foster_____ T. L. Wilkins 10,000 2,360 30,000 9,330 509,770 336,020 116,889 25,000 54,810 578,360 452,560 108,890 5,070 E. L. Anderson-__W. P. Holland------- C. W. Poland____ 25.000 34,000 253,010 158,520 1,520 28,240 W. W. Pigford....... R. W. Hinton____ H. M. Bishop____ L. O. Pigford J. R. Davis--------- T. C. McLain____ J. B. Salmond___ C. A. Tucker.... D. E. Lampton J, R. Boyle______ W. T. Norris......... C. J. Sherman. 50,000 46,750 737,500 505,000 279,000 54,350 T. J. Lee________S. T. Carr________ W. T. Fnlton____ Howard Liddell.__ H. H. Rogers G. M. Luce............ R. F. Ratliff--------- T. M. Ferrill____ W. F. Holder_____ 25,000 2,500 100,000 93,000 500 2,000 15,000 16.500 300,000 125,000 28,500 200,000 W. B. Patty.......... W. L. Shannon___ J. E. Boggess____ 30.000 43,770 339,700 294,780 110,750 7,570 N. H. Harrison__ J. F. Ames............ Paul Silvey.............. E. V. Yates. Active' S. D. Clinton____ M. L. Dewees....... J. W. Cox................ W. B. Jones W. C. Smith........... A. E. Kennedy... Mrs. Audelle Dur ham Mims Williams.__ R. L. Everett___ C. J. Kees_______ 75.000 82,410 1,091,140 .1 A. T. Leggett____ A. T. Leggett......... W. M. Lampton... Lamar Ramsay ___C. L. Lampton------V. L. Terrell, Active 55,000 F. C. Andrews MlM;haiNTS NIATI ONIIL mIK, 804,620 512,570 16,830 10,000 130 23,000 24,000 5,500 3,000 15,000 15,000 171.000 121,710 59.500 40,000 5,990 527.760 111,170 482,240 15,000 15,000 300,000 39,000 17,900 499.520 223,000 369,180 Vicksburg, Miss—“Tl 140,000 50,140 1 1 LU https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Non-Bank Towns with Nearest Banking; Point (In dexed Acces.), Lawyers, Laws (indexed) in Dack of this volume. For Interest Bates, Holidays, etc., see Laws. MISSISSIPPI—Continued 107,800 13,790 33,700 975,630 Com'l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; Union &Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 62,220 lech. & Metals N.. N. Y.: Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson. Hancock Co., Bay St. L. 38,540 Newton. IN. Bk. Com., N. Y.:Union&Plan. Bk. &Tr. Co., Memp.; Canal-Com’l Tr.&Sav.,N.O. 116.040 Ian. N., N. Y.: Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Marine Bk. &. Tr. Co., N. O. 96,070 124.730 Han. N., N.Y.; Cont. & Com’l N., Chi.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp. 110,000 N. Park, N. Y.: Cont. & Com ! N., Chi.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co.. N. O. 30,000 Han. N., N. Y.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr.Co.,N. O. 40,000 Han. N., N. Y.; Canal-Com'l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 62,430 N.Bk.Com..N.Y.:Union&Plan.Bk.Tr.Co„ Memp.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O. 288.120 Chem. N.. N. Y.: N. O. Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Cent.-State N.. Memp. 6,630 1st N.. Chi.; Hib. Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Capital N.. Jackson. 18,800 Chase N., N. Y.; Interstate Tr.& Bkg. Co., N. O.: Capital N.. Jackson. 106,540 Han. N., N Y.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; 1st N., St. L. and Jackson. 63,000 Canal-Com'l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 109,880 Whitney-Cent. N. and Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav.. N. 0.:lstN.. St. L. BAINK CIF SIIPE:rk)R SE:rviiCE” 7oc / JJ Number under Name of Bank u the New Transit Number siren to each bank in U. S. exclusively by The Rand-McNally Bankers' MTCCTQQTPPT____rnntirmo/1 Directory, under the authority of The American Bankers Ass'n._______________ iYILjijUiJir 1 ± V^UIlUllUCU •Mem.A.B.A.nNew § State fPriv. JMem. State B. Ass’n. [Estab PRESIDENT. ♦M. Fed. Res. T-Trust Powers. $ Last Sale % Di?. ® Sav. Dept. Rank of Mantee . §’07 A. M. Harley_____ 8125-10% 85-339 <W.2S&b .Marks______1200 CITIZENS BANK & TRUST CO. 85-470 T»t§’17 j Special attenti 8M Quitman Cll $70-10% {.Please send 15c w 14 r____ “ RIVERSIDE BANK— ®»tl’04 T. J. Barrow_____ $135-10% 85-340 Town and County. ^County Seats. Fig. is F. Res. Dist. If.O.N.Or.M.iMemp. M an tee 50(1 8M Webster E18 Mathiston........800 8M Webster F 18 McComb___12,000 6 N. 0. Pike 010 IS “ •« McHenry..........300 6 N. 0. Stone P18 McLain............. 500 6 N.0. Greene 020 .Meadvtlle____60n 6 H.O. Franklin N7 .Mendenhall. 637 6 N.0. Simpson L12 .Meridian... 30,000 6N.O.LauderdaleJ20 ___ _ " 85-21 TniiOT $115-8% 85-24 nn ®T*tl’07 'MERCHANTS & FARMERS BANK li li M cricoid 606 8M Bolivar E8 Michigan City 250 8M Benton A17 6N. 0. Smith LI5 .Monticello... 464 6N.0. Lawrence M12 L. R0THENBERG— 477,350 $ 177,390 278,580 15,100 209,390 268,330 29,410 224,890 66,180 11.59C 1,430 10,000 3,500 149,000 B. P. Albritton.... E. E. Flowers____ 50,000 39,760 822,000 W. T. Denman........ E. E. Flowers____ P. J. Abright A. E. Leggett ____ T. J. Quigley R. C. Taylor J. P. Johnson____ 36,000 11,500 309,500 10,000 247,000 63,000 2,000 75.000 29,520 889,560 2,000 700,120 94,850 82,280 Vivian Cochran... ttW*- LEW CANTER------ F,Y. WHITFIELD.. KARL BRITTAIN We invite the buelnees of Bonks, Bankers and Merchants desiring PROMPT and SATISFACTORY service* BILL OF LADING DRAFTS OUR SPECIALTY. ®T»3’83 TEST OUR FACILITIES. 'FIRST NAIIONAL BANK n •l 50,000 20,180 M. D. BRETT, D. CARR................. fa, VICE.” Cash. & Tr. Officer. Lading drafts, C ash and Time It ems. t for presentation, and 25c for Ored it Bepor t8. 18,380 50,000 J. T. Barbarin.. . L. D. CALDWELL........ C. M. LAWRENCE.... C. M. LAWRENCE.... J. G. RUSHING, JR.. C. C. DUNN, Sec. 11,360 129,000 468,760 329,270 15,000 (.Branch ofOrma da Bank ,Orenad a, Mies.) $ 53,000 Han. N..N.Y.: Union A-Plan. Bk. &Tr. Co., Memp.;N.Stock Yds N.,N.Stock Yds. Ill. 222,840 N. Bk. Com.. N.Y.; Hib. Bk. & Tr. Co. and Marine Bk. &. T. Co., N. O.; Cent.State N. and Union & Plan. Bk. &. Tr. Co., Memp. 63,460 SeaD. N.. N. Y,; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.; N- Bk. of Com., St. L.; WhitneyCent. N., N. O. 23.57C N. Bk. of Com., N. Y.: Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Canai-Com’l Tr.& Sav., N. O. 182.96C N. City. N. Y.; Canal-Com’l Tr.&Sav..Whitney-Cent. N. and Marine Bk. & Tr. Co.,N. O.; 1st N., Jackson; N. Bk. Com., St. L. 54.00C 1st N.. McComb. 136,830 Chem. N.,N. Y.; Canal-Com’l Tr.&Sav.and Hib. Bk, & Tr. Co., N. O.; 1st N., St. L. N. Bk. Com.. N. Y.: Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav.. N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 105,710 Bk. of Gulfport and 1st N., Gulfport; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O. 24,630 N. Park, N.Y.; 1st N„ Mobile. 11,470 294,290 15,040 179,180 37,600 15,000 14,500 158,750 1,670 155,300 8,000 2,000 15,000 21,400 370,740 246,930 42,140 4,130 15.000 15.000 493,320 172,870 241,870 113,920 Interstate Tr. & Bkg. Co., N. O.; 1st N, Brookhaven: Bk. of Com., Natchez. 128,100 Seab. N., N. Y.; Whitney-Cent. N.. N. O.; 1st N., Jackson. 219.090 2,878.020 150,000 2.281,200 236.270 158,890 710,560 X. City, N. Y.; Standard Tr. & Sav., Chi.; Hibernia Tr. Co., N. O,; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp., Liberty Cent. Tr.Co., St. L. 309.340 5.907,010 153,600 4.576.920 749.060 108.990 1.194.980 300,000 30.000 78,000 109.000 Seab. X.. X. Y.: Whitney-Cent. X. auu mu. un. ax- n. w», ix• w• • ax• uu« Com., St. L. — 1.413,730 61,480 103,780 291,670 Mech. &, Metals X. and Chem. X., X. Y.: X. Bk. Com., St. L.; Hib. Bk. &. Tr Co., X.O. 260.000 50,000 10.000 450.000 7.000 8,310 PROMPT ATTENTION AND PROMPT SERVICE GIVEN ALL BUSINESS SENT US. J, A. McCAIN- Principal Correspondents. Oats A Ix- oiamm,Diii run Basxs 10,000 150.000 fPAUL BROWN_____ E. L. GASTON--------- C. L. HUGHES______ L. L. DOWLING------E. B. MILLER R. L. BLANKS | We give sp ecial attenti on to Bill of Lading Draft s (.and all coll ections. Ou r rates most reasonable. ©»t’88 “TRY US.” 'GUARANTY BANK & TRUST GO. •• Liabilities. Resources. Bondi Miscel Load ■ ther Dipo»- LOiabili Paid-up Surplus and and and Capital Profits Discounts Securities laneous TIES $ 50,000 $ 2,000 $ 7,000 % 10,000 $ 2.000 $ 100,000 'CITIZENS NATIONAL BANK 85-20 .. Ass’t Cashier. J. E. McCain_____ MissBertha Norris Citizens Bank.............©^513 L. B. Godard_____ W. C. Batson_____ $180-8% 85-446 Bank of McLain____®*tS’06 Jeff Griffis_____ J. C. Daughdrill... 85-345 Bank of Frankliu.__©(•tl’12 D. R. McGehee___ $250-20% 85-432 Peoples Rank •Jf’08 R. E. Gulledee____ E. L. Gulledge____ 85-346 $246-16% “ Cashier. J. E. Logan______ H. W. George........ L. L. George J. W. MACK_____ P PERSONAL SE on given BUI of ith each sight draf T. W. Hawkins Merchants & Farmers Bank $136 85-455 »t8T4 O. B. Quin______ FIRST NATIONAL BARK a 85-91 T*t’04 P. J. Abright, McComb Sav. Bk. & Tr. Co.. O. B. Quin_______ 6% 85-93 ®T»t§’21 E. R. Harlan, V. P. Mechanics State Bank $160-16% 85-92 ©•tl’08 McCool............517 Bank of McCool. _t|’25 Chas. C. Fancher.. 8M Attala G16 85-343 •« Vice-President. Non-Bank Towns with Nearest Banking Point (Indexed Acces.), Lawyers, Laws (Indexed) in back of this _________ _____________ ________ volume. For Interest Rates, Holidays, etc., see Laws. X. Park, X. T.; Cont.A Com’l X., Chi.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav. and Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., X. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. B. J. CARTER, Jr._ C. R. LEWIS.............. Send your Meridian Items direct to us for prompt returns. $75-12% 85-23 ©»tl’07 We give special attention to Bill of Lading Drafts. *E. Cahn, Banker_____ »t5’13 a. Hahn ... . ... 85-25 Lew Carter.. „ M. E. Dabbs, Sec... Meridian Clearing House... M. E. Dabbs___ (Members indicated by a *) Bank of Merigold_______tl’12 W. B. Parks............ G. C. Michie______ F. R, .Tones 85-419 C. C. Dunavent Bank of Michigan City®tl’19 J. M. Aldrich____ Ed Parham _........ T. W. Rives_____ 85-483 C. J. Tullos. . ___ R. A. Little ___ . T. A. Tullos ___ $130 85-348 Bank of Monticello ___ »tl’04 W. H.Seavey.......... J. H. Arrington ... 85-349 100.000 51,010 1,719.750 Bk. of America, N. Y.; Boatmens, St. L.: Whitney-Cent. N„ N. O. 50,000 30,000 12,500 1 27,500 200,000 201,000 15,000 2,990 81,050 73,240 10,000 5,500 133,400 121,000 25,000 25.00G 400,000 450,000 3,880 2,250 67,000 Han. N.. N. Y.: Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 21,920 Dent.-State N.. Memp. 20,800 Capital N., Jackson: Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav.. N. O. 50,000 Danal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; Capital N.. Jackson. MlIRCHANTS NIATI mIL BAINK, Vicksburg. Miss—‘THE BANK OF SUPERIOR SERVICE” https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 736 Number under Name of Bank is the New Transit Number given to each bank in U. S. exclusively by The Rand-McNally Bankers’ Directory, under tbe authority of The American Bankers Ass’n. Town and county. •Mem.A.B.A."-New §StatetPriv. Mem. State B. Ass’n. TEstab. FDCounty Seats N. g. isF. Res. Dist. ►M. Fed. Res. T-Trust Powers. N.O.N.O.M.Memp, Last Sale % Div. ® Sav. Dept. Principal Correspondents. President. Vice-President. Cashier. f. R. Hervey........ $ S. H. Foster_____ Morton 800 SY. D. Cook_______ r. W. Townsend__ W. S. Still.............. 85-352 6 N.O. Scott J14 Hfi6-io% Moss Point 3340 Merchants & Marine Bank I. J. McIntosh .... E. W. Howell.. 85-139 ®»+8’99 6 N.O. Jackson R22 mo-16% II Loans Bonds ther Gash k ExMiscel CHARGES,Du» Paid-up Surplus Depos LOiabili and and and its Capital Profits Discounts Securities laneous FROM BaREI ties Ass’t Cashier. Branch of Gren ada Bk., Grenad a, Miss.) Moorhead 1600 ♦ 85-351 8M Sunflower F10 *250 *• Oitizens State Bank ®T*t5’19 100 85-491 Mt. Olive_____ 778 6N.0.CovingtonM14 Myrtle_______ 825 8M Uuion B18 *Natchez_... 13.000 6 N. 0. Adams M4 Non-Bank Towns with Nearest Banking Point (In dexed Acces.), Lawyers, Laws (indexed) in back of this volume. For Interest Bates, Holidays, etc., see Laws. MISSISSIPPI—Continued 25,000 21,900 3 21.000 21,800 60,000 $ 396,510 75,000 18,060 1,055,760 Mt. Olive Bank___ ____•t§’01 E. L. Calhoun____ J. M. Adams_____ 85-354 Bank of Myrtle______ «t8’04 3. O. Frazier______ N. N. Moss______ John T. Miller -__ Arnold Smith........ *130-10% 85-355 Bank of Commerce.._T»t8’05 ?. J. Duffy.............. 5. P. Lannean____ W. H. Pritchartt— W. E. Korndorffer *110-6% 85-43 25,000 15,000 160,000 15,000 3,000 90,000 50,000 33,000 420,080 85-40 «t’35 100,000 Send Your Natchez Collections Direct. They will receive Prompt, Personal Attention. .. « Peoples'Savings Bank©»tS’02 F. J. Duffy_______ *10-6% 85-42 Nesbitt 142 J. C. Davis______ 85-499 8 M DeSoto A13 *140-10% Nettleton_____ 653 Bank of Nettleton-®T*t§’04 85-245 8 M LeeD2lt< Peoples Bank & Tr. Co.T«tS’04 85-244 *New Albany. 253] Bank of Commerce—— »ti’05 R. L. Smallwood... *165-10% 85-176 8 M Union B18 .. .. Bank of New Albany .®»tS’96 J. F. Hall—............ 85-175 D. Hall. Ch. of Bd. M •• (Merged with Bank -New Augusta 50( Perry County Bank—®»t§’07 J. A. Kennedy____ 85-357 6 N.O. Perry018 *150-10% Newhebron___23' Newhebron state Bank.tS’19 6 N.O. Lawrence Ml 85-358 D T,. Hooper . Newton_____ 200 35-506 6 N.O.NewtonJ1 *175-30% K. P. Lanneau, O. S. Dunbar, See. and Tr. A. Sec. cmd. A. Tr. 25,000 9,310 279,720 12,600 3,000 156,480 ** _____ “ 585,190 469,870 52,410 351,570 31,520 28,860 939.410 786.060 127 780 823,260 11160 195,490 31,490 30,070 118,670 22,640 8,410 121,000 80,000 8,230 116,120 2,261,380 919,960 31,010 4,440 W. C. Wp.hh (Branch of Tape lo. Miss. )______ W. M. Wells______ A. L. Rogers.......... R. W. Wiseman ... M. W. Smallwood 151,760 Han. N. and Chem. N., N. Y.: Cont. & Com’l N., Chi.; 1st N., St. L.; WhitneyCent. N., Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav. and Marine Bk. & Tr. Co.. N. O. 43,430 Seab. N..N.Y.; Whitney-Cent. N., N. O.; Canita! N.. Jackson. 28,000 Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Bk. of Com.. New Alb., Miss. 99,370 Han. N., N. Y.; Ill. Merch. Tr. Co.. Chi.; Canal-Com'l Tr. & Sav. N. O.; N. Bk. Com., St. L. 410,000 290,OOC 145,000 143,000 763.410 17,600 504,530 135,000 37,140 161,099 133,610 43,800 7,890 16,000 9,760 10,000 2,000 82,000 71,000 25,00( 20,000 430,000 300,000 80,000 35,000 9,880 457,300 362,600 68,180 25,000 15,350 703,390 G. H. Moore_____ 196,320 ___ ___ _. ___(E ranch of Grenad a Bank - _ 115,000 15.00C 7,54f 216,7ir 14.00C 18.00C 225,000 20,590 ___ 579,170 . Grenad a. Miss.) J. M. Clark-.......... (Branc h of Gre nada B ank, Gr enada, 1,439 \\ 34,780 14,540 Miss Lorene Sones T. F. Kilpatrick.. E. A. Enochs_____ . .. 26,700 Ex. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Com'l Tr. & Sav., N. 0. N. Park, N. Y. 35,000 Vernon L. Riley... .T F. Sills $ P RIHpHiM Items. entation. 57,040 Bk. of Com., Natchez. 850,00C 26,750 Miss.).. 147,680 49,320 7,170 205,000 6,930 5,050 Bk. of America, N. Y.; Cont. & Com’l N., Chi.; Whitney-Cent. N. and Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; N. Bk. Com., St. L. 804,130 N. City. N. Y.; 1st N., Chi.; WhitueyCent. N., N. O. 50.00C 50,000 W. G. Gill 413.260 100,000 H. P. Dillard of New Albany) Walter Myers------ W. L. Gallospy—. H. P. Garraway... S. D. Owen.............. B. H. Caldwell____ Ocean Sprlngs2000 Farmers & Merch. State Bank E. S. Da vis.............. A. J. Catchot____ S. C. Spencer.......... S. C. Davis______ 6 N. 0. Jackson R20 *25-4% 85-439 «i •» Ocean Springs State Bank O. L. Bailey______ H. F. Russell.......... L. M. McClure........ *175-15% 85-363 ©vtS’OE F. M. Weed MlER('Ml\N' 6,690 (Branch of Bank of Tupel 0, Tupel 0, Miss.) Northcarrollton Peoples Bank & Tr. Company G. T. Lee............. .... L. S. Hemphill, Sr H. A. Lott................ J. D. Lee________ 85-359 ©TXS’lt 8 M Carroll F13 36 *120 https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 158,170 G. L. Francis, Mgr. H. N. Brown E. S. Bentley, A. Cash | T. B. LAMPTON— E. W. FREEMAN------ C. E. SUMMER------J Special attentio n given B-L draft s, Casb and Time NEWTON COUNTY BANK *150 85-436 ®»t§’l; (15 CENTS sent to us with each si gbt draft for pres Noiapater.„ 60 0 Bank of Noxapater____tS’OC ♦ 85-360 8 M Winston HI 8 12% Oakland 4? 8 M YalobushaDl3 ♦ 85-361 232.930 f. Bk. Com., N.Y.: Canal Com’! Tr. &Sav.. N. 0.: Uuion &Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 23,000 ferch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson; Bk. of Com. &Tr. Co., Memp.; Marine Bk- & Tr. Co., N. O. 41.490 Vhitney-Cent N., N. 0.; Jackson-State N., Jackson. N. Bk. Com., N. Y.: Hib. Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Merch., Mobile. SEEADV .ON MIS SISSIPP 1 INDEX. 150,000 " 110,420 164,030 2,002.480 J. N. CARPENTER . J. B. KELLOGG— C. H. PERRAULT, N. L. CARPENTER JR. H. M. ALEXANDER n special attentio n and remitted 0 n day of payment. NK IN NATCHE Z. -------- 4,100 $ M.H.BELTZHOOVER-fl. B. LEARNED---- C. B. RICHARDSON. G. S. PINTARD........ fl. R. MARTIN— CITY BANK & TRUST CO. 12% 85-46 ®T»t§’13 J Collections give L LARGEST BA “ 7,800 $ . (Branch ofPaeca goula.M iss.) ___ Pascagoula National Bank 1. C. Herring........ A. F. Dantzler........ r. L. Delashmet — A. A. Herndon........ 85-140 ®»J07 P. W. Cox ■ V. F. Johnson BRITTON 400NTZ NATIONAL BANK 77,000 S 147,000 S 51,000 Canal- Han. N., N.Y.; Union & Plan. Bk. &Tr. Co., Memp. Chase N.. N.Y.; N. Bk. Com., St. L.; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp. N. City, N. Y.: N. Bk. Com., St. L.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.: Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. 0. 1st N., Hattiesburg: Interstate Tr. & Bkg. Co., N. O.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson. Hudson Tr. Co., N. Y.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co.. N. O. Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.; 1st N., Meridian. Chem. N., N. Y.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav , N. O.: Capital N., Jackson; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 164,560 Whitney-Cent. N., N. O.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.: Wilson Bkg. Co.. Green wood; Merch. Bk. & Tr, Co.. Jackson. Union & Plan. Bk- & Tr. Co., Memp.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co.. Jackson. N. Bk. Com.. N. Y.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 36.320 N. Park. N. Y.: Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav. and Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O. 40 000 Bk- of the Manhattan Co., N. Y.; 1st N., Mobile; Hib. Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O. IATII3NA L mJK, ViICKSBU RG, Miss.—“TlHE BAINK CIF SIIPE:rii)R SE:r'VI CE" 737 Number under Name of Bank ii the New Transit Number eves to each bank in U. S. exclusively by The Rand-McNally Bankers* Directory, under the authority of The American Bankers Ass’n. and County. >.Mem. A.B.A. ^New §State tPriv. JMem. State B. Ass’n. [Estab. *County Seats. Fig. is F. Res. Dist. ♦M. Fed Res. T-Trust Powers. N.O. N.Or.M.Memp. $l,ast Sale % Di?. ©Bar Dept. i Town President. Vice-President. Ass't Cashier. Cashier. ■ , Liabilities. Resources. Bonds Loans ther Cash & Ex Miscel changer Depos- LOiabili Paid-up Surplus and ,Due and and laneous raoM Banks Capital Profits TIES | Discounts Securities $ 25,000 $ fA. L.JAG0E........... T. J. LYLES............... A. C. ROWE------------- C. A LYLES ‘Okolona____ 4000 COMMERCIAL BK. & TR. CO. < Save time and g et service on Colie ctions and Credit Reports by sendl ug 8 M Chickasaw D20 $130-10% 85-149 »t§’20 LFEE IN AD VAN CE: Plain sight d rafts, 15c; Credit Reports, 25c. T BY US. .. 25,000 MERCHANTS & FARMERS W. H. Deavenport. 10% BANK-85-148 ------ »ti'97 50,000 fR. W.CHANDLERB F. ELLIS — “ ____ _ " 0K0L0NA BANKING C0-*i§ 88 ) Send ns yonr b $ho-8% 85-147 uslness. (.Prompt persona 1 attention guara nteed—TRY US. 15,000 Olive Branch..197 Bank of Olive Branch.@tS’17 T. H. Norvell____ H. A. Stuwart____ 85-466 J. E. Birmingham 8 M DeSoto A14 $200-15% J. A. 6 N. 0. Pike OlO $160-10% Ott__________ W. H. Grace 85-239 14,000 f F. L. LINKER JAMES STONE.......... 0 F HFARD ‘Oxford_____ 2150 BANK OF OXFORD—®*M 72 V (Special attentio n given Bill of La ding drafts, Cash 85-180 8 M Lafayette C15 $125-10% W W- Fast. 85-182 M «« Guaranty Bk. & Trust Co. $120-10% 85-473 ®T«tST8 .T. H. Pace .T. B. Bond Pace son 85-476 8 M Bolivar ES $130 J. H. Ahnev Bank of Pachuta____ ®»t§'05 G. K. Evans n. D. Thames------85-366 6 N.O. Clarke L19 $300-20% ‘Pascagoula ..6082 6 N.O. JacksonR21 MERCHANTS AND MARINE BANK 16% 85-136 P CARNATHAN_____ F. L. Mitchell___ A. H. Adams--------- H. H. Fox S. L. McLaurin.__ 85-519 ' Champlin BANK OF PHILADELPHIA 239,469 $ 10,680 7,050 21,590 'eah.N., N.Y.: 1st N., Memp.; Merch.-Lac. 258.340 57,350 20,130 149,510 Ian. N„ N. Y.: Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., 10,000 275,000 i 9.000 N.. St. L.: Hib. Bk. & Tr. Co.. N. O. Memp.; Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O. 204,000 175,000 ■ 60,000 35,000 188,000 11,000 28,000 274,700 247,900 Com. & Tr. Co., Memp. Bkg. Co., N. O.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., 23 380 1,469.190 98,880 161,600 365,000 25,000 4,600 300,000 10,000 2,500 53,000 10,000 27,000 318,350 35,000 309,000 120,000 12,390 Memp.: Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.; State N., St. L. 50,000 N. Pk., N. Y.; Cent. State N., Memp. 148,000 58,350 280,000 967,250 1. City. N. Y.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., 9,150 10,000 10,390 Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 65,350 Chem. N„ N. Y.: Capital N., Jackson; 75.000 18.720 806.520 59.500 374,570 417,830 44,270 123.070 N. Bk. Com., N. Y.; Hibernia Bk.& Tr. Co., N.O. 3,000 Miss,).. 110,000 225,000 Chem. N. and Han. N., N. Y.; Cont. & Com’l N„ Chi.; 1st N., St. L.; Canal-Com'l Tr. & Sav. and Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N.O. 50,000 N. Park, N. Y.; Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co., N.O. 65,000 (Branch of Bay St.Loui s, Miss.) ____ M. A. HENDERSON- J. F. McCAULEY........ 1 M LOFTON E. P. DONALD E. N. HENSON LAMAR OLIPHANT — O.A. TIDWEL 15,000 7,360 229,380 14,600 3,570 42,360 Mech. A Metals N., N. Y.; Cont. & Com’l N., Chi.; YYhitney-Cent. N., N. 0. 169,740 7,050 7,880 67,070 60,000 15,000 59,360 3,470 12,400 1st N., W. Point. W. Point; N. Stock Yds. 800,000 50,000 1,100,000 N. O.; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co. and Capital N., Jackson. N., N. Stock Yds., Ill. 80,000 330,000 N. Bk. Com.. N. Y.; Whitney-Cent. N. and Canal Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. 0.; Bk. of Com. and Tr. Co., Memp. SPECIAL ATT ENTION GIVEN BILL OF LADI NG DRAFTS. Save time and get service on Col lections and Cred It Reports by sen ding (.FEE in advan CE: Plain sight dr afts, 15c; Credit Rep orts, 25c. TRY US. **§’04 rG. w. MARS______ DONALD YARBROUGH T. A. WEBB________ V. R. JACKSON........... 60,000 W. M. PRINCE ) SPECIAL ATT R. H. MOLPUS ENTION GIVEN BILL OF LAD ING DRAFTS. *t§’08 j Save time and get service on Col lections and Cre dit Reports by sending (.FEE IN ADVAN CE: Plain sight dr afts, 15c; Credit Rep oris,25c. TRY US. R. F. McLellan ___ A M. Hayward.... W. H. Crawford. 85-437 T. Duncan Tallahatchie Ell Picayune____ 390£ Bank of Picayune.__ ®*t§'04 E. F. Tate............... J. L. Megehee____ W. E. Tate_______ Prentiss Byrd____ 85-371 W. E. Tate 6N.0. Pearl River $90-10% Q14 8M Edward Rowlands. Pearl River County Bank 85-487 ®»tS’19 E. H. R. E. Laird_______ Stevens MERCHANTS NATIONAL BANK.. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Memo.: Canal-Com'l Tr. & Sav., N. 6.; 1st N., St. L. ------- 6.000 50,040 975,210 25,000 18,500 78,220 147,000 35,000 30,000 750.000 400,000 125,000 25,000 13,230 323,960 187,890 42,460 CITIZENS DANK $140-10% 120 83,190 r;: 85-370 85-215 25,000 416,850 50,000 15,000 R. P. Washington.. $200-15% 223,770 (Branch of Moss Point, Pclahatchee.. 1500 6 N.O. Rankin E14 $100-10% *• 5,020 18,379 14,600 $ ®»t*'98 W. E. •* $ 10,480 $ 232,150 Principal Correspondents. Merch. & Far., Meridian. W. J. LINDIN6ER— F. D. BECHT________ L A WATTS T W.HUDSON-........... WALTER GAUTIER SPECIAL ATTENTION GIVEN BILL OF LADING DRAFTS. Save time and get service on Collections and Credit Reports by sending FEE IN ADVANCE: Plain sight drafts, 15c; Credit Reports, 25e. TRY US. BANK OF PASS CHRISTIAN S. L. McGlathery.. C. E. Jones.............. Pass Christian 85-479 ®«tS'19 6 N.O. 2500 $125-8% Harrison R17 Hancock County Bank 85-367 ®«»’02 85-214 60 000 11,910 $ 282,550 $ and Time Items. Pascagoula National Bank 85-137 «t’97 $100-6% 8 M Clay F19 ‘Philadelphia 2500 6N.O Neshoba 118 Non-Bank Towns with Nearest Banking Point (In dexed Aoces,), Lawyers, Laws (Indexed) In back of this volume. For Interest Rates, Holidays, etc., see Laws. MISSISSIPPI—Continued VICKSBURG, 900 1,600 786,440 131,090 17,900 150.720 O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co.. Memp; N. Bk. Com., St. L. 21,000 Memp.; Wilson Bkg. Co., Greenwood. 175,000 Chase N., N. Y.; Cont. & Com'l N., Chi.; Hi bernia Bk. & Tr. Co.and Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. 0.:Merch. Bk.&Tr.Co., Jackson. 7,880 125,560 Inter-state Tr. & Bkg. Co., N. O. Miss—"THE BANK OF SUPERIOR SERVICE" 700 / OO Number under Name of Bank Is the New Transit Number given to each bank In U S. exclusively by The Rand-McNally Bankers’ Directory, under the authority of The American Bankers Ass’n. Town and County. ♦County Seats. Fig. is F. Res. Dist. N.O. N.Or.M. Memp. •Mem.A.B.A.nNew §StatetPriv. tMem. State B. Ass’n. XEstab. ♦M. Fed. Res. T-Trust Powers. $ Last Sale % Div. ® Sav. Dept. President. Vice-President. CASHIER. Ass’t Cashier. I Resources. Liabilities. Surplus Depos- Other Loans Bonds Miscel- Cash k ExPaid-up and AND UELANGIB'Ddk ITS Capital Profits Discounts Securities prom Barks ties Pickens_______467 Pickens Bank________ »tl’12 85-427 8 M Holmes H13 ♦Pontotoc. .1300 IM Pontotoc C18 or *150-10% ♦ 85-206 ®»t§’89 “ _ __ “ First National Bank .@<1900 *150-10% 85-207 Pope_____ ____ 323 Bank of Pope______ d>tl’03 {M Panola C13 *165-8% 83-374 ♦Poplarville ..1290 Bank of Commerce _©»tl’14 6 N.O. Pearl River *200-20% 85-210 P15 ♦Pt. Gibson ..1691 MISSISSIPPI SOUTHERN 6 N.O. Claib’neL6 BANK-—85-165----®»t§’07 $125-8% Port Hibson Bank_..®T*tl’00 *120-8% 85-164 Potts Camp...319 Potts Camp State Bank -t§’16 8 M Marshall B16 10% 85-456 ♦Prentiss_____468 Bank of Blountville.__•tl’02 6N.0.Jef.Dav.M13 85-376 ♦Purvis_______919 Lamar County Bank. ®»tf’04 6N.O. Lamar 016 *166-15% 85-377 ♦Quitman ....1375 Bank of Quitman---- ®»tl’02 6 N.O. Clarke K20 *200 85-378 ♦Raleigh______300 Raleigh State Bank------- Jl’06 6 N.O. Smith LI5 40% 85-379 ♦Raymond ___ 500 Merchants ft Planter* Bank 6 N.O. Hinds K10 85-380 ®»tl’06 D. A. Linthicum... A. P. Yarborough— E. J. Spengler____ P. O. Hemphill .... $ Richton ___ 1362 6 N.O. Perry N19 Rienzl________493 8 M Alcorn A21 ♦Ripley______1250 8 M Tippah B19 “ ** BANK PONTOTOC BANK OF RICHT0N-©*tl 04 *152-8% 85-381 Peoples Bank ft Trust Co. 83-382 *±*’04 Bank of Ripley_____®»tl’04 *150 85242 nPeoples Bank______ ©t§’25 *110 85-545 ♦Rolling Fork .703 Bank of Rolling Fork—<102 85-383 6 N.O. Sharkey H7 *130-20% ♦Rosedale____1696 BOLIVAR COUNTY BANK 8 M Bolivar E6 $100-10% ♦ 85-494 ®»t§ 20 Rosedale National Bank •t’22 tioo 85-626 >. Valley Bank.._______ «t5’98 *150-20"% 83-221 RuleviUe_____ 130C Bank of Ruleville_____ *t5'03 8 M Sunflower E9 10% 85-256 Nan-Bank Towns with Nearest Banking Point (.In dexed Acces.), Lawyers, Laws (Indexed) In back of this volume. For Interest Bates, Holidays, etc., see Laws. MISSISSIPPI—Continued 25,000 $ 10,250 $ 175,950 % 133,650 $ 14,850 % 30,460 $ JR. P. BROWN_____ R.B. CALLAWAY—- J D SIMMONS.......... J. 1. WILSON--------100.000 25,000 (.Modern, efflcle nt service. All It ems given special attention of an 0 fflcer. Try Us. 442.030 J 130,210 484,750 114,240 48,020 J, H. Salmon ___ 571,440 148,350 388,300 33 9.220 39,570 15,000 10,500 240,000 90,000 35.500 (.Branch of Bank of Bates villc, Ba tesvillc. Miss.) 386,450 25,000 G. C. Gredell_____ G. E. Menetre-----60.900 42,850 439,860 52,130 9,000 B. O. Garner_____ J. B. Newton_____ 125,000 R.H.DeKay, A. C. J. W- Moor fS- BERNHEIMER.— J. M. TAYLOR—........ < Send us your Items on Port (Prompt and per sonal attention g R. D. Gage______ S. H. Terral______ 341,560 68,860 91,620 92,510 N. Y. Tr. Co., N. Y.: Canal-Com’l Tr. ft Sav., N. 0.; 1st N., Vicksburg. 35,000 419,000 40,000 363,000 35,000 46,000 10,320 194,070 120 73.760 50,000 16,950 526,050 4,430 342,730 133,400 13,190 15,000 12.090 278.890 3,400 162,690 57,400 11,540 13,360 98,000 Han.N..N. Y.: Hibernia Bk.ftTr. Co., N.O. Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memo. 137.470 Han. N.. N. Y.; Merch. & Far., Hollj Springs. 108,120 N. Bk. Com.. N. Y. Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav N. 0. 77,750 IslN.. Hattieshure: Whitney-Cent. N..N O. ; Merch. Bk. & Tr. Co., Jackson. 94,930 Han.N.,N.I.;HiberniaBk.&Tr.Co.,N.O.:lst N. .Mobile: Merch.&Far.,1stN.,Meridian. 65,580 Canal-Com'l Tr. & Sav., N. O.: Capital 27,320 20,000 22,550 550,810 408.070 77,000 W. D. Crant______ O. W. Peltmar.__ R. C. Martin_____ M. M. Martin_____ 10,000 20,000 253,920 184,390 29,950 20,000 J. L. Gaddis______ T. Bridgers J. L. Gaddis, Jr. 25,000 15,000 225,000 150,000 70,000 20,000 C. H. Stevens_____ T. W. Milner _ 22,380 430,000 341,890 55,710 633,880 42,450 09,470 228,030 18,410 B. H. Carter............ S. J. High_______ C. H. Dabbs........... N. E. Ellis, Mgr.. T. E. Pegiam. F. B. Smith............ W. E. Clemmer.__ S. J. High J. K. McBride____ F. B. Graft- ___ G. 0. Cnrtright___ E. V. Perry, Active ( J. G. McGEHEE___ W. T. CASSITY__ __ 1 Commercial bu siness and collec S. M. Seaton_____ W. T. Burt.............. 23,160 ofTupel 0, Miss.) 50,000 25,090 782.690 15.000 2,590 67,900 C. E. Day R. C. Thompson... 25,000 42,500 62,760 9,500 395,850 2.500 104,220 15,000 132,210 R. W. REA________ M. B. PATTON_____ 75,000 tions solicited. R emittance made on day of pay ment. F. G. Paden______ n R Rlsr.lr 85,000 9,460 198.450 65,580 182,960 3.450 19,060 67,290 287,370 42,700 16,430 288,150 50,960 23,070 614,670 19,830 16,000 L. B. Austin_____ S. D. Knowlton —. 50,000 31.340 460,360 A. L. Pentecost.__ E. L. Anderson.__ J. S. Billingsley... J. Levingston____ T. H. Edmondson 50,000 93,080 611,230 65,000 •• “ Planters Bank ft Trust Co. O. H. Levingston.. D. B. Turner-........ M. W. Cooper____ S. A. Roberts........ *150-10% ♦ 85-507 T»ij’20 SaUls .. . .300 Sallis Bank___________ JS’20 T. B. Ricks______ W. T. Young_____ O. N. McNeil ___ 8M Attala H14 *100 85-502 Saltillo.............. 440 Bank of Saltillo .............. 15’ll J. W. Wesson.__ C. R. Davis..___ J. W. Jones. 8M Lee C20 85-386 50.000 35,430 127,920 76,790 217,670 30,000 10,000 2,200 108,000 300 100,000 500 15,000 15.000 290,000 12,500 231 500 Sander sville.. .559 Union ft Farmers Bank •if'08 6N.0. Jones M18 8% 83-387 ♦Sardis______ 1352 Bank of Sardis_______• t|’78 IM Panola C13 85-196 Panola County Bank.__ t|’04 85-197 Schlater______ 250 Planters Bank_____ -t5’05 8M Leflore F10 85-388 10,000 5,000 105,000 95,000 ... 35,000 11,620 330,070 160.060 C. B. Young.. W. T. Burkhalter.. J. M. Kyle ............ 30,000 21,500 274,480 290,940 Edward Jones. A. B. Reese______ B. EL Bacon, Jr.... 45,000 5,330 78,450 E. L. Gilbert_____ A. J. Oubre. __ 25,000 14,250 244,800 D. C. Gleason____ Louise Dudley___ R. M. Quarles, Act ive W. A. Hataway—.. B. F. Underwood.. 10,000 3,150 173,360 10,000 6,150 148,350 W. C. Trest .. . D. R. Sanders . Edwin Wright____ E. L. Howry . Scooba._______ 700 Bank of Kemper........... »tl'04 Joe Cramer.. 6 N.O. Kemper 121 *125-15% 85-389 Merchants ft Farmers Bank J. L. Dudley_____ 85-500 ®»t§’20 Sebastopol___100 Bank of Sebastopol___•i§’20 W.F. Johnson___ 85-514 6 N.O. Scott J16 *150-8% H. H. Mitchell J. Q. West.__ J. E. Mitchell____ 82,590 Han. N.. N.Y.iBk. of Com. ft Tr.Co.,Memp.; Cap. N., Jackson. 40,000 Chem. N„ N.Y.:Union ft Plan.Bk. & Tr.Co.. Memp.: Canal- Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. 0. M3.310 Mech. ft Metals N„ N.Y.; Interstate Tr. & Bkg. Co., N. O. 65,000 A. G. Williams___ J. B. Russell------- R. C. Williams W. H. Mathlson— 30,240 Seab. N., N. Y.: Interstate Tr. & Bkg. Co., N. O.; 1st N., Jackson and Canton. 50,230 Chase N„ N. Y.; Cent. State N., Memp. 452,230 50,000 H.W.M. DRAKE— MISS MARY DANIELL Gibson direct, uaran teed. Corre spondenee Invite d. R. G. Hastings ___ R. D. Gage. Jr.___ 50,000 M. M. Crisler A. Q. Greer... __ B. A. Edwards____ R. A. Greer______ J. R. Taylor, Sec... 10,000 F. W. Foote______ 4,890 Principal Correspondents. 65,000 26,980 153,000 106.900 29,990 8,500 5,700 240.600 1,600 8,000 54.780 53,940 4,980 86,920 4,910 50,000 Seab. N., N. Y.; Canal-Com’l Tr. ft Sav.. N. O. ; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co.. Memp.; Jackson State N., Jackson. 65,470 Cont. ft Com’l N.. Chi.: Peo., Mobile; Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. 0. Han. N„ N. Y.;lst N.. 8t. L.; Union ft Plan. Bk. ft Tr. Co.. Memp. 152,480 Han.N..N.Y.;Cent.StateN.,Memp.;N Bk. Com..St.L.: Canal Com’l Tr. ft Sav.,N.O. 13,240 Cent. State N., Memp. Hibernia Bk. & Tr. Co. N. O. 72,700 Chem. N., N. Y.; Cent. State N., Memp.; 1st N-, Vicksburg. 32,310 Chem. N., N. Y.: Hibernia Bk. ft Tr. Co.. N O.: Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co.. Memp. 38,710 N. Bk. Com., N.Y.; Cont. & Com'l N., Chi.; Union ft Planters Bk. & Tr.Co., Memp.; Marine Bk. & Tr.Co.,N.O. 184,520 Han. N..N. Y.; Bk. of Com.ft Tr.Co.,Memp. 170,810 N. Bk. Com. and Chem. N., N. Y.; Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp.; Canal-Com’l Tr. ft Sav., N. O. 42,460 Han. N., N. Y.; Fidelity Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 19,500 Canal-Corn. Tr. & Sav., N. O.: Ex. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 106,000 Union & Plan. Bk. A Tr. Co., Memp.:Peo. Bk. &Tr. Co., Tupelo: Canal-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. 0. 25,000 Whitney-Cent. N.. N. O.; Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 99,740 Bk. of Com. ft Tr. Co., Memp.; N. Bk. Com., St. L.;Hibernia Bk. ft Tr.Co.,N.O. 35,040 N.Bk.Com.,N. Y.;Union&Plan.Bk.&Tr.Co., Memp.:N.StockYds.N., N. StockYds.,111. 26,600 1st N., lttabena; Interstate Tr. &Bkg. Co., N. O.; Mtle Tr. Co., St. L.; Un. & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co., Memp. 33,750 N. Bk. Com., N. Y.:Mtie. Tr. Go..8t. L.: 1st N.. Meridian: Marine Bk. & Tr. Co., N. O. 99,790 Whitney-Cent. N.. N. O.; Merch. ft Far., Meridian. 71,660 Peo.. Union; Whitney-Cent. N., N. 0.; E. Cahn, Bkr., Meridian. MERCHANTS NATIONAL BANK. Vicksburg. Miss—“THE BANK OF SUPERIOR SERVICE" https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 700 /J3 Number under Name of Bank ia the New Transit Number pme to eaoh bank in 0. 8. exclusively by The Rmnd-McNally Bankers’ Directory, under the authority of The American Bankers Ass’n. Town and county. ‘County Seats. Fig. is F. Kes. Dist. N.Q.N.Or. M. Memp. •Mem. A.B. A. "New §State tl’riv. {Mem. State B. Ass’n. [Estab ♦M. Fed. Res. T-Trust Powers. ? Last Sale %Div. © Sav. Dept President. Vice-President. Seminary____ 360 Bank of Seminary—©•+{’07 W. L. Hemeter__ R. T. Taylor... 85-390 6N.0.Cov’tonN16 ‘Senatobla ...1800 Peoples Bank----------®Ti§’16 W. W. May_____ J. R. Johnson. IN Tate B13 1175-15% 85-465 Senatobia Bank______ +{1900 W. G. Cocke_____ Claude Veazey. 85-208 Shannon ____498 Bank of Shannon ___ @«t§’08 J. M. Thomas....... J. N. Redus___ IM Lee D20 $150-8% 85-391 Shaw_______1375 BANK OF SHAW...... ©•« 02 85-233 8M Bolivar F8 io% Delta Bank__________ t{'17 85-469 (Formerly Planters Bank) Shelby---------- 1300 »Bank of Shelby--------©§'25 85-544 8M Bolivar D83 mo Shelby-Citizens Bk. & Tr. Co. Sherman ___ 421 Bank of Sherman___ ®»+§T3 IM Pontotoc CIS 85-265 Shubuta_____ 912 Bank of Shubuta---------•t{’02 6 N.O. Clarice L20 85-392 Peoples Bank......... ........ «{'21 85-625 Shuqualak ___ 764 Merchants & Farmers Bank IN NoxubeeH21 85—393 •« '06 Silver Creek...325 Silver Creek State Bank»tS’18 6 N.O. Law’ce M13 $140-1214% 85-474 Sledge_______ 400 Bank of Sledge_____ ®»t{’05 8 M Quitman Cll 85-397 Starkville....... 2596 Merch. & Farmers Bank M Oktibbeha F20 85-146 *r08 Cashier. Ass’t Cashier. R. C. Hauenstein . G. S. Hemeter.. 85-144 SECURITY STATE BANK $165-10% 85-146 CITIZENS BANK PLANTERS BANK— https://fraser.stlouisfed.org Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis 85-425 10.000 $ 4,060 $ 169,520 $ 101,310 20,000 8,000 375,000 225,000 H. T. Perkins....... R. T. Mitchell.. 40,000 11,240 517,180 487,400 C. H. Harris_____ 15,000 9,340 143,070 125,050 $ 3,510 S 4,300 Principal Correspondents. Oasi k lxauifli^Dvi non Baku $ 20,000 74,460 Interstate Tr. & Bkg. Oo., N. O.: Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co.. Memp. 75,000 Can&l-Com’l Tr. & Sav., N. O.: Union & Plan. Bk. & Tr. Co. and Bk. of Com. & Tr. Co., Memp. 76,160 Han. N.. N. Y.; Cent.-State N., Memp. 38,470 Peo. Bk. & Tr. Co., Tupelo; Canal-Oo | ||||||
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wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 2 | 16 | https://www.geni.com/people/William-Gladstone-Prime-Minister-of-the-United-Kingdom/6000000009205958805 | en | William Gladstone, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom | [
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] | null | [] | 2023-08-18T10:57:11-07:00 | Genealogy for William Ewart Gladstone (1809 - 1898) family tree on Geni, with over 255 million profiles of ancestors and living relatives. | en | /touch-icon-iphone.png | geni_family_tree | https://www.geni.com/people/William-Gladstone-Prime-Minister-of-the-United-Kingdom/6000000009205958805 | William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898) was a British Liberal statesman. In a career lasting over sixty years, Gladstone served as Prime Minister four times (1868-1874, 1880-1885, February-July 1886 and 1892-1894), more than any other person. Gladstone was 84 years old — still physically vigorous albeit with failing hearing and eyesight — when he resigned for the last time, making him Britain's oldest Prime Minister. He also served as Chancellor of the Exchequer four times (1853-1855, 1859-1866, 1873-1874, and 1880-1882).
Gladstone first entered Parliament in 1832. Beginning his career as an High Tory, Gladstone served in the Cabinet of Sir Robert Peel, during which time he became more liberal. In 1846 he supported Peel's repeal of the Corn Laws, which led to the split of the Conservatives - Gladstone was a Peelite and never again served with the main body of the Conservative Party; in 1859 the Peelites merged with the Whigs and the Radicals to form the Liberals who were in power for much of the years up to 1915.
As a Peelite Gladstone served in Lord Aberdeen's government as a notably efficient Chancellor. After that government fell in 1855 he refused to serve under Lord Derby or Lord Palmerston, a Whig, and went into opposition. In 1859, however, when Palmerston succeeded Lord Derby's brief second government, Gladstone accepted the office of Chancellor and held a position of great influence. During this time he opposed Palmerston's aggressive foreign policy (begrudging financing his fortifications), and became committed to electoral reform, earning him the sobriquet "The People's William". He was noted for his support of classical liberalism, and his intense opposition to socialism.
Gladstone's first ministry saw the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland, the introduction of secret voting, and Britain's refusal to intervene in the Franco-Prussian War. After his electoral defeat in 1874, Gladstone resigned as leader of the Liberal Party, but from 1876 began a comeback based on opposition to Turkey's Bulgarian atrocities. The Midlothian Campaign of 1879-1880 was based around Gladstone and was the birthplace of many modern political campaigning techniques. Despite not being the official Liberal leader when they won the 1880 election, he was nonetheless appointed Prime Minister again. His second ministry saw crises in Egypt (culminating in the death of General Gordon in 1885), in Ireland, where the government passed repressive measures, and in mainland Britain, where socialist and Communist violence took place. The government did however pass the Third Reform Act. Lord Salisbury defeated the Gladstone government and formed a Conservative government in 1885 but the election held a few months later resulted in a Liberal victory. Back in office in early 1886, Gladstone decided that Home Rule was the only way to solve the mounting chaos in Ireland; however, this was defeated in the House of Commons in July and Salisbury re-entered Downing Street and called and won an election. In 1892 Gladstone formed his last government at the age of 82. The Irish Home Rule Bill was defeated in the Lords in 1893 and effectively ended Gladstone's last crusade. The Liberal Party was moving to the left and adopting measures of state welfare provision while also containing an imperialist wing. Due to his opposition to increased naval expenditure, Gladstone resigned in March 1894 and was succeeded by his Foreign Secretary, Lord Rosebery. He left Parliament in 1895 and died three years later aged 88.
Gladstone is famous for his intense rivalry with the Conservative Party Leader Benjamin Disraeli. The rivalry was not only political, but also personal. When Disraeli died, Gladstone proposed a state funeral, but Disraeli's will asked for him to be buried next to his wife, to which Gladstone replied, "As Disraeli lived, so he died — all display, without reality or genuineness." Gladstone was also famously at odds with Queen Victoria for much of his career. She once complained, "He always addresses me as if I were a public meeting."
Gladstone was known affectionately by his supporters as "The People's William" or the "G.O.M." ("Grand Old Man", or, according to Disraeli, "God's Only Mistake"). Winston Churchill and others cited Gladstone as their inspiration.
Contents
* 1 Early life (1809-1840)
* 2 Minister under Peel (1841-1846)
* 3 Opposition MP (1846-1851)
* 4 Chancellor of the Exchequer (1852–1855)
* 5 Opposition (1855–1859)
* 6 Chancellor of the Exchequer (1859–1866)
* 7 First Premiership (1868–1874)
* 8 Opposition (1874–1880)
* 9 Second Premiership (1880–1885)
* 10 Third Premiership (1886)
* 11 Opposition (1886–1892)
* 12 Fourth Premiership (1892–1894)
* 13 Final years (1894-1898)
* 14 Legacy
* 15 Monuments
* 16 In popular culture
* 17 Notes
* 18 See also
* 19 References
* 20 Further reading
* 21 External links
Early life (1809-1840)
Born in 1809 in Liverpool, England, at 62 Rodney Street, William Ewart Gladstone was the fourth son of the merchant Sir John Gladstone and his second wife, Anne MacKenzie Robertson. Gladstone was born and brought up in Liverpool and was of Scottish ancestry.[1] One of his earliest childhood memories was being made to stand on a table and say "Ladies and gentlemen" to the assembled audience, probably at a gathering to promote the election of George Canning as MP for Liverpool in 1812.
William Gladstone was educated from 1816 to 1821 at a preparatory school at the vicarage of St Thomas's Church at Seaforth, close to his family's residence, Seaforth House.[1] In 1821 William followed in the footsteps of his older brothers and attended Eton College before matriculating in 1828 at Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Classics and Mathematics, although he had no great interest in mathematics. In December 1831 he achieved the double first class degree he had long desired. Gladstone served as President of the Oxford Union debating society, where he developed a reputation as an orator, which followed him into the House of Commons. At university Gladstone was a Tory and denounced Whig proposals for parliamentary reform.
Gladstone in the 1830s.
Following the success of his double first, William travelled with his brother John on a Grand Tour of Europe, visiting Belgium, France, Germany and Italy. On his return to England, William was elected to Parliament in 1832 as Conservative Member of Parliament (MP) for Newark, partly through the influence of the local patron, the Duke of Newcastle. Although Gladstone entered Lincoln's Inn in 1833, with a view to becoming a barrister, by 1839 he had requested that his name should be removed from the list because he no longer intended to be called to the Bar.[1]
In the House of Commons, Gladstone was initially a disciple of High Toryism, opposing the abolition of slavery and factory legislation. In December 1834 he was appointed as a Junior Lord of the Treasury in Sir Robert Peel's first ministry. The following month he was appointed Under-Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, an office he held until the government's resignation in April 1835.
Gladstone published his first book, The State in its Relations with the Church, in 1838, in which he argued that the goal of the state should be to promote and defend the interests of the Church of England. The following year he married Catherine Glynne, to whom he remained married until his death 59 years later. They had eight children together, including Herbert John Gladstone and Henry Neville Gladstone. Gladstone's eldest son William (known as "Willy" to distinguish him from his father) became a Member of Parliament but pre-deceased his father, dying in the early 1890s.
In 1840 Gladstone began to rescue and rehabilitate London prostitutes, walking the streets of London himself and encouraging the women he encountered to change their ways. Much to the criticism of his peers, he continued this practice decades later, even after he was elected Prime Minister.
Minister under Peel (1841-1846)
Gladstone was re-elected in 1841. In September 1842 he lost the forefinger of his left hand in an accident while reloading a gun; thereafter he wore a glove or finger sheath (stall). In the second ministry of Robert Peel he served as President of the Board of Trade (1843–44).
Gladstone became concerned with the situation of "coal whippers". These were the men who worked on London docks, "whipping" in baskets from ships to barges or wharfs all incoming coal from the sea. They were called up and relieved through public-houses and therefore a man could not get this job unless he possessed the favourable opinion of the publican, who looked upon most favourably those who drank. The man's name was written down and the "score" followed. Publicans issued employment solely on the capacity of the man to pay, and men often left the pub to work drunk. They spent their savings on drink to secure the favourable opinion of publicans and therefore further employment. Gladstone passed the Coal Vendors Act 1843 to set up a central office for employment. When this Act expired in 1856 a Select Committee was appointed by the Lords in 1857 to look into the question. Gladstone gave evidence to the Committee: "I approached the subject in the first instance as I think everyone in Parliament of necessity did, with the strongest possible prejudice against the proposal [to interfere]; but the facts stated were of so extraordinary and deplorable a character, that it was impossible to withhold attention from them. Then the question being whether legislative interference was required I was at length induced to look at a remedy of an extraordinary character as the only one I thought applicable to the case...it was a great innovation".[2] Looking back in 1883, Gladstone wrote that "In principle, perhaps my Coalwhippers Act of 1843 was the most Socialistic measure of the last half century".[3]
He resigned in 1845 over the Maynooth Seminary issue, a matter of conscience for him. In order to improve relations with Irish Catholics, Peel's government proposed increasing the annual grant paid to the Seminary for training Catholic priests. Gladstone, who previously argued in a book that a Protestant country should not pay money to other churches, supported the increase in the Maynooth grant and voted for it in Commons, but resigned rather than face charges that he had compromised his principles to remain in office. After accepting Gladstone's resignation, Peel confessed to a friend, "I really have great difficulty sometimes in exactly comprehending what he means." Gladstone returned to Peel's government as Colonial Secretary in December.
[edit] Opposition MP (1846-1851)
The following year Peel's government fell over the MPs' repeal of the Corn Laws and Gladstone followed his leader into a course of separation from mainstream Conservatives. After Peel's death in 1850 Gladstone emerged as the leader of the Peelites in the House of Commons. He was re-elected for the University of Oxford in 1847 and became a constant critic of Lord Palmerston.[clarification needed]
As a young man Gladstone had treated his father's estate, Fasque, west of Aberdeen, as home, but as a younger son he would not inherit it. Instead, from the time of his marriage, he lived at his wife's family's estate, Hawarden, in North Wales. He never actually owned Hawarden, which belonged first to his brother-in-law Sir Stephen Glynne, and was then inherited by Gladstone's eldest son in 1874. During the late 1840s, when he was out of office, he worked extensively to turn Hawarden into a viable business.
In 1848 he also founded the Church Penitentiary Association for the Reclamation of Fallen Women. In May 1849 he began his most active "rescue work" with "fallen women" and met prostitutes late at night on the street, in his house or in their houses, writing their names in a private notebook. He aided the House of Mercy at Clewer near Windsor (which exercised extreme in-house discipline) and spent much time arranging employment for ex-prostitutes. In a 'Declaration' signed on 7 December 1896 and only to be opened after his death by his son Stephen, Gladstone wrote:
With reference to rumours which I believe were at one time afloat, though I know not with what degree of currency: and also with reference to the times when I shall not be here to answer for myself, I desire to record my solemn declaration and assurance, as in the sight of God and before His Judgment Seat, that at no period of my life have I been guilty of the act which is known as that of infidelity to the marriage bed.[4]
In 1927, during a court case over published claims that he had had improper relationships with some of these women, the jury unanimously found that the evidence "completely vindicated the high moral character of the late Mr. W. E. Gladstone".[5]
In 1850/51 Gladstone visited Naples for the benefit of his daughter Mary's eyesight.[6] Giacomo Lacaita, legal adviser to the British embassy, was imprisoned by the Neapolitan government, as were other political dissidents. Gladstone became concerned at the political situation in Naples and the arrest and imprisonment of Neapolitan liberals. In February 1851 the government allowed Gladstone to visit the prisons where they were held and he deplored their condition. In April and July he published two Letters to the Earl of Aberdeen against the Neapolitan government and responded to his critics in An Examination of the Official Reply of the Neapolitan Government in 1852. Gladstone's first letter described what he saw in Naples as "the negation of God erected into a system of government".[7]
Chancellor of the Exchequer (1852–1855)
A pensive Gladstone.
In 1852, following the appointment of Lord Aberdeen as Prime Minister, head of a coalition of Whigs and Peelites, Gladstone became Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Whig Sir Charles Wood and the Tory Disraeli had both been perceived to have failed in the office and so this provided Gladstone with a great political opportunity.
His first budget in 1853 almost completed the work begun by Peel eleven years before in simplifying Britain's tariff of duties and customs.[8] 123 duties were abolished and 133 duties were reduced.[9] The income tax had legally expired but Gladstone proposed to extend it for seven years to fund tariff reductions:
We propose, then, to re-enact it for two years, from April, 1853, to April, 1855, at the rate of 7d. in the £; from April, 1855, to enact it for two more years at 6d. in the £; and then for three years more...from April, 1857, at 5d. Under this proposal, on the 5th of April, 1860, the income-tax will by law expire.[10]
Gladstone wanted to maintain a balance between direct and indirect taxation. He also wished to abolish the income tax. He knew that its abolition depended on a considerable retrenchment in government expenditure. He therefore increased the number of people eligible to pay it by lowering the threshold from £150 to £100. The more people who paid income tax, Gladstone believed, the more the public would pressure the government into abolishing it.[11] Gladstone argued that the £100 line was "the dividing line...between the educated and the labouring part of the community" and that therefore the income tax payers and the electorate were to be the same people, who would then vote to cut government expenditure.[11]
The budget speech (delivered on 18 April), at nearly five hours length, raised Gladstone "at once to the front rank of financiers as of orators".[12] H. C. G. Matthew has written that Gladstone "made finance and figures exciting, and succeeded in constructing budget speeches epic in form and performance, often with lyrical interludes to vary the tension in the Commons as the careful exposition of figures and argument was brought to a climax".[13] The contemporary diarist Charles Greville wrote of Gladstone's speech:
...by universal consent it was one of the grandest displays and most able financial statement that ever was heard in the House of Commons; a great scheme, boldly, skilfully, and honestly devised, disdaining popular clamour and pressure from without, and the execution of it absolute perfection. Even those who do not admire the Budget, or who are injured by it, admit the merit of the performance. It has raised Gladstone to a great political elevation, and, what is of far greater consequence than the measure itself, has given the country assurance of a man equal to great political necessities, and fit to lead parties and direct governments.[14]
However with Britain entering the Crimean War in February 1854, Gladstone introduced his second budget on 6 March. Gladstone had to increase expenditure on the Services and a vote of credit of £1,250,000 was taken to send a 25,000 strong force to the East. The deficit for the year would be £2,840,000 (estimated revenue £56,680,000; estimated expenditure £59,420,000).[15] Gladstone refused to borrow the money needed to rectify this deficit and instead increased the income tax by one half from sevenpence to tenpence-halfpenny in the pound. Gladstone proclaimed that "the expenses of a war are the moral check which it has pleased the Almighty to impose on the ambition and the lust of conquest that are inherent in so many nations".[16] By May £6,870,000 was needed to finance the war and so Gladstone introduced another budget on 8 May. Gladstone raised the income tax from 10 and a half d. to 14d. in order to raise £3,250,000 and spirits, malt, and sugar were taxed in order to raise the rest of the money needed.[17]
He served until 1855, a few weeks into Lord Palmerston's first premiership, whereupon he resigned along with the rest of the Peelites after a motion was passed to appoint a committee of inquiry into the conduct of the war.
[edit] Opposition (1855–1859)
The Conservative Leader Lord Derby became Prime Minister in 1858, but Gladstone - who like the other Peelites was still nominally a Conservative - declined a position in his government, opting not to sacrifice his free trade principles.
Between November 1858 and February 1859 Gladstone, on behalf of Lord Derby's government, was made Extraordinary Lord High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands embarking via Vienna and Trieste on a twelve week mission to the southern Adriatic entrusted with complex challenges that had arisen in connection with the future of the British Protectorate of the Ionian islands [18]
In 1858 Gladstone took up the hobby of tree felling, mostly of oak trees, an exercise he continued with enthusiasm until he was 81 in 1891. Eventually, he became notorious for this activity, prompting Lord Randolph Churchill to snigger, "The forest laments in order that Mr. Gladstone may perspire." Less noticed at the time was his practice of replacing the trees he'd felled with newly planted saplings. Possibly related to this hobby is the fact that Gladstone was a lifelong bibliophile to the extent that it has been suggested that in his lifetime, he read around 20,000 books, and eventually came to own a Library of over 32,000.[19]
Chancellor of the Exchequer (1859–1866)
In 1859, Lord Palmerston formed a new mixed government with Radicals included, and Gladstone again joined the government as Chancellor of the Exchequer (with most of the other remaining Peelites) to become part of the new Liberal Party.
Gladstone inherited an unpleasant financial situation, with a deficit of nearly five millions and the income tax at 5d. Like Peel, Gladstone dismissed the idea of borrowing to cover the deficit. Gladstone argued that "In time of peace nothing but dire necessity should induce us to borrow".[20] Most of the money needed was acquired through raising the income tax to 9d. Usually not more than two-thirds of a tax imposed could be collected in a financial year so Gladstone therefore imposed the extra four pence at a rate of 8d. during the first half of the year so that he could obtain the additional revenue in one year. Gladstone's dividing line set up in 1853 had been abolished in 1858 but Gladstone revived it, with lower incomes to pay 6 and a half d. instead of 9d. For the first half of the year the lower incomes paid 8d. and the higher incomes paid 13d. in income tax.[21]
On 12 September 1859 the businessman Richard Cobden visited Gladstone, with Gladstone recording in his diary: "...further conv. with Mr. Cobden on Tariffs & relations with France. We are closely & warmly agreed".[22] Cobden was sent as Britain's representative to the negotiations with France's Michel Chevalier for a free trade treaty between the two countries. Gladstone wrote to Cobden: "...the great aim—the moral and political significance of the act, and its probable and desired fruit in binding the two countries together by interest and affection. Neither you nor I attach for the moment any superlative value to this Treaty for the sake of the extension of British trade...What I look to is the social good, the benefit to the relations of the two countries, and the effect on the peace of Europe".[23]
Gladstone's budget of 1860 was introduced on 10 February along with the Cobden-Chevalier Treaty between Britain and France that would reduce tariffs between the two countries. This budget "marked the final adoption of the Free Trade principle, that taxation should be levied for Revenue purposes alone, and that every protective, differential, or discriminating duty...should be dislodged".[24] At the beginning of 1859, there were 419 duties in existence. The 1860 budget reduced the number of duties to 48, with 15 duties constituting the majority of the revenue. To finance these reductions in indirect taxation, the income tax, instead of being abolished, was raised to 10d. for incomes above £150 and at 7d. for incomes above £100.[25]
One of the duties Gladstone intended to abolish in 1860 were the duties on paper, a controversial policy because the duties had traditionally inflated the costs of publishing and thus hindered the dissemination of radical working class ideas. Although Palmerston supported continuation of the duties, using them and income tax revenues to make armament purchases, a majority of his Cabinet supported Gladstone. The Bill to abolish duties on paper narrowly passed Commons but was rejected by the House of Lords. As no money bill had been rejected by Lords for over two hundred years, a furore arose over this vote. The next year, Gladstone included the abolition of paper duties in a consolidated Finance Bill (the first ever) in order to force the Lords to accept it, and accept it they did.
Significantly, Gladstone succeeded in steadily reducing the income tax over the course of his tenure as Chancellor. In 1861 the tax was reduced to ninepence (£0-0s-9d); in 1863 to sevenpence; in 1864 to fivepence; and in 1865 to fourpence.[26] Gladstone believed that government was extravagant and wasteful with taxpayers' money and so sought to let money "fructify in the pockets of the people" by keeping taxation levels down through "peace and retrenchment". Gladstone wrote in 1859 to his brother who was a member of the Financial Reform Association at Liverpool: "Economy is the first and great article (economy such as I understand it) in my financial creed. The controversy between direct and indirect taxation holds a minor, thought important place".[27] He wrote to his wife on 14 January 1860: "I am certain, from experience, of the immense advantage of strict account-keeping in early life. It is just like learning the grammar then, which when once learned need not be referred to afterwards".[28]
The Austrian economist, Joseph Schumpeter, described Gladstonian finance in his History of Economic Analysis:
...there was one man who not only united high ability with unparalleled opportunity but also knew how to turn budgets into political triumphs and who stands in history as the greatest English financier of economic liberalism, Gladstone...The greatest feature of Gladstonian finance...was that it expressed with ideal adequacy both the whole civilization and the needs of the time, ex visu of the conditions of the country to which it was to apply; or, to put it slightly differently, that it translated a social, political, and economic vision, which was comprehensive as well as historically correct, into the clauses of a set of co-ordinated fiscal measures...Gladstonian finance was the finance of the system of 'natural liberty,' laissez-faire, and free trade...the most important thing was to remove fiscal obstructions to private activity. And for this, in turn, it was necessary to keep public expenditure low. Retrenchment was the victorious slogan of the day...it means the reduction of the functions of the state to a minimum...retrenchment means rationalization of the remaining functions of the state, which among other things implies as small a military establishment as possible. The resulting economic development would in addition, so it was believed, make social expenditures largely superfluous...Equally important was it...to raise the revenue that would still have to be raised in such a way as to deflect economic behavior as little as possible from what it would have been in the absence of all taxation ('taxation for revenue only'). And since the profit motive and the propensity to save were considered of paramount importance for the economic progress of all classes, this meant in particular that taxation should as little as possible interfere with the net earnings of business...As regards indirect taxes, the principle of least interference was interpreted by Gladstone to mean that taxation should be concentrated on a few important articles, leaving the rest free...Last, but not least, we have the principle of the balanced budget.[29]
Due to his actions as Chancellor, Gladstone earned the reputation as the liberator of British trade and the working man's breakfast table, the man responsible for the emancipation of the popular press from "taxes upon knowledge" and for placing a duty on the succession of the estates of the rich.[30] Gladstone's popularity rested on his taxation policies which meant to his supporters balance, social equity and political justice.[31] The most signification expression of working class opinion was at Northumberland in 1862 when Gladstone visited. George Holyoake recalled in 1865:
When Mr Gladstone visited the North, you well remember when word passed from the newspaper to the workman that it circulated through mines and mills, factories and workshops, and they came out to greet the only British minister who ever gave the English people a right because it was just they should have it...and when he went down the Tyne, all the country heard how twenty miles of banks were lined with people who came to greet him. Men stood in the blaze of chimneys; the roofs of factories were crowded; colliers came up from the mines; women held up their children on the banks that it might be said in after life that they had seen the Chancellor of the People go by. The river was covered like the land. Every man who could ply an oar pulled up to give Mr Gladstone a cheer. When Lord Palmerston went to Bradford the streets were still, and working men imposed silence upon themselves. When Mr Gladstone appeared on the Tyne he heard cheer no other English minister ever heard...the people were grateful to him, and rough pitmen who never approached a public man before, pressed round his carriage by thousands...and thousands of arms were stretched out at once, to shake hands with Mr Gladstone as one of themselves.[32]
When Gladstone first joined Palmerston's government in 1859, he opposed further electoral reform, but he moved toward the Left during Palmerston's last premiership, and by 1865 he was firmly in favour of enfranchising the working classes in towns. This latter policy created friction with Palmerston, who strongly opposed enfranchisement. At the beginning of each session, Gladstone would passionately urge the Cabinet to adopt new policies, while Palmerston would fixedly stare at a paper before him. At a lull in Gladstone's speech, Palmerston would smile, rap the table with his knuckles, and interject pointedly, "Now, my Lords and gentlemen, let us go to business".[33]
As Chancellor, Gladstone made a speech at Newcastle on 7 October 1862 in which he supported the independence of the Confederate States of America in the American Civil War, claiming that Jefferson Davis had "made a nation". Great Britain was officially neutral at the time, and Gladstone later regretted the Newcastle speech. In May 1864 Gladstone said that he saw no reason in principle why all mentally able men could not be enfranchised, but admitted that this would only come about once the working-classes themselves showed more interest in the subject. Queen Victoria was not pleased with this statement, and an outraged Palmerston considered it seditious incitement to agitation.
Gladstone's support for electoral reform and disestablishment of the Anglican Church in Ireland had alienated him from his constituents in his Oxford University seat, and he lost it in the 1865 general election. A month later, however, he stood as a candidate in South Lancashire, where he was elected third MP (South Lancashire at this time elected three MPs). Palmerston campaigned for Gladstone in Oxford because he believed that his constituents would keep him "partially muzzled". A victorious Gladstone told his new constituency, "At last, my friends, I am come among you; and I am come—to use an expression which has become very famous and is not likely to be forgotten—I am come 'unmuzzled'."
First Premiership (1868–1874)
Main articles: Premiership of William Gladstone and First Gladstone Ministry
Gladstone's Cabinet of 1868, painted by Lowes Cato Dickinson.[34] Use a cursor to see who is who.[35]
Lord Russell retired in 1867 and Gladstone became a leader of the Liberal Party. In the next general election in 1868, the South Lancashire constituency had been broken-up by the Second Reform Act into two: South East Lancashire and South West Lancashire. Gladstone stood for South West Lancashire and for Greenwich, it being quite common then for candidates to stand in two constituencies simultaneously.[36] He was defeated in Lancashire and won in Greenwich. He became Prime Minister for the first time and remained in the office until 1874. Evelyn Ashley famously described the scene in the grounds of Hawarden Castle on 1 December 1868, though getting the date wrong:
One afternoon of November, 1868, in the Park at Hawarden, I was standing by Mr. Gladstone holding his coat on my arm while he, in his shirt sleeves, was wielding an axe to cut down a tree. Up came a telegraph messenger. He took the telegram, opened it and read it, then handed it to me, speaking only two words, namely, ‘Very significant’, and at once resumed his work. The message merely stated that General Grey would arrive that evening from Windsor. This, of course, implied that a mandate was coming from the Queen charging Mr. Gladstone with the formation of his first Government. I said nothing, but waited while the well-directed blows resounded in regular cadence. After a few minutes the blows ceased and Mr. Gladstone, resting on the handle of his axe, looked up, and with deep earnestness in his voice, and great intensity in his face, exclaimed: ‘My mission is to pacify Ireland.’ He then resumed his task, and never said another word till the tree was down.[37]
In the 1860s and 1870s, Gladstonian Liberalism was characterised by a number of policies intended to improve individual liberty and loosen political and economic restraints. First was the minimisation of public expenditure on the premise that the economy and society were best helped by allowing people to spend as they saw fit. Secondly, his foreign policy aimed at promoting peace to help reduce expenditures and taxation and enhance trade. Thirdly, laws that prevented people from acting freely to improve themselves were reformed. When an unemployed miner (Daniel Jones) wrote to him to complain of his unemployment and low wages, Gladstone gave what H. C. G. Matthew has called "the classic mid-Victorian reply" on 20 October 1869:
The only means which have been placed in my power of ‘raising the wages of colliers’ has been by endeavouring to beat down all those restrictions upon trade which tend to reduce the price to be obtained for the product of their labour, & to lower as much as may be the taxes on the commodities which they may require for use or for consumption. Beyond this I look to the forethought not yet so widely diffused in this country as in Scotland, & in some foreign lands; & I need not remind you that in order to facilitate its exercise the Government have been empowered by Legislation to become through the Dept. of the P.O. the receivers & guardians of savings.[38]
Gladstone's first premiership instituted reforms in the British Army, Civil Service, and local government to cut restrictions on individual advancement. The Local Governmant Board Act 1871 put the supervision of the Poor Law under the Local Government Board (headed by G. J. Goschen) and Gladstone's "administration could claim spectacular success in enforcing a dramatic reduction in supposedly sentimental and unsystematic outdoor poor relief, and in making, in co-operation with the Charity Organization Society (1869), the most sustained attempt of the century to impose upon the working classes the Victorian values of providence, self-reliance, foresight, and self-discipline".[39] Gladstone was associated with the Charity Organization Society's first annual report in 1870.[40] At a speech at Blackheath on 28 October 1871, Gladstone warned his constituents against social reformers:
...they are not your friends, but they are your enemies in fact, though not in intention, who teach you to look to the Legislature for the radical removal of the evils that afflict human life...It is the individual mind and conscience, it is the individual character, on which mainly human happiness or misery depends. (Cheers.) The social problems that confront us are many and formidable. Let the Government labour to its utmost, let the Legislature labour days and nights in your service; but, after the very best has been attained and achieved, the question whether the English father is to be the father of a happy family and the centre of an united home is a question which must depend mainly upon himself. (Cheers.) And those who...promise to the dwellers in towns that every one of them shall have a house and garden in free air, with ample space; those who tell you that there shall be markets for selling at wholesale prices retail quantities—I won't say are imposters, because I have no doubt they are sincere; but I will say they are quacks (cheers); they are deluded and beguiled by a spurious philanthropy, and when they ought to give you substantial, even if they are humble and modest boons, they are endeavouring, perhaps without their own consciousness, to delude you with fanaticism, and offering to you a fruit which, when you attempt to taste it, will prove to be but ashes in your mouths. (Cheers.)[41]
He instituted abolition of the sale of commissions in the army as well as court reorganisation. In foreign affairs his overriding aim was to promote peace and understanding, characterised by his settlement of the Alabama Claims in 1872 in favour of the Americans. The issue of disestablishment of the Church of Ireland was used by Gladstone to unite the Liberal Party for government in 1868. The Act was passed in 1869 and meant that Irish Roman Catholics did not need to pay their tithes to the Anglican Church of Ireland. He also instituted the Cardwell Reforms in 1869 that made peacetime flogging illegal and, in 1870, the Irish Land Act and the Forster's Education Act. In 1871 he instituted the University Test Act. In 1872, he secured passage of the Ballot Act for secret voting ballots. In 1873, his leadership led to the passage of laws restructuring the High Courts. He also passed the 1872 licensing act.
Gladstone unexpectedly dissolved Parliament in January 1874 and called a general election. In his election address to his constituents on 23 January, Gladstone said:
Upon a review of the finance of the last five years, we are enabled to state that, notwithstanding the purchase of the telegraphs for a sum exceeding 9,000,000l., the aggregate amount of the national debt has been reduced by more than 20,000,000l.; that taxes have been lowered or abolished (over and above any amount imposed) to the extent of 12,500,000l.; that during the present year the Alabama Indemnity has been paid, and the charge of the Ashantee War will be met out of revenue; and that in estimating, as we can now venture to do, the income of the coming year (and, for the moment assuming the general scale of charge to continue as it was fixed during the last Session), we do not fear to anticipate as the probable balance a surplus exceeding rather than falling short of 5,000,000l...The first item...which I have to set down in the financial arrangements proper for the first year is relief, but relief coupled with reform, of local taxation...It has...been the happy fortune of Mr. Lowe to bring it [the income tax] down, first from 6d. to 4d., and then from 4d. to 3d., in the pound. The proceeds of the Income Tax for the present year are expected to be between 5,000,000l. and 6,000,000l., and at a sacrifice for the financial year of something less than 5,500,000l. the country may enjoy the advantage and relief of its total repeal. I do not hesitate to affirm that an effort should now be made to attain this advantage, nor to declare that, according to my judgment, it is in present circumstances practicable...we ought not to aid the rates, and remove the Income Tax, without giving to the general consumer, and giving him simultaneously, some marked relief in the class of articles of popular consumption...I for one could not belong to a Government which did not on every occasion seek to enlarge its resources by a wise economy.[42]
Gladstone's proposals went some way to meet working-class demands, such as the realisation of the free breakfast table through repealing the duties on tea and sugar, and reform of local taxation which was increasing for the poorer ratepayers.[43] According to the working-class financial reformer Thomas Briggs, writing in the trade unionist newspaper The Bee-Hive, the manifesto relied on "a much higher authority than Mr. Gladstone...viz., the late Richard Cobden".[44]
The dissolution was reported in The Times on 24 January and on 30 January the names of the first fourteen MPs for uncontested seats were published; by 9 February a Conservative victory was apparent. In contrast to 1868 and 1880 when the Liberal campaign lasted several months, only three weeks separated the news of the dissolution and the election. The working-class newspapers were taken by surprise at the news and had little time to express an opinion on Gladstone's manifesto before the election was over.[45] Unlike the efforts of the Conservatives, the organisation of the Liberal Party had declined since 1868 and they had also failed to retain Liberal voters on the electoral register. George Howell wrote to Gladstone on 12 February: "There is one lesson to be learned from this Election, that is Organization...We have lost not by a change of sentiment so much as by want of organized power".[46] The Liberals received a majority of the vote in each of the constituent countries of the United Kingdom and 189,000 more votes nationally than the Conservatives. However they obtained a minority of seats in the House of Commons.[47]
Opposition (1874–1880)
In the wake of Benjamin Disraeli's victory, Gladstone retired from the leadership of the Liberal party, although he retained his seat in the House.
In November 1874, Gladstone published the pamphlet The Vatican Decrees in their Bearing on Civil Allegiance, directed at the First Vatican Council's dogmatising Papal Infallibility in 1870, which had outraged him.
In a speech to the Hawarden Amateur Horticultural Society on 17 August 1876, Gladstone said that "I am delighted to see how many young boys and girls have come forward to obtain honourable marks of recognition on this occasion,—if any effectual good is to be done to them, it must be done by teaching and encouraging them and helping them to help themselves. All the people who pretend to take your own concerns out of your own hands and to do everything for you, I won't say they are imposters; I won't even say they are quacks; but I do say they are mistaken people. The only sound, healthy description of countenancing and assisting these institutions is that which teaches independence and self-exertion".[48] Lord Kilbracken, one of Gladstone's secretaries, said:
It will be borne in mind that the Liberal doctrines of that time, with their violent anti-socialist spirit and their strong insistence on the gospel of thrift, self-help, settlement of wages by the higgling of the market, and non-interference by the State...I think that Mr. Gladstone was the strongest anti-socialist that I have ever known among persons who gave any serious thought to social and political questions. It is quite true, as has been often said, that “we are all socialists up to a certain point”; but Mr. Gladstone fixed that point lower, and was more vehement against those who went above it, than any other politician or official of my acquaintance. I remember his speaking indignantly to me of the budget of 1874 as “That socialistic budget of Northcote's,” merely because of the special relief which it gave to the poorer class of income-tax payers. His strong belief in Free Trade was only one of the results of his deep-rooted conviction that the Government's interference with the free action of the individual, whether by taxation or otherwise, should be kept at an irreducible minimum. It is, indeed, not too much to say that his conception of Liberalism was the negation of Socialism.[49]
A pamphlet he published in September 1876, Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East,[50] attacked the Disraeli government for its indifference to the Ottoman Empire's violent repression of the Bulgarian April uprising. An often-quoted excerpt illustrates his formidable rhetorical powers:
Let the Turks now carry away their abuses, in the only possible manner, namely, by carrying off themselves. Their Zaptiehs and their Mudirs, their Bimbashis and Yuzbashis, their Kaimakams and their Pashas, one and all, bag and baggage, shall, I hope, clear out from the province that they have desolated and profaned. This thorough riddance, this most blessed deliverance, is the only reparation we can make to those heaps and heaps of dead, the violated purity alike of matron and of maiden and of child; to the civilization which has been affronted and shamed; to the laws of God, or, if you like, of Allah; to the moral sense of mankind at large. There is not a criminal in a European jail, there is not a criminal in the South Sea Islands, whose indignation would not rise and over-boil at the recital of that which has been done, which has too late been examined, but which remains unavenged, which has left behind all the foul and all the fierce passions which produced it and which may again spring up in another murderous harvest from the soil soaked and reeking with blood and in the air tainted with every imaginable deed of crime and shame. That such things should be done once is a damning disgrace to the portion of our race which did them; that the door should be left open to their ever so barely possible repetition would spread that shame over the world!
Let me endeavor, very briefly to sketch, in the rudest outline what the Turkish race was and what it is. It is not a question of Mohammedanism simply, but of Mohammedanism compounded with the peculiar character of a race. They are not the mild Mohammedans of India, nor the chivalrous Saladins of Syria, nor the cultured Moors of Spain. They were, upon the whole, from the black day when they first entered Europe, the one great anti-human specimen of humanity. Wherever they went a broad line of blood marked the track behind them, and, as far as their dominion reached, civilization vanished from view. They represented everywhere government by force as opposed to government by law. — Yet a government by force can not be maintained without the aid of an intellectual element. — Hence there grew up, what has been rare in the history of the world, a kind of tolerance in the midst of cruelty, tyranny and rapine. Much of Christian life was contemptuously left alone and a race of Greeks was attracted to Constantinople which has all along made up, in some degree, the deficiencies of Turkish Islam in the element of mind!
During the 1879 election campaign, also called Midlothian campaign, he rousingly spoke against Disraeli's foreign policies during the ongoing Second Anglo-Afghan War in Afghanistan. (See Great Game). He saw the war as "great dishonour" and also criticised British conduct in the Zulu War. Gladstone also (on 29 November) criticised what he saw as the Conservative government's profligate spending:
...the Chancellor of the Exchequer shall boldly uphold economy in detail; and it is the mark ... of ... a chicken-hearted Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he shrinks from upholding economy in detail, when, because it is a question of only £2000 or £3000, he says that is no matter. He is ridiculed, no doubt, for what is called saving candle-ends and cheese-parings. No Chancellor of the Exchequer is worth his salt who is not ready to save what are meant by candle-ends and cheese-parings in the cause of his country. No Chancellor of the Exchequer is worth his salt who makes his own popularity either his first consideration, or any consideration at all, in administrating the public purse. You would not like to have a housekeeper or steward who made her or his popularity with the tradesmen the measure of the payments that were to be delivered to them. In my opinion the Chancellor of the Exchequer is the trusted and confidential steward of the public. He is under a sacred obligation with regard to all that he consents to spend...I am bound to say hardly ever in the six years that Sir Stafford Northcote has been in office have I heard him speak a resolute word on behalf of economy.[51]
Second Premiership (1880–1885)
Main article: Second Gladstone Ministry
Gladstone in relaxed mood
In 1880, the Liberals won again and the Liberal leaders, Lord Hartington (leader in the House of Commons) and Lord Granville, retired in Gladstone's favour. Gladstone won his constituency election in Midlothian and also in Leeds, where he had also been adopted as a candidate. As he could lawfully only serve as MP for one constituency, Leeds was passed to his son Herbert. One of his other sons, Henry, was also elected as an MP.
Queen Victoria asked Lord Hartington to form a ministry, but he persuaded her to send for Gladstone. Gladstone's second administration — both as Prime Minister and again as Chancellor of the Exchequer till 1882 — lasted from June 1880 to June 1885. He originally intended to retire at the end of 1882, the fiftieth anniversary of his entry into politics, but in the event did not do so. Gladstone had opposed himself to the "colonial lobby" pushing for the scramble for Africa. He thus saw the end of the Second Anglo-Afghan War, First Boer War and the war against the Mahdi in Sudan.
On July 11, 1882, Gladstone ordered the bombardment of Alexandria, starting the Anglo-Egyptian War, which resulted in the occupation of Egypt. Gladstone's role in the decision to invade was described as relatively hands-off, and that the decision to invade was made by certain members of his cabinet such as Spencer Cavendish, Secretary of State for India, Thomas Baring, 1st Earl of Northbrook, First Lord of the Admiralty, Hugh Childers, Secretary of State for War, and Granville Leveson-Gower, 2nd Earl Granville, the Foreign Secretary.[52] The reasons for this war are the subject of a historiographical debate. Some historians argue that the invasion was to protect the Suez Canal and to prevent anarchy in the wake of the Urabi Revolt and the riots in Alexandria in June 1882. Other historians argue that the invasion occurred to protect the interests of British investors with assets in Egypt and also to boost the political popularity of the Liberal Party.[52]
Portrait of Gladstone by Rupert William Potter, 28 July 1884.
In 1881 he established the Irish Coercion Act, which permitted the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to detain people for as "long as was thought necessary". He also extended the franchise to agricultural labourers and others in the 1884 Reform Act, which gave the counties the same franchise as the boroughs— adult male householders and £10 lodgers—and added about six million to the total number who could vote in parliamentary elections. Parliamentary reform continued with the Redistribution of Seats Act 1885.
Gladstone was becoming increasingly uneasy about the direction in which British politics was moving. In a letter to Lord Acton on 11 February 1885, Gladstone criticised Tory Democracy as "demagogism" that "put down pacific, law-respecting, economic elements that ennobled the old Conservatism" but "still, in secret, as obstinately attached as ever to the evil principle of class interests". He found contemporary Liberalism better, "but far from being good". Gladstone claimed that this Liberalism's "pet idea is what they call construction, — that is to say, taking into the hands of the state the business of the individual man". Both Tory Democracy and this new Liberalism, Gladstone wrote, had done "much to estrange me, and had for many, many years".[53]
The fall of General Gordon in Khartoum, Sudan, in 1885 was a major blow to Gladstone's popularity. Many believed Gladstone had neglected military affairs and had not acted promptly enough to save the besieged Gordon. Critics inverted his acronym, "G.O.M." (for "Grand Old Man"), to "M.O.G." (for "Murderer of Gordon"). He resigned as Prime Minister in 1885 and declined Queen Victoria's offer of an Earldom.
Third Premiership (1886)
Main article: Third Gladstone Ministry
In 1886 Gladstone's party was allied with Irish Nationalists to defeat Lord Salisbury's government. Gladstone regained his position as Prime Minister and combined the office with that of Lord Privy Seal. During this administration he first introduced his Home Rule Bill for Ireland. The issue split the Liberal Party (a breakaway group went on to create the Liberal Unionist party) and the bill was thrown out on the second reading, ending his government after only a few months and inaugurating another headed by Lord Salisbury.
Opposition (1886–1892)
Gladstone supported the London dockers in their strike of 1889. After their victory he gave a speech at Hawarden on 23 September in which he said: "In the common interests of humanity, this remarkable strike and the results of this strike, which have tended somewhat to strengthen the condition of labour in the face of capital, is the record of what we ought to regard as satisfactory, as a real social advance [that] tends to a fair principle of division of the fruits of industry".[54] This speech has been described by Eugenio Biagini as having "no parallel in the rest of Europe except in the rhetoric of the toughest socialist leaders".[55] Visitors at Hawarden in October were "shocked...by some rather wild language on the Dock labourers question".[56] Gladstone was impressed with workers unconnected with the dockers' dispute who "intended to make common cause" in the interests of justice. On 23 October at Southport Gladstone delivered a speech where he claimed that the right to combination, which in London was "innocent and lawful, in Ireland would be penal and...punished by imprisonment with hard labour". Gladstone believed that the right to combination used by British workers was in jeopardy when it could be denied to Irish workers.[57] In October 1890 Gladstone at Midlothian claimed that competition between capital and labour, "where it has gone to sharp issues, where there have been strikes on one side and lock-outs on the other, I believe that in the main and as a general rule, the labouring man has been in the right".[58]
On 11 December 1891 Gladstone said that: "It is a lamentable fact if, in the midst of our civilization, and at the close of the nineteenth century, the workhouse is all that can be offered to the industrious labourer at the end of a long and honourable life. I do not enter into the question now in detail. I do not say it is an easy one; I do not say that it will be solved in a moment; but I do say this, that until society is able to offer to the industrious labourer at the end of a long and blameless life something better than the workhouse, society will not have discharged its duties to its poorer members".[59] On 24 March 1892 Gladstone said that the Liberals had:
...come generally...to the conclusion that there is something painful in the condition of the rural labourer in this great respect, that it is hard even for the industrious and sober man, under ordinary conditions, to secure a provision for his own old age. Very large propositions, involving, some of them, very novel and very wide principles, have been submitted to the public, for the purpose of securing such a provision by means independent of the labourer himself. Sir, I am not going to criticise these proposals, and I am only referring to them as signs that there is much to be done—that their condition is far from satisfactory; and it is eminently, as I think, our duty to develop in the first instance, every means that we may possibly devise whereby, if possible, the labourer may be able to make this provision for himself, or to approximate towards making such provision far more efficaciously and much more closely than he can now do.[60][61]
Gladstone wrote on 16 July 1892 in his autobiographica that "In 1834 the Government...did themselves high honour by the new Poor Law Act, which rescued the English peasantry from the total loss of their independence".[62]
Gladstone wrote to Herbert Spencer, who contributed the introduction to a collection of anti-socialist essays (A Plea for Liberty, 1891), that "I ask to make reserves, and of one passage, which will be easily guessed, I am unable even to perceive the relevancy. But speaking generally, I have read this masterly argument with warm admiration and with the earnest hope that it may attract all the attention which it so well deserves".[63] The passage Gladstone alluded to was one where Spencer spoke of "the behaviour of the so-called Liberal party".[64]
Fourth Premiership (1892–1894)
Main article: Fourth Gladstone Ministry
The general election of 1892 resulted in a minority Liberal government under Gladstone as Prime Minister.
Gladstone's electoral address had promised Home Rule and the disestablishment of the Scottish and Welsh Churches.[65] In February 1893 he introduced the Second Home Rule Bill. The Bill was passed in the Commons at second reading on 21 April by 43 votes and third reading on 1 September by 34 votes. However the House of Lords killed the Bill by voting against by 419 votes to 41 on 8 September.
When questioned in the Commons on what his government would do about unemployment by the Conservative MP Colonel Howard Vincent on 1 September 1893, Gladstone replied:
I cannot help regretting that the hon. and gallant Gentleman has felt it his duty to put the question. It is put under circumstances that naturally belong to one of those fluctuations in the condition of trade which, however unfortunate and lamentable they may be, recur from time to time. Undoubtedly I think that questions of this kind, whatever be the intention of the questioner, have a tendency to produce in the minds of people, or to suggest to the people, that these fluctuations can be corrected by the action of the Executive Government. Anything that contributes to such an impression inflicts an injury upon the labouring population.[66][67]
In December 1893 an Opposition motion proposed by Lord George Hamilton called for an expansion of the Royal Navy. Gladstone opposed increasing public expenditure on the naval estimates, in the tradition of free trade liberalism of his earlier political career as Chancellor. All his Cabinet colleagues, however, believed in some expansion of the Royal Navy. He declared in the Commons on 19 December that naval rearmament would commit the government to expenditure over a number of years and thus would subvert "the principle of annual account, annual proposition, annual approval by the House of Commons, which...is the only way of maintaining regularity, and that regularity is the only talisman which will secure Parliamentary control".[68] In January 1894 Gladstone wrote that he would not "break to pieces the continuous action of my political life, nor trample on the tradition received from every colleague who has ever been my teacher" by supporting naval rearmament.[69] Gladstone also opposed Chancellor Sir William Harcourt's proposal to implement a graduated death duty. In a fragment of autobiography dated 25 July 1894, Gladstone denounced the tax as
...by far the most Radical measure of my lifetime. I do not object to the principle of graduated taxation: for the just principle of ability to pay is not determined simply by the amount of income...But, so far as I understand the present measure of finance from the partial reports I have received, I find it too violent. It involves a great departure from the methods of political action established in this country, where reforms, and especially financial reforms, have always been considerate and even tender...I do not yet see the ground on which it can be justly held that any one description of property should be more heavily burdened than others, unless moral and social grounds can be shown first: but in this case the reasons drawn from those sources seem rather to verge in the opposite direction, for real property has more of presumptive connection with the discharge of duty that that which is ranked as personal...the aspect of the measure is not satisfactory to a man of my traditions (and these traditions lie near the roots of my being)...For the sudden introduction of such change there is I think no precedent in the history of this country. And the severity of the blow is greatly aggravated in moral effect by the fact that it is dealt only to a handful of individuals.[70]
Gladstone had his last audience with the Queen on 28 February and chaired his last Cabinet on 1 March, the last of 556 he had chaired. Also on that day he gave his last speech to the House of Commons. Gladstone said that the government would withdraw opposition to the Lords' amendments to the Local Government Bill "under protest" and that it was "a controversy which, when once raised, must go forward to an issue".[71] He resigned the Premiership on 2 March. The Queen did not ask Gladstone who should succeed him but sent for Lord Rosebery (Gladstone would have advised on Lord Spencer).[72] He retained his seat in the Commons until 1895; he was not offered a peerage, having declined an earldom on earlier occasions.
Gladstone is both the oldest ever person to form a government - aged 82 at his appointment - and the the oldest person ever to occupy the Premiership - being aged 84 at his resignation. [73]
Final years (1894-1898)
Gladstone's grave in Westminster Abbey
A few days after he relinquished the premiership, Gladstone wrote to George William Erskine Russell on 6 March 1894:
I am thankful to have borne a part in the emancipating labours of the last sixty years; but entirely uncertain how, had I now to begin my life, I could face the very different problems of the next sixty years. Of one thing I am, and always have been, convinced—it is not by the State that man can be regenerated, and the terrible woes of this darkened world effectually dealt with. In some, and some very important, respects, I yearn for the impossible revival of the men and the ideas of my first twenty years, which immediately followed the first Reform Act.[74]
In 1895, at the age of 85, Gladstone bequeathed £40,000 (equivalent to approximately £3.42 million today)[75] and much of his library to found St Deiniol's Library in Hawarden, Wales, the only residential library in Britain. Despite his advanced age, he himself hauled most of his 32,000 books a quarter of a mile to their new home, using his wheelbarrow.
On 8 January 1896, in conversation with L. A. Tollemache, Gladstone was asked whether he opposed vaccination and gave the answer: "No; but I dislike the idea of its being compulsory. I don't like the notion of the State stepping in between parent and child when it is not absolutely necessary. The State is generally a very bad nurse".[76] On the same occasion he exclaimed that: "I am not so much afraid of Democracy or of Science as of the love of money. This seems to me to be a growing evil. Also, there is a danger from the growth of that dreadful military spirit".[77] On 13 January Gladstone claimed he had strong Conservative instincts and that "In all matters of custom and tradition, even the Tories look upon me as the chief Conservative that is".[78] On 15 January Gladstone wrote to James Bryce, describing himself as "a dead man, one fundamentally a Peel–Cobden man".[79] In 1896, in his last noteworthy speech, he denounced Armenian massacres by Ottomans in a talk delivered at Liverpool. On 2 January 1897 Gladstone wrote to Francis Hirst on being unable to write a preface to a book on liberalism: "I venture on assuring you that I regard the design formed by you and your friends with sincere interest, and in particular wish well to all the efforts you may make on behalf of individual freedom and independence as opposed to what is termed Collectivism".[80][81]
In the early months of 1897 Gladstone and his wife stayed in Cannes. Gladstone met the Queen, where (Gladstone believed) she shook hands with him for the first time in the fifty years he had known her.[82] One of the Gladstones neighbours observed that "He and his devoted wife never missed the morning service on Sunday...One Sunday, returning from the altar rail, the old, partially blind man stumbled at the chancel step. One of the clergy sprang involuntarily to his assistance, but retreated with haste, so withering was the fire which flashed from those failing eyes".[83] The Gladstones returned to Hawarden Castle at the end of March and he received the Colonial Premiers in their visit for the Queen's Jubilee. Upon the advice of his doctor Samuel Habershon in the aftermath of an attack of facial neuralgia, Gladstone stayed at Cannes from the end of November 1897 to mid-February 1898. He gave an interview for The Daily Telegraph (published on 5 January 1898 as 'Personal Recollections of Arthur H. Hallam'). Gladstone then went to Bournemouth, and a swelling on the palate was diagnosed as cancer by the leading cancer surgeon, Sir Thomas Smith on 18 March. On 22 March he retired to Hawarden Castle. Despite being in pain he received visitors and quoted hymns, especially Cardinal Newman's 'Praise to the Holiest in the Height'. His last public statement was dictated to his daughter Helen in reply to receiving the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford's "sorrow and affection": "There is no expression of Christian sympathy that I value more than that of the ancient University of Oxford, the God-fearing and God-sustaining University of Oxford. I served her perhaps mistakenly, but to the best of my ability. My most earnest prayers are hers to the uttermost and to the last".[84] He left the house for the last time on 9 April and after 18 April he did not come down to the ground floor but still came out of bed to lie on the sofa. The Bishop of Saint Andrews, Dunkeld and Dunblane George Wilkinson recorded when he ministered to him along with Stephen Gladstone:
Shall I ever forget the last Friday in Passion Week, when I gave him the last Holy Communion that I was allowed to administer to him? It was early in the morning. He was obliged to be in bed, and he was ordered to remain there, but the time had come for the confession of sin and the receiving of absolution. Out of his bed he came. Alone he knelt in the presence of his God till the absolution has been spoken, and the sacred elements received.[85]
Gladstone died on 19 May 1898 at Hawarden Castle, Hawarden, aged 88. The death of William Ewart Gladstone was registered by Helen Gladstone, his daughter, "present at the death", on 23 May 1898. The cause of death is officially recorded as "Syncope, Senility, certified by Herbert. E. S. Biss M.D"[86] and not metastatic cancer, as is frequently reported. "Syncope" means failure of the heart and "senility" in the nineteenth-century meant the infirmity of advanced old-age rather than a loss in the mental faculties.[87]
The House of Commons adjourned on the afternoon of Gladstone's death, with A. J. Balfour giving notice for an Address to the Queen praying for a public funeral and a public memorial in Westminster Abbey. The day after, both Houses of Parliament approved of the Address and Herbert Gladstone accepted a public funeral on behalf of the Gladstone family.[88] His coffin was transported on the London Underground before his state funeral at Westminster Abbey, at which the Prince of Wales (the future Edward VII) and the Duke of York (the future George V) acted as pallbearers.[89] Two years after Gladstone's burial in Westminster Abbey, his wife, Catherine Gladstone (née Glynne), was laid to rest with him (see image at right).
Legacy
Lord Acton wrote in 1880 that he considered Gladstone as one "of the three greatest Liberals" (along with Edmund Burke and Lord Macaulay).[90]
In 1909 the Liberal Chancellor David Lloyd George introduced his "People's Budget", the first budget which aimed to redistribute wealth. The Liberal statesman Lord Rosebery commented on what Gladstone would make of this budget:
This Budget is introduced as a Liberal measure. If so, all I can say is, it is a new Liberalism, and not the one that I have known and practised under more illustrious auspices than these, under one who was not merely the greatest Liberal but the greatest financier that this country has ever known — I mean Mr. Gladstone... Gladstone ranks as the great financial authority of our country... Mr. Gladstone would be 100 in December if he were alive, but, centenarian as he would be, I am inclined to think that he would make very short work of the deputation of the Cabinet that waited on him with this measure, and that they would soon find themselves on the stairs, if not in the street. Because in his eyes, and in my eyes, too, as his humble disciple, Liberalism and Liberty were cognate terms; they were twin-sisters.[91]
David Lloyd George had written in 1913 that the Liberals were "carving the last few columns out of the Gladstonian quarry".[92]
In 1914 Britain declared war on Germany due to its violation of Belgian neutrality. In December 1916 on unveiling a statue of Gladstone, Lord Rosebery speculated that Gladstone's view of British involvement in the Great War would not have been favourable.[93] In 1916 Lord Kilbracken wrote that "I have often been asked during the present war (1916) what I thought Mr. Gladstone's attitude would have been if he had been alive at this day. I can answer the question without hesitation, bearing in mind the fact he had, as will easily be believed, the strongest possible feeling about the sanctity of treaties and international engagements, and the moral obligation to observe them...from the moment when the Germans violated the neutrality of Belgium, he would...have been for immediate war".[94]
During the Great War the Liberal Party split into those led by former Premier Herbert Henry Asquith and the new Premier David Lloyd George. Lloyd George said of Gladstone in 1915: "What a man he was! Head and shoulders above anyone else I have ever seen in the House of Commons. I did not like him much. He hated Nonconformists and Welsh Nonconformists in particular, and he had no real sympathy with the working-classes. But he was far and away the best Parliamentary speaker I have ever heard. He was not so good in exposition".[95] Asquithian Liberals continued to advocate traditional Gladstonian policies of sound finance, peaceful foreign relations and the better treatment of Ireland. They often compared Lloyd George unfavourably with Gladstone. In his first major speech after he had lost his seat in the 1918 general election, Asquith said: "That is the purpose and the spirit of Liberalism, as I learned it as a student in my young days, as I was taught it both by the precept and the example of the great Liberal statesman Mr Gladstone...that remains the same today. Do not forsake for temporary expediencies, for short-lived compromises, for brittle and precarious bridges – do not forsake the great heritage of the Liberal tradition of the past. It is not superstition; it is not a legend; it is founded upon faith and experience, and justified at every stage in our political history".[96] Speaking in November 1920 Asquith quoted Gladstone to show "the only way to escape from the financial morass towards which the government are heading".[97] Lloyd George would invoke Gladstone in March 1920 when speaking out against socialism at "Red Clydeside": "The doctrine of Liberalism is a doctrine that believes that private property, as an incentive, as a means, as a reward, is the most potent agency not merely for the wealth, but for the well-being of the community. That is the doctrine not merely of Peel, of Disraeli, of Salisbury, and Chamberlain; it is the doctrine of Gladstone; it is the doctrine of Cobden; it is the doctrine of Bright; and it is the doctrine of Campbell Bannerman...It is the doctrine of all the great Liberal leaders of the past and present".[98] Asquith replied to this speech at the National Liberal Club: "...keep faithful to your old traditions...Think, in a situation such as this, and with appeals such as those which have been made to our fellow Liberals outside, what would have been the attitude of Mr Gladstone. Do you think they would have allowed themselves to be scared by the bogey of Bolshevism, to furl the old flag and march with bowed heads and reversed arms, horse, foot and artillery, into the camp of the enemy?"[99] In July 1922 Asquith said of Gladstone:
Amid all the seeming inconsistencies of his public career, which exposed him to the shallow charge of time-serving and even of hypocrisy, history will discern a steady process of evolution, guided always by certain governing principles. He was the most faithful and enlightened steward there has ever been of our national finance. He abhorred waste. He preferred the remission of burdensome taxation even to the diminution of the public debt. His great aim was that the resources of the country, in the phraseology of those days, should "fructify in the pockets of the people", not to be wasted in public or private extravagance, but to replenish the reservoir from which both capital and industry are fed. He never faltered in his allegiance to the cause of setting free the smaller nationalities, crushed between the upper and the nether millstone of arrogant and militant autocracies. He was the pioneer in the long, arduous, still uncompleted struggle, in the international sphere, of right against might, of freedom against force.[100]
Writing in 1944, the liberal Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek said of the change in political attitudes that had occurred since the Great War: "Perhaps nothing shows this change more clearly than that, while there is no lack of sympathetic treatment of Bismarck in contemporary English literature, the name of Gladstone is rarely mentioned by the younger generation without a sneer over his Victorian morality and naive utopianism".[101]
However Gladstone remained a potent symbol of the Liberal Party and Liberalism for some grassroots Liberal voters. In the 1955 general election an old lady left her house in Shetland to vote Conservative but on returning to her house for her purse saw her father's photograph of Gladstone and instead went to the vote for the Liberal candidate, Jo Grimond.[102] A Liberal activist in Lowdham, Nottinghamshire during the 1966 general election canvassed a gardener in his seventies and was brusquely informed: "I'm a Gladstone [Liberal] and a Primitive Methodist".[103]
In the latter half of the twentieth-century Gladstone's economic policies came to be admired by Thatcherite Conservatives. Margaret Thatcher proclaimed in 1983: "We have a duty to make sure that every penny piece we raise in taxation is spent wisely and well. For it is our party which is dedicated to good housekeeping—indeed, I would not mind betting that if Mr. Gladstone were alive today he would apply to join the Conservative Party".[104] In 1996 she said in the Keith Joseph memorial lecture: "The kind of Conservatism which he and I...favoured would be best described as "liberal", in the old-fashioned sense. And I mean the liberalism of Mr Gladstone not of the latter day collectivists".[105] Nigel Lawson, one of Thatcher's Chancellors, believed Gladstone to be the "greatest Chancellor of all time".[106]
Thomas Edison's European agent, Colonel Gouraud, recorded Gladstone's voice several times on phonograph. The accent on one of the recordings is North Welsh.[107] When on 15 March 1938 relatives and people who knew Gladstone were gathered at Broadcasting House none were able to voice any certainty on the veracity of the four recordings played. Those present were Lady Gladstone of Hawarden (Gladstone's daughter-in-law), Sir George Leveson-Gower (Gladstone's secretary), William Wickham (Gladstone's eldest grandson), and Canon Edward Lyttleton.[108]
Monuments
Statue of Gladstone at Aldwych, London, nearby to the Royal Courts of Justice and opposite Australia House.
* The first statue erected in Gladstone's honour after his death was in Blackburn in 1899.[citation needed]
* A statue of Gladstone by Albert Bruce-Joy and erected in 1882, stands near the front gate of St. Marys Church in Bow, London. Paid for by the industrialist Theodore Bryant, it is viewed as a symbol of the later 1888 match girls strike, which took place at the nearby Bryant & May Match Factory. Lead by the socialist Annie Besant, hundreds of working girls from the factory had gone on strike to demand improved working conditions and pay, eventually winning their cause. In recent years, the statue of Gladstone has been repeatedly daubed with red paint, suggesting that it was paid for with the 'blood of the match girls'.[109]
* A statue of Gladstone, erected in 1872, stands in the Great Hall of St. George's Hall, Liverpool.[citation needed] Another, in bronze by Sir Thomas Brock, erected in 1904, stands outside in St John's Gardens.[110]
* A statue of Gladstone, erected in 1905, stands at Aldwych, London, near the Royal Courts of Justice.[111]
There is a statue of Gladstone in Albert Square, Manchester.
* A Grade II listed statue of Gladstone stands in Albert Square, Manchester.[112]
* A monument to Gladstone, Member of Parliament for Midlothian 1880–1895 was unveiled in Edinburgh in 1917 (and moved to its present location in 1955). It stands in Coates Crescent Gardens. The sculptor was James Pittendrigh McGillvray.[113]
* A statue to Gladstone, who was Rector of the University of Glasgow 1877–1880 was unveiled in Glasgow in 1902. It stands in George Square. The sculptor was Sir William Hamo Thornycroft.[114]
Dollis House, Gladstone Park, as seen from the gardens
* Gladstone Park in the Municipal Borough of Willesden, London was named after him in 1899. Dollis Hill House, within what later became the park, was occupied by Sir Dudley Coutts Marjoribanks, who subsequently became Lord Tweedmouth. In 1881 Lord Tweedmouth's daughter and her husband, Lord Aberdeen, took up residence. They often had Gladstone to stay as a guest. In 1897 Lord Aberdeen was appointed Governor-General of Canada and the Aberdeens moved out. When Willesden acquired the house and land in 1899, they named the park Gladstone Park after the old Prime Minister.
* Near to Hawarden in the town of Mancot, there is a small hospital named after Catherine Gladstone. A statue of her husband also stands near the High School in Hawarden.
* Gladstone Rock—a large boulder about 12 ft high in Cwm Llan on the Watkin Path on the south side of Snowdon where Gladstone made a speech in 1892. A plaque on the rock states that he 'addressed the people of Eryri upon justice to Wales.'
* Liverpool's Crest Hotel was renamed The Gladstone Hotel in his honour in the early 1990s, but in 2006 was renamed again as The Liner Hotel.[citation needed]
* Gladstone, Manitoba is a town in central Canada that was named after him in 1882.[115]
* Gladstone, Queensland, Australia was named after him and has a 19th century marble statue on display in its town museum.[116]
* A school and a street in Bulgaria's capital Sofia are named in his honour, as is a street in the city of Plovdiv, and in Limassol, Cyprus.
* A street in the neighbourhood of Geduld Extension in the Gauteng town of Springs, South Africa is named after Gladstone
* William Gladstone Primary School (Formerly St. Thomas' and recently renamed as Rimrose Hope) is a Primary School located in Seaforth, in which he was raised and educated.
* There is a Gladstone Road in Newark-on-Trent where Gladstone was an Member of Parliament [1]
* There is a Gladstone Street in Waterford City and also Clonmel in Ireland.
* There is a Gladstone Street in the BD3 postcode area of Bradford, West Yorkshire.
In popular culture
Gladstone features prominently in the history of the Bartimaeus trilogy, in which the British government is run by magicians. Gladstone is known within the book to have been the most powerful magician to ever become Prime Minister, and though he is not included as a character, several objects of his, namely his staff, are central plot points. The book provides an alternate history of Gladstone, in which he killed Disraeli in a duel and assisted British forces in colonial expansion.
A light travelling bag is called Gladstone bag, after his name [117].
Notes
1. ^ a b c Shannon, 1985
2. ^ Viscount Gladstone, After Thirty Years (Macmillan, 1928), pp. 90-91.
3. ^ H. C. G. Matthew, Gladstone. 1875–1898 (Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 90.
4. ^ Richard Shannon, Gladstone: Heroic Minister. 1865–1898 (Allen Lane, 1999), pp. 583–4.
5. ^ Gladstone, p. 436.
6. ^ H. C. G. Matthew, Gladstone. 1809–1874 (Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 80.
7. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1809–1874, pp. 80–1.
8. ^ John Morley, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone. Volume I (Macmillan, 1903), p. 461.
9. ^ Sir Wemyss Reid (ed.), The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (Cassell, 1899), p. 412.
10. ^ Reid, p. 410.
11. ^ a b Matthew, Gladstone. 1809–1874, p. 127.
12. ^ Sydney Buxton, Finance and Politics. An Historical Study. 1783–1885. Volume I (John Murray, 1888), pp. 108–9.
13. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1809–1874, p. 121.
14. ^ Buxton, p. 109.
15. ^ Buxton, p. 150.
16. ^ Buxton, p. 151.
17. ^ Buxton, pp. 151–2.
18. ^ The British and the Hellenes ... - Google Books. Books.google.com. http://books.google.com/books?id=9HGRx8ZotiUC&pg=PA13&lpg=PA13&dq=Gladstone's+extraordinary+mission&source=bl&ots=IXhahi68zG&sig=4IyJJofzi05MPztR2KUcnRfTjtc&hl=en&ei=pAgzSquWLtySjAe_7OD9CQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=3. Retrieved 2010-05-01.
19. ^ "Retrieved 24.11.09". Telegraph.co.uk. 2009-10-07. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/columnists/christopherhowse/6270.... Retrieved 2010-05-01.
20. ^ Buxton, p. 185.
21. ^ Buxton, p. 187.
22. ^ Richard Shannon, Gladstone. 1809-1865 (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1982), p. 395.
23. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1809–1874, p. 113.
24. ^ Buxton, p. 195.
25. ^ Reid, p. 421.
26. ^ L. C. B. Seaman, Victorian England: Aspects of English and Imperial History, 1837-1901 (Routledge, 1973), pp. 183–4.
27. ^ F. W. Hirst, Gladstone as Financier and Economist (London: Ernest Benn Limited, 1931), p. 241.
28. ^ Hirst, pp. 242-3.
29. ^ Joseph A. Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis (George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1954), pp. 402-405.
30. ^ Eugenio Biagini, ‘Popular Liberals, Gladstonian finance and the debate on taxation, 1860-1874’, in Eugenio Biagini and Alastair Reid (eds.), Currents of Radicalism. Popular Radicalism, Organised Labour and Party Politics in Britain, 1850-1914 (Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 139.
31. ^ Biagini, ‘Popular Liberals, Gladstonian finance and the debate on taxation, 1860-1874’, pp. 140-141.
32. ^ Biagini, ‘Popular Liberals, Gladstonian finance and the debate on taxation, 1860-1874’, p. 142.
33. ^ Jasper Ridley, Lord Palmerston (Constable, 1970), p. 563.
34. ^ Gladstone's Cabinet of 1868, Lowes Cato Dickinson, ref. NPG 5116, National Portrait Gallery, London, accessed January 2010
35. ^ Shannon, Richard (1984). Gladstone: 1809-1865 (p.342). pp. 580. ISBN 0807815918. http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=U4xnAAAAMAAJ&q=Lowes+Cato+Dickin.... Retrieved January 2010.
36. ^ "The Coming Elections". The Times. 2 November 1868. p. 4. http://infotrac.galegroup.com/itw/infomark/37/27/57799753w16/purl=r...?. Retrieved 2009-02-22.
37. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1809–1874, p. 147.
38. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1809–1874, p. 212.
39. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1809–1874, p. 170.
40. ^ Charles Loch Mowat, The Charity Organisation Society. 1869–1913 (Methuen, 1961), p. 19.
41. ^ The Times (30 October 1871), p. 3.
42. ^ The Times (24 January 1874), p. 8.
43. ^ E. F. Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform. Popular Liberalism in the Age of Gladstone, 1860-1880 (Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 112.
44. ^ Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform, p. 112, n. 177.
45. ^ Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform, pp. 113-114.
46. ^ Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform, p. 116.
47. ^ Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform, p. 118.
48. ^ 'Mr. Gladstone On Cottage Gardening.', The Times (18 August 1876), p. 9.
49. ^ Lord Kilbracken, Reminiscences of Lord Kilbracken (Macmillan, 1931), pp. 83-84.
50. ^ Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East, Bulgarian horrors and the question of the east by W.E. Gladstone
51. ^ W. E. Gladstone, Midlothian Speeches. 1879 (Leicester University Press, 1971), p. 148.
52. ^ a b Galbraith, John S. and al-Sayyid-Marsot, Afaf Lutfi. The British Occupation of Egypt: Another View. "International Journal of Middle East Studies." 9, No. 4: 484
53. ^ Morley, Life of Gladstone: III, p. 173.
54. ^ Michael Barker, Gladstone and Radicalism. The Reconstruction of Liberal Policy in Britain. 1885-1894 (The Harvester Press, 1975), p. 92.
55. ^ Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform, p. 424.
56. ^ Barker, p. 92.
57. ^ Barker, p. 93.
58. ^ Barker, pp. 93-94.
59. ^ The Times (12 December 1891), p. 7.
60. ^ "SMALL AGRICULTURAL HOLDINGS BILL.—(No. 183.) (Hansard, 24 March 1892)". Hansard.millbanksystems.com. http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1892/mar/24/small-agricu.... Retrieved 2010-05-01.
61. ^ Barker, p. 198.
62. ^ John Brooke and Mary Sorensen (eds.), The Prime Ministers' Papers: W. E. Gladstone. I: Autobiographica (London: Her Majesty's Stationary Office, 1971), p. 55.
63. ^ David Duncan, The Life and Letters of Herbert Spencer (Methuen, 1908), p. 302.
64. ^ Duncan, p. 302.
65. ^ Reid, p. 721.
66. ^ "THE UNEMPLOYED. (Hansard, 1 September 1893)". Hansard.millbanksystems.com. http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1893/sep/01/the-unemployed. Retrieved 2010-05-01.
67. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1875–1898, p. 322.
68. ^ David Brooks, 'Gladstone's Fourth Administration, 1892–1894', in David Bebbington and Roger Swift (eds.), Gladstone Centenary Essays (Liverpool University Press, 2000), p. 239.
69. ^ Anthony Howe, 'Gladstone and Cobden', in David Bebbington and Roger Swift (eds.), Gladstone Centenary Essays (Liverpool University Press, 2000), p. 115.
70. ^ Brooke and Sorensen, pp. 165-166.
71. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1875–1898, p. 355.
72. ^ Magnus, p. 423.
73. ^ Daisy Sampson, The Politics Companion (London: Robson Books Ltd, 2004), p. 80, p. 91.
74. ^ G. W. E. Russell, One Look Back (Wells Gardner, Darton and Co., 1911), p. 265.
75. ^ UK CPI inflation numbers based on data available from Measuring Worth: UK CPI.
76. ^ Lionel A. Tollemache, Talks with Mr. Gladstone (London: Edward Arnold, 1898), p. 160.
77. ^ Tollemache, pp. 166-67.
78. ^ Tollemache, p. 123.
79. ^ Howe, p. 114.
80. ^ F. W. Hirst, In the Golden Days (Frederick Muller, 1947), p. 158.
81. ^ Six Oxford Men, Essays in Liberalism (Cassell, 1897), p. x.
82. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1875–1898, p. 379.
83. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1875–1898, p. 380.
84. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1875–1898, p. 381.
85. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1875–1898, p. 382.
86. ^ Death certificate for William Ewart Gladstone, 19th May 1898, June Quarter, County of Chester, District 8a, Page 267, entry 113. Identity and Passport Service — General Register Office. Certified copy in possession of author.
87. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1875–1898, p. 382, n. ‡.
88. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1875–1898, p. 383.
89. ^ "CardinalBook History of Peace and War". Cardinalbook.com. 1998-03-19. http://cardinalbook.com/creelman/highway/iso8859/chap11.htm. Retrieved 2010-05-01.
90. ^ Herbert Paul (ed.), Letters of Lord Acton to Mary Gladstone (George Allen, 1904), p. 57
91. ^ Lord Rosebery, The Budget. Its Principles and Scope. A Speech Delivered to the Commercial Community of Glasgow, Sept. 10, 1909 (London: Arthur L. Humphreys, 1909), pp. 30-31.
92. ^ Chris Wrigley, '‘Carving the Last Few Columns out of the Gladstonian Quarry’: The Liberal Leaders and the Mantle of Gladstone, 1898–1929', in David Bebbington and Roger Swift (eds.), Gladstone Centenary Essays (Liverpool University Press, 2000), p. 247.
93. ^ Wrigley, p. 257, n. 5.
94. ^ Kilbracken, p. 136.
95. ^ Wrigley, p. 247.
96. ^ Wrigley, p. 250.
97. ^ Wrigley, p. 251.
98. ^ Wrigley, p. 253.
99. ^ Wrigley, p. 254.
100. ^ Gladstone, p. 86.
101. ^ F. A. Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (Routledge, 2001), p. 188.
102. ^ R. B. McCallum, The Liberal Party from Earl Grey to Asquith (London: Victor Gollancz Ltd, 1963), p. 90, n. 1.
103. ^ Wrigley, p. 255.
104. ^ Margaret Thatcher, ‘Speech to the Conservative Party Conference’, 14 October 1983.
105. ^ Margaret Thatcher, ‘Keith Joseph Memorial Lecture’, 11 January 1996.
106. ^ Nigel Lawson, The View From No. 11: Memoirs of a Tory Radical (Bantam, 1992), p. 279.
107. ^ Matthew, Gladstone. 1875–1898, p. 300, n. §.
108. ^ The Times (16 March 1938), p. 8.
109. ^ "London's Hidden History Bow Church". Modern Gent. http://www.moderngent.com/history_of_london/hiddenhistorybow.php. Retrieved 2009-03-01.
110. ^ "St John's Garden". Liverpool City Council. http://www.liverpool.gov.uk/Leisure_and_culture/Parks_and_recreatio.... Retrieved 2008-09-07.
111. ^ "Statue, W. E. Gladstone Monument". Art and architecture. http://www.artandarchitecture.org.uk/images/conway/ee855fb0.html. Retrieved 2008-09-07.
112. ^ "Images of England - Gladstone's Statue, Albert Square". http://www.imagesofengland.org.uk/Details/Default.aspx?id=387869. Retrieved 2009-06-19.
113. ^ "City of Edinburgh Council". City of Edinburgh Council. http://www.edinburgh.gov.uk/internet/leisure/local_history_and_heri.... Retrieved 2009-01-23.
114. ^ "George Square". Wikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Square. Retrieved 2009-01-23.
115. ^ "History of Manitoban Names". http://www.mhs.mb.ca/docs/pageant/01/manitobaname.shtml. Retrieved 2010-05-21.
116. ^ "Gladstone City & Hinterland". http://www.gladstoneregion.info/pages/gladstone-city-hinterland. Retrieved 2009-11-04.
117. ^ The secret agent, written by Joseph Conrad, ISBN 978-0-141-19439-4, on notes of chapter IX, at page 256
See also
* Anti-Turkism
* Fasque House
* Gladstone Hotel (Toronto)
References
* Michael Barker, Gladstone and Radicalism. The Reconstruction of Liberal Policy in Britain. 1885-1894 (The Harvester Press, 1975).
* David Bebbington and Roger Swift (eds.), Gladstone Centenary Essays (Liverpool University Press, 2000).
* E. F. Biagini, Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform. Popular Liberalism in the Age of Gladstone, 1860-1880 (Cambridge University Press, 1992).
* Eugenio Biagini and Alastair Reid (eds.), Currents of Radicalism. Popular Radicalism, Organised Labour and Party Politics in Britain, 1850-1914 (Cambridge University Press, 1991).
* Sydney Buxton, Finance and Politics. An Historical Study. 1783–1885. Volume I (John Murray, 1888)
* W. E. Gladstone, Midlothian Speeches. 1879 (Leicester University Press, 1971).
* Viscount Gladstone, After Thirty Years (1928).
* F. W. Hirst, Gladstone as Financier and Economist (1931).
* F. W. Hirst, In the Golden Days (Frederick Muller, 1947).
* Lord Kilbracken, Reminiscences of Lord Kilbracken (Macmillan, 1931).
* Philip Magnus, Gladstone: A Biography (1954)
* H. C. G. Matthew, Gladstone. 1809–1874 (Oxford University Press, 1988).
* H. C. G. Matthew, Gladstone. 1875–1898 (Oxford University Press, 1995).
* John Morley, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (Three volumes, 1903)
* Herbert Paul (ed.), Letters of Lord Acton to Mary Gladstone (George Allen, 1904).
* Sir Wemyss Reid (ed.), The Life of William Ewart Gladstone (1899).
* G. W. E. Russell, One Look Back (Wells Gardner, Darton and Co., 1911).
* Joseph A. Schumpeter, History of Economic Analysis (George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1954).
* Richard Shannon, Gladstone: Peel's Inheritor, 1809-1865 (1985), ISBN 0-8078-1591-8.
* Richard Shannon, Gladstone: Heroic Minister, 1865-1898 (1999), ISBN 0-8078-2486-0.
* Lionel A. Tollemache, Talks with Mr. Gladstone (London: Edward Arnold, 1898).
Further reading
* Walter Bagehot, 'Mr. Gladstone', Biographical Studies (1881).
* D. W. Bebbington, William Ewart Gladstone (1993).
* D. W. Bebbington, The Mind of Gladstone: Religion, Homer and Politics (2004).
* Eugenio F. Biagini, Gladstone (2000).
* F. Birrell, Gladstone (1933).
* Eric Brand, William Gladstone (1986) ISBN 0-87754-528-6.
* Osbert Burdett, W. E. Gladstone (1928).
* E. G. Collieu, Gladstone (1968).
* E. Eyck, Gladstone (1938).
* William Gladstone, Gladstone: A Bicentenary Portrait, Michael Russell (2009). ISBN 978-0-85955-317-9
* Edward Hamilton, Mr. Gladstone. A Monograph (1898).
* Roy Jenkins, Gladstone (1995), ISBN 0-333-66209-1.
* E. A. Macdonald (pseud.Andrew Melrose),Mr. Gladstone: A Popular Biography (1891)
* H. C. G. Matthew, Gladstone: 1809-98 (1995), ISBN 0-19-820696-8.
* Richard Shannon, Gladstone: God and Politics (2007).
External links
* Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by William Gladstone
* Mr. Gladstone (character sketch by W.T. Stead, in the Review of Reviews, 1892)
* William Ewart Gladstone Chronology World History Database
* Works by William Ewart Gladstone at Project Gutenberg
* More about William Ewart Gladstone on the Downing Street website.
* William Ewart Gladstone 1809-98 biography from the Liberal Democrat History Group
* BBC Radio - Programme Two contains a recording of Gladstone's voice
Source: Downloaded 2010 from Wikipedia.
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] | null | [] | null | The Right Hon. William Ewart Gladstone, statesman and orator, the fourth son of Sir John Gladstone, Bart., of Fasque, in Kincardineshire, was born December 29, 1809. at Liverpool, where ... | en | Trove | https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/133593785 | A SKETCH OP HIS LIFE. * I
The Eight Hon. William Ewart Gladstone,
statesman and orator, the fourth son of Sir John
Gladstone, Bart., of Fueque, in KincaidineBhiie,
«aa born December 29, 1809, at Liverpool, where
hia father, originally of Leith, had won eminence
and wealth as a Woat India' merchant. Gladstone
was sent to Eton, and afterwards to Christ Church,
Oxford, where he closed a brilliant college career
by taking a double first-class degree in 1831. He
entered tbe House of Commons in 1832 for tho
borough of Newark. He held the post of Lord of
the Treasury, and afterwards that of Under
Secretary of State tor the Colonies in the reel
government for a few months in 1835. In 1838, he
published his fisrt work, The State m ils Relations
with the Church, which gave occasion to Mr.
Macaulay to describe him, iu a celebrated review
of his work, as a 'young man of unblemished
character, the rising hope of those stern and un
bending Tories,' who followed Sir Robert Peel,
while they abhorred his cautious temper and
moderate opinions. In 1811, Gladstone became
V ice-President of the Board of Trade in the Peel
administration, and in 1813, President of the
Board. Next to his chief, he took the most
prominent part in the revision of the tariff and
reduction of import dutieB, which reached their
natural development in the repeal of the Corn
Laws. He resigned office in February 1815, when
Sir R. Peel proposed to increase the endowments
of the College of Maynooth, a proposal at variance
with all the principles laid down by Gladstone in
his work. He rejoined the ministry in December
1845, 8U3Ceeding the Earl of Derby (who refused
to be a party to the repeal ot the Cora Laws) as
Colonial Secretary. Ho rendered Sir R. Peel
eloquent and effective aid in carrying the great
measure of free trade through the House - of
Commons, but paid the penalty in the Iosb both of
his office and his seat, for the then Duke of New
castle, c'aiming to ' do what he liKed with his own,'
refused to sanction his re-election for Newark. In
1847, he was elected H.P. for the uuiversity of
Oxford, which be continued to represent for
eighteen years. During a visit to Naples in 1850,
he was induced by curiosity to attend the trial of
M. Poerio, who was sentenced to several years'
imprisonment, and subjected to indignities .and
cruelties which roused the generous indignation of
the English statesman. Tbe dungeons of the
kingdom of the Two Sicilies at this period swarmed
with political prisoners, and Gladstone, in a letter
to the Eavl of Aberdeen, made all Europe ring
with the story of their sufferings aud their wrongs.
He after that advocated the causB of Italian inde
pendence in many .eloquent speeches. In 1851, he
opposed the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, brought in
by Lord John Russell, thinking that no legislation
was necesse.ry, and that tbe act Bavoured or
religious persecution. After refusing an. offer to
hold office under Lord Derby, he became Chancellor
of the Exchequer in the coalition government
formed by the Earl of Aberdeen fn 1852. This
may bo regarded as the turning point iu Glad
stone's political career. Hitherto he might be
described as a Tory or a Peelite; henceforth he is
Liberal. When the Aberdeen government fell
beforo a motion in the House of Commons for
inquiring into the state of the army before Sebas
topol, Gladstone continued for a brief period a
member of tho cabinet of Lord Palmers-ton, bub
soon retired, from an unwillingness to consent to
tho appointment of the Sevastopol committee.
Gladstone then went into opposition, and in 1857
made an eloquent aud damaging speech on Mr.
Cobden's motion condemnatory of Sir John Bow
ring's proceedings iu China, which brought about
the defeat of Lord PaUr.eraton, and the dissolution
of Parliament. In 185S, Gladstone accepted a
special mission of importance to the Ionian Islands.
In tbe same year ho published an elaborate work
on Homer and the Homeric Ago, in 3 vols. In the
second Palmerston administration, he resinned the
post of Chancellor of tho Exchequer. In 18G0, ho
earried through Parliament a commercial treaty
with Prance, which, while it lasted, largely in
creased the trade between the two, countries. His
financial Bcheme that .year involved among other
proposals tbe abolition of the paper-duty, which
was strongly but unsuccessfully opposed iu the
House of Commons. In the Upper House, the
Paper-duty Repeal Bill was thrown out ou financial
grounds. Gladstone boldly denounced this inter
ference with the taxing privileges of the Comiaona.
In 18G1, he incorporated the repeaL of the paper
duty in tho financii-.l scheme of tho yeniyauil hud
the satisfaction of witnessing tho removal of the
last oDBtacie to tno oiBBomination ot knowledge.
Relations with the University constituency had
now become, eo menacing that in 1861 South
Lancashire aBked him to Btand as a liberal candi
date. This he refused at tbe time; but, rejected
by a majority of his academic constituency ut the.
general election in 18G5, he was returned by South
Lancashire third on the . poll. In 18GG, Gladstone,
now leader of tho House of Commons — Lord
Palmerston having died in 18C5— brought in a
Reform Bill, the defeat of which caused Earl
Russell to resign. At the general election iu 1SG8,
S.-W. Lancashire rejected, and Greenwich returned
him. Acceding to office ae First Lord of the
TreaEUiy at the close of tliat year, Gladstone, in
,1SG9, disestablished the Irish Church; in 1870,
carried his Irish Land Bill; and in 1871 abolished,
hy tho exerciBO of tho royal prerogative, purchase
in the army. Another event of 1871 was the
Washington Treaty respecting the Alabama claims.
The Ballot Bill was tbe principal measure carried
by 'Gladstone in 1872. In 1874 Gladstone dissolved
Parliament, and, on the unfavourable result of tho
ensuing election, the Gladstone ministry resigned.
Gladstone was reelected for Greenwich.
Mr. Disraeli returned to power iu '71.. Mr. Glad
ntono then decided to resign the leadership of tho
Liberalpaity, bntin '75 aroused muoh public indig
nation against tpe atrocities which the Turks wore
perpetrating in Bulgaria. In '79 he made his first
visit to Midlothian, and on the dissolution of '80 he
was returned for that constituency, and became, for
the second time Premier. Amongst the important
Acts he carried between '80 and '85 may be men
tioned the Employers' Liability Ac!-, tho second
Irish Land Act, the Hares and Babbits Act, a
reform in fcbe Lsnd Laws, and, chief of all, the I
third Reform Act and Redistribution Act. After
the dissolution of the autumn of '85, Mr, Gladstone
again cBjne forward for Midlothian, and was re
elected by an enormous majority. On the fall of
the Salisbury Administration, Jan. 26th, '86, Mr.
Gladstone was summoned by the Queen to again take
office. He then held as Premier the office of First
Lord of the Treasury and Keeper of the Privy Seal.
In consequence of a divergence of views between
some of the leading members of tha Liberal party
and Mr. Gladstone with respect to his proposed
Irish policy, several of his old colleagues, notably
Lord Haitington and Sir H. James, did not join his
cabinet — Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Trevelyan, who
accepted office, resigning March 27th. Mr. Glad
stone introduced bills relating to the government
and land of Ireland, the former in a great speeoh
on April 8th, and the Sale and Purchase of-Land
(Ireland) Bill on tbe 16th. But the revolt of the
Liberal Unionists became pronounced, the Govern
ment were defeated by a majority of 30 on the
Home Rule Bill, and resolved to resign. On July
2nd, at the General Election following, Mr. Glad
stone was elestcd for both Midlothian and Leith,
and chose to Bit for his old constituency, bnt the
result of the general election was to deprive him of
power. During the remainder of that year and
throughout '87 little of special importance occurred.
He visited Italy early iu '88, and was most warmly
received. In December he again visited Italy,
returning in Feb. '89. Hia golden wedding was
celebrated on July 25th, '89, and the anniversary
of his 81at birthday in '90 was made the occasion of
tho unveiling of a memorial fountain at Hawarden
(Dec. 29th, 90), which bad been erected to com
memorate the goI'den wedding. During '92 Mr.
Gladstone carried out yet another Midlothian
Campaign. He was returned at the general elec
tion, though by a greatly reduced majority, and in
August ho became Premier for the fourth time. On
Oct. 24th an enthusiastic welcome was given to
him at Oxford, where he delivered the firBt of the
Romanes lectures, choosing ' Maditeval Univer
sities' for his subject. On April 6th, '93. he moved
the second reading of the Home Rale Bill in the
House of Commons, but the Bill was thrown out by
the Lords. During his stay at Biarritz, in Feb. '94,
a London journal announced his retirement ; but
the report was contradicted in very guarded terms.
After his return to England the report was re
newed, and in the midet of the uncertainty Mr.
Gladstone made hin last speech in the House of
Commons as Prime Minister (March 1st) — the
occasion being the consideration of the Lords'
amendments to the Parish Councils Bill. The next
day his resignation was made public, the chief
cause being the discovery that he was Buffering
from cataract in both eyes ; and on March 3rd he
had an audience of the Queen, and gave up the
rbbIb of office. A successful operation for tbe re
moval, of the cataract was performed in May, and
during the summer Mr. Gladstone got continuously
stronger. He paid a visit to Cannes early in '95,
and delivered a stirring speech on the Armenian
question at Chester in August. His long connec
tion with tho HnUBe of Commons terminated that
year; for he did not seek re-election at the General
Election. Ho has but rarely taken part in public
affairs since then, the exceptions having been made
iu favour of Armenia. He delivered an impreB
sive speeoh at a town's meeting .in Liverpool (Sept.
'96), and while at Cannes, in March '97, he wrote
and published a letter to the Duke of Westminster,
pleadin g the cause of Crete and Greece as againstTur
key. His efforts on behalf of the oppressed Armenians
wero recognised in Jan. of the same year by the
unveiling of a stained gins? window in Hawarden
Church in commemoration of the Armenian martyrs,
and by the presentation to Mrs. Gladstone of a por
trait of His Holiness Mighriditch I., Supreme
Patriarch of the Armenians. Mr. Gladstone's
illness was caused by a foreign growth in the nose,
which in consequence of his advanced age and
weakness, could not be removed with safety by an
opeiation. His later day* were attended with
intense bodily Buffering, which, however,' waR home
with patience and bravery. Mr. Gladstone's
literary efforts have resulted in many valu
able workB, and cover a most extensive
field. In his early manhood ho published '* The
State in its Relations with the Church,' and his
pamphlet on tho Neapolitan atrocities in '51
caused a remarkable sensation. 'Studies in
Homer' followed, and 'Juventns Mundi,' while
the pamphlet on the ' Bulgarian Horrors' ia still
fresh in memory. In '8G Mr. Gladstone and Pro
fessor Huxley crossed swords in the Nineteenth
Ccn'nry over Science and Revelation. In '90 he
puhlishod 'Landmarks of Homeric Study,' and
also 'The Impregnable Rock of Holy Scripture,'
which reached a second and much amplified edition
in '92. A volume of translations of tho Odes of
Horace, the firstfruits of his release from political
toil, was published in Nov. '94, and a Commentary
on the Psalter in '95. In '9G there appeared a now
edition of ' Butler's Works' arranged and anno
tated by him, and a volume of ' StudieB Subsidiary
to the Works of Bishop Butler.'
Mr. Gladstone's death (says tho Daily Mer
cury on Friday) for tho moment puts asido in
our thoughts all othor events, albeit many
great events aro happoning. Tho world to-day
is as it were standing by tho tomb of a great
man. And to bedeck that great man's^grave,
wo may as crowning laurel attach the sen
tence,—' Dying, ho loft the world better
than he found it.' For more than sixty
years prior to his - retirement in 1894.
to the domestic seclusion whence ho has
now emorged into tho vaster life beyond tho
grave, ho was one of tho most considerable
figures in Groat Britain. Ho led a stately
public life, the story of tho main par- !
ticulars of which is told elsewhere. Dur
ing his long and majestic career ho
aehioved incalculable good for his country
men and for the world. A voico silvor
tone'd, persuasive, bringing to its exercise
a storo of fit words from a mind marvel
lously fertile in ideas as well, was oyer
raised, a ready pon was promptly used effec
tively, in the rsdrcss of crying wrong, in
denunciation of tyranny, in wrathful and
scathing reproach of evildoers in high
places. In that great historic theatre of
legislative action wherein Englishmen do
their will, Gladstone's ardour, devotion
to tho public good, unweariable diligenco,
and matchless mental gifts gradually gained
for the British peoplo a political emancipation
which places them among tho freest peoplos
on tho planet. His wero tho brain and the
enorgy which planned and partially effected
wide-reaching schemes for doing justice to
and permanently conciliating that unhappy
member of tho United Kingdom which Eng
lish statesmen had long alternately coerced
and caressed. And though opinions on Home
Rule for Ireland diffej* greatly, honest and
reasonable thinkers accord to Mr. Gladstone's
endeavours to achiovo it tho honour due to a
noble purpose. Freetrado, extension of
Britain's commerce, popular education, legis
lation tending to amoliorato differences
?, between religious bodies, are all reforms
and movements bearing the impress of
his mighty hand and of his vast
capacity. Unmeasured as was his power
of invective against principles which ne
opposed, he was a chivalrous and magnani- I
mous fighter as to the personality of his
opponents. For this great man was ever j
dominated by a religion which entered into
every action ; and, wliilo his domestic and
social life was conspicuously pure and beauti
ful, his public career was regulated by the
promptings of a conscience intent to be void
of offenco towards God and towards man.
The operation of conscience is the explanation
of those sompwbat remarlcablo changes of
opinion which the future historian ? of
tho roign of Victoria will record in tho
Career of her greatest subject. No one can
understand Gladstono who fails to realise his
fidelity to consciontious conviction in all ho ?
did. Ho was not indeed a porfect man; in
some provinces of statecraft he blundered
sadly, and tho Britain of to-day suffers ; he
was occasionally tho victim of a generous im
pulse, which forbade an accurate forecast of
public consequences ; and ho was in somo
aspects of his political charactor a dreamer
and an enthusiast. But he was nevertheless a
great Englishman, of whom tho historian
above-mentioned will write as one of tho | |||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 1 | https://www.gov.uk/government/history/past-prime-ministers/william-ewart-gladstone | en | History of William Ewart Gladstone | [
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] | null | [] | null | en | /assets/static/favicon-f54816fc15997bd42cd90e4c50b896a1fc098c0c32957d4e5effbfa9f9b35e53.ico | null | Gladstone was elected Tory MP for Newark in December 1832, aged 23, with ultra-conservative views.
In Parliament he spoke out against the abolition of slavery, because his family used slaves on their West Indian plantation. He also opposed the recent democratic electoral reforms.
Gladstone’s talent for public speaking caught the attention of Robert Peel, then Prime Minister, who made him a Junior Lord of the Treasury and later Under-Secretary at the Colonial Office. He followed Peel in resigning in 1835, and spent the following 6 years in Opposition.
In 1840 Gladstone began his ‘rescue and rehabilitation’ of London’s prostitutes. Even while serving as Prime Minister in later years, he would walk the streets, trying to convince prostitutes to change their ways. He spent a large amount of his own money on this work.
In 1845 he resigned over Peel’s decision to make a grant to a Roman Catholic theology school in Ireland. This caused some confusion, as he was known to favour the policy himself. He rejoined Peel’s government later that year as Colonial Secretary.
When the Tory party broke apart in 1846, Gladstone followed Peel in becoming a Liberal-Conservative, now believing strongly in free trade. In 1847 he returned to Parliament as MP for Oxford University, having lost his Newark seat.
In 1858, he turned down a position in the Earl of Derby’s Conservative government, because he no longer believed in protectionism and did not want to work with Disraeli. Instead he became Chancellor of the Exchequer in Aberdeen’s coalition of Whigs, Peelites and radicals in 1863, where he proved himself to be an outstanding minister.
He was Chancellor again under Palmerston between 1859 and 1865, though their relationship was an uncomfortable one, and yet again under Russell from 1865 to 1866. During these years he became persuaded of the case for a wider franchise, saying: “Every man who is not presumably incapacitated by some consideration of personal unfitness or of political danger is morally entitled to come within the pale of the Constitution.”
In 1867, Gladstone became leader of the Liberal party following Palmerston’s resignation, and became Prime Minister for the first time the following year. His policies were intended to improve individual liberty while loosening political and economic restraints.
Ireland was another area of Gladstone’s concern. He successfully passed an act to disestablish the Church of Ireland and an Irish Land Act to tackle unfair landlords, but was defeated on an Irish University Bill proposing a new university in Dublin open to Catholics and Protestants.
But in 1874 a heavy defeat at the general election led to his arch-rival Disraeli becoming Prime Minister. Gladstone retired as leader of the Liberal Party, but remained an intimidating opponent, attacking the government fiercely over their weak response to Turkish brutality in the Balkans, known as the Eastern Crisis.
In 1880 he became Prime Minister for a second time, much against Queen Victoria’s will. Her dislike of him was strong, complaining that he “addresses me as though I were a public meeting”. For 2 years he combined the offices of Prime Minister and Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Yet trouble overseas created problems. He failed to rescue General Gordon from Khartoum, leading to the loss of British control in Sudan, and a dent in Gladstone’s popularity. Critics reversed his ‘GOM’ nickname (for ‘Grand Old Man’) to ‘MOG’ (‘Murderer of Gordon’).
In 1885 the government’s Budget was defeated, prompting him to resign, with Lord Salisbury becoming Prime Minister. Gladstone declined an earldom offered by Queen Victoria, preferring to remain in office.
In February 1886, aged 76, he became Prime Minister for the third time. Working in alliance with the Irish Nationalists, he immediately introduced an Irish Home Rule Bill, proposing a parliament for Ireland. It was defeated, and he lost the General Election held in July 1886.
Gladstone devoted the next 6 years to convincing the British electorate to grant Home Rule. Campaigning on the issue, the Liberals won the 1892 election, and he returned for a fourth administration. He once more introduced the Irish Home Rule Bill, but it was rejected by the Lords. He resigned in March 1894, having failed to retain the support of his Cabinet.
Gladstone died on 19 May 1898 from cancer, which started behind the cheekbone and spread across his body. He was buried in Westminster Abbey. | ||||||
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] | null | [] | null | A detailed biography of William Ewart Gladstone that includes includes images, quotations and the main facts of his life. GCSE British History. A-level. Last updated: 24th April 2022 | en | helmeticon.png | Spartacus Educational | https://spartacus-educational.com/PRgladstone.htm | William Ewart Gladstone, the fourth son of Sir John Gladstone, was born in Liverpool on 29th December, 1809. Gladstone was a MP and a successful merchant. The Gladstones were a rich family, their fortune based on transatlantic corn and tobacco trade and on the slave-labour sugar plantations they owned in the West Indies. (1)
John Gladstone was a devout Presbyterian, but there was no Scottish church in Liverpool and in 1792 he and other Scots living in the city organised the building of a Scottish chapel and the Caledonian School opposite it for the education of their children. (2)
Gladstone was therefore born into an evangelical family who held strong religious beliefs. He later wrote: "The Evangelical movement... did not ally itself with literature, art and general cultivation; but it harmonized well with the money-getting pursuits." (3)
William was educated at Eton and Christ College. At the Oxford Union Debating Society Gladstone developed a reputation as a fine orator. After one speech he made on 14th November 1830, a fellow student, Charles Wordsworth, described it as "the most splendid speech, out and out, that was ever heard in our Society." Francis Doyle added: "When he sat down, we all of us felt that an epoch in our lives had occurred." (4)
At that time the Tories were the dominant force in the House of Commons and they were strongly opposed to increasing the number of people who could vote. However, in November, 1830, Earl Grey, a Whig, became Prime Minister. Grey explained to William IV that he wanted to introduce proposals that would get rid of some of the rotten boroughs. Grey also planned to give Britain's fast growing industrial towns such as Manchester, Birmingham, Bradford and Leeds, representation in the House of Commons. (5)
Gladstone denounced Whig proposals for parliamentary reform. "My youthful mind and imagination were impressed with some idle and futile fears which still bewilder and distract the mature mind". (6) The 1832 Reform Act was eventually passed. "The overall effect of the Reform Act was to increase the number of voters by about 50 per cent as it added some 217,000 to an electorate of 435,000 in England and Wales. But 650,000 electors in a population of 14 million were a small minority." (7) Gladstone was disappointed by this legislation. He later pointed out that "while I do not think that the general tendencies of my mind were, in the time of my youth, illiberal, there was to my eyes an element of the anti-Christ in the Reform Act." (8)
William Gladstone in Parliament
In 1832, the Duke of Newcastle was looking for a Tory candidate for his Newark constituency. Although a nomination borough, Newark had been spared in the 1832 Reform Act. Sir John Gladstone was a friend of the Duke and suggested his son would make a good MP. Gladstone was selected as a candidate and although he lost some votes because his father was a wealthy slave-owner, he won the seat in the 1832 General Election. (9)
Parliament passed the Slavery Abolition Act in 1833. This act gave all slaves in the British Empire their freedom. Gladstone's father, who owned several large plantations in Jamaica and Guyana, expelled most African workers from his estates and imported large numbers of indebted Indian indentured-servants. They were paid no wages, the repayment of their debts being deemed sufficient, and worked under conditions that continued to resemble slavery in everything except name. Gladstone eventually received £106,769 (modern equivalent £83m), in compensation. (10)
Robert Peel and the Corn Laws
Two years after entering the House of Commons as MP for Newark, Sir Robert Peel, the Prime Minister, appointed William Gladstone as his junior lord of the Treasury. The following year he was promoted to under-secretary for the colonies. Gladstone lost office when Peel resigned in 1835 but returned to the government when the Whigs were forced out of power in August, 1841. (11)
Peel appointed Gladstone as vice-president of the board of trade. Although he was only just over 30 years of age, he was bitterly disappointed as he expected a place in the Cabinet. However, he was praised by the way he carried out his duties. James Graham, the Home Secretary, noted that "Gladstone could do in four hours what it took any other man sixteen to do and that he nonetheless worked sixteen hours a day". (12)
In 1843 was promoted to the post of president. In 1844 Gladstone was responsible for the Railway Bill that introduced what became known as parliamentary trains. As a result of this legislation railway companies had to transport third-class travellers for fares that did not exceed a penny a mile. These parliamentary trains had to stop at every station and had to travel at not less than 12 miles an hour. All the carriages had to have seats and be protected from the weather. (13)
Peel attempted to overcome the religious conflict in Ireland by setting up the Devon Commission to inquire into the "state of the law and practice in respect to the occupation of land in Ireland." However, Peel's attempts to improve the situation in Ireland was severely damaged by the 1845 potato blight. The Irish crop failed, therefore depriving the people of their staple food. Peel was informed that three million poor people in Ireland who had previously lived on potatoes would require cheap imported corn. Peel realised that they only way to avert starvation was to remove the duties on imported corn. (14)
The first months of 1846 were dominated by a battle in Parliament between the free traders and the protectionists over the repeal of the Corn Laws. William Gladstone gave Peel his loyal support. Benjamin Disraeli became the leader of the group that opposed Peel. He was accused of using this difficult situation to undermine the Prime Minister. However, he later told a fellow MP that he did this "because, from my earliest years, my sympathies had been with the landed interest of England". (15) Disraeli made a stinging attack on Peel when he accusing him of betraying "the independence of party" and thus "the integrity of public men, and the power and influence of Parliament itself". (16)
An alliance of free-trade Conservatives (Peelites), Radicals, and Whigs assured the repeal of the Corn Laws. However, it caused a split in the Conservative Party. "It was not a straight division of landed gentry against the rest. It was a division between those who considered that the retention of the corn laws was an essential bulwark of the order of society in which they believed and those who considered that the Irish famine and the Anti-Corn Law League had made retention even more dangerous to that order than abandonment." (17)
Ladies of the Night
Throughout his career Gladstone had problems dealing with a strong sex-drive. He wrote in his diary about the "temptation and guilt... of reading pornography". On 13th May 1848 he described buying an Italian book: "I began to read it, and found in some parts of it impure passages, concealed beneath the veil of a quite foreign idiom: so I drank the poison, sinfully, because understanding was thus hidden by a cloud - I have stained my memory and my soul - which may it please God to cleanse for me, as I have need. Have set down a black mark against this day." (18)
Five days later he was reading the book again: "It seems to me necessary to shut up these volumes for good, having falling yet again among impurities: how strong and subtle are the evils of that age, and of this. I read sinfully, although with disgust, under the pretext of hunting soberly for what was innocent; but - criminal that I am - with a prurient curiosity against all the rules of pious prudence, and inflaming the war between the better qualities of man and the worse." (19)
On certain days in his diaries he drew a whip. It has been suggested that "Gladstone had... adopted a policy of scourging or self-flagellation. Exactly how he applied it, and to which part of his anatomy, bearing in mind that the most obvious part must surely have been excluded by the fact that the discipline was self-administered, or exactly what form the instrument took, is not clear. What seems certain, however, is that the chastisement was solitary and that there was never any other person, male or female, involving in administering it." (20)
In May 1849, Gladstone began seeking out the company of prostitutes. He recorded in his diary conversations he had with prostitutes on the streets of London. Several of the women he saw many times and occasionally accompanying them back to their rooms for long conversations. He seemed to want to persuade them to stop being "ladies of the night".
Gladstone was very keen to discover why these women had resorted to prostitution. For example, he wrote that he had a "conversation with an unhappy woman" and two days later he returned and "found the same poor creature at night" and pointed out that her needle-work during the day did not earn her enough to support her son and therefore had to resort to prostitution. (21)
Gladstone became especially concerned about a prostitute called Emma Clifton. He first met her on Tuesday 23rd July, 1850. He also had conversations with her on the Wednesday, Friday and Saturday: "Saw Emma Clifton and made I hope some way - but alas my unworthiness". On 1st August he went out looking for her again: "Before nine I went out to find E.C., but failed... after an hour came home... went out again at 11.15... and again failed... Resolved to go to E.C.'s lodgings: I found her there." (22)
According to Philip Magnus, the author of Gladstone: A Biography (1963): "Gladstone had schooled himself early in life to sublimate absolutely the tensions which seethed inside him. The rescue work was an important aspect of that process of sublimation. He had nursed the ideal of a sacred union between Church and State, and he had watched it dissolve into air. In his rescue work he found a priestly office which he could fulfill as a layman, and in which his duty to God and man could be discharged together." (23)
Gladstone also became obsessed with a prostitute named Elizabeth Collins. He found her very attractive and described her as "beautiful beyond measure". (24) He had long meetings with her where it is assumed he tried to persuade her to give up her job. After these visits he drew a whip in the margin. On one occasion he recorded a meeting of more than two hours: "Whether or not I have been deluded in the notion of doing good by such means, or whether I have sought it through what was unlawful I am not clear. God grant however not for my sake that the good may be done." (25)
Gladstone later wrote that over a five year period he had contact with between eighty and ninety prostitutes of whom "there is but one of whom I know that the miserable life has been abandoned and that I can fairly join that fact with influence of mine". One of his biographers, Roy Jenkins, has pointed out that Gladstone "was perfectly aware that his motives were mixed and that his obsession must be explained by temptation and could not be justified by results." (26)
Chancellor of the Exchequer
The Duke of Newcastle, who was a virulent protectionist, refused to support Gladstone candidature for Newark. Sir Robert Peel resigned as Prime Minister in June 1846. The Tories were so divided that they were unable to form a government. Queen Victoria sent for Lord John Russell, the Whig leader. In the 1847 General Election, Gladstone was elected the Conservative MP for Oxford University. The new House of Commons had more Conservatives (325) than Whigs (292), but the depth of the Tory schism enabled Russell to continue to govern. (27)
William Gladstone remained on the opposition benches until George Hamilton-Gordon, 4th Earl of Aberdeen, formed a coalition government in December, 1852. Queen Victoria suggested that Gladstone should become Chancellor of the Exchequer. Aberdeen was content to accept her wish and Gladstone was sworn in on the day before his forty-third birthday. (28)
When Lord Palmerston, the leader of the Whigs, became Prime Minister in June, 1859, he offered Gladstone the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer. This resulted in him leaving the Conservative Party. His biographer, John Morley, has pointed out: "It seems a mistake to treat the acceptance of office under Lord Palmerston as a chief landmark of Mr. Gladstone's protracted journey from tory to liberal … I am far from denying the enormous significance of the party wrench, but it was not a conversion. Mr. Gladstone was at this time in his politics a liberal reformer of Turgot's type, a born lover of government." (29)
One of his most important reforms was the abolition of the paper duty which enabled publishers to produce cheap newspapers. Gladstone had always opposed parliamentary reform but when Edward Baines introduced a reform bill he spoke in favour of the measure. In his speech Gladstone pointed out that only one fiftieth of the working classes had the vote. He argued that this was unfair and that the law should be changed to increase this number. However, this was very much a minority view and Baines's proposal was defeated by 272 votes to 56.
William Gladstone had been totally opposed to parliamentary reform in the early part of his career. However, his views changed during a tour of the cotton districts and had been "favourably impressed by working-class qualities". Encouraged by the veteran radical John Bright, he became convinced that large numbers of working-class men could be trusted to exercise the franchise responsibility. (30)
On 11th May 1864, Gladstone argued in the House of Commons that it was a scandal that only one-tenth of those with a vote were "working men" and that "every man who is not presumably incapacitated by some consideration of personal unfitness or of political danger, is morally entitled to come within the pale of the constitution". He went on to say that "I do not recede from the protest I have previously made against sudden, or violent, or excessive or intoxicating change.... Hearts should be bound together by a reasonable extension, at fitting times and among selected portions of the people, of every benefit and every privilege that can be justly conferred upon them." (31)
This speech upset Lord Palmerston and Gladstone was forced to apologize. "I have never exhorted the working men to agitate for the franchise, and I am at a loss to conceive what report of my speech can have been construed by you in such a sense. I argued as strongly as I could against the withdrawal of the Reform Bill in 1860. I think the party which supports your Government has suffered and is suffering and will much more seriously suffer from the part which is a party it has played within these recent years, in regard to the franchise". (32)
In the general election of July 1865, the voters at Oxford University had been upset by Gladstone's move from the Conservative Party and he lost his seat. Gladstone now moved to the constituency of South Lancashire. The new Prime Minister, Lord John Russell, asked Gladstone to become leader of the House of Commons as well as Chancellor of the Exchequer.
1867 Reform Act
On the death of Lord Palmerston in July 1865, Earl Russell became prime minister. On 12th March 1866, William Gladstone introduced the government's new reform bill with the vote going to occupiers of proper in the boroughs worth £7 in rent a year. Gladstone had calculated that while increasing the number of working-class voters, it would still have left them a minority of the total electorate. Probably about one in four men would have been able to vote, instead of the existing one in five. (33)
Gladstone argued: "The £7 franchise will certainly work in a different manner... The wages of a man occupying such a house would be a little under 26s a week. That sum is undoubtedly unattainable by the peasantry, and by mere hand labour, except in very rare circumstances, but it is generally attainable by artisans and skilled labourers... To give the vote to £6 householders... would be to transfer the balance of political power in the boroughs to the working classes... We cannot consent to look upon this addition - considerable though it may be - of the working classes, as if it were
an addition fraught with nothing but danger; we cannot look upon it as a Trojan Horse... filled with armed men bent on ruin, plunder and conflagration." (34)
Several Liberal MPs objected to this measure. Robert Lowe complained: "Is it not certain that in a few years from this the working men will be in a majority? Is it not certain that causes are at work which will have a tendency to multiply the franchise - that the £6 houses will become £7 ones, and that £9 houses will expand to £10? There is no doubt an immense power of expansion; and therefore... it is certain that sooner or later we shall see the working classes in majority in the constituencies. Look at what that implies... If you want venality, if you want ignorance, if you want drunkenness, and facility for being intimidated; or if, on the other hand, you want impulsive, unreflecting, and violent people, where do you look for them in the constituencies? We know what those people are who live in small houses... The first stage, I have no doubt will be an increase of corruption, intimidation, and disorder... The second will be that the working men of England, finding themselves in a full majority of the whole constituency, will awake to a full sense of their power." (35)
With Conservative opposition to the measure, Russell's government found it impossible to get the bill passed by the House of Commons. On 19th June 1866, Russell's administration resigned. Edward Smith-Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby, became the new Prime Minister. The Conservative Party were once again in power.
Lord Russell retired in 1867 and Gladstone became leader of the Liberal Party. Gladstone made it clear that he was in favour of increasing the number of people who could vote. Although the Conservative Party had opposed previous attempts to introduce parliamentary reform, Lord Derby's new government were now sympathetic to the idea. The Conservatives knew that if the Liberals returned to power, Gladstone was certain to try again. Disraeli "feared that merely negative and confrontational responses to the new forces in the political nation would drive them into the arms of the Liberals and promote further radicalism" and decided that the Conservative Party had to change its policy on parliamentary reform. (36)
Benjamin Disraeli, the leader of the House of Commons, argued that the Conservatives were in danger of being seen as an anti-reform party. In 1867 Disraeli proposed a new Reform Act. Robert Cecil, 3rd Marquis of Salisbury, resigned in protest against this extension of democracy. However, as he explained this had nothing to do with democracy: "We do not live - and I trust it will never be the fate of this country to live - under a democracy." (37)
On 21st March, 1867, Gladstone made a two hour speech in the House of Commons, exposing in detail the inconsistencies of the bill. On 11th April Gladstone proposed an amendment which would allow a tenant to vote whether or not he paid his own rates. Forty-three members of his own party voted with the Conservatives and the amendment was defeated. Gladstone was so angry that apparently he contemplated retirement to the backbenches. (38)
Members of the Reform League still advocated the need for universal suffrage. At a large rally in Birmingham, George Nuttall attacked both the Conservatives and Liberals for preventing the introduction of democracy: "The House of Commons hated reform and would never grant it until they could not withhold it. The landlords, army lords, navy lords and law lords, who looked eagerly for a share of taxes for themselves and their dependants, would never let the people's nose from the grindstone if they could help it. But the people had the power in their hands if only they knew how to use it. Let them set their backs up, and show their bristles, and they would get the Reform Bill they wanted. They must show they are prepared to burst open the doors of the House of Commons should they be kept persistently closed against them. He hoped they were not coming to an end of a peaceful agitation... but when an aristocracy declared that the people should not be heard in the councils of the nation... that was a very dangerous and criminal thing. The people should rise in their might and majesty. If like the raging sea they should sweep on in their righteous indignation, every barrier set up against them - the aristocracy itself - might be swept into oblivion for ever. (39)
On 18th April, 1867, the Reform League's executive council met in London and unanimously condemned Disraeli's Bill as "partial and oppressive" and reaffirmed their commitment to "a vote for a man because he is a man". Charles Bradlaugh called for a national demonstration to take place in Hyde Park. It was pointed out that this would be breaking the law but Bradlaugh's motion was passed by five votes to three. The following day placards started to go up all over the country announcing a mass demonstration for universal manhood suffrage on 6th May. (40)
Spencer Walpole, the Home Secretary, announced that attending such a meeting would be illegal and that "all persons are hereby warned and admonished that they will attend any such meeting at their peril, and all her Majesty's loyal and faithful subjects are required to abstain from attending, aiding or taking part in any such meeting, or from entering the Park with a view to attend, aid or take part in any such meeting." (41)
The Government arranged for troops of Hussars to be deployed in the park and thousands of special constables were sworn in. However, so many demonstrators turned up it was decided to back down. "As always with such demonstrations, versions of the numbers varied hugely - from 20,000 in some Tory papers to 500,000 in the League accounts. Some proof that the latter figure was closer to the reality came from the 14 separate platforms from which the most accomplished speakers could not make themselves heard." (42)
It was the first time that any political organization representing the working class had openly and successfully defied the law. Bradlaugh commented that the reformers who had been killed at Peterloo were now at last victorious. The newspapers called for the arrests of the leaders of the Reform League. The government decided that this would be too dangerous and instead, Walpole, the Home Secretary, resigned.
Benjamin Disraeli realised that he had to make his Reform Bill more popular with the working class. On 20th May he accepted an amendment from Grosvenor Hodgkinson, which added nearly half a million voters to the electoral rolls, therefore doubling the effect of the bill. Gladstone commented: "Never have I undergone a stronger emotion of surprise than when, as I was entering the House, our Whip met me and stated that Disraeli was about to support Hodgkinson's motion." (43)
On 20th May 1867, John Stuart Mill, the Radical MP for Westminster, and the leading male supporter in favour of women's suffrage, proposed that women should be granted the same rights as men. "We talk of political revolutions, but we do not sufficiently attend to the fact that there has taken place around us a silent domestic revolution: women and men are, for the first time in history, really each other's companions... when men and women are really companions, if women are frivolous men will be frivolous... the two sexes must rise or sink together." (44)
During the debate on the issue, Edward Kent Karslake, the Conservative MP for Colchester, said in the debate that the main reason he opposed the measure was that he had not met one woman in Essex who agreed with women's suffrage. Lydia Becker, Helen Taylor and Frances Power Cobbe, decided to take up this challenge and devised the idea of collecting signatures in Colchester for a petition that Karslake could then present to parliament. They found 129 women resident in the town willing to sign the petition and on 25th July, 1867, Karslake presented the list to parliament. Despite this petition the Mill amendment was defeated by 196 votes to 73. Gladstone voted against the amendment. (45)
Gladstone decided not to take part in the debate on the third reading of the bill as he feared it would have a negative reaction: "A remarkable night. Determined at the last moment not to take part in the debate: for fear of doing mischief on our own side." (46) Without provocation from Gladstone the bill was passed without division. The House of Lords also agreed to pass the 1867 Reform Act. (47)
The act gave the vote to every male adult householder living in a borough constituency. Male lodgers paying £10 for unfurnished rooms were also granted the vote. This gave the vote to about 1,500,000 men. The Reform Act also dealt with constituencies and boroughs with less than 10,000 inhabitants lost one of their MPs. The forty-five seats left available were distributed by: (i) giving fifteen to towns which had never had an MP; (ii) giving one extra seat to some larger towns - Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham and Leeds; (iii) creating a seat for the University of London; (iv) giving twenty-five seats to counties whose population had increased since 1832. (48)
Prime Minister: 1868-1874
In December, 1867, Lord John Russell resigned and William Gladstone became the leader of the Liberal Party. He was deeply unpopular with some of the older members of the party. George Villiers, 4th Earl of Clarendon, described Gladstone as "an audacious innovator with an insatiable desire of popularity... his ungratified personal vanity makes him wish to subvert the institutions and classes that stand in the way of his ambition." It was accepted that during the 1860s he had made a "steady move to the left". (49)
He became a very active leader and according to his biographer, Roy Jenkins, "Gladstone spoke with great frequency and on almost every subject under the sun... As his days were full with many other engagements and occupations his diaries give the impression of his blowing in to the House of Commons, sounding off on whatever subject was under discussion." In this way he gained authority within his party and appeared "very much a Prime Minister in waiting". (50)
On 27th February, Edward Smith-Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby, retired as prime minister on medical advice, and was replaced by Benjamin Disraeli. A few days later Gladstone moved and carried a bill to abolish compulsory church rates, an issue which united radicals, libertarians, nonconformists and those Anglicans unwilling to defend the status-quo. Gladstone followed this by carrying with a majority of sixty-five votes the first of three resolutions to abolish the Anglican establishment in Ireland. By taking this action Gladstone was able to heal the divisions in the Liberal Party, that had been divided over the issue of parliamentary reform. (51)
Gladstone later argued that the decision publicly to advocate Irish disestablishment was an example of "a striking gift" endowed on him by Providence, which enabled him to identify a question whose moment for public discussion and action had come. Henry Labouchere, a fellow Liberal MP, responded by saying that he "did not object to the old man always having a card up his sleeve, but he did object to his insinuating that the Almighty had placed it there." (52)
More than a million votes were cast in the 1868 General Election. This was nearly three times the number of people who voted in the previous election. The Liberals won 387 seats against the 271 of the Conservatives. Robert Blake believes the Irish issue was an important factor in Gladstone's victory. "Gladstone could not have selected a better issue on which to unify his own party and divide his opponents". The Liberals did especially well in the cities because of the "existence of a large Irish immigrant population". (53)
Gladstone decided to make changes in the law which said that all Irishmen had to pay tithes to the Established Church. As he pointed out, as around 90% of the population were Catholics, it was unfair that this money went to the Protestant Church. He announced that in future the Protestant Church of Ireland would have to pay for itself out of what its members gave it. Protestants held protest meetings and Gladstone was described as "a traitor to his Queen, his country and his God". (54)
The Conservatives in the House of Lords resisted the Irish Church Bill, forcing a compromise on the financial terms but without rejecting it in principle. This was followed by an Irish Land Bill in 1870. "The fact of the passing of the bill was important, but its complexity bewildered as much as appealed; it alarmed the propertied classes but did not gain the sort of enthusiastic Irish response of the church bill a year earlier". (55)
After the passing of the 1867 Reform Act, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Robert Lowe, remarked that the government would now "have to educate our masters." Gladstone favoured the maintenance of the existing church schools, with the state providing ancillary board schools. He wanted to end church schools but realised that he would never get the legislation past the House of Lords.
The 1870 Education Act, drafted by William Forster stated: (a) the country would be divided into about 2,500 school districts; (b) School Boards were to be elected by ratepayers in each district; (c) the School Boards were to examine the provision of elementary education in their district, provided then by Voluntary Societies, and if there were not enough school places, they could build and maintain schools out of the rates; (d) the school Boards could make their own by-laws which would allow them to charge fees or, if they wanted, to let children in free. As a consequence of this legislation, spending by the state on education more than doubled. (56)
William Gladstone had a difficult relationship with Queen Victoria, who objected to some of the choices for membership of his cabinet. Worried by the growth in republicanism in Britain, he urged the near-reclusive Victoria to resume official duties. The queen resented Gladstone's tone, and apparently said that "He speaks to me as if I was a public meeting". (57)
In 1871 the government decided to impose a tax on matches. When she heard the news the Queen wrote a letter to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. "Above all it seems certain that this tax will seriously affect the manufacture and sale of matches which is said to be the sole means of support of a vast number of the very poorest people and little children, especially in London... The Queen trusts that the government will consider this proposal, and try and substitute some other which will not press upon the poor." Three days later the government decided to increase income tax instead. (58)
The previous Conservative government had established a Royal Commission on Trade Unions. Three members of the commission, Frederic Harrison, Thomas Hughes and Thomas Anson, 2nd Earl of Lichfield, refused to sign the Majority Report as they considered it hostile to trade unions. They therefore published a Minority Report where he argued that trade unions should be given privileged legal status.
The Trade Union Congress campaigned to have the Minority Report accepted by the new Liberal government. Gladstone eventually agreed and the 1871 Trade Union Act was based largely on the Minority Report. This act secured the legal status of trade unions. As a result of this legislation no trade union could be regarded as criminal because "in restraint of trade"; trade union funds were protected. Although trade unions were pleased with this act, they were less happy with the Criminal Law Amendment Act passed the same day that made picketing illegal. (59)
Gladstone also proposed an Army Regulation Bill, which attempted to abolish the purchase of commissions. Members of the House of Commons used obstructive tactics to prevent the bill being passed. Gladstone wrote to the Queen complaining that "at the morning sitting today the House went into Committee for the tenth time on the Army Bill... the obstruction, which it is difficult to characterize by the epithets it deserves, but of which there is little doubt that it is without precedent in the present generation". (60)
Working class males now formed the majority in most borough constituencies. However, employers were still able to use their influence in some constituencies because of the open system of voting. In parliamentary elections people still had to mount a platform and announce their choice of candidate to the officer who then recorded it in the poll book. Employers and local landlords therefore knew how people voted and could punish them if they did not support their preferred candidate.
In 1872 William Gladstone removed this intimidation when his government brought in the Ballot Act which introduced a secret system of voting. Paul Foot points out: "At once, the hooliganism, drunkenness and blatant bribery which had marred all previous elections vanished. employers' and landlords' influence was still brought to bear on elections, but politely, lawfully, beneath the surface." (61)
Gladstone became very unpopular with the working-classes when his government passed the 1872 Licensing Act. This restricted the closing times in public houses to midnight in towns and 11 o'clock in country areas. Local authorities now had the power to control opening times or to become completely "dry" (banning all alcohol in the area). This led to near riots in some towns as people complained that the legislation interfered with their personal liberty.
Benjamin Disraeli, the leader of the Conservative Party, made constant attacks on Gladstone and his government. In one speech in Manchester that lasted three and quarter hours he said that the government was losing its energy. He was suggesting that Gladstone, now aged 62, was too old for the job. "As I sat opposite the ministers reminded me of one of those marine landscapes not very uncommon on the coasts of South America. You behold a row of exhausted volcanoes. Not a flame flickers from a single pallid crest". (62)
On 9th August 1873, Gladstone replaced Robert Lowe and became his own chancellor of the exchequer. Gladstone sought to regain the political initiative by a daring and dramatic financial plan: "abolition of Income Tax and Sugar Duties with partial compensation from Spirits and Death Duties". To balance the books he also needed some defence savings. However, the army and navy cabinet ministers refused. (63)
Gladstone became very disillusioned with politics and considered resigning. Gladstone wrote in his diary on 18th January, 1874: "On this day I thought of dissolution". He told some of his senior ministers, John Bright, George Leveson-Gower and George Carr Glyn of his decision. "They all seemed to approve. My first thought of it was an escape from a difficulty. I soon saw on reflection that it was the best thing in itself." (64)
In the 1874 General Election the Conservative Party won with a majority of forty-six seats. Benjamin Disraeli became Prime Minister. It was the first Conservative victory in a General Election for over 30 years. According to his biographer, Roy Jenkins, "What Gladstone greatly minded was not so much the loss of office as the sense of rejection". Gladstone wrote in his diary: "I am confident that the Conservative Party will never arrive at a stable superiority while Disraeli is at their head". (65)
William Gladstone confided in John Spencer, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, that the 1872 Licensing Act was the main cause of his defeat. "We have been swept away, literally, by a torrent of beer and gin. Next to this comes Education: that has denuded us on both sides for reasons dramatically opposite; with the Nonconformists, and with the Irish voters." (66)
Gladstone in the Wilderness
William Gladstone, had been in high office for over fifteen years and he decided to retire from leading the Liberal Party. It was with some relief when he shocked his ex-cabinet colleagues that he would "no longer retain the leadership of the liberal party, nor resume it, unless the party had settled its difficulties". (67)
Although he was sixty-four years old he was in very good health: "He was fit, spare, and sprightly. He stood 5 feet 10½ inches and had an abnormally large head, with eagle-like eyes. He had accidentally shot off his left forefinger while shooting in September 1842 and always wore a fingerstall. A trim 11 stone 11 pounds, he ate and drank moderately, and did not smoke. Remarkable physical resilience made him... one of the fittest of prime ministers. Tree-felling... was a demanding and invigorating activity; it kept him fit and spry. In September 1873 he walked 33 miles in the rain through the Cairngorm mountains from Balmoral to Kingussie." (68)
Gladstone retained his seat in the House of Commons but spent most of his spare time writing. In November 1874, he published the pamphlet The Vatican Decrees in their Bearing on Civil Allegiance, attacking the idea of Papal infallibility that had been confirmed by Pius IX in 1870. Gladstone claimed that this placed Catholics in Britain in a dilemma over conflicts of loyalty to the Crown. He urged them to reject papal infallibility as they had opposed the Spanish Armada of 1588. The pamphlet was very popular and sold 150,000 copies in a couple of months. (69)
In another pamphlet Vaticanism: an Answer to Reproofs and Replies (February, 1875) he described the Catholic Church as "an Asian monarchy: nothing but one giddy height of despotism, and one dead level of religious subservience". He further claimed that the Pope wanted to destroy the rule of law and replace it with arbitrary tyranny, and then to hide these "crimes against liberty beneath a suffocating cloud of incense". (70)
During this period he became very friendly with Laura Thistlethwayte. The daughter of Captain R. H. Bell in Newry, was rumoured to have been a prostitute in Dublin before marrying the wealthy Augustus Frederick Thistlethwayte, a retired army captain and son of Thomas Thistlethwayte, the former M.P. for Hampshire. At their first meeting he knew enough about her to admit later that he had been drawn to her as a "sheep or lamb that had been astray... that had come back to the Shepherd's Fold, and to the Father's arms". (71)
Colin Matthew, one of Gladstone's main biographers, has pointed out: "Unlike the prostitutes whom Gladstone energetically continued throughout his premiership to attempt to redeem, Laura Thistlethwayte was already saved from sin and was converted. Gladstone was at first intrigued and soon obsessed with her tale... This was in effect a platonic extra-marital affair... On the third finger of his right hand he often wore a ring given him by Laura Thistlethwayte." (72)
There was considerable amount of gossip about Gladstone's behaviour. Queen Victoria told Disraeli that Gladstone was mad in dining with the "notorious" Mrs. Thistlethwayte. (73) Edward Stanley, 15th Earl of Derby, wrote: "Strange story of Gladstone frequenting the company of a Mrs. Thistlethwayte, a kept woman in her youth, who induced a foolish person with a large fortune to marry her... her beauty is her attraction to Gladstone and it is characteristic of him to be indifferent to scandal. I can scarcely believe the report that he is going to pass a week with her and her husband at their country house - she not being visited or received in society. (74)
As the prime minister, Benjamin Disraeli now had the opportunity to the develop the ideas that he had expressed when he was leader of the Young England group in the 1840s. Social reforms passed by the Disraeli government included: the Factory Act (1874) and the Climbing Boys Act (1875), Artisans Dwellings Act (1875), the Public Health Act (1875), the Pure Food and Drugs Act (1875). Disraeli also kept his promise to improve the legal position of trade unions. The Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act (1875) allowed peaceful picketing and the Employers and Workmen Act (1878) enabled workers to sue employers in the civil courts if they broke legally agreed contracts. (75)
Early in his career Benjamin Disraeli was not a strong enthusiast for building up the British Empire and had described colonies as "millstones around our neck" and had argued that the Canadians should "defend themselves" and that British troops should be withdrawn from Africa. However, once he became prime-minister he changed his view on the subject. He was especially interested in India, with its population of over 170 million. It was also an outlet for British goods and a source of valuable imports such as raw cotton, tea and wheat. It is possible that he saw the Empire as an "issue on which to damage his opponents by impugning their patriotism". (76)
In one speech Disraeli attacked Liberals as being people who were not committed to the British Empire: "Gentlemen, there is another and second great object of the Tory party. If the first is to maintain the institutions of the country, the second is, in my opinion, to uphold the empire of England. If you look to the history of this country since the advent of Liberalism - forty years ago - you will find that there has been no effort so continuous, so subtle, supported by so much energy, and carried on with so much ability and acumen, as the attempts of Liberalism to effect the disintegration of the empire of England." (77)
Benjamin Disraeli got on very well with Queen Victoria. She approved of Disraeli's imperialist views and his desire to make Britain the most powerful nation in the world. In May, 1876 Victoria agreed to his suggestion that she should accept the title of Empress of India. The title was said to be un-English and the proposal of the measure also seemed to suggest an unhealthily close political relationship between Disraeli and the Queen. The idea was rejected by Gladstone and other leading figures in the Liberal Party. (78)
Bulgarian Horrors
In May 1876 it was reported that Turkish troops had murdered up to 7,000, Orthodox Christians in the Balkans. Gladstone was appalled by these events and on 6th September he published Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East (1876). He sent a copy to Benjamin Disraeli who described the pamphlet as "vindictive and ill-written... indeed in that respect of all the Bulgarian horrors perhaps the greatest." (79)
The initial print run of 2,000 sold out in two days. Several reprints took place and eventually over 200,000 copies of the pamphlet were sold. On 9th September, Gladstone addressed an audience of 10,000 at Blackheath on the subject and became the leader of the "popular front of moral outrage". Gladstone stated that "never again shall the hand of violence be raised by you, never again shall the flood-gates of lust be open to you, never again shall the dire refinements of cruelty be devised by you for the sake of making mankind miserable." (80)
William Gladstone's approach was in stark contrast to what has been called "Disraeli's sardonic cynicism". Robert Blake has argued that the conflict between Gladstone and Disraeli "injected a bitterness into British politics which had not been seen since the Corn Law debates". (81) It has been claimed that "Gladstone developed a new form of evangelical mass politics" over this issue. (82)
Gladstone once again became a popular politician. Historians have been unsure if this was a calculated response or an aspect of his moral convictions. "The genesis of Gladstone's fervour on the issue is difficult to analyse. Was he, perhaps semi-consciously, looking for a cause for which... he could re-emerge as the dominating central figure of politics... Or was he spontaneously seized with a passionate sympathy for the sufferings of the Balkan Christian communities which left him to alternative but to erupt with his full and extraordinary force?" (83)
Benjamin Disraeli definitely believed William Gladstone was using the massacre to further his political career. He told a friend: "Posterity will do justice to that unprincipled maniac Gladstone - extraordinary mixture of envy, vindictiveness, hypocrisy and superstition; and with one commanding characteristic - whether preaching, praying, speechifying, or scribbling - never a gentleman!" (84)
Gladstone began to attack the foreign policy of the Conservative government. He attacked imperialism and warned of the dangers of a bloated empire with worldwide responsibilities which in the long run would become unsustainable. He pointed out that military spending had turned an inherited surplus of £6 million into a deficit of £8 million. As a result of these views, Prince George, Duke of Cambridge (the commander-in-chief) refused to shake Gladstone's hand when he met him. When his house was attacked by a Jingo mob on a Sunday evening, Gladstone wrote in his diary: "This is not very sabbatical". (85)
1880 General Election
In the 1880 General Election he contested the seat of Midlothian. He made eighteen important speeches. "The verbatim reporting of Gladstone's speeches ensured that they were available to every newspaper-reading household the next morning". Gladstone defeated his conservative opponent, William Montagu Douglas Scott, on 5th April 1880 by 1,579 votes to 1,368. (86)
It was a great victory for the Liberal Party who won 352 seats with 54.7% of the vote. Benjamin Disraeli resigned and Queen Victoria invited Spencer Cavendish, Lord Hartington, the official leader of the party, to become her new prime minister. He replied that the Liberal majority appeared to the nation as being a "Gladstone-created one" and that Gladstone had already told other senior figures in the party he was unwilling to serve under anybody else.
Victoria explained to Hartington that "there was one great difficulty, which was that I could not give Mr. Gladstone my confidence." She told her private secretary, Sir Henry Frederick Ponsonby: "She will sooner abdicate than send for or have any communication with that half mad firebrand who would soon ruin everything and be a dictator. Others but herself may submit to his democratic rule but not the Queen." (87)
Victoria now asked to see Granville Leveson-Gower, 2nd Earl Granville. He also refused to be prime minister, explaining that Gladstone had a "great amount of popularity at the present moment amongst the people". He also suggested that Gladstone, now aged 70, would probably retire by 1881. Victoria now agreed to appoint Gladstone as her prime minister. That night he recorded in his diary that the Queen received him "with the perfect courtesy from which she never deviates". (88)
Queen Victoria attempted to select Gladstone's cabinet ministers. He rejected this idea and appointed those who he felt would remain loyal to him. Gladstone who was described as looking "very ill and haggard, and his voice feeble" surprised the Queen by telling her that he intended to be his own Chancellor of the Exchequer. Joseph Chamberlain, the only member of the left-wing group within the Liberal Party, who was given a senior post in the government. (89)
The Liberal Party's victory owed a great deal to the increase in the number of working-class male voters. As Paul Foot has pointed out, this was not reflected in the newly formed government: "In the Cabinet of fourteen members, there were six earls (Selborne, Granville, Derby, Kimberley, Northbrook and Spencer), a marquis (Hartington), a baron (Carlingford), two baronets (Harcourt and Dilke) and only four commoners (Gladstone, Childers, Dodson and Joseph Chamberlain)." Only one working man, the trade union leader, Henry Broadhurst, joined the government as a junior minister for trade. (90)
Gladstone spent more time in the House of Commons than any other prime minister in the history of Parliament except for Stanley Baldwin: "But he (Gladstone) devoted his long hours there to the chamber, always listening, often intervening, whereas Baldwin was much more in the corridors, dining room and smoking room, alien territories to Gladstone, gossiping and absorbing atmosphere rather than directing business." (91)
Charles Bradlaugh and Ireland
Gladstone's first problem was to deal with the problem created by the election of the Liberal MP, Charles Bradlaugh, to represent Northampton. Bradlaugh, an outspoken republican, had helped to establish the National Secular Society, an organisation opposed to Christian dogma and the way that atheists were treated. At this time the law required in the courts and oath from all witnesses. "Atheists were held to be incapable of taking a meaningful oath, and were therefore treated as outlaws." (92)
In 1877 Charles Bradlaugh and Annie Besant published The Fruits of Philosophy, written by Charles Knowlton, a book that advocated birth control. Besant and Bradlaugh were charged with publishing material that was "likely to deprave or corrupt those whose minds are open to immoral influences". Besant and Bradlaugh were both found guilty of publishing an "obscene libel" and sentenced to six months in prison. At the Court of Appeal the sentence was quashed. (93)
Bradlaugh was not a Christian and argued that the 1869 Evidence Amendment Act gave him a right he asked for permission to affirm rather than take the oath of allegiance. The Speaker of the House of Commons refused this request and Bradlaugh was expelled from Parliament. William Gladstone supported Bradlaugh's right to affirm, but as he had upset a lot of people with his views on Christianity, the monarchy and birth control and when the issue was put before Parliament, MPs voted to support the Speaker's decision to expel him. (94)
Bradlaugh now mounted a national campaign in favour of atheists being allowed to sit in the House of Commons. Bradlaugh gained some support from some Nonconformists but he was strongly opposed by the Conservative Party and the leaders of the Anglican and Catholic clergy. When Bradlaugh attempted to take his seat in Parliament in June 1880, he was arrested by the Sergeant-at-Arms and imprisoned in the Tower of London. Benjamin Disraeli, leader of the Conservative Party, warned that Bradlaugh would become a martyr and it was decided to release him. (95)
On 26th April, 1881, Charles Bradlaugh was once again refused permission to affirm. William Gladstone promised to bring in legislation to enable Bradlaugh to do this, but this would take time. Bradlaugh was unwilling to wait and when he attempted to take his seat on 2nd August he was once forcibly removed from the House of Commons. Bradlaugh and his supporters organised a national petition and on 7th February, 1882, he presented a list of 241,970 signatures calling for him to be allowed to take his seat. However, when he tried to take the Parliamentary oath, he was once again removed from Parliament. (96)
Irish Land Act
Gladstone's first Irish Land Act had been a failure. He was now coming under pressure from the Land League that had been taking the law into their own hands and in the last three months of 1880, 1,696 crimes against Irish landlords took place. In February 1881 Gladstone asked Parliament to pass a Coercion Act, which meant that people suspected of crimes could be arrested and kept in jail without trial. (97)
In April 1881 Gladstone introduced his Second Land Bill in the House of Commons. It included three of the demands advocated by the Land League: (a) Fair Rents: To be decided by a court if the landlord and the tenant could not agree on what was fair. (b) Fixture of Tenure: The Tenant could stay in his farm as long as he wished, provided he paid the rent. (c) Free Sale: If a tenant left his farm he would be paid for any improvements he had made to it. Despite opposition from the House of Lords the bill became law in August 1881. (98)
Historians have been highly critical of this measure. Paul Adelman, the author of Great Britain and the Irish Question (1996) has pointed out: "Despite his masterly performance in pushing the complicated Land bill through the Commons in the summer of 1881, recent historians have argued that Gladstone again failed to face up to the economic realities of rural Ireland. For in the west of Ireland particularly, it was the lack of cultivable land rather than the problem of rents that was the fundamental problem for the smallholders." (99)
Charles Stewart Parnell, the leader of the Irish Land League, criticised several aspects of the Act (such as the exclusion of tenants in arrears from its provisions). In a speech in October 1881, Gladstone warned Parnell of taking direct action. "If there is to be fought a final conflict in Ireland between law on the one side and sheer lawlessness on the other... then I say... the resources of civilisation are not exhausted." (100) Parnell responded by denouncing the Liberal leader as "a masquerading knight errant, the pretending champion of the rights of every other nation except those of the Irish nation". (101)
Queen Victoria and William Gladstone
Queen Victoria and Gladstone were in constant conflict during his premiership. She often wrote to him complaining about his progressive policies. When he became prime minister in 1880 she warned him about the appointment of advance Radicals such as Joseph Chamberlain, Charles Wentworth Dilke, Henry Fawcett, James Stuart and Anthony Mundella, The Queen was also disappointed that Gladstone had not found a place for George Goschen, in his government, a man who she knew was strongly against parliamentary reform. (102)
In November, 1880, Queen Victoria she told him that he should be careful about making statements about future political policy: "The Queen is extremely anxious to point out to Mr. Gladstone the immense importance of the utmost caution on the part of all the Ministers but especially of himself, at the coming dinner in the City. There is such danger in every direction that a word too much might do irreparable mischief." (103) The following year she made a similar comment: "I see you are to attend a great banquet at Leeds. Let me express a hope that you will be very cautious not to say anything which could bind you to any particular measures." (104)
Gladstone's private secretary, Edward Walter Hamilton, claimed that he wrote to the Queen over a thousand times, and his letters were frequently in reply to hers. Victoria often complained about the speeches made by his most progressive cabinet ministers, Joseph Chamberlain and Charles Wentworth Dilke. Hamilton wrote to the Queen pointing out: "Your Majesty will readily believe that he (William Gladstone) has neither the time nor the eyesight to make himself acquainted by careful perusal with all the speeches of his colleagues". (105)
Hamilton believed that Victoria was jealous of Gladstone's popularity: "She (Victoria) feels, as he (Gladstone) puts it, aggrieved at the undue reverence shown to an old man of whom the public are being constantly reminded, and who goes on working for them beyond the allotted time, while H.M. is, owing to the life she leads, withdrawn from view... What he wraps up in guarded and considerate language is (to put it bluntly) jealously. She can't bear to see the large type which heads the columns in newspapers by 'Mr Gladstone's movements', while down below is in small type the Court Circular." (106)
1884 Reform Act
Gladstone's wife found the duties associated with managing a political household onerous and uninteresting and his daughter, Mary Gladstone, now aged 33 years old, played the main role as the hostess at the family residences. Susan K. Harris, the author of The Cultural Work of the Late Nineteenth-Century Hostess (2004) has pointed out: "Once Gladstone resumed office his daughter's influence would be a major attraction for many people, who saw her as a way to reach her powerful father." (107)
Mary was extremely interested in political ideas. In August 1883 she began reading Progress and Poverty, a book by Henry George. Mary wrote in her diary that the book is "supposed to be the most upsetting, revolutionary book of the age. At present Maggie and I both agree with it, and most brilliantly written it is. We had long discussions. He (her father) is reading it too." Gladstone later remarked "it is well-written but a wild book". (108)
Gladstone continued to enjoy good health. In 1884, when he was approaching his seventy-fifth birthday, he climbed Ben Macdui, at 4300 feet the highest point in the Cairngorms, taking seven hours forty minutes to do the twenty-mile round trip. Gladstone's wife never urged him to retire from politics. One of his biographer's, Roy Jenkins, has speculated that "she probably sensed that responsibility was a better shield to his body than was rest". (109)
In 1884 Gladstone introduced his proposals that would give working class males the same voting rights as those living in the boroughs. The bill faced serious opposition in the House of Commons. The Tory MP, William Ansell Day, argued: "The men who demand it are not the working classes... It is the men who hope to use the masses who urge that the suffrage should be conferred upon a numerous and ignorant class." (110)
George Goschen had been one of the leading Liberal opponents to the 1867 Reform Act. However, he supported the 1884 Reform Act: "The argument against the enfranchisement of the working class was this - and no doubt it is a very strong argument - the power they would have in any election if they combined together on questions of class interest. We are bound not to put that risk out of sight. Well, at the last election, I carefully watched the various contests that were taking place and I am bound to admit that I saw no tendency on the part of the working classes to combine on any special question where their pecuniary interests were concerned. On the contrary, they seemed to me to take a genuine political interest in public questions ... The working classes have given proofs that they are deeply desirous to do what is right." (111)
The bill was passed by the Commons on 26th June, with the opposition did not divide the House. The Conservatives were hesitant about recording themselves in direct hostility to franchise enlargement. However, Gladstone knew he would have more trouble with the House of Lords. Gladstone wrote to twelve of the leading bishops and asked for their support in passing this legislation. Ten of the twelve agreed to do this. However, when the vote was taken the Lords rejected the bill by 205 votes to 146.
Queen Victoria thought that the Lords had every right to reject the bill and she told Gladstone that they represented "the true feeling of the country" better than the House of Commons. Gladstone told his private secretary, Edward Walter Hamilton, that if the Queen had her way she would abolish the Commons. Over the next two months the Queen wrote sixteen letters to Gladstone complaining about speeches made by left-wing Liberal MPs. (112)
The London Trades Council quickly organized a mass demonstration in Hyde Park. On 21st July, an estimated 30,000 people marched through the city to merge with at least that many already assembled in the park. Thorold Rogers, compared the House of Lords to "Sodom and Gomorrah" and Joseph Chamberlain told the crowd: "We will never, never, never be the only race in the civilized world subservient to the insolent pretensions of a hereditary caste". (113)
Queen Victoria was especially angry about the speech made by Chamberlain, who was President of the Board of Trade in Gladstone's government. She sent letters to Gladstone complaining about Chamberlain on 6th, 8th and 10th August, 1884. (114) Edward Walter Hamilton, Gladstone's private secretary replied to the Queen explaining that the Prime Minister "has neither the time nor the eyesight to make himself acquainted by careful perusal with all the speeches of his colleagues." (115)
In August 1884, William Gladstone sent a long and threatening memorandum to the Queen: "The House of Lords has for a long period been the habitual and vigilant enemy of every Liberal Government... It cannot be supposed that to any Liberal this is a satisfactory subject of contemplation. Nevertheless some Liberals, of whom I am one, would rather choose to bear all this for the future as it has been borne in the past, than raise the question of an organic reform of the House of Lords... I wish (an hereditary House of Lords) to continue, for the avoidance of greater evils... Further; organic change of this kind in the House of Lords may strip and lay bare, and in laying bare may weaken, the foundations even of the Throne." (116)
Other politicians began putting pressure on Victoria and the House of Lords. One of Gladstone's MPs advised him to "Mend them or end them." However, Gladstone liked "the hereditary principle, notwithstanding its defects, to be maintained, for I think it in certain respects an element of good, a barrier against mischief". Gladstone was also secretly opposed to a mass creation of peers to give it a Liberal majority. However, these threats did result in conservative leaders being willing to negotiate over this issue. Hamilton wrote in his diary that "the atmosphere is full of compromise". (117)
Other moderate Liberal MPs feared that if the 1884 Reform Act was not passed Britain was in danger of a violent revolution. Samuel Smith feared the development of socialist parties such as the Social Democratic Party in Germany: "In the country, the agitation has reached a point which might be described as alarming. I have no desire to see the agitation assume a revolutionary character which it would certainly assume if it continued much longer.... I am afraid that there would emerge from out of the strife a new party like the social democrats of Germany and that the guidance of parties would pass from the hands of wise statesmen into that of extreme and violent men". (118)
John Morley was one of the MPs who led the fight against the House of Lords. The Spectator reported "He (John Morley) was himself, be said, convinced that compromise was the life of politics; but the Franchise Bill was a compromise, and if the Lords threw it out again, that would mean that the minority were to govern... The English people were a patient and a Conservative people, but they would not endure a stoppage of legislation by a House which had long been as injurious in practice as indefensible in theory. If the struggle once began, it was inevitable that the days of privilege should be numbered." (119)
Left-wing members of the Liberal Party, such as James Stuart, urged Gladstone to give the vote to women. Stuart wrote to Gladstone's daughter, Mary: "To make women more independent of men is, I am convinced, one of the great fundamental means of bringing about justice, morality, and happiness both for married and unmarried men and women. If all Parliament were like the three men you mention, would there be no need for women's votes? Yes, I think there would. There is only one perfectly just, perfectly understanding Being - and that is God.... No man is all-wise enough to select rightly - it is the people's voice thrust upon us, not elicited by us, that guides us rightly." (120)
A total of 79 Liberal MPs urged Gladstone to recognize the claim of women's householders to the vote. Gladstone replied that if votes for women was included Parliament would reject the proposed bill: "The question with what subjects... we can afford to deal in and by the Franchise Bill is a question in regard to which the undivided responsibility rests with the Government, and cannot be devolved by them upon any section, however respected , of the House of Commons. They have introduced into the Bill as much as, in their opinion, it can safely carry." (121)
The bill was passed by the Commons but was rejected by the Conservative dominated House of Lords. Gladstone refused to accept defeat and reintroduced the measure. This time the Conservative members of the Lords agreed to pass Gladstone's proposals in return for the promise that it would be followed by a Redistribution Bill. Gladstone accepted their terms and the 1884 Reform Act was allowed to become law. This measure gave the counties the same franchise as the boroughs - adult male householders and £10 lodgers - and added about six million to the total number who could vote in parliamentary elections. (122)
However, this legislation meant that all women and 40% of adult men were still without the vote. According to Lisa Tickner: "The Act allowed seven franchise qualifications, of which the most important was that of being a male householder with twelve months' continuous residence at one address... About seven million men were enfranchised under this heading, and a further million by virtue of one of the other six types of qualification. This eight million - weighted towards the middle classes but with a substantial proportion of working-class voters - represented about 60 per cent of adult males. But of the remainder only a third were excluded from the register of legal provision; the others were left off because of the complexity of the registration system or because they were temporarily unable to fulfil the residency qualifications... Of greater concern to Liberal and Labour reformers... was the issue of plural voting (half a million men had two or more votes) and the question of constituency boundaries." (123)
Women's Rights
Mary Gladstone married Harry Drew, the curate of Hawarden in Westminster Abbey on 2nd February 1886. In August 1886 she miscarried a son and was dangerously ill for five months. Mary now became involved in a debate with her father on the subject of birth-control. Her biographer, Susan K. Harris, has argued: "Still mindful of her father's high moral standards, Mary was negotiating not so much the issue as the propriety of discussing such sensitive material across generational and gender lines.... Knowing that her stance was embattled even among the clergy, she sought as much ammunition as possible to continue her fight. The irony was that her father's feelings about the issue were so strong that broaching it took considerable courage even when they were on the same side. Mary's argument here is that she must know the details of the debate in order to counsel friends and parishioners, but she must continually reassure W. G. Gladstone that she has not gone over to what he saw as an anti-life campaign." (124)
Mary discovered that her father had been sent a copy of The Ethics of Marriage by Hiram Sterling Pomeroy. She wrote to her father about the book: "Dearest Father: I saw that a book called Ethics of Marriage was sent to you, & I am writing this to ask you to lend it me. You may think it an unfitting book to lend, but perhaps you do not know of the great battle we of this generation have to fight, on behalf of morality in marriage. If I did not know that this book deals with what I am referring to, I should not open the subject at all, as I think it sad & useless for any one to know of these horrors unless the, are obliged to try & counteract them. For when one once knows of an evil in our midst, one is partly responsible for it. I do not wish to speak to Mama about it, because when I did, she in her innocence, thought that by ignoring it, the evil would cease to exist."
In the letter Mary pointed out that it was becoming clear that society was changing. "What is called the American sin is now almost universally practised in the upper classes; one sign of it easily seen is the Peerage, where you will see that among those married in the last 15 years, the children of the large majority are under 5 in number, & it is spreading even among the clergy, & from them to the poorer classes. The Church of England Purity Society has been driven to take up the question, & it was openly dealt with at tile Church Congress. As a clergyman's wife, I have been a good deal consulted, & have found myself almost alone amongst my friends & contemporaries, in the line I have taken ... everything that hacks up this line strengthens this line, is of inestimable value to me, & therefore this book will be a help to me ... It is almost impossible to make people see it is a sin against nature as well as against God." (125)
Gladstone read the book, The Emancipation of Women and Its Probable Consequences, that had been published in Leipzig. Written by Adele Crepaz it was a strong attack on those calling for reform. Susan K. Harris has pointed out: "If women take the jobs, Crepaz argues, men won't be able to support wives and families. Hence marriage rates will decrease. And if marriage rates decrease, culture will fail. Additionally, women who work won't be able to serve their husbands as they should, with the consequence that woman's nature will be prevented. Even women doctors ultimately undermine women's sacred role. Rather than trying to serve in more than one capacity, women should remember that the greatest civic role is to bring up their children well, and that the highest moral role is to serve their husbands." (126)
Gladstone read the book in German and urged Crepaz to have it published in English. He wrote to Crepaz to say that "it seems to me by far the most comprehensive, luminous, and penetrating work on this question that I have yet met with." Gladstone sent copies of the book to female members of the Liberal Party who supported women being given the vote. Margaret Cowell Stepney, the wife of Arthur Cowell-Stepney MP, was one of those who sent her comments on the book to the prime-minister: "I feel fearfully presumptuous in venturing, in any way, to criticize a book which you have commended - but as you were good enough to tell me to say what I thought, I must answer truly.... I cannot believe, that there is more danger in mothers making their daughters self-supporting, than in mothers who look upon marriage as the only aim of existence - and, there seems to me to be possibly some weak point in the suggestion that when the husband dies, the widow who cannot work, may always look for help, with confidence, from relations, friends, and charitable institutions - surely in their cases at least - widows - girls who cannot marry - or who can only marry, as a means of livelihood - there may be reason for wishing that women should have independence of a profession?" (127)
William Gladstone: 1886-1892
In June 1885 Gladstone resigned after supporters of Irish Home Rule and the Conservative Party joined forces to defeat his Liberal government's Finance Bill. Robert Cecil, 3rd Marquis of Salisbury, accepted office and formed a minority Conservative government. Gladstone continued as leader of the Liberal Party, and was confident that a general election on the new franchise and distribution being imminent, would give him back power.
Gladstone and the Liberals won the 1885 General Election, with a majority of seventy-two over the Tories. However, the Irish Nationalists could cause problems because they won 86 seats. On 8th April 1886, Gladstone announced his plan for Irish Home Rule. Mary Gladstone Drew wrote: "The air tingled with excitement and emotion, and when he began his speech we wondered to see that it was really the same familiar face - familiar voice. For 3 hours and a half he spoke - the most quiet earnest pleading, explaining, analysing, showing a mastery of detail and a grip and grasp such as has never been surpassed. Not a sound was heard, not a cough even, only cheers breaking out here and there - a tremendous feat at his age... I think really the scheme goes further than people thought." (128)
The Home Rule Bill said that there should be a separate parliament for Ireland in Dublin and that there would be no Irish MPs in the House of Commons. The Irish Parliament would manage affairs inside Ireland, such as education, transport and agriculture. However, it would not be allowed to have a separate army or navy, nor would it be able to make separate treaties or trade agreements with foreign countries. (129)
The Conservative Party opposed the measure. So did some members of the Liberal Party, led by Joseph Chamberlain, also disagreed with Gladstone's plan. Chamberlain main objection to Gladstone's Home Rule Bill was that as there would be no Irish MPs at Westminster, Britain and Ireland would drift apart. He added that this would be amounting to the start of the break-up of the British Empire. When a vote was taken, there were 313 MPs in favour, but 343 against. Of those voting against, 93 were Liberals. They became known as Liberal Unionists. (130)
Gladstone responded to the vote by dissolving parliament rather than resign. During the 1886 General Election he had great difficultly leading a divided party. According to Colin Matthew: "So dedicated was Gladstone to the campaign that he agreed to break the habit of the previous forty years and cease his attempts to convert prostitutes, for fear, for the first time, of causing a scandal (Liberal agents had heard that the Unionists were monitoring Gladstone's nocturnal movements in London with a view to a press exposé)". (131)
In the election the number of Liberal MPs fell from 333 in 1885 to 196, though no party gained an overall majority. Gladstone resigned on 30th July. Robert Cecil, 3rd Marquis of Salisbury, once again became prime minister. Queen Victoria wrote him a letter where she said she always thought that his Irish policy was bound to fail and "that a period of silence from him on this issue would now be most welcome, as well as his clear patriotic duty." (132)
William Gladstone refused to retire and continued as leader of the opposition. He wrote several articles on the subject of Home Rule and questioned the idea that the House of Lords should be able to block government legislation. Although he remained active in politics, a decline in his hearing and eyesight made life difficult. "His memory, particularly for names but also for recent events, although not for more distant ones, showed signs of fading... On the other hand his physical stamina remained formidable. He felled his last tree a few weeks before his eighty-second birthday." (133)
Gladstone had always rejected the philosophy of socialism but he became much more sympathetic to the trade union movement and supported the workers during the London Dock Strike. After their victory he gave a speech at Hawarden on 23rd September, 1889, in which he said: "In the common interests of humanity, this remarkable strike and the results of this strike, which have tended somewhat to strengthen the condition of labour in the face of capital, is the record of what we ought to regard as satisfactory, as a real social advance that tends to a fair principle of division of the fruits of industry". (134) Eugenio Biagini, in his book, Liberty, Retrenchment and Reform: Popular Liberalism in the Age of Gladstone (2008) has argued that this speech has "no parallel in the rest of Europe except in the rhetoric of the toughest socialist leaders". (135)
Prime Minister: 1892-1894
The Liberals enjoyed twelve by-election victories during the period 1886 and 1891 and Gladstone was expected to win the next election. William Stead interviewed Gladstone in April, 1892 and was surprised by the energy of the veteran politician: "Mr. Gladstone is old enough to be the grandfather of the younger race of politicians, but his courage, his faith, and his versatility, put the youngest of them to shame. It is this ebullience of youthful energy, this inexhaustible vitality, which is the admiration and the despair of his contemporaries. Surely when a schoolboy at Eton he must somewhere have discovered the elixir of life or have been bathed by some beneficent fairy in the well of perpetual youth. Gladly would many a man of fifty exchange physique with this hale and hearty octogenarian.... A splendid physical frame, carefully preserved, gives every promise of a continuance of his green old age." (136)
In the 1892 General Election held in July, Gladstone's Liberal Party won the most seats (272) but he did not have an overall majority and the opposition was divided into three groups: Conservatives (268), Irish Nationalists (85) and Liberal Unionists (77). Robert Cecil, 3rd Marquis of Salisbury, refused to resign on hearing the election results and waited to be defeated in a vote of no confidence on 11th August. Gladstone, now 84 years old, formed a minority government dependent on Irish Nationalist support. (137)
A Second Home Rule Bill was introduced on 13th February 1893. Gladstone personally took the bill through the "committee stage in a remarkable feat of physical and mental endurance". (138) After eighty-two days of debate it was passed in the House of Commons on 1st September by 43 votes (347 to 304). Gladstone wrote in his diary, "This is a great step. Thanks be to God." (139)
On 8th September, 1893, after four short days of debate, the House of Lords rejected the bill, by a vote of 419 to 41. "It was a division without precedent, both for the size of the majority and the strength of the vote. There were only 560 entitled to vote, and 82 per cent of them did did so, even though there was no incentive of uncertainty to bring remote peers to London." (140)
It is alleged that Gladstone considered resigning and calling a new general election on the issue. However, he suspected that he could not mount a successful electoral indictment of the House of Lords on Irish Home Rule. He therefore pushed ahead with the Workmen's Compensation Act, a measure that was extremely unpopular with employers. The act dealt with the right of workers for compensation for personal injury. It replaced the Employer's Liability Act 1880, which required the injured worker the right to sue the employer and put the burden of proof on the employee. Gladstone thought that when the Lords blocked the bill he could call an election and win.
However, in December 1893, Gladstone came into conflict with his own party over the issue of defence spending. The Conservative Party began arguing for an expansion of the Royal Navy. Gladstone made it clear that he was opposed to this policy. William Harcourt, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was willing to increase naval expenditure by £3 million. John Poyntz Spencer, the First Lord of the Admiralty, agreed with Harcourt. Gladstone refused to budge on the issue and wrote that he would not "break to pieces the continuous action of my political life, nor trample on the tradition received from every colleague who has ever been my teacher" by supporting naval rearmament. (141)
Conservatives continued to block the government's legislation. After accepting the Lords' amendments to the Local Government Bill "under protest" he decided to resign. In his last speech to the House of Commons on 1st March, 1894, he suggested that the time had come to change the rules of the British Parliament so that the House of Lords would no longer have the power to refuse to pass Bills which had been passed by the House of Commons. (142)
William Gladstone died aged 88 after suffering a heart-attack at Hawarden Castle on 19th May, 1898. | ||||
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wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 59 | http://www.historyhome.co.uk/pms/wegchron.htm | en | William Ewart Gladstone (1809 | [
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"Second Marquis of Rockingham; Rockingham; Wentworth Woodhouse; Wentworth; Rockingham; Wentworth Woodhouse; Rockingham; Wentworth Woodhouse; The Reign of George III; \nthe reign of George IV; Bute; Chatham; Grenville; Rockingham; \nthe American War of Independence; the impact of the French Wars on Britain; \nPitt t... | null | [] | null | The reign of George III; the reign of George IV;
the reign of William IV; Bute; Chatham; Grenville; Rockingham; the American War of
Independence; the impact of the French Wars on England; Pitt the Younger;
John Wilkes;
Eighteenth Century English History; the Age of Lord Liverpool; Peel; History;
Social History;
Nineteenth Century History; Irish Affairs; Political Personalities in
the Nineteenth Century; Economic History; Sir Robert Peel British Politics,
Society, Personalities and Economics in the age of Sir Robert Peel.
A resource for students of English History | null | 1809 Born on 29 December in Liverpool, the fourth son (and fifth child of six) of Sir John Gladstone and his second wife, Anne Mackenzie Robertson. 1821 Having completed his primary education, Gladstone went to Eton. 1828 Gladstone went to Christ Church College, Oxford. 1831 Gladstone made a speech at the Oxford Union against the Reform Bill. He said that electoral reform would mean revolution.
He gained a double First Degree in Mathematics and Classics. 1832 Gladstone was elected as a Tory for the borough of Newark-on-Trent under the patronage of the Duke of Newcastle. 1833 Gladstone made his maiden speech in Parliament during the Committee stage of the Emancipation Bill. He defended his father against accusations about the treatment of slaves on his plantations in the West Indies. December 1834 He was appointed as a Junior Lord of the Treasury in the first administration of Sir Robert Peel. January 1835 He was appointed Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies. April 1835 Peel resigned as Prime Minister and Gladstone left office. July 1839 Gladstone married Catherine Glynne at the Gladstone family home of Hawarden . January 1840 Gladstone began his work of rescuing and rehabilitating prostitutes in London. September 1841 Gladstone accepted the post of Vice-President of the Board of Trade in Peel's second ministry. May 1843 Peel appointed Gladstone as President of the Board of Trade. Gladstone became a member of the Cabinet. August 1844 The first general Railway Act was steered through Parliament by Gladstone. The legislation became known as the "Parliamentary Train Act". February 1845 Gladstone resigned from the Cabinet because he disagreed with the increase in the grant to Maynooth Seminary in Dublin. December 1845 Peel invited Gladstone to join the government as Colonial Secretary. Gladstone had to stand for re-election but failed to gain a seat until July 1847. Nevertheless, he remained a member of Peel's Cabinet. 1848 Gladstone enrolled as a Special Constable and was called out during the Chartist rallies.
He founded the Church Penitentiary Association for the Reclamation of Fallen Women, along with Bishops Wilberforce and Bloomfield. 1852 The Earl of Aberdeen formed a coalition government.
Gladstone was appointed as Chancellor of the Exchequer and presented his first budget in April 1853. 1854-6 The Crimean War. Gladstone increased Income Tax from 7d to 10½d in the pound; in anticipation of increased government expenditure. 1855 Aberdeen was forced to resign because of the inept handling of the Crimean War.
Palmerston became Prime Minister and Gladstone resigned because he disagreed with Palmerston's decision to accept J.A. Roebuck's proposed Committee of Inquiry into the conduct of the war. 1858 Gladstone became Lord High Commissioner Extraordinary to the Ionian Islands until March 1859. The islands were a British Protectorate until they were united with Greece. June 1859 Palmerston formed his second ministry and Gladstone became Chancellor of the Exchequer again. 1860 The Cobden Treaty was signed with France.
In his second budget, Gladstone reduced considerably the number of articles subject to customs duty. The budget reduced the cost of living and his reputation as a financier grew. 1861 The Post Office Savings Bank was established. This enabled people with small savings to open a bank account. 1862 Gladstone and his wife provided relief work on the Hawarden estate for Lancashire cotton workers who had been thrown out of work because of the blockade of Confederate ports, preventing the export of cotton. 1864 Gladstone committed himself to supporting a Bill to lower the franchise qualification. This pleased the Radicals but horrified both Queen Victoria and Palmerston. 1865 Because of his support of an extension of the franchise, Gladstone lost his Oxford University seat in the General Election. He was returned as MP for Lancashire at a later poll in the same election. 1865 Lord John Russell became Prime Minister (for the second time) following the death of Palmerston. Gladstone continued as Chancellor of the Exchequer. 1866 Gladstone introduced the Representation of the People Bill which proposed to lower the franchise qualification. The Bill was opposed by the Conservatives and also by some Liberals.
Russell's government resigned. 1868 Gladstone was elected as MP for Greenwich following his defeat in Lancashire in the General Election.
He became Prime Minister for the first time in December. He announced that his "mission was to pacify Ireland". 1868-74 Gladstone's first ministry. 1869 Disestablishment of the Irish Church Act. 1870 Forster's Education Act
first Irish Land Act 1871 Army Regulation Act
University Test Act
abolition of the purchase of commissions in the Army 1872 Ballot Act
Licensing Act 1874 The Tories won the General Election and Disraeli became Prime Minister. Gladstone resigned. 1875 Gladstone resigned as Leader of the Liberal Party but continued to sit on the Opposition Front Bench. 1876 Gladstone's book The Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East was published. In it, Gladstone attacked Disraeli's foreign policy. 1879 Gladstone's Midlothian Campaign. He made a two-week tour of the country prior to the General Election and was received enthusiastically by the people. 1880 Gladstone was returned as MP for both Leeds and Edinburghshire at the General Election. He chose to sit for Edinburghshire; his son Herbert was elected for Leeds and his son William was elected for Worcestershire East.
Disraeli resigned without waiting for parliament to meet.
Queen Victoria asked Lord Hartington to form a ministry but he persuaded her to send for Gladstone.
Gladstone formed his second ministry and decided also to take on the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer. 1881 The Irish Coercion Act was passed, giving the Viceroy the power to detain people for as "long as was thought necessary".
The second Land Act was passed.
Disraeli died. Gladstone did not attend the funeral. 1882 Lord Frederick Cavendish (the Chief Secretary for Ireland) and T.H. Burke (the Undersecretary) were murdered in Phoenix Park, Dublin. An even more severe Coercion Bill was introduced as a result of the murders.
Gladstone resigned as Chancellor of the Exchequer. 1884 General Gordon reached Khartoum from whence he was supposed to evacuate the people. He decided to defeat the Mahdi instead. Gladstone was forced by "jingoism" to send help to Gordon.
The third Reform Act was passed
The Redistribution of Seats Act was passed. 1885 The fall of Khartoum. Gordon and his forces were massacred two days before Lord Wolseley's relief expedition arrived. Gladstone was held to be responsible for Gordon's death and he was given the nickname "Gordon's Own Murderer" to replace the "Grand Old Man".
The government was defeated on the budget by an alliance of Conservatives and Irish Nationalists. Gladstone resigned and Lord Salisbury became Prime Minister.
Queen Victoria offered Gladstone an earldom, which he declined. December 1885 The "Hawarden Kite": Herbert Gladstone leaked to the press that his father was in favour of a policy of Home Rule in Ireland. 1886 The Conservatives vowed to maintain the union of Great Britain and Ireland. Gladstone and the Irish Nationalists joined forces to defeat the government. Salisbury resigned.
Gladstone became Prime Minister for the third time, combining the office with that of Lord Privy Seal.
Gladstone introduced a Home Rule Bill for Ireland which was defeated. Gladstone resigned following the Conservative victory in the General Election. 1893 The second Home Rule Bill was introduced to parliament and was defeated by the House of Lords. 1894 Gladstone resigned as Prime Minister but continued to sit as an MP until the General Election when he finally retired from parliament. 1896 In his last public speech, in Liverpool, Gladstone protested against the massacres of Armenians in Turkey. | |||||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 6 | https://www.westminster-abbey.org/abbey-commemorations/commemorations/william-and-catherine-gladstone | en | William and Catherine Gladstone | [
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] | null | In 1903 a statue to William Gladstone, Prime Minister, was unveiled. A gravestone, to William and his wife Catherine, was put in after Catherine’s death. | en | /apple-touch-icon-57x57.png | Westminster Abbey | https://www.westminster-abbey.org/abbey-commemorations/commemorations/william-and-catherine-gladstone/ | In 1903 an over-life size marble statue to William Gladstone was unveiled in the north transept of Westminster Abbey. The inscription reads:
Erected by Parliament to the Right Honourable William Ewart Gladstone four times Prime Minister. Born December 29 1809 Died May 19 1898.
It stands next to the statue of Robert Peel and is by the sculptor Sir Thomas Brock. His was the last standing statue to be erected inside the Abbey. Due to lack of space it was decided that future memorials should be in the form of tablets, floor stones or windows (the only exception to this rule being the recumbent effigy of Lord Salisbury 1903).
The funeral was held at the Abbey on 28th May 1898 and several members of the Royal family attended. His was the first State funeral since that of William Pitt (Benjamin Disraeli's family having declined the honour for him). Gladstone was the first to have a public lying in state in Westminster Hall prior to the service (the Painted Chamber there had formerly been used until destroyed by fire). The service also included hymns and a service booklet was published.
His gravestone, with brass letters and a cross at the base, was put in after the death of his wife and reads:
Here are buried William Ewart Gladstone Born Dec 29 1809. Died May 19 1898 and Catherine his wife the daughter of Sir Stephen Glynne Eighth Baronet of Hawarden Castle. Born Jan 6 1812. Died June 14 1900
William was a son of Sir John Gladstone, 1st Baronet (d.1851) and his second wife Anne (Robertson) and was born in Liverpool. His sisters were Anne and Helen and another brother was John. He joined his brother Thomas (who also became a Member of Parliament) at Eton College and went on to study at Christ Church, Oxford. In 1833 he gave his maiden speech as a Member of Parliament on the emancipation of slaves. From 1852-1855 he was Chancellor of the Exchequer. He went on to serve as leader of the Liberal Party and held the office of Prime Minister four times (1868-1872, 1880-1885, 1886 and 1892-1894). During his time the 1870 Education Act was passed but he was not able to obtain Home Rule for Ireland which he strongly advocated. He married Catherine Glynne in 1839 and they had four sons and four daughters - William Henry (his son William was killed in 1915), Agnes (who married Edward Wickham), Stephen (rector of Hawarden), Catherine (who married the Reverend H. Drew), Helen, Henry and Herbert (who became a Cabinet minister). In 1894 he resigned office and declined a peerage.
Further reading for his father and the Gladstone family
Oxford Dictionary of National Biography for William and Catherine
The Life of William Ewart Gladstone by John Morley, 3 volumes, 1903
The Gladstone Diaries ed. by M.R.D.Foot & H.Matthew (14 volumes) 1968-1994
The Gladstones, a family biography 1764-1851 by S.G. Checkland, 1971
British royal and state funerals, music and ceremonial since Elizabeth I, by M. Range 2016 | ||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 13 | https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/news-wires-white-papers-and-books/william-ewart-gladstone | en | William Ewart Gladstone | [
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] | null | [] | null | William Ewart Gladstone1809-1898 British prime minister Sources Source for information on William Ewart Gladstone: World Eras dictionary. | en | /sites/default/files/favicon.ico | https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/news-wires-white-papers-and-books/william-ewart-gladstone | 1809-1898
British prime minister
Sources
Religious Upbringing. William Ewart Gladstone was born in Liverpool to John Gladstone, a prosperous merchant of Scottish origin. His devoutly evangelical upbringing profoundly influenced his life. Gladstone distinguished himself at Christ Church, University of Oxford, but after much soul-searching he chose politics rather than a career in the church. Nevertheless, his religious convictions remained strong throughout his life. In 1839 he married Catherine Glynne; they had eight children.
Political Development. Gladstone was first elected to Parliament in 1832 with the Conservative Party. Throughout the 1830s the young Gladstone opposed almost all reform; his first speeches defended slavery in the West Indies and the Church of England. In 1843 he became president of the Board of Trade in the Conservative cabinet of Sir Robert Peel. Gladstone supported Peel’s movement toward free trade, but in 1846, when Peel repealed the Corn Laws to help stave off starvation in Ireland and England, the Conservative Party lost the support of the landed elites, and Peel’s government collapsed. Between 1846 and 1859 Gladstone was politically isolated. During this isolation his views changed from conservative to liberal because of the horrific famine in Ireland and the general fear that it could lead to an 1848-style revolution as had occurred in France. Religious intolerance in Great Britain, especially the exclusion of Jews and Catholics from government, had long irritated Gladstone’s powerful religious convictions: his political isolation facilitated the transformation of this irritation into political action. He also supported the cause of Italian nationalism and unity. In 1859 he joined the Liberals and served as chancellor of the exchequer under Lord Palmerston. He gradually accepted the idea of an expanded voting franchise as a means of defusing the dangerous tensions that were building in British society; this made him a champion of the lower classes. In 1866 Gladstone proposed an amendment to the Reform Acts, which would further enfranchise the working class by using monetary amounts paid to landlords as qualifiers. This act, in effect, would allow people without land the right to vote. The proposal failed, however. Benjamin Disraeli, Gladstone’s great rival, presented an amendment that was more palatable to the British social and political elites: financial qualifications for voting rights were lowered, and householders, including many urban workers, were included in the franchise. Disraeli’s bill passed in 1867.
First Ministry. In his first ministry (1868–1874) Gladstone’s reform record was impressive. One of his most significant acts was to create a national elementary education program for all British children (1870). His government made major reforms in the justice system, making the central courts more efficient; in the civil service, basing employment on merit; and in the military, abolishing the purchase of army commissions. Perhaps Gladstone’s most difficult policy project was his effort to resolve the festering conflict in Ireland. The Irish had long demanded independence from Britain. However, the Potato Famine and the British government’s unwillingness to alleviate the situation had radicalized many formerly moderate Irish people and had led to considerable violence. The British government, which had traditionally been unwilling to grant Ireland any autonomy, was even more opposed to Irish independence after the waves of violence began. The majority of the Irish population was Roman Catholic. However, several hundred years under the yoke of British imperialism had brought many Anglican and Presbyterian settlers from Great Britain to Ireland, most of whom became powerful landlords. Gladstone removed support for the Anglican Church in Ireland: Irish Catholics were no longer forced to pay taxes to support it. Irish tenant farmers had long been vulnerable to surprise evictions by their British landlords; Gladstone ameliorated this situation by requiring that the landlords pay compensation to any evicted tenants. The wealthy and propertied of Britain, however, grew worried that the changing voting franchise would upset their traditional political power—in 1874 the Conservatives were voted into office with Disraeli as Prime Minister.
Second Ministry. Gladstone was sharply critical of the practices of the Disraeli government in Britain’s overseas empire. During the election of 1880 Gladstone’s cogent opposition to the British annexation of the South African Republic, the Afrikaner (or Boer) state in the Transvaal region of what is now northern South Africa, won him many supporters. Gladstone felt that the annexation of South Africa was morally wrong but also worried about Great Britain’s ability to protect such a distant and unstable place. His critiques were well taken by the voters; he won the election of 1880 and resumed his place as prime minister. The Reform Act of 1884 was the most important piece of legislation in Gladstone’s second ministry. This act further lowered financial qualifications for voters and extended the vote to many rural citizens. He ushered in the Land Act of 1881, which gave Irish tenant farmers greater control over the land they farmed, through Parliament, but peace remained elusive. In 1884, for example, the chief secretary and the undersecretary for Ireland were assassinated by Irish radicals. While Gladstone had come to believe that Irish home rule was necessary if further violence were to be prevented, his views were not popular in Parliament. In foreign affairs he was criticized for abandoning the Transvaal to the Afrikaners in 1881; for bombarding Alexandria during an Egyptian revolt; and for failing to get relief troops to the Sudan in time to prevent the death of Charles “Chinese” Gordon, a popular British general, in 1885. Gladstone and his cabinet were slow to react to problems in the empire—he argued that continued imperial expansion was morally unjustifiable and amounted to slavery.
Third and Fourth Ministries. Gladstone’s third (1886) and fourth (1892–1894) ministries were dominated by his pursuit of home rule for Ireland. His first Irish home-rule bill (1886) split the Liberal Party: many Liberals saw the Irish as little more than rabid animals and refused to support any reduction in British power over Ireland. In 1893 a second home-rule bill passed the House of Commons but was rejected by the House of Lords. Gladstone wanted to continue to struggle for Irish home rule, but his cabinet, many of whom worried about the effect the fight would have on their careers, refused. He therefore resigned as prime minister in 1894 and retired.
Impact. He died of cancer at the age of eighty-eight and was buried in Westminster Abbey. Gladstone mobilized an idealistic liberalism in the British public; he believed that government reform could improve life for all British citizens. His efforts to increase the voting franchise to include urban workers and farm laborers defused dangerous social tensions and probably prevented a revolution in Britain. His sponsorship of public education also allowed the children of these same laborers the hope of upward mobility. The Liberal Party grew strong under Gladstone, and his governments provided political stability in England for almost three decades. He was guided by firm religious beliefs, he distrusted imperialism, and he decried mistreatment of people throughout the world.
Sources
D. A. Hamer, Liberal Politics in the Age of Gladstone and Rosebery: A Study in Leadership and Policy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972).
Roy Jenkins, Gladstone, a Biography (New York: Random House, 1997).
H. C. Matthew, Gladstone, 1809-1874 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986). | |||||
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] | null | [] | null | en | /themes/custom/olamalu_christchurch/favicon.ico | Christ Church, University of Oxford | https://www.chch.ox.ac.uk/cathedral/war-memorials/lieutenant-acting-captain-william-herbert-gladstone-mc | Killed in action aged 20
Buried at Sanders Keep Military Cemetery, Graincourt-les-Havrincourt II C 1
William Herbert was born at Hawarden, Flintshire, the ancestral home of the Gladstone family. He was the youngest of the four sons of the Reverend Stephen Edward and Annie Crosthwaite Gladstone, and grandson of the Prime Minister, William Ewart Gladstone. The family were living at Manley Hall, Helsby.
He was educated at Eton and, leaving school in 1916, joined the 1st Battalion Coldstream Guards, gazetted as a 2nd Lieutenant on 15 January 1917. He was awarded the Military Cross on 22 April 1918, and killed in action at Havrincourt.
His Effects amounted to £206 10s 11d., administration granted to his father.
His brother, Lieutenant Charles A. Gladstone, Intelligence Department, attached to Royal Flying Corps, was a prisoner of war in Germany and his cousin, Mr. W.G.C. Gladstone. M.P. was killed in Flanders in April 1915. | |||||
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] | null | In 1903 a statue to William Gladstone, Prime Minister, was unveiled. A gravestone, to William and his wife Catherine, was put in after Catherine’s death. | en | /apple-touch-icon-57x57.png | Westminster Abbey | https://www.westminster-abbey.org/abbey-commemorations/commemorations/william-and-catherine-gladstone/ | In 1903 an over-life size marble statue to William Gladstone was unveiled in the north transept of Westminster Abbey. The inscription reads:
Erected by Parliament to the Right Honourable William Ewart Gladstone four times Prime Minister. Born December 29 1809 Died May 19 1898.
It stands next to the statue of Robert Peel and is by the sculptor Sir Thomas Brock. His was the last standing statue to be erected inside the Abbey. Due to lack of space it was decided that future memorials should be in the form of tablets, floor stones or windows (the only exception to this rule being the recumbent effigy of Lord Salisbury 1903).
The funeral was held at the Abbey on 28th May 1898 and several members of the Royal family attended. His was the first State funeral since that of William Pitt (Benjamin Disraeli's family having declined the honour for him). Gladstone was the first to have a public lying in state in Westminster Hall prior to the service (the Painted Chamber there had formerly been used until destroyed by fire). The service also included hymns and a service booklet was published.
His gravestone, with brass letters and a cross at the base, was put in after the death of his wife and reads:
Here are buried William Ewart Gladstone Born Dec 29 1809. Died May 19 1898 and Catherine his wife the daughter of Sir Stephen Glynne Eighth Baronet of Hawarden Castle. Born Jan 6 1812. Died June 14 1900
William was a son of Sir John Gladstone, 1st Baronet (d.1851) and his second wife Anne (Robertson) and was born in Liverpool. His sisters were Anne and Helen and another brother was John. He joined his brother Thomas (who also became a Member of Parliament) at Eton College and went on to study at Christ Church, Oxford. In 1833 he gave his maiden speech as a Member of Parliament on the emancipation of slaves. From 1852-1855 he was Chancellor of the Exchequer. He went on to serve as leader of the Liberal Party and held the office of Prime Minister four times (1868-1872, 1880-1885, 1886 and 1892-1894). During his time the 1870 Education Act was passed but he was not able to obtain Home Rule for Ireland which he strongly advocated. He married Catherine Glynne in 1839 and they had four sons and four daughters - William Henry (his son William was killed in 1915), Agnes (who married Edward Wickham), Stephen (rector of Hawarden), Catherine (who married the Reverend H. Drew), Helen, Henry and Herbert (who became a Cabinet minister). In 1894 he resigned office and declined a peerage.
Further reading for his father and the Gladstone family
Oxford Dictionary of National Biography for William and Catherine
The Life of William Ewart Gladstone by John Morley, 3 volumes, 1903
The Gladstone Diaries ed. by M.R.D.Foot & H.Matthew (14 volumes) 1968-1994
The Gladstones, a family biography 1764-1851 by S.G. Checkland, 1971
British royal and state funerals, music and ceremonial since Elizabeth I, by M. Range 2016 | ||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 0 | 12 | https://www.nwmissouri.edu/media/news/2022/09/02summergraduates.htm | en | Northwest announces summer 2022 semester graduates | [
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] | null | The official website of Northwest Missouri State University located in Maryville, Missouri. | en | https://www.nwmissouri.edu/media/news/2022/09/02summergraduates.htm | The Office of the Registrar and the Graduate School at Northwest Missouri State University have released the names of students who completed requirements for degrees at the conclusion of the 2022 summer semester.
Degree recipients include: bachelor of arts (B.A.), bachelor of fine arts (B.F.A.), bachelor of science (B.S.), bachelor of science in clinical laboratory sciences (B.S. CLS), bachelor of science in education (B.S.Ed.), bachelor of science in medical technology (B.S. MT), bachelor of technology (B.T.), master of arts (M.A.), master of business administration (M.B.A.), master of music education (M.M.E.), master of science (M.S.), master of science in education (M.S.Ed.), master of science in nursing (M.S.N.) and education specialist (Ed. Spec.)
Due to space limitations, minors are not listed. Multiple majors are numbered accordingly.
Undergraduate students graduating with honors are designated with asterisks as follows:
*** Summa Cum Laude (cumulative grade point average of 3.95 to 4.0 on a 4.0 scale)
** Magna Cum Laude (cumulative GPA of 3.75 to 3.94)
* Cum Laude (cumulative GPA of 3.50 to 3.74)
Northwest's summer 2022 graduates listed by country, state and hometown: | ||||||
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Your library or institution may also provide you access to related full text documents in ProQuest. | |||||
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] | null | [] | null | en | /lbs/images/favicon/favicon.ico | null | Merchant and politican. He was born John Gladstones, though in 1787 he dropped the final 's' to become Gladstone. His father was Thomas Gladstones (1732–1809), a Leith merchant, his mother was Nelly (1739–1806), daughter of Walter Neilson, a merchant of Springfield, near Edinburgh. After an apprenticeship (1771-1781) in a rope and sailcloth business in Edinburgh, he joined his father's corn-chandling business. In 1786 Gladstone moved to Liverpool where he worked with Edgar Corrie until 1801, when the partnership ended acrimoniously. Gladstone had already become a wealthy man by then. Initially his wealth was based on trade with Calcutta, India; later he moved into Virginian tobacco and American grain: these became the foundation of his fortune. His personal wealth stood at £40,000 in 1799; by 1828 it was £502,550. Building his fortune in Liverpool, Gladstone invested in not only merchanting activities but also in shipping insurance, shipowning and urban property (both warehouses and housing).
His sugar and cotton trading with the West Indies began in 1803, in ventures undertaken with his brother Robert (from 1801). Gladstone extended this to include purchasing estates and the enslaved in British Guiana (Demerara as was) in 1803 (the Belmont Estate) and several others. The largest was the Vreedenhoop estate in Demerara which he bought in 1826 for £80,000. It had 430 enslaved people working on it. Further, in the 1820s, Gladstone expanded his sugar estate holdings in the Caribbean, despite the rise of abolitionism.
He was a strong defender of planter interests: from 1809 he was chairman of the Liverpool West Indian Association. As such he was involved in a well-known controversy with James Cropper, a leading abolitionist, in 1823.
With the ending of slavery, he sold most of his West Indian properties and moved into Bengal sugar. But he was also one of the initiators of schemes for the exporting of indentured labour to the Caribbean. While his own schemes ran into difficulties with the government and the hostility of post-1833 anti-slavery advocates, they formed an important bridge to the extremely important flow of indentured labour into British Guiana and Trinidad from the 1840s onwards.
Although having something of career in politics, initially as a Whig but becoming a Canningite Tory by the 1810s, and acting as an MP in the 1820s, his major political legacy was in his children: he was the father of William Ewart Gladstone, one of the most significant politicians of the whole century, and of two other sons who were also MPs: Thomas and John Neilson Gladstone. | ||||||
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] | 2024-07-12T14:06:28+00:00 | William Ewart Gladstone (1809 – 1898) was a British Liberal politician in the House of Commons who served as Prime Minister four separate times, and was noted for his rivalry with Tory MP Benjamin Disraeli. William was born in Liverpool as the fifth of six children born to Anna Mackenzie and Sir... | en | https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/assassinscreed/images/4/4a/Site-favicon.ico/revision/latest?cb=20240520071412 | Assassin's Creed Wiki | https://assassinscreed.fandom.com/wiki/William_Gladstone | William Ewart Gladstone (1809 – 1898) was a British Liberal politician in the House of Commons who served as Prime Minister four separate times, and was noted for his rivalry with Tory MP Benjamin Disraeli.
Biography[]
Early life[]
William was born in Liverpool as the fifth of six children born to Anna Mackenzie and Sir John Gladstone. He studied Mathematics and Classics at the Christ Church at Oxford, serving as president of Union debating society and an advocate for Toryism. [1]
Gladstone was elected to Parliament in 1832 and became a member of High Toryism in the House of Commons, with the objective of abolition of slavery. However, as slavery was abolished, William helped his father collect £100,000 from the government for having owned 2000 slaves in the Caribbean.[1]
Rivalry with the Disraelis[]
During his time in parliament, he began to despise his rival Benjamin Disraeli who shared the same disgust to him. Gladstone had trouble finding a wife, but he eventually married Catherine Glynn.[1]
By 1840, William took it upon himself to "rescue and rehabilitate" prostitutes for several decades, which earned him backlash from the people. Leaving and returning to the parliament several times, Gladstone served as a Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1859 and a Liberal Part in 1868.[1]
Sometime later, Prime Minister Disraeli petitioned for the Corrupt Practices Act. The Templars opposed the act, planning to assassinate Disraeli and replace him with Gladstone, who they believed would be more easy to manipulate.[2]
Sometime later, the Assassin Jacob Frye stole Gladstone and his wife's invitations for a ball in the Buckingham Palace, as well as stealing their carriage.[3] Afterwards, Gladstone shared a carriage ride with Duleep Singh, who was seeking sympathetic politicians to recruit to his cause of freeing India from British rule. Gladstone refused on the belief that the British Empire was more than capable of governing India than Singh and stated that once he became Prime Minister, their dominion would continue to endure.[4]
When Gladstone and his wife arrived at Buckingham Palace, they realized that their invitations were misplaced before noticing their own carriage roll into the palace.[5]
Later life and death[]
Gladstone eventually served his first premiership later in 1868 and retired by 1874. However, dismayed with Disraeli's changes, he returned to the parliament and served another three times as Prime Minister. Unlike Disraeli, he had poor relations with Queen Victoria. William eventually died of heart failure in 1898 and was buried in Westminster Abbey with his wife later laid next to his grave.[1]
Appearances[]
Assassin's Creed: Syndicate | ||
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This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
Title: The Life of William Ewart Gladstone, Vol. 1 (of 3)
Author: John Morley
Release date: April 15, 2007 [eBook #21091]
Language: English
Credits: Produced by Paul Murray, Thomas Strong and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE, VOL. 1 (OF 3) ***
[Pg ii]
Click for list of Illustrations
[Pg iii]
THE LIFE OF
WILLIAM EWART
GLADSTONE
BY
JOHN MORLEY
IN THREE VOLUMES—VOL. I
(1809-1859)
TORONTO
GEORGE N. MORANG & COMPANY, LIMITED
1903[Pg iv]
Copyright, 1903,
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Set up, electrotyped, and published October, 1903. Reprinted
October, November, 1903.
Norwood Press
J. S. Cushing & Co.—Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.[Pg v]
TO THE
ELECTORS OF THE MONTROSE BURGHS
I BEG LEAVE TO
INSCRIBE THIS BOOK
IN GRATEFUL RECOGNITION
OF
THE CONFIDENCE AND FRIENDSHIP
WITH WHICH
THEY HAVE HONOURED ME
[Pg vii]
NOTE
The material on which this biography is founded consists mainly, of course, of the papers collected at Hawarden. Besides that vast accumulation, I have been favoured with several thousands of other pieces from the legion of Mr. Gladstone's correspondents. Between two and three hundred thousand written papers of one sort or another must have passed under my view. To some important journals and papers from other sources I have enjoyed free access, and my warm thanks are due to those who have generously lent me this valuable aid. I am especially indebted to the King for the liberality with which his Majesty has been graciously pleased to sanction the use of certain documents, in cases where the permission of the Sovereign was required.
When I submitted an application for the same purpose to Queen Victoria, in readily promising her favourable consideration, the Queen added a message strongly impressing on me that the work I was about to undertake should not be handled in the narrow way of party. This injunction repre[Pg viii]sents my own clear view of the spirit in which the history of a career so memorable as Mr. Gladstone's should be composed. That, to be sure, is not at all inconsistent with our regarding party feeling in its honourable sense, as entirely the reverse of an infirmity.
The diaries from which I have often quoted consist of forty little books in double columns, intended to do little more than record persons seen, or books read, or letters written as the days passed by. From these diaries come several of the mottoes prefixed to our chapters; such mottoes are marked by an asterisk.
The trustees and other members of Mr. Gladstone's family have extended to me a uniform kindness and consideration and an absolutely unstinted confidence, for which I can never cease to owe them my heartiest acknowledgment. They left with the writer an unqualified and undivided responsibility for these pages, and for the use of the material that they entrusted to him. Whatever may prove to be amiss, whether in leaving out or putting in or putting wrong, the blame is wholly mine.
J. M.
1903.[Pg ix]
CONTENTS
BOOK I
(1809-1831)
BOOK II
(1832-1846)
[Pg x]
BOOK III
(1847-1852)
BOOK IV
(1853-1859)
[Pg xi]
ILLUSTRATIONS
[Pg 1]
Book I
ToC
1809-1831
INTRODUCTORY
ToC
I am well aware that to try to write Mr. Gladstone's life at all—the life of a man who held an imposing place in many high national transactions, whose character and career may be regarded in such various lights, whose interests were so manifold, and whose years bridged so long a span of time—is a stroke of temerity. To try to write his life to-day, is to push temerity still further. The ashes of controversy, in which he was much concerned, are still hot; perspective, scale, relation, must all while we stand so near be difficult to adjust. Not all particulars, more especially of the latest marches in his wide campaign, can be disclosed without risk of unjust pain to persons now alive. Yet to defer the task for thirty or forty years has plain drawbacks too. Interest grows less vivid; truth becomes harder to find out; memories pale and colour fades. And if in one sense a statesman's contemporaries, even after death has abated the storm and temper of faction, can scarcely judge him, yet in another sense they who breathe the same air as he breathed, who know at close quarters the problems that faced him, the materials with which he had to work, the limitations of his time—such must be the best, if not the only true memorialists and recorders.
Every reader will perceive that perhaps the sharpest of all the many difficulties of my task has been to draw the line between history and biography—between the fortunes of the community and the exploits, thoughts, and purposes of the individual who had so marked a share in them. In the case of men of letters, in whose lives our literature is admirably rich, this difficulty happily for their authors and for our delight does not arise. But where the subject is a man who[Pg 2] was four times at the head of the government—no phantom, but dictator—and who held this office of first minister for a longer time than any other statesman in the reign of the Queen, how can we tell the story of his works and days without reference, and ample reference, to the course of events over whose unrolling he presided, and out of which he made history? It is true that what interests the world in Mr. Gladstone is even more what he was, than what he did; his brilliancy, charm, and power; the endless surprises; his dualism or more than dualism; his vicissitudes of opinion; his subtleties of mental progress; his strange union of qualities never elsewhere found together; his striking unlikeness to other men in whom great and free nations have for long periods placed their trust. I am not sure that the incessant search for clues through this labyrinth would not end in analysis and disquisition, that might be no great improvement even upon political history. Mr. Gladstone said of reconstruction of the income-tax that he only did not call the task herculean, because Hercules could not have done it. Assuredly, I am not presumptuous enough to suppose that this difficulty of fixing the precise scale between history and biography has been successfully overcome by me. It may be that Hercules himself would have succeeded little better.
Some may think in this connection that I have made the preponderance of politics excessive in the story of a genius of signal versatility, to whom politics were only one interest among many. No doubt speeches, debates, bills, divisions, motions, and manœuvres of party, like the manna that fed the children of Israel in the wilderness, lose their savour and power of nutriment on the second day. Yet after all it was to his thoughts, his purposes, his ideals, his performances as statesman, in all the widest significance of that lofty and honourable designation, that Mr. Gladstone owes the lasting substance of his fame. His life was ever 'greatly absorbed,' he said, 'in working the institutions of his country.' Here we mark a signal trait. Not for two centuries, since the historic strife of anglican and puritan, had our island produced a ruler in whom the religious motive was paramount in the like degree. He was not only a political force but a[Pg 3] moral force. He strove to use all the powers of his own genius and the powers of the state for moral purposes and religious. Nevertheless his mission in all its forms was action. He had none of that detachment, often found among superior minds, which we honour for its disinterestedness, even while we lament its impotence in result. The track in which he moved, the instruments that he employed, were the track and the instruments, the sword and the trowel, of political action; and what is called the Gladstonian era was distinctively a political era.
On this I will permit myself a few words more. The detailed history of Mr. Gladstone as theologian and churchman will not be found in these pages, and nobody is more sensible than their writer of the gap. Mr. Gladstone cared as much for the church as he cared for the state; he thought of the church as the soul of the state; he believed the attainment by the magistrate of the ends of government to depend upon religion; and he was sure that the strength of a state corresponds to the religious strength and soundness of the community of which the state is the civil organ. I should have been wholly wanting in biographical fidelity, not to make this clear and superabundantly clear. Still a writer inside Mr. Gladstone's church and in full and active sympathy with him on this side of mundane and supramundane things, would undoubtedly have treated the subject differently from any writer outside. No amount of candour or good faith—and in these essentials I believe that I have not fallen short—can be a substitute for the confidence and ardour of an adherent, in the heart of those to whom the church stands first. Here is one of the difficulties of this complex case. Yet here, too, there may be some trace of compensation. If the reader has been drawn into the whirlpools of the political Charybdis, he might not even in far worthier hands than mine have escaped the rocky headlands of the ecclesiastic Scylla. For churches also have their parties.
Lord Salisbury, the distinguished man who followed Mr. Gladstone in a longer tenure of power than his, called him 'a great Christian'; and nothing could be more true or better worth saying. He not only accepted the doctrines of that faith as he believed them to be held by his own communion;[Pg 4] he sedulously strove to apply the noblest moralities of it to the affairs both of his own nation and of the commonwealth of nations. It was a supreme experiment. People will perhaps some day wonder that many of those who derided the experiment and reproached its author, failed to see that they were making manifest in this a wholesale scepticism as to truths that they professed to prize, far deeper and more destructive than the doubts and disbeliefs of the gentiles in the outer courts.
The epoch, as the reader knows, was what Mr. Gladstone called 'an agitated and expectant age.' Some stages of his career mark stages of the first importance in the history of English party, on which so much in the working of our constitution hangs. His name is associated with a record of arduous and fruitful legislative work and administrative improvement, equalled by none of the great men who have grasped the helm of the British state. The intensity of his mind, and the length of years through which he held presiding office, enabled him to impress for good in all the departments of government his own severe standard of public duty and personal exactitude. He was the chief force, propelling, restraining, guiding his country at many decisive moments. Then how many surprises and what seeming paradox. Devotedly attached to the church, he was the agent in the overthrow of establishment in one of the three kingdoms, and in an attempt to overthrow it in the Principality. Entering public life with vehement aversion to the recent dislodgment of the landed aristocracy as the mainspring of parliamentary power, he lent himself to two further enormously extensive changes in the constitutional centre of gravity. With a lifelong belief in parliamentary deliberation as the grand security for judicious laws and national control over executive act, he yet at a certain stage betook himself with magical result to direct and individual appeal to the great masses of his countrymen, and the world beheld the astonishing spectacle of a politician with the microscopic subtlety of a thirteenth century schoolman wielding at will the new democracy in what has been called 'the country of plain men.' A firm and trained economist, and no friend to socialism, yet by his legislation upon land in 1870 and[Pg 5] 1881 he wrote the opening chapter in a volume on which many an unexpected page in the history of Property is destined to be inscribed. Statesmen do far less than they suppose, far less than is implied in their resounding fame, to augment the material prosperity of nations, but in this province Mr. Gladstone's name stands at the topmost height. Yet no ruler that ever lived felt more deeply the truth—for which I know no better words than Channing's—that to improve man's outward condition is not to improve man himself; this must come from each man's endeavour within his own breast; without that there can be little ground for social hope. Well was it said to him, 'You have so lived and wrought that you have kept the soul alive in England.' Not in England only was this felt. He was sometimes charged with lowering the sentiment, the lofty and fortifying sentiment, of national pride. At least it is a ground for national pride that he, the son of English training, practised through long years in the habit and tradition of English public life, standing for long years foremost in accepted authority and renown before the eye of England, so conquered imagination and attachment in other lands, that when the end came it was thought no extravagance for one not an Englishman to say, 'On the day that Mr. Gladstone died, the world has lost its greatest citizen.' The reader who revolves all this will know why I began by speaking of temerity.
That my book should be a biography without trace of bias, no reader will expect. There is at least no bias against the truth; but indifferent neutrality in a work produced, as this is, in the spirit of loyal and affectionate remembrance, would be distasteful, discordant, and impossible. I should be heartily sorry if there were no signs of partiality and no evidence of prepossession. On the other hand there is, I trust, no importunate advocacy or tedious assentation. He was great man enough to stand in need of neither. Still less has it been needed, in order to exalt him, to disparage others with whom he came into strong collision. His own funeral orations from time to time on some who were in one degree or another his antagonists, prove that this petty and ungenerous method would have been to him of all men most repugnant. Then to pretend that for sixty years, with[Pg 6] all 'the varying weather of the mind,' he traversed in every zone the restless ocean of a great nation's shifting and complex politics, without many a faulty tack and many a wrong reckoning, would indeed be idle. No such claim is set up by rational men for Pym, Cromwell, Walpole, Washington, or either Pitt. It is not set up for any of the three contemporaries of Mr. Gladstone whose names live with the three most momentous transactions of his age—Cavour, Lincoln, Bismarck. To suppose, again, that in every one of the many subjects touched by him, besides exhibiting the range of his powers and the diversity of his interests, he made abiding contributions to thought and knowledge, is to ignore the jealous conditions under which such contributions come. To say so much as this is to make but a small deduction from the total of a grand account.
[Pg 7]
I have not reproduced the full text of Letters in the proportion customary in English biography. The existing mass of his letters is enormous. But then an enormous proportion of them touch on affairs of public business, on which they shed little new light. Even when he writes in his kindest and most cordial vein to friends to whom he is most warmly attached, it is usually a letter of business. He deals freely and genially with the points in hand, and then without play of gossip, salutation, or compliment, he passes on his way. He has in his letters little of that spirit in which his talk often abounded, of disengagement, pleasant colloquy, happy raillery, and all the other undefined things that make the correspondence of so many men whose business was literature, such delightful reading for the idler hour of an industrious day. It is perhaps worth adding that the asterisks denoting an omitted passage hide no piquant hit, no personality, no indiscretion; the omission is in every case due to consideration of space. Without these asterisks and, other omissions, nothing would have been easier than to expand these three volumes into a hundred. I think nothing relevant is lost. Nobody ever had fewer secrets, nobody ever lived and wrought in fuller sunlight.
CHAPTER I
ToC
CHILDHOOD
(1809-1821)
I know not why commerce in England should not have its old families, rejoicing to be connected with commerce from generation to generation. It has been so in other countries; I trust it will be so in this country.—Gladstone.
The dawn of the life of the great and famous man who is our subject in these memoirs has been depicted with homely simplicity by his own hand. With this fragment of a record it is perhaps best for me to begin our journey. 'I was born,' he says, 'on December 29, 1809,' at 62 Rodney Street, Liverpool. 'I was baptized, I believe, in the parish church of St. Peter. My godmother was my elder sister Anne, then just seven years old, who died a perfect saint in the beginning of the year 1829. In her later years she lived in close relations with me, and I must have been much worse but for her. Of my godfathers, one was a Scotch episcopalian, Mr. Fraser of ——, whom I hardly ever saw or heard of; the other a presbyterian, Mr. G. Grant, a junior partner of my father's.' The child was named William Ewart, after his father's friend, an immigrant Scot and a merchant like himself, and father of a younger William Ewart, who became member for Liverpool, and did good public service in parliament.
[Pg 8]
ANCESTRY
He then turns to the records of his own childhood, a period that he regarded as closing in September 1821, when he was sent to Eton. He begins with one or two juvenile performances, in no way differing from those of any other infant,—navita projectus humi, the mariner flung by force of the waves naked and helpless ashore. He believes that he was strong and healthy, and came well through his childish ailments.
EARLY RECOLLECTIONS
digitis a morte remotus, Quatuor aut septem;
II
GENEALOGY
To these fragments no long supplement is needed. Little of interest can be certainly established about his far-off ancestral origins, and the ordinary twilight of genealogy overhangs the case of the Glaidstanes, Gledstanes, Gladstanes, Gladstones, whose name is to be found on tombstones and parish rolls, in charter-chests and royal certificates, on the southern border of Scotland. The explorations of the genealogist tell of recognitions of their nobility by Scottish kings in dim ages, but the links are sometimes broken, title-deeds are lost, the same name is attached to estates in different counties, Roxburgh, Peebles, Lanark, and in short until the close of the seventeenth century we linger, in the old poet's phrase, among dreams of shadows. As we have just been told, during the eighteenth century no traces of their gentility survives, and apparently they glided down from moderate lairds to small maltsters. Thomas Gladstones, grandfather of him with whom we are concerned, made his way from Biggar to Leith, and there set up in a modest way as corndealer, wholesale and retail. His wife was a Neilson of Springfield. To them sixteen children were born, and John Gladstones (b. Dec. 11, 1764) was their eldest son. Having established himself in Liverpool, he married in 1792 Jane Hall, a lady of that city, who died without children six years later. In 1800 he took for his second wife Anne Robertson of Dingwall. Her father was of the clan Donnachaidh, and her mother was of kin with Mackenzies, Munros, and other highland stocks.[9] Their son, therefore,[Pg 17] was of unmixed Scottish origins, half highland, half lowland borderer.[10] With the possible exception of Lord Mansfield—the rival of Chatham in parliament, one of the loftiest names among great judges, and chief builder of the commercial law of the English world, a man who might have been prime minister if he had chosen.—Mr. Gladstone stands out as far the most conspicuous and powerful of all the public leaders in our history, who have sprung from the northern half of our island. When he had grown to be the most famous man in the realm of the Queen, he said, 'I am not slow to[Pg 18] claim the name of Scotsman, and even if I were, there is the fact staring me in the face that not a drop of blood runs in my veins except what is derived from a Scottish ancestry.'[11] An illustrious opponent once described him, by way of hitting his singular duality of disposition, as an ardent Italian in the custody of a Scotsman. It is easy to make too much of race, but when we are puzzled by Mr. Gladstone's seeming contrarieties of temperament, his union of impulse with caution, of passion with circumspection, of pride and fire with self-control, of Ossianic flight with a steady foothold on the solid earth, we may perhaps find a sort of explanation in thinking of him as a highlander in the custody of a lowlander.
Of John Gladstone something more remains to be said. About 1783 he was made a partner by his father in the business at Leith, and here he saved five hundred pounds. Four years later, probably after a short period of service, he was admitted to a partnership with two corn-merchants at Liverpool, his contribution to the total capital of four thousand pounds being fifteen hundred, of which his father lent him five hundred, and a friend another five at five per cent. In 1787 he thought the plural ending of his name sounded awkwardly in the style of the firm, Corrie, Gladstones, and Bradshaw, so he dropped the s.[12] He visited London to enlarge his knowledge of the corn trade in Mark Lane, and here became acquainted with Sir Claude Scott, the banker (not yet, however, a baronet). Scott was so impressed by his extraordinary vigour and shrewdness as to talk of a partnership, but Gladstone's existing arrangement in Liverpool was settled for fourteen years. Sometime in the nineties he was sent to America to purchase corn, with unlimited confidence from Sir Claude Scott. On his arrival, he found a severe scarcity and enormous prices. A large number of vessels had been chartered for the enterprise, and were on their way to him for cargoes. To send them back in ballast would be a disaster. Thrown entirely on his own[Pg 19] resources, he travelled south from New York, making the best purchases of all sorts that he could; then loaded his ships with timber and other commodities, one only of them with flour; and the loss on the venture, which might have meant ruin, did not exceed a few hundred pounds. Energy and resource of this kind made fortune secure, and when the fourteen years of partnership expired, Gladstone continued business on his own account, with a prosperity that was never broken. He brought his brothers to Liverpool, but it was to provide for them, not to assist himself, says Mr. Gladstone; 'and he provided for many young men in the same way. I never knew him reject any kind of work in aid of others that offered itself to him.'
JOHN GLADSTONE
It was John Gladstone's habit, we are told, to discuss all sorts of questions with his children, and nothing was ever taken for granted between him and his sons. 'He could not understand,' says the illustrious one among them, 'nor tolerate those who, perceiving an object to be good, did not at once and actively pursue it; and with all this energy he joined a corresponding warmth and, so to speak, eagerness of affection, a keen appreciation of humour, in which he found a rest, and an indescribable frankness and simplicity of character, which, crowning his other qualities, made him, I think (and I strive to think impartially), the most interesting old man I have ever known.'[13]
To his father's person and memory, Mr. Gladstone's fervid and affectionate devotion remained unbroken. 'One morning,' writes a female relative of his, 'when I was breakfasting alone with Mr. Gladstone at Carlton House Terrace something led to his speaking of his father. I seem to see him now, rising from his chair, standing in front of the chimneypiece, and in strains of fervid eloquence dwelling on the grandeur, the breadth and depth of his character, his generosity, his nobleness, last and greatest of all—his loving nature. His eyes filled with tears as he exclaimed: "None but his children can know what torrents of tenderness flowed from his heart."'
The successful merchant was also the active-minded[Pg 20] citizen. 'His force,' says his son, 'soon began to be felt as a prominent and then a foremost member of the community.' He had something of his descendant's inextinguishable passion for pamphleteering, and the copious effusion of public letters and articles. As was inevitable in a Scotsman of his social position at that day, when tory rule of a more tyrannic stamp than was ever known in England since the Revolution of 1688, had reduced constitutional liberty in Scotland to a shadow, John Gladstone came to Liverpool a whig, and a whig he remained until Canning raised the flag of a new party inside the entrenchments of Eldonian toryism.
In 1812 Canning, who had just refused Lord Liverpool's proffer of the foreign office because he would not serve under Castlereagh as leader in the House of Commons, was invited by John Gladstone to stand for Liverpool. He was elected in triumph over Brougham, and held the seat through four elections, down to 1822, when he was succeeded by Huskisson, whom he described to the constituency as the best man of business in England, and one of the ablest practical statesmen that could engage in the concerns of a commercial country. The speeches made to his constituents during the ten years for which he served them are excellent specimens of Canning's rich, gay, aspiring eloquence. In substance they abound in much pure toryism, and his speech after the Peterloo massacre, and upon the topics relating to public meetings, sedition, and parliamentary reform, though by sonorous splendour and a superb plausibility fascinating to the political neophyte, is by no means free from froth, without much relation either to social facts or to popular principles. On catholic emancipation he followed Pitt, as he did in an enlarged view of commercial policy. At Liverpool he made his famous declaration that his political allegiance was buried in Pitt's grave. At one at least of these performances the youthful William Gladstone was present, but it was at home that he learned Canningite doctrine. At Seaforth House Canning spent the days between the death of Castlereagh and his own recall to power, while he was waiting for the date fixed for his voyage to take up the viceroyalty of India.
CANNING
As from whig John Gladstone turned Canningite, so from[Pg 21] presbyterian also he turned churchman. He paid the penalty of men who change their party, and was watched with a critical eye by old friends; but he was a liberal giver for beneficent public purposes, and in 1811 he was honoured by the freedom of Liverpool. His ambition naturally pointed to parliament, and he was elected first for Lancaster in 1818, and next for Woodstock in 1820, two boroughs of extremely easy political virtue. Lancaster cost him twelve thousand pounds, towards which his friends in Liverpool contributed one-half. In 1826 he was chosen at Berwick, but was unseated the year after. His few performances in the House were not remarkable. He voted with ministers, and on the open question of catholic emancipation he went with Canning and Plunket. He was one of the majority who by six carried Plunket's catholic motion in 1821, and the matter figures in the earliest of the hundreds of surviving letters from his youngest son, then over eleven, and on the eve of his departure for Eton:—
Seaforth, Mar. 10, 1821.
I address these few lines to you to know how my dear mother is, to thank you for your kind letter, and to know whether Edward may get two padlocks for the wicket and large shore gate. They are now open, and the people make a thoroughfare of the green walk and the carriage road. I read Mr. Plunket's speech, and I admire it exceedingly. I enclose a letter from Mr. Rawson to you. He told me to-day that Mrs. R. was a great deal better. Write to me again as soon as you can.—Ever your most affectionate and dutiful son, W. E. Gladstone.
In after years he was fond of recalling how the Liverpool with which he had been most familiar (1810-20), though the second commercial town in the kingdom, did not exceed 100,000 of population, and how the silver cloud of smoke that floated above her resembled that which might now appear over any secondary borough or village of the country. 'I have seen wild roses growing upon the very ground that is now the centre of the borough of Bootle. All that land is now partly covered with residences and partly with places of business and industry; but in my time but one single house[Pg 22] stood upon the space between Primrose brook and the town of Liverpool.' Among his early recollections was 'the extraordinarily beautiful spectacle of a dock delivery on the Mersey after a long prevalence of westerly winds followed by a change. Liverpool cannot imitate that now [1892], at least not for the eye.'
III
JOHN GLADSTONE AS SLAVEHOLDER
The Gladstone firm was mainly an East India house, but in the last ten years of his mercantile course John Gladstone became the owner of extensive plantations of sugar and coffee in the West Indies, some in Jamaica, others in British Guiana or Demerara. The infamy of the slave-trade had been abolished in 1807, but slave labour remained, and the Liverpool merchant, like a host of other men of equal respectability and higher dignity, including many peers and even some bishops, was a slaveholder. Everybody who has ever read one of the most honourable and glorious chapters in our English history knows the case of the missionary John Smith.[14] In 1823 an outbreak of the slaves occurred in Demerara, and one of John Gladstone's plantations happened to be its centre. The rising was stamped out with great cruelty in three days. Martial law, the savage instrument of race passion, was kept in force for over five months. Fifty negroes were hanged, many were shot down in the thickets, others were torn in pieces by the lash of the cart-whip. Smith was arrested, although he had in fact done his best to stop the rising. Tried before a court in which every rule of evidence was tyrannically set aside, he was convicted on hearsay and condemned to death. Before the atrocious sentence could be commuted by the home authorities, the fiery heat and noisome vapours of his prison killed him. The death of the Demerara missionary, it has been truly said, was an event as fatal to slavery in the West Indies, as the execution of John Brown was its deathblow in the United States.[15] Brougham in 1824 brought the[Pg 23] case before the House of Commons, and in the various discussions upon it the Gladstone estates made rather a prominent figure. John Gladstone became involved in a heated and prolonged controversy as to the management of his plantations; as we shall see, it did not finally die down till 1841. He was an indomitable man. In a newspaper discussion through a long series of letters, he did not defend slavery in the abstract, but protested against the abuse levelled at the planters by all 'the intemperate, credulous, designing, or interested individuals who followed the lead of that well-meaning but mistaken man, Mr. Wilberforce.' He denounced the missionaries as hired emissaries, whose object seemed to be rather to revolutionise the colonies than to diffuse religion among the people.
In 1830 he published a pamphlet, in the form of a letter to Sir Robert Peel,[16] to explain that negroes were happier when forced to work; that, as their labour was essential to the welfare of the colonies, he considered the difficulties in the way of emancipation insurmountable; that it was not for him to seek to destroy a system that an over-ruling Providence had seen fit to permit in certain climates since the very formation of society; and finally with a Parthian bolt, he hinted that the public would do better to look to the condition of the lower classes at home than to the negroes in the colonies. The pamphlet made its mark, and was admitted by the abolitionists to be an attempt of unusual ingenuity to varnish the most heinous of national crimes. Three years later, when emancipation came, and the twenty million pounds of compensation were distributed, John Gladstone appears to have received, individually and apart from his partnerships, a little over seventy-five thousand pounds for 1609 slaves.[17]
It is as well, though in anticipation of the order of time, to complete our sketch. In view of the approach of full[Pg 24] abolition, John Gladstone induced Lord Glenelg, the whig secretary of state, to issue an order in council (1837) permitting the West Indian planters to ship coolies from India on terms drawn up by the planters themselves. Objections were made with no effect by the governor at Demerara, a humane and vigorous man, who had done much work as military engineer under Wellington, and who, after abolishing the flogging of female slaves in the Bahamas, now set such an iron yoke upon the planters and their agents in Demerara, that he said 'he could sleep satisfied that no person in the colony could be punished without his knowledge and sanction.'[18] The importation of coolies raised old questions in new forms. The voyage from India was declared to reproduce the horrors of the middle passage of the vanished Guinea slavers; the condition of the coolie on the sugar plantations was drawn in a light only less lurid than the case of the African negro; and John Gladstone was again in hot water. Thomas Gladstone, his eldest son, defended him in parliament (Aug. 3, 1839), and commissioners sent to inquire into the condition of the various Gladstone plantations reported that the coolies on Vreedestein appeared contented and happy on the whole; no one had ever maltreated or beaten them except in one case; and those on Vreedenhoop appeared perfectly contented. The interpreter, who had abused them, had been fined, punished, and dismissed. Upon the motion of W. E. Gladstone, these reports were laid upon the table of the House in 1840.[19]
We shall have not unimportant glimpses, as our story unfolds itself, of all these transactions. Meanwhile, it is interesting to note that the statesman whose great ensign was to be human freedom, was thus born in a family where the palliation of slavery must have made a daily topic. The union, moreover, of fervid evangelical religion with antagonism to abolition must in those days have been rare, and in spite of his devoted faith in his father the youthful[Pg 25] Gladstone may well have had uneasy moments. If so, he perhaps consoled himself with the authority of Canning. Canning, in 1823, had formally laid down the neutral principles common to the statesmen of the day: that amelioration of the lot of the negro slave was the utmost limit of action, and that his freedom as a result of amelioration was the object of a pious hope, and no more. Canning described the negro as a being with the form of a man and the intellect of a child. 'To turn him loose in the manhood of his physical strength, in the maturity of his physical passions, but in the infancy of his uninstructed reason, would be to raise up a creature resembling the splendid fiction of a recent romance,[20] the hero of which constructs a human form with all the corporal capabilities of a man, but being unable to impart to the work of his hands a perception of right and wrong, he finds too late that he has only created a more than mortal power of doing mischief.' 'I was bred,' said Mr. Gladstone when risen to meridian splendour, 'under the shadow of the great name of Canning; every influence connected with that name governed the politics of my childhood and of my youth; with Canning, I rejoiced in the removal of religious disabilities, and in the character which he gave to our policy abroad; with Canning, I rejoiced in the opening he made towards the establishment of free commercial interchanges between nations; with Canning, and under the shadow of the yet more venerable name of Burke, my youthful mind and imagination were impressed.'[21] On slavery and even the slave trade, Burke too had argued against total abolition. 'I confess,' he said, 'I trust infinitely more (according to the sound principles of those who ever have at any time meliorated the state of mankind) to the effect and influence of religion than to all the rest of the regulations put together.'[22][Pg 26]
CHAPTER II
ToC
ETON
(1821-1827)
It is in her public schools and universities that the youth of England are, by a discipline which shallow judgments have sometimes attempted to undervalue, prepared for the duties of public life. There are rare and splendid exceptions, to be sure, but in my conscience I believe, that England would not be what she is without her system of public education, and that no other country can become what England is, without the advantages of such a system.—Canning.
It is difficult to discern the true dimensions of objects in that mirage which covers the studies of one's youth.—Gladstone.
In September 1821, the young Gladstone was sent to Eton. Life at Eton lasted over six years, until the Christmas of 1827. It impressed images that never faded, and left traces in heart and mind that the waves of time never effaced,—so profound is the early writing on our opening page. Canning's words at the head of our present chapter set forth a superstition that had a powerful hold on the English governing class of that day, and the new Etonian never shook it off. His attachment to Eton grew with the lapse of years; to him it was ever 'the queen of all schools.'
'I went,' he says, 'under the wing of my eldest brother, then in the upper division, and this helped my start and much mitigated the sense of isolation that attends the first launch at a public school.' The door of his dame's house looked down the Long Walk, while the windows looked into the very crowded churchyard: from this he never received the smallest inconvenience, though it was his custom (when master of the room) to sleep with his window open both summer and winter. The school, said the new scholar, has[Pg 27] only about four hundred and ninety fellows in it, which was considered uncommonly small. He likes his tutor so much that he would not exchange him for any ten. He has various rows with Mrs. Shurey, his dame, and it is really a great shame the way they are fed. He and his brother have far the best room in the dame's house. His captain is very good-natured. Fighting is a favourite diversion, hardly a day passing without one, two, three, or even four more or less mortal combats.
MANNERS AT ETON
You will be glad to hear, he writes to his Highland aunt Johanna (November 13, 1821), of an instance of the highest and most honourable spirit in a highlander labouring under great disadvantages. His name is Macdonald (he once had a brother here remarkably clever, and a capital fighter). He is tough as iron, and about the strongest fellow in the school of his size. Being pushed out of his seat in school by a fellow of the name of Arthur, he airily asked him to give it him again, which being refused, with the additional insult that he might try what he could do to take it from him, Macdonald very properly took him at his word, and began to push him out of his seat. Arthur struck at him with all his might, and gave him so violent a blow that Macdonald was almost knocked backwards, but disdaining to take a blow from even a fellow much bigger than himself, he returned Arthur's blow with interest; they began to fight; after Macdonald had made him bleed at both his nose and his mouth, he finished the affair very triumphantly by knocking the arrogant Arthur backwards over the form without receiving a single blow of any consequence. He also labours under the additional disadvantage of being a new fellow, and of not knowing any one here. Arthur in a former battle put his finger out of joint, and as soon as it is recovered they are to have a regular battle in the playing fields.
Other encounters are described with equal zest, especially one where 'the honour of Liverpool was bravely sustained,' superior weight and size having such an advantage over toughness and strength, that the foe of Liverpool was too badly bruised and knocked about to appear in school. On another occasion, 'to the great joy' of the narrator, an oppidan vanquished a colleger, though the colleger fought[Pg 28] so furiously that he put his fingers out of joint, and went back to the classic studies that soften manners, with a face broken and quite black. The Windsor and Slough coaches used to stop under the wall of the playing fields to watch these desperate affrays, and once at least in these times a boy was killed. With plenty of fighting went on plenty of flogging; for the headmaster was the redoubtable Dr. Keate, with whom the appointed instrument of moral regeneration in the childish soul was the birch rod; who on heroic occasions was known to have flogged over eighty boys on a single summer day; and whose one mellow regret in the evening of his life was that he had not flogged far more. Religious instruction, as we may suppose, was under these circumstances reduced to zero; there was no trace of the influence of the evangelical party, at that moment the most active of all the religious sections; and the ancient and pious munificence of Henry VI. now inspired a scene that was essentially little better than pagan, modified by an official church of England varnish. At Eton, Mr. Gladstone wrote of this period forty years after, 'the actual teaching of Christianity was all but dead, though happily none of its forms had been surrendered.'[23]
Science even in its rudiments fared as ill as its eternal rival, theology. There was a mathematical master, but nobody learned anything from him, or took any notice of him. In his anxiety for position the unfortunate man asked Keate if he might wear a cap and gown. 'That's as you please,' said Keate. 'Must the boys touch their hats to me?' 'That's as they please,' replied the genial doctor.[24] Gladstone first picked up a little mathematics, not at Eton, but during the holidays, going to Liverpool for the purpose, first in 1824 and more seriously in 1827. He seems to have paid much attention to French, and even then to have attained considerable proficiency. 'When I was at Eton,' Mr. Gladstone said, 'we knew very little indeed, but we knew it accurately.' 'There were many shades of distinction,' he observed, 'among the fellows who received what was supposed to be, and was in many respects, their education. Some of those[Pg 29] shades of distinction were extremely questionable, and the comparative measures of honour allotted to talent, industry, and idleness were undoubtedly such as philosophy would not justify. But no boy was ever estimated either more or less because he had much money to spend. It added nothing to him if he had much, it took nothing from him if he had little.' A sharp fellow who worked, and a stupid fellow who was idle, were both of them in good odour enough, but a stupid boy who presumed to work was held to be an insufferable solecism.[25]
KNOWLEDGE AT ETON
He always described Hawtrey as the life of the school, the man to whom Eton owed more than to any of her sons during the century. Though not his pupil, it was from him that Gladstone, when in the fourth form, received for the first time incentives to exertion. 'It was entirely due to Hawtrey,' he records in a fragment, 'that I first owed the reception of a spark, the divinae particulam aurae, and conceived a dim idea, that in some time, manner, and degree, I might come to know. Even then, as I had really no instructor, my efforts at Eton, down to 1827, were perhaps of the purest plodding ever known.'
Evidently he was not a boy of special mark during the first three years at Eaton. In the evening he played chess and cards, and usually lost. He claimed in after life that he had once taken a drive in a hired tandem, but Etonians who knew him as a schoolboy decided that an aspiring memory here made him boast of crimes that were not his. He was assiduous in the Eton practice of working a small boat, whether skiff, funny, or wherry, single-handed. In the masquerade of Montem he figured complacently in all the glories of the costume of a Greek patriot, for he was a faithful Canningite; the heroic struggle against the Turk was at its fiercest, and it was the year when Byron died at Missolonghi. Of Montem as an institution he thought extremely ill, 'the whole thing a wretched waste of time and money, a most ingenious contrivance to exhibit us as baboons, a bore in the full sense of the word.' He did not stand aside from the harmless gaieties of boyish life, but he rigidly refused any part in boyish indecorums. He was, in short, just the diligent, cheerful, healthy-minded schoolboy that any good father would have his son to be. He enjoys himself with his brother at the Christopher, and is glad to record that 'Keate did not make any jaw about being so late.' Half a dozen of them met every whole holiday or[Pg 31] half, and went up Salt Hill to bully the fat waiter, eat toasted cheese, and drink egg-wine.
SCHOOL DAYS
He started, as we have already seen, in middle fourth form. In the spring of 1822 Hawtrey said to him: 'Continue to do as well as this, and I will send you up for good again before the fourth of June.' Before the end of June, he tells his sailor brother of his success: 'It far exceeds the most sanguine expectations I ever entertained. I have got into the remove between the fourth and fifth forms. I have been sent up for good a second time, and have taken seven places.' In the summer of 1823 he announces that he has got into the fifth form after taking sixteen places, and here instead of fagging he acquires the blessed power himself to fag. In passing he launches, for the first recorded time, against the master of the remove from which he has just been promoted, an invective that in volume and intensity anticipates the wrath of later attacks on Neapolitan kings and Turkish sultans.
His letters written from Eton breathe in every line the warm breath of family affection, and of all those natural pieties that had so firm a root in him from the beginning to the end. Of the later store of genius and force that the touch of time was so soon to kindle into full glow, they gave but little indication. We smile at the precocious copia fandi that at thirteen describes the language of an admonishing acquaintance as 'so friendly, manly, sound, and disinterested that notwithstanding his faults I must always think well of him.' He sends contributions to his brother's scrap-book, and one of the first of them, oddly enough, in view of one of the great preoccupations of his later life, is a copy of Lord Edward Fitzgerald's stanzas on the night of his arrest:—
The temper and dialect of evangelical religion are always there. A friend of the family dies, and the boy pours out his regret, but after all what is the merely natural death of[Pg 32] Dr. N. compared with the awful state of a certain clergyman, also an intimate friend, who has not only been guilty of attending a fancy ball, but has followed that vicious prelude by even worse enormities, unnamed, that surely cannot escape the vigilance and the reproof of his bishop?
His father is the steady centre of his life. 'My father,' he writes to his brother, 'is as active in mind and projects as ever; he has two principal plans now in embryo. One of these is a railroad between Liverpool and Manchester for the conveyance of goods by locomotive-steam-engine. The other is for building a bridge over the Mersey at Runcorn.' In May 1827, the Gloucester and Berkeley canal is opened: 'a great and enterprising undertaking, but still there is no fear of it beating Liverpool.' Meanwhile, 'what prodigiously quick travelling to leave Eton at twelve on Monday, and reach home at eight on Tuesday!' 'I have,' he says in 1826, 'lately been writing several letters in the Liverpool Courier.' His father had been attacked in the local prints for sundry economic inconsistencies, and the controversial pen that was to know no rest for more than seventy years to come, was now first employed, like the pious Æneas bearing off Anchises, in the filial duty of repelling his sire's assailants. Ignorant of his nameless champion, John Gladstone was much amused and interested by the anonymous 'Friend to Fair Dealing,' while the son was equally diverted by the criticisms and conjectures of the parent.
YOUTHFUL READING
With the formidable Keate the boy seems to have fared remarkably well, and there are stories that he was even one of the tyrant's favourites.[26] His school work was diligently[Pg 33] supplemented. His daily reading in 1826 covers a good deal of miscellaneous ground, including Molière and Racine, Blair's Sermons ('not very substantial'), Tom Jones, Tomline's Life of Pitt, Waterland's Commentaries, Leslie on Deism, Locke's Defence of The Reasonableness of Christianity, which he finds excellent; Paradise Lost, Milton's Latin Poems and Epitaphium Damonis ('exquisite'), Massinger's Fatal Dowry ('most excellent'), Ben Jonson's Alchemist; Scott, including the Bride of Lammermoor ('a beautiful tale, indeed,' and in after life his favourite of them all), Burke, Clarendon, and others of the shining host whose very names are music to a scholar's ear. In the same year he reads 'a most violent article on Milton by Macaulay, fair and unfair, clever and silly, allegorical and bombastic, republican and anti-episcopal—a strange composition, indeed.' In 1827 he went steadily through the second half of Gibbon, whom he pronounces, 'elegant and acute as he is, not so clear, so able, so attractive as Hume; does not impress my mind so much.' In the same year he reads Coxe's Walpole, Don Quixote, Hallam's Constitutional History, Measure for Measure and Much Ado, Massinger's Grand Duke of Florence, Ford's Love's Melancholy ('much of it good, the end remarkably beautiful') and Broken Heart (which he liked better than either the other or 'Tis Pity), Locke on Toleration ('much repetition').
There is, of course, a steady refrain of Greek iambics, Greek anapæsts, 'an easy and nice metre,' 'a hodge-podge lot of hendecasyllables,' and thirty alcaic stanzas for a holiday task. Mention is made of many sermons on 'Redeeming the time,' 'Weighed in the balance and found wanting,' 'Cease to do evil, learn to do well,' and the other ever unexhausted texts. One constant entry, we may be sure, is[Pg 34] 'Read Bible,' with Mant's notes. In a mood of deep piety he is prepared for confirmation. His appearance at this time was recalled by one who had been his fag, 'as a good-looking, rather delicate youth, with a pale face and brown curling hair, always tidy and well dressed.'[27]
He became captain of the fifth at the end of October 1826, and on February 20, 1827, Keate put him into the sixth. 'Was very civil, indeed; told me to take pains, etc.: to be careful in using my authority, etc.' He finds the sixth very preferable to all other parts of the school, both as regards pleasure and opportunity for improvement. They are more directly under the eye of Keate; he treats them with more civility and speaks to them differently. So the days follow one another very much alike—studious, cheerful, sociable, sedulous. The debates in parliament take up a good deal of his time, and he is overwhelmed by the horrible news of the defeat of the catholics in the House of Commons (March 8, 1827). On a summer's day in 1826, 'Mr. Canning here; inquired after me and missed me.' He was not at Eton but at home when he heard of Mr. Canning's death. 'Personally I must remember his kindness and condescension, especially when he spoke to me of some verses which H. Joy had injudiciously mentioned to him.'
II
DEBATING SOCIETY
Youthful intellect is imitative, and in a great school so impregnated as Eton with the spirit of public life and political association, the few boys with active minds mimicked the strife of parliament in their debating society, and copied the arts of journalism in the Eton Miscellany. In both fields the young Gladstone took a leading part. The debating society was afflicted with 'the premonitory lethargy of death,' but the assiduous energy of Gaskell, seconded by the gifts of Gladstone, Hallam, and Doyle, soon sent a new pulse beating through it. The politics of the hour, that is to say everything not fifty years off, were forbidden ground; but the execution of Strafford or of his royal master, the[Pg 35] deposition of Richard II., the last four years of the reign of Queen Anne, the Peerage bill of 1719, the characters of Harley and Bolingbroke, were themes that could be made by ingenious youth to admit a hundred cunning sidelights upon the catholic question, the struggle of the Greeks for independence, the hard case of Queen Caroline, and the unlawfulness of swamping the tories in the House of Lords. On duller afternoons they argued on the relative claims of mathematics and metaphysics to be the better discipline of the human mind; whether duelling is or is not inconsistent with the character that we ought to seek; or whether the education of the poor is on the whole beneficial. It was on this last question (October 29, 1825) that the orator who made his last speech seventy years later, now made his first. 'Made my first or maiden speech at the society,' he enters in his diary, 'on education of the poor; funked less than I thought I should, by much.' It is a curious but a characteristic circumstance not that so many of his Eton speeches were written out, but that the manuscript should have been thriftily preserved by him all through the long space of intervening years. 'Mr. President,' it begins, 'in this land of liberty, in this age of increased and gradually increasing civilization, we shall hope to find few, if indeed any, among the higher classes who are eager or willing to obstruct the moral instruction and mental improvement of their fellow creatures in the humbler walks of life. If such there are, let them at length remember that the poor are endowed with the same reason, though not blessed with the same temporal advantages. Let them but admit, what I think no one can deny, that they are placed in an elevated situation principally for the purpose of doing good to their fellow creatures. Then by what argument can they repel, by what pretence can they evade the duty?' And so forth and so forth. Already we seem to hear the born speaker in the amplitude of rhetorical form in which, juvenile though it may be, a commonplace is cast. 'Is human grandeur so stable that they may deny to others that which they would in an humble situation desire themselves? Or has human pride[Pg 36] reached such a pitch of arrogance that they have learned to defy both right and reason, to reject the laws of natural kindness that ought to reign in the breast of all, and to look on their fellow countrymen as the refuse of mankind?... Is it morally just or politically expedient to keep down the industry and genius of the artisan, to blast his rising hopes, to quell his spirit? A thirst for knowledge has arisen in the minds of the poor; let them satisfy it with wholesome nutriment and beware lest driven to despair,' et cetera. Crude enough, if we please; but the year was 1826, and we may feel that the boyish speaker is already on the generous side and has the gift of fruitful sympathies.
In the spacious tournaments of old history, we may smile to hear debating forms and ceremony applied to everlasting controversies. 'Sir,' he opens on one occasion, 'I declare that as far as regards myself, I shall have very little difficulty in stating my grounds on which I give my vote for James Graham [the Marquis of Montrose]. It is because I look upon him as a hero, not merely endowed with that animal ferocity which has often been the sole qualification which has obtained men that appellation from the multitude—I should be sorry indeed if he had no testimonials of his merits, save such as arise from the mad and thoughtless exclamations of popular applause.' In the same gallant style (Jan. 26, 1826) he votes for Marcus Aurelius, in answer to the question whether Trajan has any equal among the Roman emperors from Augustus onwards. Another time the question was between John Hampden and Clarendon. 'Sir, I look back with pleasure to the time when we unanimously declared our disapprobation of the impeachment of the Earl of Strafford. I wish I could hope for the same unanimity now, but I will endeavour to regulate myself by the same principles as directed me then.... Now, sir, with regard to the impeachment of the five members, it is really a little extraordinary to hear the honourable opener talking of the violence offered by the king, and the terror of the parliament. Sir, do we not all know that the king at that time had neither friends nor wealth?... Did the return of these members with a triumphant mob[Pg 37] accompanying them indicate terror? Did the demands of the parliament or the insolence of their language show it?' So he proceeds through all the well-worn arguments; and 'therefore it is,' he concludes, 'that I give my vote to the Earl of Clarendon, because he gave his support to the falling cause of monarchy; because he stood by his church and his king; because he adopted the part which loyalty, reason, and moderation combined to dictate.... Poverty, banishment, and disgrace he endured without a murmur; he still adhered to the cause of justice, he still denounced the advocates of rebellion, and if he failed in his reward in life, oh, sir, let us not deny it to him after death. In him, sir, I admire the sound philosopher, the rigid moralist, the upright statesman, the candid historian.... In Hampden I see the splendour of patriotic bravery obscured by the darkness of rebellion, and the faculties by which he might have been a real hero and real martyr, prostituted in the cause,' and so on, with all the promise of the os magna soniturum, of which time was to prove the resources so inexhaustible. On one great man he passed a final judgment that years did not change:—'Debate on Sir R. Walpole: Hallam, Gaskell, Pickering, and Doyle spoke. Voted for him. Last time, when I was almost entirely ignorant of the subject, against him. There were sundry considerable blots, but nothing to overbalance or to spoil the great merit of being the bulwark of the protestant succession, his commercial measures, and in general his pacific policy.'[28]
ETON MISCELLANY
As for the Eton Miscellany, which was meant to follow earlier attempts in the same line, the best-natured critic cannot honestly count it dazzling. Such things rarely are; for youth, though the most adorable of our human stages, cannot yet have knowledge or practice enough, whether in life or books, to make either good prose or stirring verse, unless by a miracle of genius, and even that inspiration is but occasional. The Microcosm (1786-87) and the Etonian (1818), with such hands as Canning and Frere, Moultrie and Praed, were well enough. The newcomer was a long way behind these in the freshness, brilliance, daring,[Pg 38] by which only such juvenile performances can either please or interest. George Selwyn and Gladstone were joint editors, and each provided pretty copious effusions. 'I cannot keep my temper,' he wrote afterwards in his diary in 1835, on turning over the Miscellany, 'in perusing my own (with few exceptions) execrable productions.' Certainly his contributions have no particular promise or savour, no hint of the strong pinions into which the half-fledged wings were in time to expand. Their motion, such as it is, must be pronounced mechanical; their phrase and cadence conventional. Even when sincere feelings were deeply stirred, the flight cannot be called high. The most moving public event in his schooldays was undoubtedly the death of Canning, and to Gladstone the stroke was almost personal. In September 1827 he tells his mother that he has for the first time visited Westminster Abbey,—his object, an eager pilgrimage to the newly tenanted grave of his hero, and in the Miscellany he pays a double tribute. In the prose we hear sonorous things about meridian splendour, premature extinction, and inscrutable wisdom; about falling, like his great master Pitt, a victim to his proud and exalted station; about being firm in principle and conciliatory in action, the friend of improvement and the enemy of innovation. Nor are the versified reflections in Westminster Abbey much more striking:—
Excellent in feeling, to be sure; but as a trial of poetic delicacy or power, wanting the true note, and only worth recalling for an instant as we go.
III
FRIENDS
As nearly always happens, it was less by school work or spoken addresses in juvenile debate, or early attempts in the great and difficult art of written composition, than by[Pg 39] blithe and congenial comradeship that the mind of the young Gladstone was stimulated, opened, strengthened. In after days he commemorated among his friends George Selwyn, afterwards bishop of New Zealand and of Lichfield, 'a man whose character is summed up, from alpha to omega, in the single word, noble, and whose high office, in a large measure, it was to reintroduce among the anglican clergy the pure heroic type.' Another was Francis Doyle, 'whose genial character supplied a most pleasant introduction for his unquestionable poetic genius.' A third was James Milnes Gaskell, a youth endowed with precocious ripeness of political faculty, an enthusiast, and with a vivacious humour that enthusiasts often miss. Doyle said of him that his nurse must have lulled him to sleep by parliamentary reports, and his first cries on awaking in his cradle must have been 'hear, hear'! Proximity of rooms 'gave occasion or aid to the formation of another very valuable friendship, that with Gerald Wellesley, afterwards dean of Windsor, which lasted, to my great profit, for some sixty years, until that light was put out.' In Gaskell's room four or five of them would meet, and discuss without restraint the questions of politics that were too modern to be tolerated in public debate. Most of them were friendly to catholic emancipation, and to the steps by which Huskisson, supported by Canning, was cautiously treading in the path towards free trade. The brightest star in this cheerful constellation was the rare youth who, though his shining course was run in two-and-twenty years, yet in that scanty span was able to impress with his vigorous understanding and graceful imagination more than one of the loftiest minds of his time.[29] Arthur Hallam was a couple of years younger than Gladstone, no narrow gulf at that age; but such was the sympathy of genius, such the affinities of intellectual interest and aspiration spoken and unspoken, such the charm and the power of the younger with the elder, that rapid instinct made them close comrades. They clubbed together their rolls and butter, and breakfasted in one[Pg 40] another's rooms. Hallam was not strong enough for boating, so the more sinewy Gladstone used to scull him up to the Shallows, and he regarded this toilsome carrying of an idle passenger up stream as proof positive of no common value set upon his passenger's company. They took walks together, often to the monument of Gray, close by the churchyard of the elegy; arguing about the articles and the creeds; about Wordsworth, Byron, Shelley; about free will, for Hallam was precociously full of Jonathan Edwards; about politics, old and new, living and dead; about Pitt and Fox, and Canning and Peel, for Gladstone was a tory and Hallam pure whig. Hallam was described by Mr. Gladstone in his old age as one who 'enjoyed work, enjoyed society; and games which he did not enjoy he left contentedly aside. His temper was as sweet as his manners were winning. His conduct was without a spot or even a speck. He was that rare and blessed creature, anima naturaliter Christiana. He read largely, and though not superficial, yet with an extraordinary speed. He had no high or exclusive ways.' Thus, as so many have known in that happy dawn of life, before any of the imps of disorder and confusion have found their way into the garden, it was the most careless hours,—careless of all save truth and beauty,—that were the hours best filled.
ARTHUR HALLAM
Youth will commonly do anything rather than write letters, but the friendship of this pair stood even that test. The pages are redolent of a living taste for good books and serious thoughts, and amply redeemed from strain or affectation by touches of gay irony and the collegian's banter. Hallam applies to Gladstone Diomede's lines about Odysseus, of eager heart and spirit so manful in all manner of toils, as the only comrade whom a man would choose.[30] But the Greek hero was no doubt a complex character, and the parallel is taken by Gladstone as an equivocal compliment. So Hallam begs him at any rate to accept the other description, how when he uttered his mighty voice from his chest, and words fell like flakes of snow in winter, then could no mortal man contend with Odysseus.[31] As happy a forecast for the[Pg 41] great orator of their generation, as when in 1829 he told Gladstone that Tennyson promised fair to be its greatest poet. Hallam's share in the correspondence reminds us of the friendship of two other Etonians ninety years before, of the letters and verses that Gray wrote to Richard West; there is the same literary sensibility, the same kindness, but there is what Gray and West felt not, the breath of a busy and changing age. Each of these two had the advantage of coming from a home where politics were not mere gossip about persons and paragraphs, but were matters of trained and continued interest. The son of one of the most eminent of the brilliant band of the whig writers of that day, Hallam passes glowing eulogies on the patriotism and wisdom of the whigs in coalescing with Canning against the bigotry of the king and the blunders of Wellington and Peel; he contrasts this famous crisis with a similar crisis in the early part of the reign of George III.; and observes how much higher all parties stood in the balance of disinterestedness and public virtue. He goes to the opera and finds Zucchelli admirable, Coradori divine. He wonders (1826) about Sir Walter's forthcoming life of Napoleon, how with his ultra principles Scott will manage to make a hero of the Corsican. He asks if Gladstone has read 'the new Vivian Grey' (1827)—the second part of that amazing fiction into which an author, not much older than themselves and destined to strange historic relations with one of them, had the year before burst upon the world. Hallam is not without the graceful melancholy of youth, so different from that other melancholy of ripe years and the deepening twilight. Under all is the recurrent note of a grave refrain that fatal issues made pathetic.
'Never since the time when I first knew you,' Hallam wrote to Gladstone (June 23, 1830), 'have I ceased to love and respect your character ... It will be my proudest thought that I may henceforth act worthily of their affection who, like yourself, have influenced my mind for good in the earliest season of its development. Circumstance, my dear Gladstone, has indeed separated our paths, but it can never do away with what has been. The stamp of each of our minds is on the other. Many a habit of thought in each is[Pg 42] modified, many a feeling is associated, which never would have existed in that combination, had it not been for the old familiar days when we lived together.'
In the summer of 1827 Hallam quitted Eton for the journey to Italy that set so important a mark on his literary growth, and he bade his friend farewell in words of characteristic affection. 'Perhaps you will pardon my doing by writing what I hardly dare trust myself to do by words. I received your superb Burke yesterday; and hope to find it a memorial of past and a pledge for future friendship through both our lives. It is perhaps rather bold in me to ask a favour immediately on acknowledging so great a one; but you would please me, and oblige me greatly, if you will accept this copy of my father's book. It may serve when I am separated from you, to remind you of one, whose warmest pleasure it will always be to subscribe himself, Your most faithful friend, A. H. H.'
A few entries from the schoolboy's diary may serve to bring the daily scene before us, and show what his life was like:—
FAREWELL TO ETON
Gladstone's farewell to Eton came with Christmas (1827). He writes to his sister his last Etonian letter (December 2) before departure, and 'melancholy that departure is.' On the day before, he had made his valedictory speech to the Society, and the empty shelves and dismantled walls, the table strewn with papers, the books packed away in their boxes, have the effect of 'mingling in one lengthened mass all the boyish hopes and solicitudes and pleasures' of his[Pg 44] Eton life. 'I have long ago made up my mind that I have of late been enjoying what will in all probability be, as far as my own individual case is concerned, the happiest years of my life. And they have fled! From these few facts do we not draw a train of reflections awfully important in their nature and extremely powerful in their impression on the mind?'
DR. KEATE
Two reminiscences of Eton always gave him, and those who listened to him, much diversion whenever chance brought them to his mind, and he has set them down in an autobiographic fragment, for which this is the place:—
IV
AT WILMSLOW
Some months passed between leaving Eton and going to Oxford. In January 1828, Gladstone went to reside with Dr. Turner at Wilmslow in Cheshire, and remained there until Turner was made Bishop of Calcutta. The bishop's pupil afterwards testified to his amiability, refinement, and devoutness; but the days of his energy were past, and 'the religious condition of the parish was depressing.' Among the neighbouring families, with whom he made acquaintance while at Wilmslow, were the Gregs of Quarry Bank, a refined and philanthropic household, including among the sons William R. Greg (born in the same year as Mr. Gladstone), that ingenious, urbane, interesting, and independent mind, whose speculations, dissolvent and other, were afterwards to take an effective place in the writings of the time. 'I fear he is a unitarian,' the young churchman mentions to his father, and gives sundry reasons for that sombre apprehension; it was, indeed, only too well founded.
While at Wilmslow (Feb. 5, 1828) Gladstone was taken to dine with the rector of Alderley—'an extremely gentlemanly and said to be a very clever man,'—afterwards to be known as the liberal and enlightened Edward Stanley, Bishop of Norwich, and father of Arthur Stanley, the famous dean. Him, on this occasion, the young Gladstone seems to have seen for the first time. Arthur Stanley was six years his junior, and there was then some idea of sending him to Eton. As it happened, he too was a pupil at[Pg 47] Rawson's at Seaforth, and in the summer after the meeting at Alderley the two lads met again. The younger of them has described how he was invited to breakfast with William Gladstone at Seaforth House; in what grand style they breakfasted, how he devoured strawberries, swam the Newfoundland dog in the pond, looked at books and pictures, and talked to W. Gladstone 'almost all the time about all sorts of things. He is so very good-natured, and I like him very much. He talked a great deal about Eton, and said that it was a very good place for those who liked boating and Latin verses. He was very good-natured to us all the time, and lent me books to read when we went away.'[33] A few months later, as all the world knows, Stanley, happily for himself and for all of us, went not to Eton but to Rugby, where Arnold had just entered on his bold and noble task of changing the face of education in England.[Pg 48]
CHAPTER III
ToC
OXFORD
(October 1828-December 1831)
Steeped in sentiment as she lies, spreading her gardens to the moonlight, and whispering from her towers the last enchantments of the Middle Age, who will deny that Oxford, by her ineffable charm, keeps ever calling us nearer to the true goal of all of us, to the ideal, to perfection—to beauty, in a word, which is only truth seen from another side?—M. Arnold.
Glorious to most are the days of life in a great school, but it is at college that aspiring talent first enters on its inheritance. Oxford was slowly awakening from a long age of lethargy. Toryism of a stolid clownish type still held the thrones of collegiate power. Yet the eye of an imaginative scholar as he gazed upon the grey walls, reared by piety, munificence, and love of learning in a far-off time, might well discern behind an unattractive screen of academic sloth, the venerable past, not dim and cold, but in its traditions rich, nourishing, and alive. Such an one could see before him present days of honourable emulation and stirring acquisition—fit prelude of a man's part to play in a strenuous future. It is from Gladstone's introduction into this enchanted and inspiring world, that we recognise the beginning of the wonderful course that was to show how great a thing the life of a man may be made.
CHRIST CHURCH
The Eton boy became the Christ Church man, and there began residence, October 10, 1828. Mr. Gladstone's rooms, during most of his undergraduate life, were on the right hand, and on the first floor of the staircase on the right, as one enters by the Canterbury gate. He tells his mother that they are in a very fashionable part of the college, and mentions as a delightful fact, that Gaskell and[Pg 49] Seymer have rooms on the same floor. Samuel Smith was head until 1831, when he was succeeded by the more celebrated Dr. Gaisford, always described by Mr. Gladstone as a splendid scholar, but a bad dean. Gaisford's excellent services to the Greek learning of his day are unquestioned, and he had the signal merit of speech, Spartan brevity. For a short time in 1806 he had been tutor to Peel. When Lord Liverpool offered him the Greek professorship, with profuse compliments on his erudition, the learned man replied, 'My Lord, I have received your letter, and accede to the contents.—Yours, T. G.' And to the complaining parent of an undergraduate he wrote, 'Dear Sir,—Such letters as yours are a great annoyance to your obedient servant T. Gaisford.'[34] This laconic gift the dean evidently had not time to transmit to all of his flock.
Christ Church in those days was infested with some rowdyism, and in one bear-fight an undergraduate was actually killed. In the chapel the new undergraduate found little satisfaction, for the service was scarcely performed with common decency. There seems, however, to have been no irreconcilable prejudice against reading, and in the schools the college was at the top of its academic fame. The influence of Cyril Jackson, the dean in Peel's time, whose advice to Peel and, other pupils to work like a tiger, and not to be afraid of killing one's self by work, was still operative.[35] At the summer examination of 1830, Christ Church won five first classes out of ten. Most commoners, according to a letter of Gaskell's, had from three hundred and fifty to five hundred pounds a year; but gentlemen commoners like Acland and Gaskell had from five to six hundred. At the end of 1829, Mr. Gladstone received a studentship honoris causa, by nomination of the dean—a system that would not be approved in our epoch of[Pg 50] competitive examination, but still an advance upon the time-honoured practice of deans and canons disposing of studentships on grounds of private partiality without reference to desert. We may assume that the dean was not indifferent to academic promise when he told Gladstone, very good-naturedly and civilly, that he had determined to offer him his nomination. The student designate wrote a theme, read it out before the chapter, passed a nominal, or even farcical, examination in Homer and Virgil, was elected as matter of course by the chapter, and after chapel on the morning of Christmas eve, having taken several oaths, was formally admitted in the name of the Holy Trinity.
Mr. Biscoe, his classical tutor, was a successful lecturer on Aristotle, especially on the Rhetoric. With Charles Wordsworth, son of the master of Trinity at Cambridge, and afterwards Bishop of Saint Andrews, he read for scholarship, apparently not wholly to his own satisfaction. While still an undergraduate, he writes to his father (Nov. 2, 1830), 'I am wretchedly deficient in the knowledge of modern languages, literature, and history; and the classical knowledge acquired here, though sound, accurate, and useful, yet is not such as to complete an education.' It looked, in truth, as if the caustic saying of a brilliant colleague of his in later years were not at the time unjust, as now it would happily be, that it was a battle between Eton and education, and Eton had won.
Mr. Gladstone never to the end of his days ceased to be grateful that Oxford was chosen for his university. At Cambridge, as he said in discussing Hallam's choice, the pure refinements of scholarship were more in fashion than the study of the great masterpieces of antiquity in their substance and spirit. The classical examination at Oxford, on the other hand, was divided into the three elastic departments of scholarship and poetry, history, and philosophy. In this list, history somewhat outweighed the scholarship, and philosophy was somewhat more regarded than history. In each case the examination turned more on contents than on form, and the influence of Butler was at its climax.[Pg 51]
CHARACTER OF OXFORD TEACHING
If Mr. Gladstone had gone to Oxford ten years earlier, he would have found the Ethics and the Rhetoric treated, only much less effectively, in the Cambridge method, like dramatists and orators, as pieces of literature. As it was, Whately's common sense had set a new fashion, and Aristotle was studied as the master of those who know how to teach us the right way about the real world.[36] Aristotle, Butler, and logic were the new acquisitions, but in none of the three as yet did the teaching go deep compared with modern standards. Oxford scholars of our own day question whether there was even one single tutor in 1830, with the possible exception of Hampden, who could expound Aristotle as a whole—so utterly had the Oxford tradition perished.[37]
The time was in truth the eve of an epoch of illumination, and in these epochs it is not old academic systems that the new light is wont to strike with its first rays. The summer of 1831 is the date of Sir William Hamilton's memorable exposure,[38] in his most trenchant and terrifying style and with a learning all his own, of the corruption and 'vampire oppression of Oxford'; its sacrifice of the public interests to private advantage; its unhallowed disregard of every moral and religious bond; the systematic perjury so naturalised in a great seminary of religious education; the apathy with which the injustice was tolerated by the state and the impiety tolerated by the church. Copleston made a wretched reply, but more than twenty years passed before the spirit of reform overthrew the entrenchments of academic abuse. In that overthrow, when the time came, Mr. Gladstone was called to play a part, though hardly at first a very zealous one. This was not for a quarter of a century; for, as we shall soon see, both the revival of learning and the reform of institutions at Oxford were sharply turned aside from their expected course by the startling theological movement that now proceeded from her venerable walls.
What interests us here is not the system but the man; and never was vital temperament more admirably fitted[Pg 52] by its vigour, sincerity, conscience, compass, for whatever good seed from the hand of any sower might be cast upon it. In an entry in his diary in the usual strain of evangelical devotion (April 25, 1830) is a sentence that reveals what was in Mr. Gladstone the nourishing principle of growth: 'In practice the great end is that the love of God may become the habit of my soul, and particularly these things are to be sought;—1. The spirit of love. 2. Of self-sacrifice. 3. Of purity. 4. Of energy.' Just as truly as if we were recalling some hero of the seventeenth or any earlier century, is this the biographic clue.
Gladstone constantly reproaches himself for natural indolence, and for a year and a half he took his college course pretty easily. Then he changed. 'The time for half-measures and trifling and pottering, in which I have so long indulged myself, is now gone by, and I must do or die.' His really hard work did not begin until the summer of 1830, when he returned to Cuddesdon to read mathematics with Saunders, a man who had the reputation of being singularly able and stimulating to his pupils, and with whom he had done some rudiments before going into residence at Christ Church. In his description of this gentleman to his father, we may hear for the first time the redundant roll that was for many long years to be so familiar and so famous. Saunders' disposition, it appears, 'is one certainly of extreme benevolence, and of a benevolence which is by no means less strong and full when purely gratuitous and spontaneous, than when he seems to be under the tie of some definite and positive obligation.' Dr. Gaisford would perhaps have put it that the tutor was no kinder where his kindness was paid for, than where it was not.
CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION
The catholic question, that was helping many another and older thing to divide England from Ireland, after having for a whole generation played havoc with the fortunes of party and the careers of statesmen, was now drawing swiftly to its close. The Christ Church student had a glimpse of one of the opening scenes of the last act. He writes to his brother (Feb. 6th, 1829):[Pg 53]—
A few days later, Peel accepted the Chiltern Hundreds, and after some deliberation allowed himself to be again brought forward for re-election. He was beaten by 755 votes to 609. The relics of the contest, the figures and the inscriptions on the walls, soon disappeared, but panic did not abate. On Gladstone's way to Oxford (April 30, 1829), a farmer's wife got into the coach, and in communicative vein informed him how frightened they had all been about catholic emancipation, but she did not see that so much had come of it as yet. The college scout declared himself much troubled for the king's conscience, observing that if we make an oath at baptism, we ought to hold by it. 'The bed-makers,' Gladstone writes home, 'seem to continue in a great fright, and mine was asking me this morning whether it would not be a very good thing if we were to give them [the Irish] a king and a parliament of their own, and so to have[Pg 54] no more to do with them. The old egg-woman is no whit easier, and wonders how Mr. Peel, who was always such a well-behaved man here, can be so foolish as to think of letting in the Roman catholics.' The unthinking and the ignorant of all classes were much alike. Arthur Hallam went to see King John in 1827, and he tells his friend how the lines about the Italian priest (Act III. Sc. 1) provoked rounds of clapping, while a gentleman in the next box cried out at the top of his voice, 'Bravo! Bravo! No Pope!' The same correspondent told Gladstone of the father of a common Eton friend, who had challenged him with the overwhelming question, 'Could I say that any papist had ever at any time done any good to the world?' A still stormier conflict than even the emancipation of the catholics was now to shake Oxford and the country to the depths, before Mr. Gladstone took his degree.
II
OXFORD FRIENDSHIPS
His friendships at Oxford Mr. Gladstone did not consider to have been as a rule very intimate. Principal among them were Frederick Rogers, long afterwards Lord Blachford; Doyle; Gaskell; Bruce, afterwards Lord Elgin; Charles Canning, afterwards Lord Canning; the two Denisons; Lord Lincoln. These had all been his friends at Eton. Among new acquisitions to the circle of his intimates at one time or another of his Oxford life, were the two Aclands, Thomas and Arthur; Hamilton, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury; Phillimore, destined to close and life-long friendship; F.D. Maurice, then of Exeter College, a name destined to stir so many minds in the coming generation. Of Maurice, Arthur Hallam had written to Gladstone (June 1830) exhorting him to cultivate his acquaintance. 'I know many,' says Hallam, 'whom Maurice has moulded like a second nature, and these too, men eminent for intellectual power, to whom the presence of a commanding spirit would in all other cases be a signal rather for rivalry than reverential acknowledgment.' 'I knew Maurice well,' says Mr. Gladstone in one of his notes of reminiscence, 'had heard superlative accounts of him from Cambridge, and really strove hard to make them[Pg 55] all realities to myself. One Sunday morning we walked to Marsh Baldon to hear Mr. Porter, the incumbent, a calvinist independent of the clique, and a man of remarkable power as we both thought. I think he and other friends did me good, but I got little solid meat from him, as I found him difficult to catch and still more difficult to hold.'
Sidney Herbert, afterwards so dear to him, now at Oriel, here first became an acquaintance. Manning, though they both read with the same tutor, and one succeeded the other as president of the Union, he did not at this time know well. The lists of his guests at wines and breakfasts do not even contain the name of James Hope; indeed, Mr. Gladstone tells us that he certainly was not more than an acquaintance. In the account of intimates is the unexpected name of Tupper, who, in days to come, acquired for a time a grander reputation than he deserved by his Proverbial Philosophy, and on whom the public by and by avenged its ownfoolishness by severer doses of mockery than he had earned.[39] The friend who seems most to have affected him in the deepest things was Anstice, whom he describes to his father (June 4, 1830) as 'a very clever man, and more than a clever man, a man of excellent principle and of perfect self-command, and of great industry. If any circumstances could confer upon me the inestimable blessing of fixed habits and unremitting industry, these [the example of such a man] will be they.' The diary tells how, in August (1830), Mr. Gladstone conversed with Anstice in a walk from Oxford to Cuddesdon on subjects of the highest importance. 'Thoughts then first sprang up in my soul (obvious as they may appear to many) which may powerfully influence my destiny. O for a light from on high! I have no power, none, to discern the right path for myself.' They afterwards had long talks together, 'about that awful subject which has lately almost engrossed my mind.' Another day—'Conversation of an hour and a half with Anstice on practical religion, particularly as regards our own situation. I bless and[Pg 56] praise God for his presence here.' 'Long talk with Anstice; would I were more worthy to be his companion.' 'Conversation with Anstice; he talked much with Saunders on the motive of actions, contending for the love of God, not selfishness even in its most refined form.'[40]
EVANGELICAL IN RELIGION
In the matter of his own school of religion, Mr. Gladstone was always certain that Oxford in his undergraduate days had no part in turning him from an evangelical into a high churchman. The tone and dialect of his diary and letters at the time show how just this impression was. We find him in 1830 expressing his satisfaction that a number of Hannah More's tracts have been put on the list of the Christian Knowledge Society. In 1831 he bitterly deplores such ecclesiastical appointments as those of Sydney Smith and Dr. Maltby, 'both of them, I believe, regular latitudinarians.' He remembered his shock at Butler's laudation of Nature. He was scandalised by a sermon in which Calvin was placed upon the same level among heresiarchs as Socinus and other like aliens from gospel truth. He was delighted (March 1830) with a university sermon against Milman's History of the Jews, and hopes it may be useful as an antidote, 'for Milman, though I do think without intentions directly evil, does go far enough to be justly called a bane. For instance, he says that had Moses never existed, the Hebrew nation would have remained a degraded pariah tribe or been lost in the mass of the Egyptian population—and this notwithstanding the promise.' In all his letters in the period from Eton to the end of Oxford and later, a language noble and exalted even in these youthful days is not seldom copiously streaked with a vein that, to eyes not trained to evangelical light and to minds not tolerant of the expansion that comes to religious natures in the days of adolescence, may seem unpleasantly strained and excessive. The fashion of such words undergoes transfiguration as the epochs pass. Yet in all their fashions, even the crudest, they deserve much tenderness. He consults a clergyman (1829) on the practice of prayer meetings in his[Pg 57] rooms. His correspondent answers, that as the wicked have their orgies and meet to gamble and to drink, so they that fear the Lord should speak often to one another concerning Him; that prayer meetings are not for the cultivation or exhibition of gifts, nor to enable noisy and forward young men to pose as leaders of a school of prophets; but if a few young men of like tastes feel the withering influence of mere scholastic learning, and the necessity of mutual stimulation and refreshment, then such prayer meetings would be a safe and natural remedy. The student's attention to all religious observances was close and unbroken, the most living part of his existence.
The movement that was to convulse the church had not yet begun. 'You may smile,' Mr. Gladstone said long after, 'when told that when I was at Oxford, Dr. Hampden was regarded as a model of orthodoxy; that Dr. Newman was eyed with suspicion as a low churchman, and Dr. Pusey as leaning to rationalism.' What Mr. Gladstone afterwards described as a steady, clear, but dry anglican orthodoxy bore sway, 'and frowned this way or that, on the first indication of any tendency to diverge from the beaten path.'[41] He hears Whately preach a controversial sermon (1831) just after he had been made Archbishop of Dublin. 'Doubtless he is a man of much power and many excellences, but his anti-sabbatical doctrine is, I fear, as mischievous as it is unsound.' A sermon of Keble's at St. Mary's prompts the uneasy question, 'Are all Mr. Keble's opinions those of scripture and the church? Of his life and heart and practice, none could doubt, all would admire.' A good sermon is mentioned from Blanco White, that strange and forlorn figure of whom in later life Mr. Gladstone wrote an interesting account, not conclusive in argument, but assuredly not wanting in either delicacy or generosity.[42] 'Dr. Pusey was very kind to me when I was an undergraduate at Oxford,' he says, but what their relations were I know not. 'I knew and respected both Bishop Lloyd and Dr. Pusey,' he says, 'but neither of them attempted to exercise the smallest influence over my religious opinions.' With Newman he seems to have been[Pg 58] brought into contact hardly at all.[43] Newman and one of the Wilberforces came to dine at Cuddesdon one day, and, on a later occasion, he and another fellow of Oriel were at a dinner with Mr. Gladstone at the table of his friend Philip Pusey. Two or three of his sermons are mentioned. One of them (March 7, 1831) contained 'much singular, not to say objectionable matter, if one may so speak of so good a man.' Of another,—'heard Newman preach a good sermon on those who made excuse' (Sept. 25, 1831). Of the generality of university sermons, he accepted the observation of his friend Anstice,—'Depend upon it, such sermons as those can never convert a single person.' On some Sundays he hears two of these discourses in the morning and afternoon, and a third sermon in the evening, for though he became the most copious of all speakers, Mr. Gladstone was ever the most generous of listeners. It was at St. Ebb's that he found really congenial ministrations—an ecclesiastical centre described by him fifty years later—under Mr. Bulteel, a man of some note in his day; here the flame was at white heat, and a score or two of young men felt its attractions.[44] He always remembered among the wonderful sights of his life, St. Mary's 'crammed in all parts by all orders, when Mr. Bulteel, an outlying calvinist, preached his accusatory sermon (some of it too true) against the university.' In the summer of 1830, Mr. Gladstone notes, 'Poor Bulteel has lost his church for preaching in the open air. Pity that he should have acted so, and pity that it should be found necessary to make such an example of a man of God.' The preacher was impenitent, for from a window Mr. Gladstone again heard him conduct a service for a large congregation who listened attentively to a sermon that was interesting, but evinced some soreness of spirit. A 'most painful' discourse from a Mr. Crowther so moves Mr. Gladstone that he sits down to write to the preacher, 'earnestly expostulating with him on the character and the doctrines of the sermon,' and after re-writing his letter, he[Pg 59] delivers it with his own hand at the door of the displeasing divine. The effect was not other than salutary, for a little later he was 'happy to hear two sermons of good principles from Mr. Crowther.' To his father, October 27, 1830:—'Dr. Chalmers has been passing through Oxford, and I went to hear him preach on Sunday evening, though it was at the baptist chapel.... I need hardly say that his sermon was admirable, and quite as remarkable for the judicious and sober manner in which he enforced his views, as for their lofty principles and piety. He preached, I think, for an hour and forty minutes.' The admiration thus first aroused only grew with fuller knowledge in the coming years.
ESSAY CLUB
An Essay Club, called from its founder's initials the WEG, was formed at a meeting in Gaskell's rooms in October, 1829. Only two members out of the first twelve did not belong to Christ Church, Rogers of Oriel and Moncreiff of New.[45] The Essay Club's transactions, though not very serious, deserve a glance. Mr. Gladstone reads an essay (Feb. 20, 1830) on the comparative rank of poetry and philosophy, concluding with a motion that the rank of philosophy is higher than that of poetry: it was beaten by seven to five. Without a division, they determined that English poetry is of a higher order than Greek. The truth of the principles of phrenology was affirmed with the tremendous emphasis of eleven to one. Though trifling in degree, the influence of the modern drama was pronounced in quality pernicious. Gladstone gave his casting vote against the capacious proposition, of which philosophers had made so much in France, Switzerland, and other places on the eve of the French revolution, that education and other outward circumstances have more than nature to do with man's disposition. By four to three, Mr. Tennyson's poems were affirmed to show considerable genius, Gladstone happily in the too slender majority. The motion that 'political[Pg 60] liberty is not to be considered as the end of government' was a great affair. Maurice, who had been admitted to the club on coming to Oxford from Cambridge, moved an amendment 'that every man has a right to perform certain personal duties with which no system of government has a right to interfere.' Gladstone 'objected to an observation that had fallen from the mover, “A man finds himself in the world,” as if he did not come into the world under a debt to his parents, under obligations to society.' The tame motion of Lord Abercorn, that Elizabeth's conduct to Mary Queen of Scots was unjustifiable and impolitic, was stiffened into 'not only unjustifiable and impolitic, but a base and treacherous murder,' and in that severe form was carried without a division.
Plenty of nonsense was talked we may be sure, and so there was, no doubt, in the Olive Grove of Academe or amid those surnamed Peripatetics and the Sect Epicurean. Yet nonsense notwithstanding, the Essay Club had members who proved in time to have superior minds if ever men had, and their disputations in one another's rooms helped to sharpen their mental apparatus, to start trains of ideas however immature, and to shake the cherished dogmatisms brought from beloved homes, even if dogmatism as stringent took their place. This is how the world moves, and Oxford was just beginning to rub its eyes, awaking to the speculations of a new time.
When he looked back in after times, Mr. Gladstone traced one great defect in the education of Oxford. 'Perhaps it was my own fault, but I must admit that I did not learn when I was at Oxford that which I have learned since—namely, to set a due value on the imperishable and inestimable principle of British liberty. The temper which too much prevailed in academical circles was that liberty was regarded with jealousy and fear, something which could not wholly be dispensed with, but which was to be continually watched for fear of excesses.'[46][Pg 61]
III
TRIES FOR THE IRELAND SCHOLARSHIP
In March 1830 Gladstone made the first of two attempts to win the scholarship newly founded by Dean Ireland, and from the beginning one of the most coveted of university prizes. In 1830 (March 16) he wrote:—'There is it appears smaller chance than ever of its falling out of the hands of the Shrewsbury people. There is a very formidable one indeed, by name Scott, come up from Christ Church. If it is to go among them I hope he may get it.' This was Robert Scott, afterwards master of Balliol, and then dean of Rochester, and the coadjutor with Dean Liddell in the famous Greek Lexicon brought out in 1843. A year later he tried again, but little better success came either to himself or to Scott. He tells his father the story (March 16th, 1831) and collegians who have fought such battles may care to hear it:—
Brancker was said to have won because he answered all the questions not only shortly, but most of them right, and Mr. Gladstone's essay was marked 'desultory beyond belief.' Below Allies came Sidney Herbert, then at Oriel, and Grove, afterwards a judge and an important name in the history of scientific speculation.
He was equally unsuccessful in another field of competition. He sent in a poem on Richard Cœur de Lion for the Newdigate prize in 1829. In 1893 som | |||||||
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wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 2 | 0 | https://www.britannica.com/biography/William-Ewart-Gladstone | en | William Ewart Gladstone | 19th Century British Prime Minister & Liberal Reformer | [
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] | 1999-07-28T00:00:00+00:00 | William Ewart Gladstone was a statesman and four-time prime minister of Great Britain (1868–74, 1880–85, 1886, 1892–94). Gladstone was of purely Scottish descent. His father, John, made himself a merchant prince and was a member of Parliament (1818–27). Gladstone was sent to Eton, where he did not | en | /favicon.png | Encyclopedia Britannica | https://www.britannica.com/biography/William-Ewart-Gladstone | Early life
Gladstone was of purely Scottish descent. His father, John, made himself a merchant prince and was a member of Parliament (1818–27). Gladstone was sent to Eton, where he did not particularly distinguish himself. At Christ Church, Oxford, in 1831 he secured first classes in classics and mathematics.
He originally intended to take orders in the Church of England, but his father dissuaded him. He mistrusted parliamentary reform; his speech against it in May 1831 at the Oxford Union, of which he had been president, made a strong impression. One of his Christ Church friends, the son of the Duke of Newcastle, persuaded the Duke to support Gladstone as candidate for Parliament for Newark in the general election of December 1832; and the “Grand Old Man” of Liberalism thus began his parliamentary career as a Tory member.
His maiden speech on June 3, 1833, made a decided mark. He held minor office in Sir Robert Peel’s short government of 1834–35, first at the treasury, then as undersecretary for the colonies.
In July 1839 he married Catherine, the daughter of Sir Stephen Glynne of Hawarden, near Chester. A woman of lively wit, complete discretion, and exceptional charm, she was utterly devoted to her husband, to whom she bore eight children. This marriage gave him a secure base of personal happiness for the rest of his life. It also established him in the aristocratic governing class of the time.
Private preoccupations
The Glynne family estates were deeply involved in the financial panic of 1847. For several years Gladstone was concerned with extricating them. He began charitable work, which was open to a great deal of misinterpretation; he often tried to persuade prostitutes to enter a “rescue” home that he and his wife maintained or in some other way to take up a different way of life.
Several of Gladstone’s closest Oxford friends were among the many Anglicans who converted to Roman Catholicism under the impact of the Oxford Movement. Gladstone had moved to a High Anglican position in Italy just after leaving Oxford. The suspicion that he was Catholic was used against him by his adversaries, of whom he had many in the University of Oxford, for which he was elected MP in August 1847. He scandalized many of his new constituents at once by voting for the admission of Jews to Parliament.
Gladstone made his first weighty speech on foreign affairs in June 1850, opposing foreign secretary Lord Palmerston in the celebrated Don Pacifico debate over the rights of British nationals abroad. That autumn he visited Naples, where he was appalled by the conditions that he found in the prisons. In July 1851 he published two letters to Lord Aberdeen describing the conditions, and appealing to all conservatives to set an iniquity right. The Neapolitan prisoners were treated even worse than before, and most conservatives, all over Europe, were deaf to his appeal. But Palmerston circulated the letters to all the British missions on the Continent, and they delighted every liberal who heard of them.
Financial policy
For nine years after Peel’s death in 1850, Gladstone’s political position was seldom comfortable. As one of the most eminent of the dwindling band of Peelites, he was mistrusted by the leaders of both parties and distrusted some of them—particularly Palmerston and Disraeli—in his turn. He refused to join Lord Derby’s government in 1852. At the end of that year, a brilliant attack on Disraeli’s budget brought the government down and Gladstone rose in public estimation. He then joined Aberdeen’s coalition as chancellor of the Exchequer. In his first budget speech he put forth a bold and comprehensive plan for large reductions in duties, proposed the eventual elimination of the income tax, and carried a scheme for the extension of the legacy duty to real property.
His budget provided the backbone of the coalition’s success in 1853, a year in which he spent much time devising a scheme for a competitive civil service system. He defended the Crimean War as necessary for the defense of the public law of Europe; but its outbreak disrupted his financial plans. Determined to pay for it as far as possible by taxation, he doubled the income tax in 1854. When Aberdeen fell in January 1855, Gladstone agreed to join Palmerston’s Cabinet; but he resigned three weeks later, with two other Peelites, rather than embarrass his party by accepting a committee of inquiry into the conduct of the Crimean War. He was, as a result, unpopular in the country; and he made himself more unpopular still by speeches in Parliament in the summer of 1855, in which he held that the war was no longer justified.
Gladstone helped to defeat Palmerston in the Commons by a speech on China in March 1857. He twice refused to join Derby’s government in 1858, in spite of a generous letter from Disraeli. In June 1859 Gladstone cast a vote for Derby’s Conservative government on a confidence motion and caused surprise by joining Palmerston’s Whig Cabinet as chancellor of the Exchequer a week later. His sole, but overwhelming, reason for joining a statesman he neither liked nor trusted was the critical state of the Italian question. The triumvirate of Palmerston, Russell, and Gladstone did indeed help, over the next 18 months, to secure the unification of almost all Italy.
Gladstone was constantly at issue with his prime minister over defense spending. By prolonged efforts, he managed to get the service estimates down by 1866 to a lower figure than that for 1859. A further abolition of import duties was achieved by his budget of 1860. His support of an Anglo-French trade treaty doubled the value of trade. He proposed the abolition of the duties on paper, which the House of Lords declined to do. In 1861 Gladstone included the abolition with all the other budget arrangements in a single finance bill that the Lords dared not amend, a procedure that has been followed ever since. Another useful step was the creation of the post office savings bank. These measures brought him increased popularity with the leaders of working class opinion, as did journeys around the main centres of industry.
In the general election of July 1865, Gladstone was defeated at Oxford but secured a seat in South Lancashire. When Palmerston died in October and Russell became prime minister, Gladstone took over the leadership of the House of Commons, while remaining at the Exchequer.
Convinced of the need for a further reform of Parliament, he introduced a bill for the moderate extension of the franchise in March 1866, but it foundered in June, and the whole government resigned. Next year Disraeli introduced a stronger Reform Bill that gave a vote to most householders in boroughs. Disraeli became prime minister early in 1868. Russell had resigned from active politics, and Gladstone was the Liberal mentor during the general election at the end of the year. Though Gladstone lost his Lancashire seat, he was returned for Greenwich; and the Liberal Party won handsomely in the country as a whole. His abilities had made him its indispensable leader, and when Disraeli resigned Queen Victoria called on him to form a government. | ||||
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] | null | [] | null | en | null | William Ewart Gladstone (also known as W.E Gladstone and William Gladstone) was born in Rodney Street in Liverpool on 29th December in 1809, however he was of purely Scottish descent. His parents were Sir John Gladstone and Anne MacKenzie Robertson and he was the fifth of six children.
Gladstone first entered the House of Commons in 1832, beginning his political career as a High Tory, which became the Conservative Party under Robert Peel in 1834. In he 1846 joined the breakaway Peelite faction, which eventually merged into the new Liberal Party in 1859....
Gladstone was what we might call a 'household name' in his day. He was admired and respected by every day people for a variety of reasons.
Catherine Gladstone (née Glynne) was born on 6th January 1812, in the same year as Charles Dickens. She was the daughter of Sir Stephen Glynne, 8th Baronet, of Hawarden Castle, who died when she was only three, and was reared with her sister Mary by her mother...
Gladstone's Library is Britain's finest residential library and its only Prime Ministerial library. It is said to have served as inspiration for the design of American Presidential libraries. It was founded by the great Victorian statesman, William Ewart Gladstone and, following his death in 1898, it became the nation's tribute to his life and work...
Following the civil war, Hawarden Castle was sold in 1651, along with the Lordship, to John Glynne. He was a member of the Long Parliament but did not reside at the site. In the eighteenth century a mansion house was built and became the Glynne's main residence. In 1809 Sir Stephen Richard Glynne (Gladstone's brother-in-law) owned the castle and estate...
William Gladstone himself was never a slave trader, in the early 19th century his father, John Gladstone owned slave colonies in the West Indies. ....
If there are subjects that you would like to be covered in this section, or any feedback please email info@williamgladstone.org.uk or contact us via the Facebook or Twitter links on this page. | |||||||
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] | 2016-03-01T17:21:59-05:00 | Gladstone led his nation to take leaps and bounds in expanding British voting rights and educating its young people. | en | /nwa_assets/img/site/favicon.png | WorldAtlas | https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/william-ewart-gladstone-prime-ministers-of-the-united-kingdom.html | 5. Early Life
William Ewart Gladstone was born in Liverpool, England on the 29th of December, 1809. He was the fourth son of Sir John Gladstone, who had made his fortune through trade with the Americas and the West Indies, where he owned sugar plantations. After preparatory school at Seaforth near Liverpool, and attendance at Eton between 1821 and 1827, Gladstone went to Christchurch, Oxford from 1828 until 1831. Studying the Classics and Mathematics, he was awarded a double first in both subjects in 1831. It was at the Oxford Union Debating Society that Gladstone developed a reputation for being fine orator, and as an up-and-coming Tory denouncing Whig proposals for a Parliamentary Reform Act.
4. Rise to Power
Gladstone was elected as a Tory Member of Parliament for Newark–on-Trent in 1832, and in 1833 he met fellow Tory, and life-long rival, Benjamin Disraeli. His first office of great national importance was as President of the Board of Trade in Robert Peel’s second ministry (1841-1846), from where he then rose to become Chancellor of the Exchequer in Lord Aberdeen’s government. He was Chancellor again in Lord Palmerston’s second ministry (1859-1865), and when Palmerston died Gladstone stayed on as Chancellor under Lord Russell until 1867, when he became the Liberal Party leader. He became Prime Minister for the first time in 1868, after the Liberal victory in the general election that cycle.
3. Contributions
Only three years before Gladstone had left the Tories to join the Liberals, he had converted to believing in Parliamentary Reform. As Liberal leader, he decisively championed its acceptance in a new form shaped by his arch-rival, Benjamin Disraeli. This move was an indicator of how much Gladstone’s motivation was in terms of principles rather than based on political rivalry. The Reform Act, passed in 1867, was a quantum leap for British democracy, giving the vote to every male adult householder living in a borough constituency. Another seismic act under the watch of this tireless reformer and legislator was the passing of Forster’s Act of 1870. This legislation instituted provisions for elementary education opportunities for all British children between 5 and 13 years of age.
2. Challenges
Gladstone’s first term as Prime Minister ended with Disraeli’s victory in 1874, though Gladstone won again and returned for his second term from 1880 to 1885. Disraeli remained a dogged enemy of Gladstone's throughout his career, despite Gladstone’s championing of Disraeli’s new Reform Act. Gladstone also provoked serious opposition within his own Liberal party, particularly over his Irish policies. In fact, Gladstone gradually came to favor Home Rule for Ireland. Another enemy was Queen Victoria herself, infuriated by Gladstone’s refusal, during one of his terms as Chancellor of the Exchequer, to approve the purchase of the gun metal needed for a monument to her beloved consort, Prince Albert.
1. Death and Legacy
Gladstone’s fourth, and final, term as Prime Minister saw the passing of an Irish Home Rule bill in the House of Commons in 1893. The bill failed to gain approval by the House of Lords, and Gladstone resigned as Prime Minister in March of 1894. Just a little over four years later, he died of a heart attack at Hawarden Castle in May of 1898. He was later buried at Westminster Abbey. Other famous politicians and historians have heaped praise on Gladstone for his personal accomplishments, his writings, his oratory, and his championing of Home Rule for Ireland. He is also remembered for his role in the transformation of the British elementary education landscape, as well as the part he played in the Reform Act and subsequent extensions of it. | ||||
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William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898), four times Queen Victoria's prime minister, was born, as Oscar Wilde would have described it, to the purple of commerce. His father owned mines in Wales, factories in Lancashire and sugar plantations in Jamaica. A brilliant student and debater at Oxford, and with powerful family political connections, Gladstone was elected to a seat in the House of Commons from at twenty-three. Except for a few years, he was an ornament of the Commons the rest of his long life. When Wilde wrote of the importance of being earnest, implying that earnestness, or at least the suggestion that one was in earnest, was one of the hallmarks of Victorian life, he might have been thinking of such eminences as Gladstone. From the start it was his political keynote as speaker and writer. As radical politician John Bright once boasted of Gladstone in a speech at Birmingham, "Who equals him in earnestness."
Two years into his parliamentary career as a Conservative he was made a junior lord of the Treasury, and the next year undersecretary for the Colonies. He would hold other sub-cabinet offices while becoming recognized as a master of debate, with one of his leading adversaries Benjamin Disraeli. Their mutual dislike, and rivalry for office, energized English politics for more than forty years, Gladstone leaving their party to join the new Liberals formed from the Whigs and free-trade Tories. As a result when Disraeli, after an election defeat, resigned as chancellor of the Exchequer, he refused to relinquish his Cabinet robes when his place was taken by Gladstone. While their own exchanges of retorts were memorable, they can best be characterized by the appeal of Viscount Palmerston, when prime minister, to his chief point-man on the House of Commons floor: "We need a great Gun to reply to Disraeli. Will you follow him?"
Disraeli once claimed paradoxically about Gladstone, "He has not a single redeeming defect." (Similarly, his successor as prime minister, Lord Rosebery, wrote, "The defects of his strengths grow on him.") Their differences were dramatic, Disraeli was flamboyant in dress and style, went through the necessary forms of religious practice, but no more, and made no secret of his attraction to aristocratic beauties. Gladstone was austere, obsessed by High Church theology and disputation, and was obsessed (despite marriage and many children) by low--but pretty--ladies of the evening, whom he would stalk, confront, and urge to reform their ways, afterwards returning home in a frisson of excitement to secretly whip himself. His diaries record decades of this peculiar Victorian-era practice, known to his colleagues (and even to the Queen) but kept from an adoring public which considered him a paragon of the ethical life. The two rivals also disagreed on Britain's imperial destiny, Gladstone seeing colonies as more burden than boon, and attempting to disengage from empire and its expense.
For Americans, it is Gladstone's position in the Civil War that may lodge in the memory more than his significance in English public life. Although he considered himself hostile to the institution of slavery, his father had held slaves in Jamaica until Britain made that illegal, and early in the war in North America he was outspokenly pro-South, possibly because he deplored the impact of the Union blockade on cotton mills in Lancashire, where there was widespread unemployment. It was clear to him, he charged in a speech, that "the progress of the Confederate Arms" was such that if it continued successfully, the Confederacy "with something like justice . . . might ask of us prompt recognition." But first he would have his government make "a friendly effort to induce the North to recede." Although he claimed that mediating the war to the South's advantage might appear to be interfering for English economic interests rather than in the "general interests of humanity and peace," he saw the North's attempt to keep the South as "thoroughly purposeless . . . , since it has long been (I think) clear enough that Secession is virtually an established fact, & that Jeff. Davis & his comrades have made a nation." However he cloaked such statements in humanitarian and ethical and anti-colonialist terms, he had made with such statements, later repudiated, a reputation among Americans in the Union that would make it difficult for him to carry on good relations later as prime minister with the reunited United States.
National Portrait Gallery
As a Liberal he supported and often introduced social and educational reforms, sometimes stepping out ahead of his party, and became a skilled manager of budgets although he was known primarily for refusing to spend any more than the minimum necessary on anything. Forceful on the floor of the House, he became its Liberal leader in the 1860s, and succeeded Disraeli as prime minister in 1869 and again in 1880, the latter after a bitter campaign on the "Eastern Question" in which he attacked Disraeli and the Tories for being soft on Turkish atrocities against Christians. As one Member of Parliament, Henry Labouchere, put it, "I don't object to Gladstone always having the ace of trumps up his sleeve, but merely to his belief that the Almighty put it there."
To his foreign secretary, Disraeli complained, in agitation, "Posterity will do justice to that unprincipled maniac Gladstone-[an] extraordinary mixture of envy, vindictiveness, hypocrisy, and superstition-whether Prime Minister, or Leader of Opposition, whether preaching, praying, speechifying or scribbling-never a gentleman!" But Gladstone was never interested in being a gentleman, and even turned down an earldom, the usual reward offered an outgoing prime minister.
Between the two Disraeli governments he pushed through, in 1870, the first bill establishing a national system of public education. He also introduced a measure to broaden public and university education in Ireland, but, perversely, Irish Catholics opposed it as not going far enough. Gladstone seemed always beset by problems involving Ireland, which was still treated like a colonial territory late in the century, and when he tried push through legislation for Home Rule for Ireland-a form of semi-independence-his party split on the issue and allowed the Conservatives back into power. Still, Gladstone was returned to office in 1886 and again in 1892, his last residence at 10 Downing Street abbreviated the next year when the House of Lords rejected a Home Rule Bill he had struggled to carry through the Commons, and he resigned.
Windsor
Then in his middle eighties, his vision and hearing failing, he retired to his estate and vast library at Hawarden, near Liverpool, his birthplace. Victoria refused all but the most perfunctory farewell to the old statesman, having never liked him, his predilections, and his policies. "He speaks to Me," she once said, "as if I was a public meeting." To her eldest daughter, Vicky, she called him a "very arrogant, tyrannical & obstinate [man] with no knowledge of the World or of human nature. Papa felt this strongly. Then he was a fanatic in religion. All this and much more . . . led him to make a very dangerous & unsatisfactory Premier."
When Gladstone died at Hawarden on May 19, 1898, he left behind not only a lengthy and significant legislative record, largely justifying his claim, "I will back the masses against the classes." He also left a vast body of writing, largely on religious and political issues, and on his beloved Roman and Greek classics, all now unread. (Winston Churchill once quipped, "Mr. Gladstone read Homer for fun, which I thought served him right.") He was buried with great ceremony at Westminster Abbey. To the Queen's pique, the Prince of Wales and his son George, the future George V, were among the pallbearers. | ||||||||
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] | null | [] | 1860-07-25T00:00:00 | en | /static/apple-touch/commons.png | The author died in 1922, so this work is in the public domain in its country of origin and other countries and areas where the copyright term is the author's life plus 70 years or fewer.
This work is in the public domain in the United States because it was published (or registered with the U.S. Copyright Office) before January 1, 1929. | ||||||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 7 | https://www.english-heritage.org.uk/visit/blue-plaques/william-ewart-gladstone/ | en | William Ewart Gladstone | Statesman | Blue Plaques | [
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] | null | [] | null | Blue plaque commemorating statesman William Ewart Gladstone at 11 Carlton House Terrace, St James's, London SW1Y 5AJ, City of Westminster. | English Heritage | https://www.english-heritage.org.uk/visit/blue-plaques/william-ewart-gladstone/ | Family, Slavery Links and Changing Views
Gladstone’s father, John Gladstone (1764–1851), was a Scottish-born Liverpool merchant and the owner of sugar plantations in the West Indies that ran on enslaved workers. A leading advocate for slave owners, Gladstone senior sought to obstruct or delay the emancipation of the enslaved. After emancipation passed into law he adopted the ‘coolie’ system of bringing in indentured labourers from the Indian sub-continent, before eventually selling his West Indian property.
William Gladstone himself – born in Liverpool, and educated at Eton and Christ Church Oxford – used his first speech in Parliament to defend his father against charges of cruelty to enslaved workers, while admitting that cases of this did exist. ‘He deprecated cruelty – he deprecated slavery; it was abhorrent to the nature of Englishmen; but … were not Englishmen to retain a right to their own honestly and legally acquired property?’, he asked.
On this basis, Gladstone argued for financial compensation for slave owners, and he himself benefited from his father’s tainted fortune. Later, he spoke in favour of the breakaway Confederate States in America. But he came to regret this, and in his later career was associated with internationalism and upholding the rights of non-Europeans. He told an audience in 1879 that the life of an Afghan hill villager was ‘as inviolable in the eye of Almighty God as … your own’.
Career
Gladstone began his political career as a Conservative. He served under the premiership of Sir Robert Peel as President of the Board of Trade (1843–5) and Colonial Secretary (1845–56). He supported Peel over the repeal of the Corn Laws and gravitated towards the Liberal Party, of which he became leader in 1867.
Gladstone had two stints as Chancellor of the Exchequer (1852–5 and 1859–66) in governments led by Lord Aberdeen and Lord Palmerston. His emphasis was on low government spending and free trade: he planned a notable trade deal with France, executed by Richard Cobden.
Gladstone was Prime Minister for a record four spells (1868–74, 1880–85, 1886 and 1892–94), and twice he combined this office with that of Chancellor (1873–74 and 1880–82). He was 82 when his final term at the top began – another record that still stands.
Irish ‘Home Rule’ and Other Reforms
‘My mission is to pacify Ireland’ was Gladstone’s comment on forming his first government in 1868. He disestablished the Anglican Church there in 1869 – the vast majority of Ireland’s population was Roman Catholic – and his Land Acts of 1870 and 1881 addressed economic grievances by giving greater rights to tenants. There were harsher measures too, such as the imprisonment of the Irish leader Charles Stewart Parnell.
However, Gladstone’s attempts to grant Ireland a measure of independence with ‘home rule’ in 1886 and 1893 both failed to get through Parliament and split the Liberal Party in the process.
Gladstone had more success with other reforms. His government brought in the first national system of elementary education in England, Wales and Scotland (1870–72), introduced the secret ballot for elections (1872) – before that voting was public, which made intimidation easy – and passed the 1884 Reform Act, which extended the vote to almost all adult males. His Railway Act of 1844 allowed for some regulation of fares and even made provision for the state acquisition of railways.
Foreign Policy and Private Life
Gladstone has been characterised as a reluctant imperialist. He was firm in his opposition to the Opium Wars but supported ‘the empire of settlement’ in Canada, Australia and New Zealand. He opposed further imperial expansion, but even while Prime Minister, his own views did not always prevail: the bombardment of Alexandria and invasion of Egypt took place under his premiership (1882) as did the first Boer War in South Africa (1880–81).
In 1879, during his Midlothian campaign for election for that Scottish constituency, Gladstone set out six principles for British foreign policy. They included ‘the love of freedom’ and ‘the equal rights of all nations’ and were an influence upon the founders of the League of Nations, among them US President Woodrow Wilson and Lord Robert Cecil.
Gladstone was a great political orator. Queen Victoria (who disliked him) complained that he spoke to her as if she were a public meeting. He was also a formidable classical scholar – among his works was Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age (1858). He kept a daily diary which recorded – among much else – his self-administered beatings for the lustful thoughts he had while attempting to ‘rescue’ women who earned their living by prostitution. He carried on this missionary work even while he was Prime Minster.
Carlton House Terrace
From 1840, Gladstone and his family lived in three different houses in Carlton House Terrace – all built in a monumental Graeco-Roman style by John Nash in 1827–33 – and at another nearby in Carlton Gardens. 11 Carlton House Terrace was their London home from April 1856 until April 1875, and bears Gladstone’s highly glazed plaque with its attractive laurel-leaf border, made by Doulton.
Gladstone lived here with his wife, Catherine, and their family – they had eight children. At home, the couple read the Bible together daily and there were regular household prayers: Gladstone belonged to the evangelical wing of the Church of England.
Gladstone’s period at the house coincided with a second stint as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and with the first of his four premierships, which saw him take office in 1868. On leaving he wrote that he ‘had grown to the house, having lived more time in it than in any other since I was born, and mainly by reason of all that was done in it’.
His government lost a general election in 1874, and he resigned as Liberal Party leader the following year. There was a mortgage debt of £4,500 on number 11. So with economy in mind, Gladstone sold the house and some of his art collection, and in 1876 moved his family to 73 Harley Street for what was intended to be retirement. This house is also marked by a plaque, as is Gladstone’s later home in St James’s Square. | ||||||
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Above left: 62 Rodney Street, Liverpool. Above right: Gladstone as a boy with his sister
Gladstone was born on 20th December 1809 at 62 Rodney Street, Liverpool to John Gladstone and Anna MacKenzie Gladstone (nee Robertson). He was first educated at Eton where he maintained a close-knit group of friends including Arthur Henry Hallam, the inspiration for Alfred Tennyson’s A. H. H. In Memoriam. From there he went on to achieve a double First at Oxford in Classics and Mathematics, a sign of the greatness he would later go on to achieve.
W. E. Gladstone’s political career was vast and varied, with him taking the position of Prime Minister four times between the years of 1868 and 1894. The ‘Grand Old Man’s’ social responsibility also existed on a personal level, as demonstrated by the foundation of his library. He intended for this library to provide knowledge and education to all, which is perfectly demonstrated by his original name for the library, Monad, meaning 'truth'.
Image: Gladstone working in the Temple of Peace
It was through his wife, Catherine Glynne, that Gladstone came to reside in Hawarden and eventually open his library here. Catherine’s family owned the historic Hawarden Castle, situated just across from where Gladstone’s Library now stands, nestled in the grounds that Gladstone once walked in and that you yourself can stroll in today. There they and their children stayed when they were away from London, with Gladstone working in his own private study, the Temple of Peace (pictured above).
Image: Catherine Glynne-Gladstone, Dossie Drew and William Gladstone
As he reached old age Gladstone showed no signs of slowing down in his active life. He still enjoyed chopping down trees on the Hawarden Estate, and you can see one of his axes in the display cabinet in our History Room today. He was also incredibly close to his family, including his granddaughter Dorothy Drew whom he called ‘Dossie’ (pictured above with Catherine Glynne-Gladstone). It is rumoured that Gladstone himself aided in the transportation of 32,000 books from his personal collection to the new library, using only a wheelbarrow, his daughter and a servant for help.
William Ewart Gladstone passed away on 19th May 1898 at his home, and was survived by his wife and six children. He was buried in his university robes and mortarboard, and a photo of him lying in state can be viewed here [GG/1983]. Gladstone was interred in Westminster Abbey, London and there is a memorial to him and his wife Catherine in St. Deniol’s Church across the road from the Library.
We hope that this post has done justice to the name and achievements of William Ewart Gladstone. He will always be missed but fondly remembered, especially when one is reading a book from his personal collection by the light of the sun coming in through the window of the place he dreamt of but never got to see.
We will end this post with the dedication written by Lord Rosebury that we feel best demonstrates who Gladstone was;
[GG/A/2/1/7] | |||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 85 | https://turksandarmenians.marmara.edu.tr/en/british-prime-minister-gladstone-and-the-armenian-problem-according-to-western-media/ | en | British Prime Minister Gladstone and the Armenian Problem According to Western Media | | [
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"türk ermeni ilişkileri",
"ermeni soykırımı",
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"maraş ermenileri",
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"ermen... | null | [] | null | The Armenian Problem showed an intense development after the second half of the 19th century and became one of the most important international ... | en | https://turksandarmenians.marmara.edu.tr/wp-content/themes/turksandarmenians/favicon/favicon.ico | Turks and Armenians - Turkish-Armenian Relations Throughout History | A Project by Marmara University | https://turksandarmenians.marmara.edu.tr/en/british-prime-minister-gladstone-and-the-armenian-problem-according-to-western-media/ | The Armenian Problem showed an intense development after the second half of the 19th century and became one of the most important international problems occupying the European and World agenda. Britain is one of the chief countries taking this problem to the World agenda. The political and economic links of Britain with the Near and Middle East, and especially its thought of using Armenians as a card against Russia, made this country produce and follow politics which are in favor of Armenians and against Turkey for its own interests. One of the chief architects in the development of these politics is British Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone.
William Ewart Gladstone was born in Liverpool on 29 December 1809 and died in Hawarden on 19 May 1898. He was a statesman, orator, and writer. He occupied the office of prime ministry five times in Britain. He is the fourth son of Sir John Gladstone who was a parliament member and an intellectual trader. Gladstone got an education at Eton and Christ Church College, the most famous college of Oxford University, and graduated from here in 1831. He was elected to the parliament from Newark and he started to appear as a young and strong speaker in the House of Lords from 1831 onwards (The Washington Post, May 19, 1898). Living between the years 1809-1898, Gladstone came to the office of prime ministry four times between the years 1868 and 1894. The politics he followed towards the Ottoman Empire in this period started the developments which accelerated the Armenian Problem.
Prime Minister Gladstone presented the goals of foreign policies of Britain to the public opinion as if they put a special interest on Armenians. As a result, “hostile” politics against the Ottoman Empire started to be executed. The extension of these politics was perceived as a support to “victimized” Armenians and the Armenian Problem in appearance. On the other hand, in reality, the question is the British interests in the region.
In this article, the newspapers such as The Times, the biggest British newspaper and semi-official media organ, and American newspapers The Washington Post, The Atlanta Constitution, Chicago Daily Tribune, The Hartford Courant, New York Times, and Los Angeles Times have been used. There are hundreds of news articles about Gladstone and the Armenian problem in these newspapers.
Although the interest of Gladstone with Armenians started with the San Stefano and Berlin Treaties, the reflection of this in public opinion and media, except for one news item, corresponds to the last stage of his professional life, the beginning of the 1890s. In one news item released with the title “Mr Gladstone and Armenian Problem” in The Times on 14 January 1891, Gladstone addresses Armenians through the Times: “You know that I suffer deeply of the current governmental system in Armenia. I have no doubt for the support of great powers in finding a solution for this and also I accept that Britain has a mission of making all kinds of effort to make them take action” (The Times, January 14, 1891). This statement means that Britain regarded the Armenian question as a “mission.” This is the indicator of the importance Britain placed on the problem.
After this news in 1891, there was no news directly on Gladstone and Armenians in Western media for more than 3.5 years. This situation can be evaluated as he probably avoided following such open policies in the period when he held the office of the prime ministry and he concentrated on the developments about Armenians more after he left the office. Gladstone’s real moves about Armenians would take place in the period between 1894 and 1897. The first developments on this would start in December 1894.
Gladstone sent a letter to the meeting arranged by Stevenson, who was the chair of the British Armenian Society, in St. Martin Townhall in London on 14 December 1894. He wrote these in the letter: “The bad statements about Armenians clenched the interest of the world to this question. I give my sincere wishes to you and everybody trying to reveal the truths. When the claims are proven, the truths will ask the world how much more these massacres will be watched” (The Washington Post, December 18, 1894, Tuesday; The Times, December 18, 1894). Gladstone showed with these words that the actual politics of Britain is to draw the attention of the world to the Armenian question. This letter is also important in terms of showing the intimate relation of Gladstone with the British Armenian Society in London.
Due to his close interest in the Armenian question, Armenians also showed their close interest in Gladstone. To the purpose of the 85th birthday of Gladstone, Armenians of London and Paris arranged a celebration program. The organization organizing this celebration program was again the British Armenian Society (The Times, December 31, 1894). In the program, the Armenians of London and Paris gifted a silver decorated wineglass to Gladstone (The Atlanta Constitution, December 21, 1894; The Times, December 21, 1894; December 31, 1894). Gladstone mentioned these interesting points in his speech in which he maintained the understanding of “Turkish hostility and Armenian patronage”: “there are some sound reports informing that there is a horrible and indescribable massacre in Armenia… History of Turkey is a sad and agonising history. This race has brought calamities to the world. If these stories of massacre, rape and genocide are correct, these will not go off eye and they can’t prevent them from being revealed” (Chicago Daily Tribune, December 30, 1894; The Times, December 31, 1894). As it is observed, the speech of Gladstone is based on words involving insults about Turks and Turkish History.
After becoming a problem, doing advocacy and hosting any development about Armenians, Britain took another very important step about the issue in May of the same year. They arranged a national protest meeting at St. James Hall against the massacres and oppression of Christian Armenians in Turkey. Gladstone didn’t attend this meeting himself but sent this letter to Argyll Duke who presided over the meeting: “I sincerely feel great affection for this meeting arranged in order to protest the evil massacres in Turkish Armenia and be insistent in the immediate implementation of the article 61 of Berlin Congress” (The Times, May 7, 1895). This letter of Gladstone was welcomed with joyful applauses by the crowd attending the meeting.
There were some people who were criticizing the policies of Gladstone as well. One of these people was one of the important war reporters of Britain, Ellis Bartlett. An important discussion, which was also reflected in the media, took place between Bartlett and Gladstone. Bartlett wrote these lines including these important warnings in his letter addressing Gladstone:
“Sir, I protest a sentence you used about Armenian question in your last letter for the sake of honour and justice. You are saying that you attribute the crime of last massacre in Armenia to Sultan of Turkey and his officers and soldiers. I would like to express that there is not even slightest evidence that Sultan is responsible for these massacres or hid the perpetrators, even if the claims are true… For the sake of honesty and real humanity, I protest this injustice and hypocrisy which accuse Muslim Turkey without trials and which silently throw it to its strong and Christian enemies”
(The Times, May 10, 1895).
These statements of Bartlett show that the politics of Gladstone in Armenian question are wrong. Gladstone, on the other hand, replied to Bartlett: “I think that we have a strict attitude about Armenian question in order to obtain a possible benefit from the negotiations” (The Times, May 10, 1895). Gladstone admitted in a way with this reply that they exaggerated in the Armenian question. The reply of Bartlett to this answer from Gladstone was: “Dear sir, I protest that your great name was written under the brutal accusation of Ottoman Empire and Army collectively before the correct evidences are revealed and especially the report of the commission about the crimes is published” (The Times, May 10, 1895). That is to say, Bartlett opposed that the name of a person who held the prime ministry office was involved in the Armenian question and was insistent that the Ottoman Empire should not be accused before official evidences are suggested.
Despite such criticisms, Gladstone continued his activities in favor of Armenians. The New York Times published this letter of Gladstone full of reproach about Europeans on 25 June 1896: “Nobody uses even semi-strict language against Sultan and his representatives. Europeans hold an attitude which covers forgiving the vileness of Sultan. I can never approve of this”(New York Times, June 26, 1896).
A last article is on 19 October 1896. A meeting was arranged by the British Armenian Society at St. James Hall. The purpose of the meeting was announced to be “national protest” against the “barbarity of Sultan.” Gladstone sent a letter to this meeting. It was written in the letter: “There are still on-going series of massacres. I see that Sultan stubbornly continues the extraordinary opportunities given to him. Sultan is living his victory for now, but only for the time being, with the piteous and shameful reasons. Sultan will eventually be condemned by the humanity civilization and he and his bloody-minded brutal followers will also get their share” (The Times, October 20, 1896).
William Ewart Gladstone, who made such big activities for Armenians, Armenia, Turkish hostility and the Armenian Question, and especially devoted himself almost completely to this issue after the last period of his prime ministry, died in London Hawarden town on 19 May 1898. He was an important personality who held the prime ministry office for four periods. After his service of prime ministry four times in intervals until 1894, he avoided public work. However, this distance remained in the official dimension. He almost dedicated himself to unofficial public work and a very special matter that he wasn’t able to involve in in the period of his prime ministry service or he didn’t want to seem to be involving in due to his official duty. This was nothing else but the Armenian question.
Also, there is this anecdote in a biographic study about him. He said to one of his sons: “I started this campaign in 1876 and I will sustain it no matter how long it lasts.” As the starting point of the Armenian problem roughly appeared in this period, this is information to be taken into consideration. It is apparent that the Armenian problem was not of course created by Gladstone, but the efforts of Gladstone in order to make the problem come to an international dimension are obvious. If Gladstone hadn’t backed this problem so much and had made it so coherent with British politics, how the Armenians drew the attention of the international community towards the end of the 19th century could not have happened. Gladstone was able to put this issue on the British agenda first and then the priorities of European countries with his activities and intense studies between the years 1894-1897. European countries got interested in Armenians thanks to Britain and in this way, the issues of “Armenian patronage and Turkish hostility” could be made appropriate with its own foreign policies and brought to the agenda of the international community and world. Gladstone never neglected Armenians with his intense activities in this period, arranged programs for them and attended these programs in-person.
Lastly, these words of Gladstone summarize his fundamental philosophy about Armenians: “Service to Armenia is service to civilization.” Armenians owe a lot to William Ewart Gladstone. It is a matter of fact that the biggest debt in the problem of obtaining an international dimension is indisputably owed to this British prime minister. | ||||
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] | null | [] | null | Learn William Ewart Gladstone facts for kids | en | /images/wk/favicon-16x16.png | https://kids.kiddle.co/William_Ewart_Gladstone | William Ewart Gladstone FRS FSS ( glad-stən; 29 December 1809 – 19 May 1898) was a British statesman and Liberal politician. In a career lasting over 60 years, he served for 12 years as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, spread over four non-consecutive terms (the most of any British prime minister) beginning in 1868 and ending in 1894. He also served as Chancellor of the Exchequer four times, for over 12 years.
Gladstone was born in Liverpool to Scottish parents. He first entered the House of Commons in 1832, beginning his political career as a High Tory, a grouping that became the Conservative Party under Robert Peel in 1834. Gladstone served as a minister in both of Peel's governments, and in 1846 joined the breakaway Peelite faction, which eventually merged into the new Liberal Party in 1859. He was chancellor under Lord Aberdeen (1852–1855), Lord Palmerston (1859–1865) and Lord Russell (1865–1866). Gladstone's own political doctrine—which emphasised equality of opportunity and opposition to trade protectionism—came to be known as Gladstonian liberalism. His popularity amongst the working-class earned him the sobriquet "The People's William".
In 1868, Gladstone became prime minister for the first time. Many reforms were passed during his first ministry, including the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland and the introduction of secret voting. After electoral defeat in 1874, Gladstone resigned as leader of the Liberal Party. From 1876 he began a comeback based on opposition to the Ottoman Empire's reaction to the Bulgarian April Uprising. His Midlothian Campaign of 1879–1880 was an early example of many modern political campaigning techniques. After the 1880 general election, Gladstone formed his second ministry (1880–1885), which saw the passage of the Third Reform Act as well as crises in Egypt (culminating in the Fall of Khartoum) and Ireland, where his government passed repressive measures but also improved the legal rights of Irish tenant farmers.
Back in office in early 1886, Gladstone proposed home rule for Ireland but was defeated in the House of Commons. The resulting split in the Liberal Party helped keep them out of office—with one short break—for 20 years. Gladstone formed his last government in 1892, at the age of 82. The Government of Ireland Bill 1893 passed through the Commons but was defeated in the House of Lords in 1893, after which Irish Home Rule became a lesser part of his party's agenda. Gladstone left office in March 1894, aged 84, as both the oldest person to serve as Prime Minister and the only prime minister to have served four non-consecutive terms. He left Parliament in 1895 and died three years later.
Gladstone was known affectionately by his supporters as "The People's William" or the "G.O.M." ("Grand Old Man", or, to political rivals "God's Only Mistake"). Historians often call him one of Britain's greatest leaders.
Early life
Born on 29 December 1809 in Liverpool, at 62 Rodney Street, William Ewart Gladstone was the fourth son of the wealthy slaveowner John Gladstone, and his second wife, Anne MacKenzie Robertson. He was named after a close friend of his father, William Ewart, another Liverpool merchant and the father of William Ewart, later a Liberal politician. In 1835, the family name was changed from Gladstones to Gladstone by royal licence. His father was made a baronet, of Fasque and Balfour, in 1846.
Although born and raised in Liverpool, William Gladstone was of purely Scottish ancestry. His grandfather Thomas Gladstones (1732–1809) was a prominent merchant from Leith, and his maternal grandfather, Andrew Robertson, was Provost of Dingwall and a Sheriff-Substitute of Ross-shire. His biographer John Morley described him as "a highlander in the custody of a lowlander", and an adversary as "an ardent Italian in the custody of a Scotsman". One of his earliest childhood memories was being made to stand on a table and say "Ladies and gentlemen" to the assembled audience, probably at a gathering to promote the election of George Canning as MP for Liverpool in 1812. In 1814, young "Willy" visited Scotland for the first time, as he and his brother John travelled with their father to Edinburgh, Biggar and Dingwall to visit their relatives. Willy and his brother were both made freemen of the burgh of Dingwall. In 1815, Gladstone also travelled to London and Cambridge for the first time with his parents. Whilst in London, he attended a service of thanksgiving with his family at St Paul's Cathedral following the Battle of Waterloo, where he saw the Prince Regent.
William Gladstone was educated from 1816 to 1821 at a preparatory school at the vicarage of St. Thomas' Church at Seaforth, close to his family's residence, Seaforth House. In 1821, William followed in the footsteps of his elder brothers and attended Eton College before matriculating in 1828 at Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Classics and Mathematics, although he had no great interest in the latter subject. In December 1831, he achieved the double first-class degree he had long desired. Gladstone served as President of the Oxford Union, where he developed a reputation as an orator, which followed him into the House of Commons. At university, Gladstone was a Tory and denounced Whig proposals for parliamentary reform.
Following the success of his double first, William travelled with his brother John on a Grand Tour of western Europe.
Although Gladstone entered Lincoln's Inn in 1833, with intentions of becoming a barrister, by 1839 he had requested that his name should be removed from the list because he no longer intended to be called to the Bar.
In September 1842 he lost the forefinger of his left hand in an accident while reloading a gun. Thereafter he wore a glove or finger sheath (stall).
House of Commons
First term
When Gladstone was 22 the Duke of Newcastle, a Conservative party activist, provided him with one of two seats at Newark where he controlled about a fourth of the very small electorate. The Duke spent thousands of pounds entertaining the voters. Gladstone displayed remarkably strong technique as a campaigner and stump speaker. He won his seat at the 1832 United Kingdom general election with 887 votes. Initially a disciple of High Toryism, Gladstone's maiden speech as a young Tory was a defence of the rights of West Indian sugar plantation magnates—slave-owners—among whom his father was prominent. He immediately came under attack from anti-slavery elements. He also surprised the duke by urging the need to increase pay for unskilled factory workers. After new bills to protect child workers were proposed following the publication of the Sadler report, he voted against the 1833 Factory Acts that would regulate the hours of work and welfare of minors employed in cotton mills.
Attitude towards slavery
Gladstone's early attitude towards slavery was highly shaped by his father, Sir John Gladstone, one of the largest slave owners in the British Empire. Gladstone wanted gradual rather than immediate emancipation, and proposed that slaves should serve a period of apprenticeship after being freed. They also opposed the international slave trade (which lowered the value of the slaves the father already owned). The antislavery movement demanded the immediate abolition of slavery. Gladstone opposed this and said in 1832 that emancipation should come after moral emancipation through the adoption of an education and the inculcation of "honest and industrious habits" among the slaves. Then "with the utmost speed that prudence will permit, we shall arrive at that exceedingly desired consummation, the utter extinction of slavery." In 1831, when the Oxford Union considered a motion in favour of the immediate emancipation of the slaves in the West Indies, Gladstone moved an amendment in favour of gradual manumission along with better protection for the personal and civil rights of the slaves and better provision for their Christian education. His early Parliamentary speeches followed a similar line: in June 1833, Gladstone concluded his speech on the 'slavery question' by declaring that though he had dwelt on "the dark side" of the issue, he looked forward to "a safe and gradual emancipation".
In 1834, when slavery was abolished across the British Empire, the owners were paid full value for the slaves. Gladstone helped his father obtain £106,769 in official reimbursement by the government for the 2,508 slaves he owned across nine plantations in the Caribbean.
In later years Gladstone's attitude towards slavery became more critical as his father's influence over his politics diminished. In 1844 Gladstone broke with his father when, as President of the Board of Trade, he advanced proposals to halve duties on foreign sugar not produced by slave labour, in order to "secure the effectual exclusion of slave-grown sugar" and to encourage Brazil and Spain to end slavery. Sir John Gladstone, who opposed any reduction in duties on foreign sugar, wrote a letter to The Times criticizing the measure. Looking back late in life, Gladstone named the abolition of slavery as one of ten great achievements of the previous sixty years where the masses had been right and the upper classes had been wrong.
Opposition to the opium trade
Gladstone was an intense opponent of the opium trade. Referring to the opium trade between British India and Qing China, Gladstone described it as "infamous and atrocious". Gladstone emerged as a fierce critic of the Opium Wars, which Britain waged to re-legalise the British opium trade into China, which had been made illegal by the Chinese government. He publicly lambasted the wars as "Palmerston's Opium War" and said that he felt "in dread of the judgements of God upon England for our national iniquity towards China" in May 1840. A famous speech was made by Gladstone in Parliament against the First Opium War. Gladstone criticised it as "a war more unjust in its origin, a war more calculated in its progress to cover this country with permanent disgrace". Before 1841, Gladstone was reluctant to join the Peel government because of the First Opium War, which Palmerston had brought on.
Minister under Peel (1841–1846)
Gladstone was re-elected in 1841. In the second ministry of Robert Peel, he served as President of the Board of Trade (1843–1845).
Gladstone was responsible for the Railways Act 1844, regarded by historians as the birth of the regulatory state, of network industry regulation, of rate of return regulation, and telegraph regulation. Examples of its foresight are the clauses empowering government to take control of railway in time of war, the concept of Parliamentary trains, limited in cost to a penny a mile, of universal service, and of control of the recently invented electric telegraph which ran alongside railway lines. Railways were the largest investment (as a percentage of GNP) in human history and this Bill the most heavily lobbied in Parliamentary history. Gladstone succeeded in guiding the Act through Parliament at the height of the railway bubble.
Gladstone became concerned with the situation of "coal whippers". These were the men who worked on London docks, "whipping" in baskets from ships to barges or wharves all incoming coal from the sea. They were called up and relieved through public houses, so a man could not get this job unless he had the favourable opinion of the publican. The man's name was written down and the "score" followed. Publicans issued employment solely on the capacity of the man to pay.
Gladstone initiated the Coal Vendors Act 1843, which set up a central office for employment. When that Act expired in 1856, a Select Committee was appointed by the Lords in 1857 to look into the question. Gladstone gave evidence to the committee, stating: "I approached the subject in the first instance as I think everyone in Parliament of necessity did, with the strongest possible prejudice against the proposal [to interfere]; but the facts stated were of so extraordinary and deplorable a character, that it was impossible to withhold attention from them. Then the question being whether legislative interference was required I was at length induced to look at a remedy of an extraordinary character as the only one I thought applicable to the case ... it was a great innovation". Looking back in 1883, Gladstone wrote that "In principle, perhaps my Coalwhippers Act of 1843 was the most Socialistic measure of the last half century".
He resigned in 1845 over the Maynooth Grant issue, which was a matter of conscience for him. To improve relations with the Catholic Church, Peel's government proposed increasing the annual grant paid to the Maynooth Seminary for training Catholic priests in Ireland. Gladstone, who had previously argued in a book that a Protestant country should not pay money to other churches, nevertheless supported the increase in the Maynooth grant and voted for it in Commons, but resigned rather than face charges that he had compromised his principles to remain in office. After accepting Gladstone's resignation, Peel confessed to a friend, "I really have great difficulty sometimes in exactly comprehending what he means". In December 1845, Gladstone returned to Peel's government as Colonial Secretary. The Dictionary of National Biography notes: "As such, he had to stand for re-election, but the strong protectionism of the Duke of Newcastle, his patron in Newark, meant that he could not stand there and no other seat was available. Throughout the corn law crisis of 1846, therefore, Gladstone was in the highly anomalous and possibly unique position of being a secretary of state without a seat in either house and thus unanswerable to parliament."
Return to the backbenches (1846–1851)
When Peel's government fell in 1846, Gladstone and other Peel loyalists followed their leader in separating from the protectionist Conservatives; instead offering tentative support to the new Whig prime minister Lord John Russell, with whom Peel had cooperated over the repeal of the Corn Laws. After Peel's death in 1850, Gladstone emerged as the leader of the Peelites in the House of Commons. He was re-elected for the University of Oxford (i.e. representing the MA graduates of the university) at the General Election in 1847—Peel had once held this seat but had lost it because of his espousal of Catholic Emancipation in 1829. Gladstone became a constant critic of Lord Palmerston.
In 1847 Gladstone helped to establish Glenalmond College, then The Holy and Undivided Trinity College at Glenalmond. The school was set up as an episcopal foundation to spread the ideas of Anglicanism in Scotland, and to educate the sons of the gentry.
As a young man Gladstone had treated his father's estate, Fasque, in Forfarshire, southwest of Aberdeen, as home, but as a younger son he would not inherit it. Instead, from the time of his marriage, he lived at his wife's family's estate at Hawarden in Flintshire, Wales. He never actually owned Hawarden, which belonged first to his brother-in-law Sir Stephen Glynne, and was then inherited by Gladstone's eldest son in 1874. During the late 1840s, when he was out of office, he worked extensively to turn Hawarden into a viable business.
In 1850–51 Gladstone visited Naples. Italy, for the benefit of his daughter Mary's eyesight. Giacomo Lacaita, legal adviser to the British embassy, was at the time imprisoned by the Neapolitan government, as were other political dissidents. Gladstone became concerned at the political situation in Naples and the arrest and imprisonment of Neapolitan liberals. In February 1851 Gladstone visited the prisons where thousands of them were held and was extremely outraged. In April and July he published two Letters to the Earl of Aberdeen against the Neapolitan government and responded to his critics in An Examination of the Official Reply of the Neapolitan Government in 1852. Gladstone's first letter described what he saw in Naples as "the negation of God erected into a system of government".
Chancellor of the Exchequer (1852–1855)
In 1852, following the appointment of Lord Aberdeen as Prime Minister, head of a coalition of Whigs and Peelites, Gladstone became Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Whig Sir Charles Wood and the Tory Disraeli had both been perceived to have failed in the office and so this provided Gladstone with a great political opportunity.
His first budget in 1853 almost completed the work begun by Peel eleven years before in simplifying Britain's tariff of duties and customs. 123 duties were abolished and 133 duties were reduced.
Gladstone wanted to maintain a balance between direct and indirect taxation and to abolish income tax. He knew that its abolition depended on a considerable retrenchment in government expenditure. He therefore increased the number of people eligible to pay it by lowering the threshold from £150 to £100. The more people that paid income tax, Gladstone believed, the more the public would pressure the government into abolishing it. Gladstone argued that the £100 line was "the dividing line ... between the educated and the labouring part of the community" and that therefore the income tax payers and the electorate were to be the same people, who would then vote to cut government expenditure.
The budget speech (delivered on 18 April), nearly five hours long, raised Gladstone "at once to the front rank of financiers as of orators". H.C.G. Matthew has written that Gladstone "made finance and figures exciting, and succeeded in constructing budget speeches epic in form and performance, often with lyrical interludes to vary the tension in the Commons as the careful exposition of figures and argument was brought to a climax".
During wartime, he insisted on raising taxes and not borrowing funds to pay for the war. The goal was to turn wealthy Britons against expensive wars. Britain entered the Crimean War in February 1854, and Gladstone introduced his budget on 6 March. He had to increase expenditure on the military and a vote of credit of £1,250,000 was taken to send a force of 25,000 to the front. The deficit for the year would be £2,840,000 (estimated revenue £56,680,000; estimated expenditure £59,420,000). Gladstone refused to borrow the money needed to rectify this deficit and instead increased income tax by half, from sevenpence to tenpence-halfpenny in the pound (from 2.92% to 4.38%). By May another £6,870,000 was needed for the war and Gladstone raised the income tax from tenpence halfpenny to fourteen pence in the pound to raise £3,250,000. Spirits, malt, and sugar were taxed to raise the rest of the money needed. He proclaimed:
The expenses of a war are the moral check which it has pleased the Almighty to impose upon the ambition and lust of conquest that are inherent in so many nations ... The necessity of meeting from year to year the expenditure which it entails is a salutary and wholesome check, making them feel what they are about, and making them measure the cost of the benefit upon which they may calculate
He served until 1855, a few weeks into Lord Palmerston's first premiership, and resigned along with the rest of the Peelites after a motion was passed to appoint a committee of inquiry into the conduct of the war.
Opposition (1855–1859)
The Conservative Leader Lord Derby became Prime Minister in 1858, but Gladstone—who like the other Peelites was still nominally a Conservative—declined a position in his government, opting not to sacrifice his free trade principles.
Between November 1858 and February 1859, Gladstone, on behalf of Lord Derby's government, was made Extraordinary Lord High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands embarking via Vienna and Trieste on a twelve-week mission to the southern Adriatic entrusted with complex challenges that had arisen in connection with the future of the British protectorate of the United States of the Ionian Islands.
In 1858, Gladstone took up the hobby of tree felling, mostly of oak trees, an exercise he continued with enthusiasm until he was 81 in 1891. Eventually, he became notorious for this activity, prompting Lord Randolph Churchill to observe: "For the purposes of recreation he has selected the felling of trees; and we may usefully remark that his amusements, like his politics, are essentially destructive. Every afternoon the whole world is invited to assist at the crashing fall of some beech or elm or oak. The forest laments in order that Mr Gladstone may perspire." Less noticed at the time was his practice of replacing the trees felled by planting new saplings.
Gladstone was a lifelong bibliophile. In his lifetime, he read around 20,000 books, and eventually owned a library of over 32,000.
Chancellor of the Exchequer (1859–1866)
In 1859, Lord Palmerston formed a new mixed government with Radicals included, and Gladstone again joined the government (with most of the other remaining Peelites) as Chancellor of the Exchequer, to become part of the new Liberal Party.
Gladstone inherited a deficit of nearly £5,000,000, with income tax now set at 5d (fivepence). Like Peel, Gladstone dismissed the idea of borrowing to cover the deficit. Gladstone argued that "In time of peace nothing but dire necessity should induce us to borrow". Most of the money needed was acquired through raising the income tax to 9d. Usually not more than two-thirds of a tax imposed could be collected in a financial year so Gladstone therefore imposed the extra four pence at a rate of 8d. during the first half of the year so that he could obtain the additional revenue in one year. Gladstone's dividing line set up in 1853 had been abolished in 1858 but Gladstone revived it, with lower incomes to pay 6½d. instead of 9d. For the first half of the year the lower incomes paid 8d. and the higher incomes paid 13d. in income tax.
On 12 September 1859 the Radical MP Richard Cobden visited Gladstone, who recorded it in his diary: "... further conv. with Mr. Cobden on Tariffs & relations with France. We are closely & warmly agreed". Cobden was sent as Britain's representative to the negotiations with France's Michel Chevalier for a free trade treaty between the two countries. Gladstone wrote to Cobden: "... the great aim—the moral and political significance of the act, and its probable and desired fruit in binding the two countries together by interest and affection. Neither you nor I attach for the moment any superlative value to this Treaty for the sake of the extension of British trade. ... What I look to is the social good, the benefit to the relations of the two countries, and the effect on the peace of Europe".
Gladstone's budget of 1860 was introduced on 10 February along with the Cobden–Chevalier Treaty between Britain and France that would reduce tariffs between the two countries. This budget "marked the final adoption of the Free Trade principle, that taxation should be levied for Revenue purposes alone, and that every protective, differential, or discriminating duty ... should be dislodged". At the beginning of 1859, there were 419 duties in existence. The 1860 budget reduced the number of duties to 48, with 15 duties constituting the majority of the revenue. To finance these reductions in indirect taxation, the income tax, instead of being abolished, was raised to 10d. for incomes above £150 and at 7d. for incomes above £100.
In 1860 Gladstone intended to abolish the duty on paper—a controversial policy—because the duty traditionally inflated the cost of publishing and hindered the dissemination of radical working-class ideas. Although Palmerston supported continuation of the duty, using it and income tax revenue to buy arms, a majority of his Cabinet supported Gladstone. The Bill to abolish duties on paper narrowly passed Commons but was rejected by the House of Lords. No money bill had been rejected by Lords for over 200 years, and a furore arose over this vote. The next year, Gladstone included the abolition of paper duty in a consolidated Finance Bill (the first ever) to force the Lords to accept it, and accept it they did. The proposal in the Commons of one bill only per session for the national finances was a precedent uniformly followed from that date until 1910, and it has been ever since the rule.
Gladstone steadily reduced Income tax over the course of his tenure as Chancellor. In 1861 the tax was reduced to ninepence (£0–0s–9d), in 1863 to sevenpence, in 1864 to fivepence and in 1865 to fourpence. Gladstone believed that government was extravagant and wasteful with taxpayers' money and so sought to let money "fructify in the pockets of the people" by keeping taxation levels down through "peace and retrenchment". In 1859 he wrote to his brother, who was a member of the Financial Reform Association at Liverpool: "Economy is the first and great article (economy such as I understand it) in my financial creed. The controversy between direct and indirect taxation holds a minor, though important place". He wrote to his wife on 14 January 1860: "I am certain, from experience, of the immense advantage of strict account-keeping in early life. It is just like learning the grammar then, which when once learned need not be referred to afterwards".
Due to his actions as Chancellor, Gladstone earned the reputation as the liberator of British trade and the working man's breakfast table, the man responsible for the emancipation of the popular press from "taxes upon knowledge" and for placing a duty on the succession of the estates of the rich. Gladstone's popularity rested on his taxation policies which meant to his supporters balance, social equity and political justice. The most significant expression of working-class opinion was at Northumberland in 1862 when Gladstone visited.
When Gladstone first joined Palmerston's government in 1859, he had opposed further electoral reform, but he changed his position during Palmerston's last premiership, and by 1865 he was firmly in favour of enfranchising the working classes in towns. The policy caused friction with Palmerston, who strongly opposed enfranchisement. At the beginning of each session, Gladstone would passionately urge the Cabinet to adopt new policies, while Palmerston would fixedly stare at a paper before him. At a lull in Gladstone's speech, Palmerston would smile, rap the table with his knuckles, and interject pointedly, "Now, my Lords and gentlemen, let us go to business". Although he personally was not a Nonconformist, and rather disliked them in person, he formed a coalition with the Nonconformists that gave the Liberals a powerful base of support.
American Civil War
Shortly after the outbreak of the American Civil War Gladstone wrote to his friend the Duchess of Sutherland that "the principle announced by the vice-president of the South...which asserts the superiority of the white man, and therewith founds on it his right to hold the black in slavery, I think that principle detestable, and I am wholly with the opponents of it" but that he felt that the North was wrong to try to restore the Union by military force, which he believed would end in failure. Palmerston's government adopted a position of British neutrality throughout the war, while declining to recognise the independence of the Confederacy. In October 1862 Gladstone made a speech in Newcastle in which he said that Jefferson Davis and the other Confederate leaders had "made a nation", that the Confederacy seemed certain to succeed in asserting its independence from the North, and that the time might come when it would be the duty of the European powers to "offer friendly aid in compromising the quarrel." The speech caused consternation on both sides of the Atlantic and led to speculation that the Britain might be about to recognise the Confederacy." Gladstone was accused of sympathising with the South, a charge he rejected. Gladstone was forced to clarify in the press that his comments in Newcastle had not been intended to signal a change in Government policy, but to express his belief that the North's efforts to defeat the South would fail, due to the strength of Southern resistance. In a memorandum to the Cabinet later that month Gladstone wrote that, although he believed the Confederacy would probably win the war, it was "seriously tainted by its connection with slavery" and argued that the European powers should use their influence on the South to effect the "mitigation or removal of slavery."
Electoral reform
In May 1864 Gladstone said that he saw no reason in principle why all mentally able men could not be enfranchised, but admitted that this would only come about once the working classes themselves showed more interest in the subject. Queen Victoria was not pleased with this statement, and an outraged Palmerston considered it a seditious incitement to agitation.
Gladstone's support for electoral reform and disestablishment of the (Anglican) Church of Ireland won support from Nonconformists but alienated him from constituents in his Oxford University seat, and he lost it in the 1865 general election. A month later he stood as a candidate in South Lancashire, where he was elected third MP (South Lancashire at this time elected three MPs). Palmerston campaigned for Gladstone in Oxford because he believed that his constituents would keep him "partially muzzled"; many Oxford graduates were Anglican clergymen at that time. A victorious Gladstone told his new constituency, "At last, my friends, I am come among you; and I am come—to use an expression which has become very famous and is not likely to be forgotten—I am come 'unmuzzled'."
On Palmerston's death in October, Earl Russell formed his second ministry. Russell and Gladstone (now the senior Liberal in the House of Commons) attempted to pass a reform bill, which was defeated in the Commons because the "Adullamite" Whigs, led by Robert Lowe, refused to support it. The Conservatives then formed a ministry, in which after long Parliamentary debate Disraeli passed the Second Reform Act of 1867; Gladstone's proposed bill had been totally outmanoeuvred; he stormed into the Chamber, but too late to see his arch-enemy pass the bill. Gladstone was furious; his animus commenced a long rivalry that would only end on Disraeli's death and Gladstone's encomium in the Commons in 1881.
Leader of the Liberal Party, from 1867
Lord Russell retired in 1867 and Gladstone became leader of the Liberal Party. In 1868 the Irish Church Resolutions was proposed as a measure to reunite the Liberal Party in government (on the issue of disestablishment of the Church of Ireland—this would be done during Gladstone's First Government in 1869 and meant that Irish Roman Catholics did not need to pay their tithes to the Anglican Church of Ireland). When it was passed Disraeli took the hint and called a General Election.
First premiership (1868–1874)
Main articles: First premiership of William Gladstone, First Gladstone ministry, and Foreign Policy of William Ewart Gladstone
In the next general election in 1868, the South Lancashire constituency had been broken up by the Second Reform Act into two: South East Lancashire and South West Lancashire. Gladstone stood for South West Lancashire and for Greenwich, it being quite common then for candidates to stand in two constituencies simultaneously. To his great surprise he was defeated in South Lancashire but, by winning in Greenwich, was able to remain in Parliament. He became Prime Minister for the first time and remained in the office until 1874. Evelyn Ashley recorded that he had been felling a tree at Hawarden when brought the news that he was about to be appointed Prime Minister. He broke off briefly to declare 'My mission is to pacify Ireland' before resuming his exertions.
In the 1860s and 1870s, Gladstonian Liberalism was characterised by a number of policies intended to improve individual liberty and loosen political and economic restraints. First was the minimisation of public expenditure on the premise that the economy and society were best helped by allowing people to spend as they saw fit. Secondly, his foreign policy aimed at promoting peace to help reduce expenditures and taxation and enhance trade. Thirdly, laws that prevented people from acting freely to improve themselves were reformed. When an unemployed miner (Daniel Jones) wrote to him to complain of his unemployment and low wages, Gladstone gave what H. C. G.
Gladstone's first premiership instituted reforms in the British Army, civil service, and local government to cut restrictions on individual advancement. The Local Government Board Act 1871 put the supervision of the Poor Law under the Local Government Board (headed by G.J. Goschen) and Gladstone's "administration could claim spectacular success in enforcing a dramatic reduction in supposedly sentimental and unsystematic outdoor poor relief, and in making, in co-operation with the Charity Organization Society (1869), the most sustained attempt of the century to impose upon the working classes the Victorian values of providence, self-reliance, foresight, and self-discipline". Gladstone was associated with the Charity Organization Society's first annual report in 1870. Some leading Conservatives at this time were contemplating an alliance between the aristocracy and the working class against the capitalist class, an idea called the New Social Alliance.
Gladstone instituted abolition of the sale of commissions in the army: he also instituted the Cardwell Reforms in 1869 that made peacetime flogging illegal. In 1870, his government passed the Irish Land Act and Forster's Education Act. In 1871 his government passed the Trade Union Act allowing trade unions to organise and operate legally for the first time (although picketing remained illegal). Gladstone later counted this reform as one of the most significant of the previous half century, saying that prior to its passage the law had effectively "compelled the British workman to work...in chains." In 1871, he instituted the Universities Tests Act. He secured passage of the Ballot Act for secret ballots, and the Licensing Act 1872. In foreign affairs his over-riding aim was to promote peace and understanding, characterised by his settlement of the Alabama Claims in 1872 in favour of the Americans. During this time, his government gave approval to launch the expedition of HMS Challenger at a time when public interest had turned away from scientific explorations. His leadership also led to the passage of the Supreme Court of Judicature Act 1873 restructuring the courts to create the modern High Court and Court of Appeal.
Gladstone unexpectedly dissolved Parliament in January 1874 and called a general election.
Gladstone's proposals went some way to meet working-class demands, such as the realisation of the free breakfast table through repealing duties on tea and sugar, and reform of local taxation which was increasing for the poorer ratepayers. According to the working-class financial reformer Thomas Briggs, writing in the trade unionist newspaper The Bee-Hive, the manifesto relied on "a much higher authority than Mr. Gladstone...viz., the late Richard Cobden". The dissolution itself was reported in The Times on 24 January. On 30 January, the names of the first fourteen MPs for uncontested seats were published. By 9 February a Conservative victory was apparent. In contrast to 1868 and 1880 when the Liberal campaign lasted several months, only three weeks separated the news of the dissolution and the election. The working-class newspapers were so taken by surprise they had little time to express an opinion on Gladstone's manifesto before the election was over. Unlike the efforts of the Conservatives, the organisation of the Liberal Party had declined since 1868 and they had also failed to retain Liberal voters on the electoral register. George Howell wrote to Gladstone on 12 February: "There is one lesson to be learned from this Election, that is Organization. ... We have lost not by a change of sentiment so much as by want of organised power". The Liberals received a majority of the vote in each of the constituent countries of the United Kingdom and 189,000 more votes nationally than the Conservatives. However, they obtained a minority of seats in the House of Commons.
Opposition (1874–1880)
In the wake of Benjamin Disraeli's victory, Gladstone retired from the leadership of the Liberal party, although he retained his seat in the House.
Anti-Catholicism
For more details, see Anti-Catholicism in the United Kingdom
Gladstone had a complex ambivalence about Catholicism. He was attracted by its international success in majestic traditions. More important, he was strongly opposed to the authoritarianism of its pope and bishops, its profound public opposition to liberalism, and its refusal to distinguish between secular allegiance on the one hand and spiritual obedience on the other. The danger came when the pope or bishops attempted to exert temporal power, as in the Vatican decrees of 1870 as the climax of the papal attempt to control churches in different nations, despite their independent nationalism. On the other hand, when ritual practices in the Church of England—such as vestments and incense—came under attack as too ritualistic and too much akin to Catholicism, Gladstone strongly opposed passage of the Public Worship Regulation Act in 1874.
In November 1874, he published the pamphlet The Vatican Decrees in their Bearing on Civil Allegiance, directed at the First Vatican Council's dogmatising Papal Infallibility in 1870, which had outraged him. Gladstone claimed that this decree had placed British Catholics in a dilemma over conflicts of loyalty to the Crown. He urged them to reject papal infallibility as they had opposed the Spanish Armada of 1588. The pamphlet sold 150,000 copies by the end of 1874. Cardinal Manning denied that the council had changed the relation of Catholics to their civil governments, and Archbishop James Roosevelt Bayley, in a letter which was obtained by the New York Herald and published without Bayley's express permission, called Gladstone's declaration "a shameful calumny" and attributed his "monomania" to the "political hari-kari" he had committed by dissolving Parliament, accusing him of "putting on 'the cap and bells' and attempting to play the part of Lord George Gordon" in order to restore his political fortunes. John Henry Newman wrote the Letter to the Duke of Norfolk in reply to Gladstone's charges that Catholics have "no mental freedom" and cannot be good citizens.
A second pamphlet followed in Feb 1875, a defence of the earlier pamphlet and a reply to his critics, entitled Vaticanism: an Answer to Reproofs and Replies. He described the Catholic Church as "an Asian monarchy: nothing but one giddy height of despotism, and one dead level of religious subservience". He further claimed that the Pope wanted to destroy the rule of law and replace it with arbitrary tyranny, and then to hide these "crimes against liberty beneath a suffocating cloud of incense".
Opposition to socialism
Gladstone was opposed to socialism after 1842, when he heard a socialist lecturer.
Bulgarian Horrors
For more details, see April Uprising of 1876
A pamphlet Gladstone published on 6 September 1876, Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East, attacked the Disraeli government for its indifference to the Ottoman Empire's violent repression of the Bulgarian April uprising. Gladstone made clear his hostility focused on the Turkish people, rather than on the Muslim religion.
The historian Geoffrey Alderman has described Gladstone as "unleashing the full fury of his oratorical powers against Jews and Jewish influence" during the Bulgarian Crisis (1885–88), telling a journalist in 1876 that: "I deeply deplore the manner in which, what I may call Judaic sympathies, beyond as well as within the circle of professed Judaism, are now acting on the question of the East". Gladstone similarly refused to speak out against the persecution of Romanian Jews in the 1870s and Russian Jews in the early 1880s. In response, the Jewish Chronicle attacked Gladstone in 1888, arguing that "Are we, because there was once a Liberal Party, to bow down and worship Gladstone—the great Minister who was too Christian in his charity, too Russian in his proclivities, to raise voice or finger" to defend Russian Jews... Alderman attributes these developments, along with other factors, to the collapse of the previously strong ties between British Jews and Liberalism.
During the 1879 election campaign, called the Midlothian campaign, he rousingly denounced Disraeli's foreign policies during the ongoing Second Anglo-Afghan War in Afghanistan. (See Great Game). He saw the war as "great dishonour" and also criticised British conduct in the Zulu War.
Second premiership (1880–1885)
Main articles: Second premiership of William Ewart Gladstone and Second Gladstone ministry
In 1880, the Liberals won again and the Liberal leaders, Lord Hartington (leader in the House of Commons) and Lord Granville, retired in Gladstone's favour. Gladstone won his constituency election in Midlothian and also in Leeds, where he had also been adopted as a candidate. As he could lawfully only serve as MP for one constituency, Leeds was passed to his son Herbert. One of his other sons, Henry, was also elected as an MP. Queen Victoria asked Lord Hartington to form a ministry, but he persuaded her to send for Gladstone. Gladstone's second administration—both as Prime Minister and again as Chancellor of the Exchequer until 1882—lasted from June 1880 to June 1885. He originally intended to retire at the end of 1882, the 50th anniversary of his entry into politics, but did not do so.
Foreign policy
Main article: Foreign Policy of William Ewart Gladstone
Historians have debated the wisdom of Gladstone's foreign-policy during his second ministry. Paul Hayes says it "provides one of the most intriguing and perplexing tales of muddle and incompetence in foreign affairs, unsurpassed in modern political history until the days of Grey and, later, Neville Chamberlain." Gladstone opposed himself to the "colonial lobby" pushing for the scramble for Africa. His term saw the end of the Second Anglo-Afghan War, the First Boer War, and the war against the Mahdi in Sudan.
On 11 July 1882, Gladstone ordered the bombardment of Alexandria, starting the short, Anglo-Egyptian War of 1882. The British won decisively, and although they repeatedly promised to depart in a few years, the actual result was British control of Egypt for four decades, largely ignoring Ottoman nominal ownership. France was seriously unhappy, having lost control of the canal that it built and financed and had dreamed of for decades. Gladstone's role in the decision to invade was described as relatively hands-off, and the ultimate responsibility was borne by certain members of his cabinet such as Lord Hartington, Secretary of State for India, Thomas Baring, 1st Earl of Northbrook, First Lord of the Admiralty, Hugh Childers, Secretary of State for War, and Granville Leveson-Gower, 2nd Earl Granville, the Foreign Secretary.
Historian A.J.P. Taylor says that the seizure of Egypt "was a great event; indeed, the only real event in international relations between the Battle of Sedan and the defeat of Russia in the Russo-Japanese war."
Gladstone and the Liberals had a reputation for strong opposition to imperialism, so historians have long debated the explanation for this reversal of policy. The most influential was a study by John Robinson and Ronald Gallagher, Africa and the Victorians (1961) which focused on The Imperialism of Free Trade and was promoted by the Cambridge School of historiography. They argue there was no long-term Liberal plan in support of imperialism. Instead they saw the urgent necessity to act to protect the Suez Canal in the face of what appeared to be a radical collapse of law and order, and a nationalist revolt focused on expelling the Europeans, regardless of the damage it would do to international trade and the British Empire. Gladstone's decision came against strained relations with France, and maneuvering by "men on the spot" in Egypt. Critics such as Cain and Hopkins have stressed the need to protect large sums invested by British financiers and Egyptian bonds, while downplaying the risk to the viability of the Suez Canal. Unlike the Marxists, they stress "gentlemanly" financial and commercial interests, not the industrial capitalism that Marxists believe was always central. More recently, specialists on Egypt have been interested primarily in the internal dynamics among Egyptians that produce the failed Urabi Revolt.
Ireland
In 1881 he established the Irish Coercion Act, which permitted the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to detain people for as "long as was thought necessary", as there was rural disturbance in Ireland between landlords and tenants as Cavendish, the Irish Secretary, had been assassinated by Irish rebels in Dublin. He also passed the Second Land Act (the First, in 1870, had entitled Irish tenants, if evicted, to compensation for improvements which they had made on their property, but had little effect) which gave Irish tenants the "3Fs"—fair rent, fixity of tenure and free sale. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society (FRS) in 1881.
Franchise
Gladstone extended the vote to agricultural labourers and others in the 1884 Reform Act, which gave the counties the same franchise as the boroughs—adult male householders and £10 lodgers—and added six million to the total number of people who could vote in parliamentary elections. Parliamentary reform continued with the Redistribution of Seats Act 1885.
Gladstone was increasingly uneasy about the direction in which British politics was moving. In a letter to Lord Acton on 11 February 1885, Gladstone criticised Tory Democracy as "demagogism" that "put down pacific, law-respecting, economic elements that ennobled the old Conservatism" but "still, in secret, as obstinately attached as ever to the evil principle of class interests". He found contemporary Liberalism better, "but far from being good". Gladstone claimed that this Liberalism's "pet idea is what they call construction,—that is to say, taking into the hands of the state the business of the individual man". Both Tory Democracy and this new Liberalism, Gladstone wrote, had done "much to estrange me, and had for many, many years".
Failure
Historian Sneh Mahajan has concluded, "Gladstone's second ministry remained barren of any achievement in the domestic sphere." His downfall came in Africa, where he delayed the mission to rescue General Gordon's force which had been under siege in Khartoum for 10 months. It arrived in January 1885 two days after a massacre killed approximately 7,000 British and Egyptian soldiers and 4,000 civilians. The disaster proved a major blow to Gladstone's popularity. Queen Victoria sent him a telegram of rebuke which found its way into the press. Critics said Gladstone had neglected military affairs and had not acted promptly enough to save the besieged Gordon. Critics inverted his acronym, "G.O.M." (for "Grand Old Man"), to "M.O.G." (for "Murderer of Gordon"). He resigned as Prime Minister in June 1885 and declined Queen Victoria's offer of an earldom.
Third premiership (1886)
Main articles: Third premiership of William Ewart Gladstone and Third Gladstone ministry
The Hawarden Kite was a December 1885 press release by Gladstone's son and aide Herbert Gladstone announcing that he had become convinced that Ireland needed a separate parliament. The bombshell announcement resulted in the fall of Lord Salisbury's Conservative government. Irish Nationalists, led by Charles Parnell's Irish Parliamentary Party, held the balance of power in Parliament. Gladstone's conversion to Home Rule convinced them to switch away from the Conservatives and support the Liberals using the 86 seats in Parliament they controlled. The main purpose of this administration was to deliver Ireland a reform which would give it a devolved assembly, similar to those which would be eventually put in place in Scotland and Wales in 1999. In 1886 Gladstone's party allied with Irish Nationalists to defeat Lord Salisbury's government. Gladstone regained his position as Prime Minister and combined the office with that of Lord Privy Seal. During this administration he first introduced his Home Rule Bill for Ireland. The issue split the Liberal Party (a breakaway group went on to create the Liberal Unionist party) and the bill was thrown out on the second reading, ending his government after only a few months and inaugurating another headed by Lord Salisbury.
Gladstone, says his biographer, "totally rejected the widespread English view that the Irish had no taste for justice, common sense, moderation or national prosperity and looked only to perpetual strife and dissension". The problem for Gladstone was that his rural English supporters would not support home rule for Ireland. A large faction of Liberals, led by Joseph Chamberlain, formed a Unionist faction that supported the Conservative party. Whenever the Liberals were out of power, home rule proposals languished.
Opposition (1886–1892)
Gladstone supported the London dockers in their strike of 1889. After their victory he gave a speech at Hawarden on 23 September in which he said: "In the common interests of humanity, this remarkable strike and the results of this strike, which have tended somewhat to strengthen the condition of labour in the face of capital, is the record of what we ought to regard as satisfactory, as a real social advance [that] tends to a fair principle of division of the fruits of industry". This speech has been described by Eugenio Biagini as having "no parallel in the rest of Europe except in the rhetoric of the toughest socialist leaders". Visitors at Hawarden in October were "shocked...by some rather wild language on the Dock labourers question". Gladstone was impressed with workers unconnected with the dockers' dispute who "intended to make common cause" in the interests of justice.
On 23 October at Southport, Gladstone delivered a speech where he said that the right to combination, which in London was "innocent and lawful, in Ireland would be penal and...punished by imprisonment with hard labour". Gladstone believed that the right to combination used by British workers was in jeopardy when it could be denied to Irish workers. In October 1890 Gladstone at Midlothian claimed that competition between capital and labour, "where it has gone to sharp issues, where there have been strikes on one side and lock-outs on the other, I believe that in the main and as a general rule, the labouring man has been in the right".
On 11 December 1891 Gladstone said that: "It is a lamentable fact if, in the midst of our civilisation, and at the close of the nineteenth century, the workhouse is all that can be offered to the industrious labourer at the end of a long and honourable life. I do not enter into the question now in detail. I do not say it is an easy one; I do not say that it will be solved in a moment; but I do say this, that until society is able to offer to the industrious labourer at the end of a long and blameless life something better than the workhouse, society will not have discharged its duties to its poorer members". Gladstone wrote on 16 July 1892 in autobiographica that "In 1834 the Government...did themselves high honour by the new Poor Law Act, which rescued the English peasantry from the total loss of their independence". There were many who disagreed with him.
Gladstone wrote to Herbert Spencer, who contributed the introduction to a collection of anti-socialist essays (A Plea for Liberty, 1891), that "I ask to make reserves, and of one passage, which will be easily guessed, I am unable even to perceive the relevancy. But speaking generally, I have read this masterly argument with warm admiration and with the earnest hope that it may attract all the attention which it so well deserves". The passage Gladstone alluded to was one where Spencer had spoken of "the behaviour of the so-called Liberal party".
Fourth premiership (1892–1894)
Main articles: Fourth premiership of William Ewart Gladstone, Fourth Gladstone ministry, and Foreign Policy of William Ewart Gladstone
The general election of 1892 resulted in a minority Liberal government with Gladstone as Prime Minister. The electoral address had promised Irish Home Rule and the disestablishment of the Scottish and Welsh Churches. In February 1893 he introduced the Second Home Rule Bill, which was passed in the Commons at second reading on 21 April by 43 votes and third reading on 1 September by 34 votes. The House of Lords defeated the bill by voting against by 419 votes to 41 on 8 September.
The Elementary Education (Blind and Deaf Children) Act, passed in 1893, required local authorities to provide separate education for blind and deaf children.
Conservative MP Colonel Howard Vincent questioned Gladstone in the Commons on what his government would do about unemployment on 1 September 1893.
In December 1893, an Opposition motion proposed by Lord George Hamilton called for an expansion of the Royal Navy. Gladstone opposed increasing public expenditure on the naval estimates, in the tradition of free trade liberalism of his earlier political career as Chancellor. All his Cabinet colleagues believed in some expansion of the navy. He declared in the Commons on 19 December that naval rearmament would commit the government to expenditure over a number of years and would subvert "the principle of annual account, annual proposition, annual approval by the House of Commons, which...is the only way of maintaining regularity, and that regularity is the only talisman which will secure Parliamentary control". In January 1894, Gladstone wrote that he would not "break to pieces the continuous action of my political life, nor trample on the tradition received from every colleague who has ever been my teacher" by supporting naval rearmament. Gladstone also opposed Chancellor Sir William Harcourt's proposal to implement a graduated death duty.
Gladstone had his last audience with Queen Victoria on 28 February 1894 and chaired his last Cabinet on 1 March—the last of 556 he had chaired. On that day he gave his last speech to the House of Commons, saying that the government would withdraw opposition to the Lords' amendments to the Local Government Bill "under protest" and that it was "a controversy which, when once raised, must go forward to an issue". He resigned from the premiership on 2 March. The Queen did not ask Gladstone who should succeed him, but sent for Lord Rosebery (Gladstone would have advised on Lord Spencer). He retained his seat in the House of Commons until 1895. He was not offered a peerage, having earlier declined an earldom.
Gladstone is both the oldest person to form a government—aged 82 at his appointment—and the oldest person to occupy the Premiership—being 84 at his resignation.
Final years (1894–1898)
In 1895, at the age of 85, Gladstone bequeathed £40,000 (equivalent to approximately £3.31 million today) and much of his 32,000 volume library to found St Deiniol's Library in Hawarden, Wales. It had begun with just 5,000 items at his father's home Fasque, which were transferred to Hawarden for research in 1851.
On 8 January 1896, in conversation with L.A. Tollemache, Gladstone explained that: "I am not so much afraid of Democracy or of Science as of the love of money. This seems to me to be a growing evil. Also, there is a danger from the growth of that dreadful military spirit". On 13 January, Gladstone claimed he had strong Conservative instincts and that "In all matters of custom and tradition, even the Tories look upon me as the chief Conservative that is". On 15 January Gladstone wrote to James Bryce, describing himself as "a dead man, one fundamentally a Peel–Cobden man". In 1896, in his last noteworthy speech, he denounced Armenian massacres by Ottomans in a talk delivered at Liverpool. On 2 January 1897, Gladstone wrote to Francis Hirst on being unable to draft a preface to a book on liberalism: "I venture on assuring you that I regard the design formed by you and your friends with sincere interest, and in particular wish well to all the efforts you may make on behalf of individual freedom and independence as opposed to what is termed Collectivism".
In the early months of 1897, Gladstone and his wife stayed in Cannes. Gladstone met Queen Victoria, and she shook hands with him for (to his recollection) the first time in the 50 years he had known her. One of the Gladstones' neighbours observed that "He and his devoted wife never missed the morning service on Sunday ... One Sunday, returning from the altar rail, the old, partially blind man stumbled at the chancel step. One of the clergy sprang involuntarily to his assistance, but retreated with haste, so withering was the fire which flashed from those failing eyes." The Gladstones returned to Hawarden Castle at the end of March and he received the Colonial Premiers in their visit for the Queen's Jubilee. At a dinner in November with Edward Hamilton, his former private secretary, Hamilton noted that "What is now uppermost in his mind is what he calls the spirit of jingoism under the name of Imperialism which is now so prevalent". Gladstone riposted "It was enough to make Peel and Cobden turn in their graves".
On the advice of his doctor Samuel Habershon in the aftermath of an attack of facial neuralgia, Gladstone stayed at Cannes from the end of November 1897 to mid-February 1898. He gave an interview for The Daily Telegraph. Gladstone then travelled to Bournemouth, where a swelling on his palate was diagnosed as cancer by the leading cancer surgeon Sir Thomas Smith on 18 March. On 22 March, he retired to Hawarden Castle. Despite being in pain he received visitors and quoted hymns, especially Cardinal Newman's "Praise to the Holiest in the Height".
His last public statement was dictated to his daughter Helen in reply to receiving the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford's "sorrow and affection": "There is no expression of Christian sympathy that I value more than that of the ancient University of Oxford, the God-fearing and God-sustaining University of Oxford. I served her perhaps mistakenly, but to the best of my ability. My most earnest prayers are hers to the uttermost and to the last". He left the house for the last time on 9 April. After 18 April he did not come down to the ground floor but still came out of bed to lie on the sofa.
Gladstone died on 19 May 1898 at Hawarden Castle, Hawarden, aged 88. He had been cared for by his daughter Helen who had resigned her job to care for her father and mother. The cause of death is officially recorded as "Syncope, Senility". "Syncope" meant failure of the heart and "senility" in the 19th century was an infirmity of advanced old age, rather than a loss of mental faculties. The House of Commons adjourned on the afternoon of Gladstone's death, with A.J. Balfour giving notice for an Address to the Queen praying for a public funeral and a public memorial in Westminster Abbey. The day after, both Houses of Parliament approved the Address and Herbert Gladstone accepted a public funeral on behalf of the Gladstone family. His coffin was transported on the London Underground before his state funeral at Westminster Abbey, at which the Prince of Wales (the future King Edward VII) and the Duke of York (the future King George V) acted as pallbearers. His wife, Catherine Gladstone (née Glynne), died two years later on 14 June 1900 and was buried next to him.
Religion
Gladstone's intensely religious mother was an evangelical of Scottish Episcopal origins, and his father joined the Church of England, having been a Presbyterian when he first settled in Liverpool. As a boy William was baptised into the Church of England. He rejected a call to enter the ministry, and on this his conscience always tormented him. In compensation he aligned his politics with the evangelical faith in which he fervently believed. In 1838 Gladstone nearly ruined his career when he tried to force a religious mission upon the Conservative Party. His book The State in its Relations with the Church argued that England had neglected its great duty to the Church of England. He announced that since that church possessed a monopoly of religious truth, nonconformists and Roman Catholics ought to be excluded from all government positions. The historian Thomas Babington Macaulay and other critics ridiculed his arguments and refuted them. Sir Robert Peel, Gladstone's chief, was outraged because this would upset the delicate political issue of Catholic Emancipation and anger the Nonconformists. Since Peel greatly admired his protégé, he redirected his focus from theology to finance.
Gladstone altered his approach to religious problems, which always held first place in his mind. Before entering Parliament he had already substituted a high church Anglican attitude, with its dependence on authority and tradition, for the evangelical outlook of his boyhood, with its reliance upon the direct inspiration of the Bible. In middle life he decided that the individual conscience would have to replace authority as the inner citadel of the Church. That view of the individual conscience affected his political outlook and changed him gradually from a Conservative into a Liberal.
Marriage and family
Gladstone's early attempts to find a wife proved unsuccessful, having been rejected in 1835 by Caroline Eliza Farquhar (daughter of Sir Thomas Harvie Farquhar, 2nd Baronet) and again in 1837 by Lady Frances Harriet Douglas (daughter of George Douglas, 17th Earl of Morton).
The following year, having met her in 1834 at the London home of Old Etonian friend and then fellow-Conservative MP James Milnes Gaskell, he married Catherine Glynne, to whom he remained married until his death 59 years later. They had eight children together:
William Henry Gladstone MP (1840–1891); married Hon. Gertrude Stuart (daughter of Charles Stuart, 12th Lord Blantyre) in 1875. They had three children.
Agnes Gladstone (1842–1931); she married Very Rev. Edward Wickham in 1873. They had three children.
The Rev. Stephen Edward Gladstone (1844–1920); he married Annie Wilson in 1885. They had five children: their eldest son Albert, inherited the Gladstone baronetcy in 1945.
Catherine Jessy Gladstone (1845–1850)
Mary Gladstone (1847–1927); she married Reverend Harry Drew in 1886. They had one daughter, Dorothy.
Helen Gladstone (1849–1925), Vice-Principal of Newnham College, Cambridge
Henry Neville Gladstone (1852–1935); he married Hon. Maud Rendel in 1890.
Herbert John Gladstone MP (1854–1930); he married Dorothy Paget in 1901.
Gladstone's eldest son William (known as "Willy" to distinguish him from his father), and youngest, Herbert, both became Members of Parliament. William Henry predeceased his father by seven years. Gladstone's private secretary was his nephew Spencer Lyttelton.
Descendants
Two of Gladstone's sons and a grandson, William Glynne Charles Gladstone, followed him into parliament, making for four generations of MPs in total. One of his collateral descendants, George Freeman, has been the Conservative Member of Parliament for Mid Norfolk since 2010.
Sir Albert Gladstone, 5th baronet and Sir Charles Gladstone, 6th baronet (from whom the 7th and 8th baronets are descended) were also grandsons.
Legacy
The historian H. C. G. Matthew states that Gladstone's chief legacy lay in three areas: his financial policy, his support for Home Rule (devolution) that modified the view of the unitary state of the United Kingdom and his idea of a progressive, reforming party broadly based and capable of accommodating and conciliating varying interests, along with his speeches at mass public meetings.
Lord Acton wrote in 1880 that he considered Gladstone one "of the three greatest Liberals" (along with Edmund Burke and Lord Macaulay).
In 1909 the Liberal Chancellor David Lloyd George introduced his "People's Budget", the first budget which aimed to redistribute wealth. The Liberal statesman Lord Rosebery ridiculed it by asserting Gladstone would reject it, "Because in his eyes, and in my eyes, too as his humble disciple, Liberalism and Liberty were cognate terms; they were twin-sisters."
Lloyd George had written in 1913 that the Liberals were "carving the last few columns out of the Gladstonian quarry".
Lloyd George said of Gladstone in 1915: "What a man he was! Head and shoulders above anyone else I have ever seen in the House of Commons. I did not like him much. He hated Nonconformists and Welsh Nonconformists in particular and he had no real sympathy with the working classes. But he was far and away the best Parliamentary speaker I have ever heard. He was not so good in exposition." Asquithian Liberals continued to advocate traditional Gladstonian policies of sound finance, peaceful foreign relations and the better treatment of Ireland. They often compared Lloyd George unfavourably with Gladstone.
Writing in 1944 the classical liberal economist Friedrich Hayek said of the change in political attitudes that had occurred since the Great War: "Perhaps nothing shows this change more clearly than that, while there is no lack of sympathetic treatment of Bismarck in contemporary English literature, the name of Gladstone is rarely mentioned by the younger generation without a sneer over his Victorian morality and naive utopianism".
In the latter half of the 20th century Thatcherite Conservatives began to claim association with Gladstone and his economic policies. Margaret Thatcher proclaimed in 1983: "We have a duty to make sure that every penny piece we raise in taxation is spent wisely and well. For it is our party which is dedicated to good housekeeping—indeed, I would not mind betting that if Mr. Gladstone were alive today he would apply to join the Conservative Party". In 1996, she said: "The kind of Conservatism which he and I...favoured would be best described as 'liberal', in the old-fashioned sense. And I mean the liberalism of Mr Gladstone, not of the latter-day collectivists". Nigel Lawson, one of Thatcher's Chancellors, called Gladstone the "greatest Chancellor of all time".
Rivalry with Disraeli
Historical writers have often played Disraeli and Gladstone against each other as great rivals.
Monuments and archives
Archives
Thomas Edison's European agent, Colonel Gouraud, recorded Gladstone's voice several times on phonograph. The accent on one of the recordings is North Welsh.
The National Library of Wales holds many pamphlets that were sent to Gladstone during his political career. These pamphlets show the concerns of people from all strands of society and together form a historical resource of the social and economical conditions of mid to late nineteenth century Britain. Many of the pamphlets bear the handwriting of Gladstone, which provides direct evidence of Gladstone's interest in various topics.
Statues
A statue of Gladstone by Albert Bruce-Joy and erected in 1882, stands near the front gate of St. Marys Church in Bow, London. Paid for by the industrialist Theodore Bryant, it is viewed as a symbol of the later 1888 match girls strike, which took place at the nearby Bryant & May Match Factory. Led by the socialist Annie Besant, hundreds of women working in the factory, where many sickened and died from poisoning from the white phosphorus used in the matches, went on strike to demand improved working conditions and pay, eventually winning their cause. In recent years, the statue of Gladstone has been repeatedly daubed with red paint, suggesting that it was paid for with the "blood of the match girls".
A statue of Gladstone in bronze by Sir Thomas Brock, erected in 1904, stands in St John's Gardens, Liverpool.
The Gladstone Memorial erected in 1905 stands at Aldwych, London, near the Royal Courts of Justice.
A Grade II listed statue of Gladstone stands in Albert Square, Manchester.
A monument to Gladstone, Member of Parliament for Midlothian 1880–1895 was unveiled in Edinburgh in 1917 (and moved to its present location in 1955). It stands in Atholl Crescent Gardens. The sculptor was James Pittendrigh MacGillivray.
A statue to Gladstone, who was Rector of the University of Glasgow 1877–1880 was unveiled in Glasgow in 1902. It stands in George Square. The sculptor was Sir William Hamo Thornycroft.
A bust of Gladstone is in the Hall of Heroes of the National Wallace Monument in Stirling.
Near Hawarden in the town of Mancot, there is a small hospital named after Catherine Gladstone. A statue of Gladstone stands prominently in the front grounds of the eponymous Gladstone's Library (formerly known as St. Deiniol's), near the commencement of Gladstone Way at Hawarden.
A statue of Gladstone stands in front of the Kapodistrian University building in the centre of Athens.
There is a Gladstone statue at Glenalmond College, unveiled in 2010, which is located in Front Quad.
A Gladstone memorial was unveiled on 23 February 2013 in Seaforth, Liverpool by MP Frank Field. It is located in the grounds of Our Lady Star of the Sea Church facing the former site of St Thomas's Church where Gladstone was educated from 1816 to 1821. The Seaglam (Seaforth Gladstone Memorial) Project, whose chairman is local historian Brenda Murray (BEM), was started to raise the profile of Seaforth Village by installing a memorial to Gladstone. Funds for the memorial were raised by voluntary effort and additional funding was provided by the Heritage Lottery Fund. Sculptor Tom Murphy created the bronze bust.
Namesakes
Gladstone Park in the Municipal Borough of Willesden, London was named after him in 1899. Dollis Hill House, within what later became the park, was occupied by Sir Dudley Coutts Marjoribanks, who subsequently became Lord Tweedmouth. In 1881 Lord Tweedmouth's daughter and her husband, Lord Aberdeen, took up residence. They often had Gladstone to stay as a guest. In 1897 Lord Aberdeen was appointed Governor-General of Canada and the Aberdeens moved out. When Willesden acquired the house and land in 1899, they named the park Gladstone Park after the old Prime Minister.
Gladstone Rock, a large boulder about 12 ft high in Cwm Llan on the Watkin Path on the south side of Snowdon where Gladstone made a speech in 1892, was named for him. A plaque on the rock states that he "addressed the people of Eryri upon justice to Wales".
Gladstone, Oregon; Gladstone, New Jersey; Gladstone, Michigan; Gladstone, Missouri; and Gladstone, New Mexico, in the United States are named for him. The city of Gladstone, Queensland, Australia, was named after him and has a 19th-century marble statue on display in its town museum.
Gladstone, Manitoba, was named after him in 1882.
Streets in the cities of Athens, Sofia (including a school), Plovdiv, Varna, Burgas, Ruse, Stara Zagora, Limassol, Springs, Newark-on-Trent, Waterford City, Clonmel, Baltimore, MD., Brighton, Bradford, Scarborough, Swindon, Vancouver (including a school), Windsor, Ottawa, Halifax and Brisbane are named for him. There is also Gladstone Avenue and adjoining Ewart Road in his hometown of Liverpool in a part of the city where he was a landowner.
There is an imposing "Arts and Crafts" pub in Dulwich Hill NSW Australia named for him on the corner of Marrickville Road and New Canterbury Road; also a street is named for him in Dulwich Hill (Ewart Street) which crosses into the adjoining suburb of Marrickville. In Ewart Street there is a mansion called Gladstone Hall built in 1870 by William Starkey founder of Starkey's Ginger Beer and cordial factory in 1838 which became the largest of its type in the southern hemisphere for some time.There is a Gladstone Park in the Sydney suburb of Balmain.
At the University of Liverpool, there is Gladstone Hall of residence, and the Gladstone Professor of Greek.
A Gladstone bag, a light travelling bag, is named after him.
The Gladstone Theatre is a theatre located in Port Sunlight, Wirral, across the water from Liverpool where Gladstone was born.
Gallery
Statue at Aldwych, London, near to the Royal Courts of Justice and opposite Australia House
Statue in Albert Square, Manchester, Manchester
Statue on the Gladstone Monument in Coates Crescent Gardens, Edinburgh
A high school named after Gladstone in Sofia, Bulgaria
Portrayal in film and television
Since 1937, Gladstone has been portrayed some 37 times in film and television.
Portrayals include:
Montagu Love in the film Parnell (1937)
Arthur Young in the films Victoria the Great (1937) and The Lady with a Lamp (1951)
Malcolm Keen in the film Sixty Glorious Years (1938)
Stephen Murray in the film The Prime Minister (1941)
Gordon Richards in the film The Imperfect Lady (1947)
Ralph Richardson in the film Khartoum (1966)
Graham Chapman in the Monty Python's Flying Circus (1969)
Willoughby Gray in the film Young Winston (1972)
David Steuart in the television serial Jennie: Lady Randolph Churchill (1974)
Michael Hordern in the television series Edward the Seventh (1975)
John Carlisle in the television serial Disraeli (1978)
John Phillips in the television series Lillie (1978)
Roland Culver in the television series The Life and Times of David Lloyd George (1981)
Denis Quilley in the television series Number 10 (1983)
Works
Gladstone, William Ewart (1841). The State in its relations with the Church (4th ed.). London: John Murray. https://archive.org/details/a583227200gladuoft.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1858). Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age. Oxford: At The University Press. https://archive.org/details/studiesonhomerho02glad., volume 1, volume 2, volume 3.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1868). A Chapter of Autobiography. London: John Murray. https://archive.org/stream/a622065100gladuoft#page/n5/mode/2up.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1870). Juventus Mundi: The Gods and Men of the Heroic Age (2nd ed.). London: Macmillan and Co.. https://archive.org/details/juventusmundigod00glad_1.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1876). Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East (1st ed.). London: John Murray. https://archive.org/details/bulgarianhorrors00gladiala/page/n3/mode/2up.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1879). Gleanings of Past Years, 1848–1878, 7 vols. (1st ed.). London: John Murray. https://archive.org/details/gleaningsofpasty01gladuoft.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1890). On books and the Housing of them. New York: Dodd, Mead & Company. https://archive.org/details/onbooksandhousi00gladgoog. A treatise on the storing of books and the design of bookshelves as employed in his personal library.
Gladstone, William Ewart (1890). The impregnable rock of Holy Scripture (Revised and Enlarged from Good Words). London: Isbister and Company. https://archive.org/details/a583189400gladuoft.
William Ewart Gladstone, Baron Arthur Hamilton-Gordon Stanmore (1961). Gladstone-Gordon correspondence, 1851–1896: selections from the private correspondence of a British Prime Minister and a colonial Governor, Volume 51. American Philosophical Society. p. 116. ISBN 978-0871695147. https://books.google.com/books?id=uEMeAQAAIAAJ. (Volume 51, Issue 4 of new series, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society) (Original from the University of California)
See also
In Spanish: William Gladstone para niños | |||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 11 | https://www.liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/artifact/william-ewart-gladstone | en | William Ewart Gladstone | [
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] | null | [] | null | William Ewart Gladstone (1809 – 1898) was born in Liverpool. He was a British statesman, political reformer, three times Chancellor of the Exchequer and four times British Prime Minister. Gladstone visited Theed's studio over various official commissions in 1860 and 1865. He was also there on 29 March 1877 which was presumably when his 1879 statue by Theed (now in Manchester Town Hall) and this bust (exhibited at the 1878 Royal Academy) were planned. The sittings for both the bust and statue presumably took place on 25 June 1877 and in April 1878. The bust and the upper part of the statue are nearly but not quite identical, particularly in the hair and dress. | /static/media/favicon.ico | National Museums Liverpool | https://www.liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/artifact/william-ewart-gladstone | William Ewart Gladstone (1809 – 1898) was born in Liverpool. He was a British statesman, political reformer, three times Chancellor of the Exchequer and four times British Prime Minister. Gladstone visited Theed's studio over various official commissions in 1860 and 1865. He was also there on 29 March 1877 which was presumably when his 1879 statue by Theed (now in Manchester Town Hall) and this bust (exhibited at the 1878 Royal Academy) were planned. The sittings for both the bust and statue presumably took place on 25 June 1877 and in April 1878. The bust and the upper part of the statue are nearly but not quite identical, particularly in the hair and dress. | |||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 4 | https://www.britannica.com/summary/William-Ewart-Gladstone | en | William E. Gladstone summary | [
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Gladstone was the fourth son of Sir John Gladstone, 1st Baronet (1764-1851) and was born in Liverpool, though his family had strong Scottish ties. The Gladstones were a rich family, with a fortune built on the corn and tobacco trade and West Indian sugar plantations which employed some 2,500 enslaved Africans in 1833. John Gladstone had strong political ambitions for his youngest son, who was provided with a first-class education at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. On graduation, he briefly considered a career in the church or the law.
In 1832, at the request of the 4th Duke of Newcastle under Lyne, father of Gladstone’s close friend the Earl of Lincoln, Gladstone stood as member of parliament for Newark. He faced significant opposition during the campaign, as the nominee of a Tory aristocrat and the son of a prominent slaveowner. Gladstone opposed the 1832 Reform Act and defended his father’s support for slavery, arguing for a system of apprenticeship rather than immediate emancipation. After a fierce election contest, Gladstone was returned at the top of the poll. He fell out with his election committee over the publicans’ bills run-up during the contest, and in his maiden speech in parliament in 1833 supported compensation for slave-owners. Gladstone’s father subsequently received over £100,000, under the terms of the act which abolished slavery throughout the British empire.
Gladstone went on to become a popular constituency MP and was returned for Newark in 1835, 1837, and 1841. Macaulay described Gladstone as 'the rising hope of those stern and unbending Tories'. His early political career was marked by Tory Anglicanism and he published a number of books which defended the connection between Church and State. He was quickly appointed to government office, under Sir Robert Peel, holding junior positions in the 1830s and serving in the cabinet as President of the Board of Trade (1843-5) and Secretary of State for War and the Colonies (1846). In 1846, he retired as MP for Newark, after supporting the Repeal of the Corn Laws, which was opposed by the Duke of Newcastle. Gladstone was subsequently returned as MP for the University of Oxford (1847), before transferring to South Lancashire (1865), Greenwich (1868), and Midlothian (1880).
By the 1850s, Gladstone was revising many of his earlier Tory views – including his opposition to parliamentary reform and defence of slavery. He followed the Peelites into opposition in 1846, served as Chancellor of the Exchequer under Lord Aberdeen’s coalition government (1852-5), and returned to the Exchequer in 1859 under Lord Palmerston, holding the position until 1866. During the American Civil War (1861-5), he praised the southern Confederacy for its resistance to the North but argued that Europe should seek the mitigation or removal of slavery. In domestic politics, Gladstone was associated with political Liberalism and radicalism. In 1864, he declared that there was no reason in principle why all able men could not be given the vote. After the defeat of the Liberal Reform Bill in 1866, Gladstone became the Liberal Party’s opposition leader in the House of Commons. By 1868, he was Prime Minister.
Gladstone served as Liberal Prime Minister four times (1868-74, 1880-5, 1886, 1892-4). His radicalism was disliked by Queen Victoria, who described him as ‘that half-mad firebrand’. In 1886, he split the Liberal Party by supporting Home Rule for Ireland, and, after the defeat of the Home Rule Bill in 1893, he argued for the reform of the House of Lords in order to pass it. He died on 19 May 1898 and was given a state funeral at Westminster Abbey. Reflecting on the changes in his political beliefs, towards the end of his life, Gladstone observed, ‘I was brought up to distrust and dislike liberty; I learned to believe in it’. | |||||||
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] | null | [] | 2023-08-21T19:33:23+00:00 | *William Gladstone was born on this date in 1809. He was a white British statesman, enslaver, and politician. Born in Liverpool, William Ewart Gladstone was of Scottish ancestry, the fourth son of the wealthy enslaver John Gladstone and his second wife, Anne MacKenzie Robertson. In 1814, young “Willy” visited Scotland for the first time, as […] | en | https://aaregistry.org/wp-content/themes/aareg/images/favicon.ico | African American Registry | https://aaregistry.org/story/william-gladstone-politician-and-slaveowner-born/ | *William Gladstone was born on this date in 1809. He was a white British statesman, enslaver, and politician.
Born in Liverpool, William Ewart Gladstone was of Scottish ancestry, the fourth son of the wealthy enslaver John Gladstone and his second wife, Anne MacKenzie Robertson. In 1814, young "Willy" visited Scotland for the first time, as he and his brother John traveled with their father.
William Gladstone was educated from 1816 to 1821 at the vicarage of St. Thomas' Church at Seaforth. In 1821, he attended Eton College. In December 1831, he achieved a double first-class degree. Gladstone was President of the Oxford Union, where he was an orator, which followed him into the House of Commons. At university, Gladstone denounced Whig's proposals for parliamentary reform in a famous debate at the Oxford Union in May 1831. On the second day of the three-day debate on the Whig Reform Bill, Gladstone moved the motion: 'That the Ministry has unwisely introduced, and most unscrupulously forwarded, a measure which threatens not only to change the form of our Government but ultimately to break up the very foundations of social order, as well as materially to forward the views of those who are pursuing the project throughout the civilized world.'
Gladstone's early attitude towards slavery came from his father, one of the largest enslavers in the British Empire. In 1831, when the Oxford Union considered a motion in favor of the immediate emancipation of the enslaved people in the West Indies, Gladstone moved an amendment in favor of gradual manumission along with better protection for the personal and civil rights of the slaves and better provision for their Christian education. Gladstone wanted gradual rather than immediate emancipation and proposed that slaves should serve a period of apprenticeship after being freed.
He also opposed the international slave trade (which lowered the value of the slaves the father already owned). The antislavery movement demanded the immediate abolition of slavery. In 1832, Gladstone opposed this and said that emancipation should come after moral emancipation through adopting an education system and the inculcation of "honest and industrious habits" among the enslaved people. Then "with the utmost speed that prudence will permit, we shall arrive at that exceedingly desired consummation, the utter extinction of slavery." His early Parliamentary speeches followed a similar line. In June 1833, Gladstone concluded his speech on the 'slavery question' by declaring that though he had dwelt on "the dark side" of the issue, he looked forward to "a safe and gradual emancipation."
In 1834, slavery was abolished across the British Empire, and owners were paid full value for their slaves by the government. Gladstone helped his father obtain £106,769 in official reimbursement by the government for the 508 slaves he owned across nine plantations in the Caribbean. In later years, Gladstone's attitude towards slavery became more critical as his father's influence over his politics diminished.
Shortly after the outbreak of the American Civil War, Gladstone wrote to his friend, the Duchess of Sutherland, that "the principle announced by the vice-president of the South...which asserts the superiority of the white man, and in addition to that founds on it his right to hold the black in slavery, I think that principle detestable, and I am whole with the opponents of it" but that he felt that the North was wrong to try to restore the Union by military force, which he believed would fail. Palmerston's government adopted a position of British neutrality throughout the war while declining to recognize the independence of the Confederacy. In October 1862, Gladstone made a speech in Newcastle in which he said that Jefferson Davis and the other Confederate leaders had "made a nation," that the Confederacy seemed certain to succeed in asserting its independence from the North, and that the time might come when it would be the duty of the European powers to "offer friendly aid in compromising the quarrel."
The speech caused consternation on both sides of the Atlantic and led to speculation that Britain might be about to recognize the Confederacy." He clarified in the press that his comments in Newcastle were not to signal a change in Government policy but to express his belief that the North's efforts to defeat the South would fail due to the strength of Southern resistance. In a memorandum to the Cabinet later that month, Gladstone wrote that, although he believed the Confederacy would probably win the war, it was "seriously tainted by its connection with slavery" and argued that the European powers should use their influence on the South to affect the "mitigation or removal of slavery."
Looking back late in life, Gladstone named the abolition of slavery as one of ten great achievements of the previous sixty years where the masses had been right, and the upper classes had been wrong. In a career lasting over 60 years, he served for 12 years as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, spread over four non-consecutive terms (the most of any British prime minister) beginning in 1868 and ending in 1894. He also served as Chancellor of the Exchequer four times for over 12 years. He formed his last government in 1892 at the age of 82. William Gladstone left office in March 1894, aged 84, as both the oldest person to serve as Prime Minister and the only prime minister to have served four non-consecutive terms.
He left Parliament in 1895 and died three years later, on May 19, 1898. Gladstone was known affectionately by his supporters as "The People's William" or the "G.O.M." ("Grand Old Man" or, to political rivals, "God's Only Mistake"). Historians often rank Gladstone as one of the greatest prime ministers in British history. | ||||
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"Family office",
"Family office News",
"Family risk",
"Family risk News",
"Family wealth",
"Family wealth News",
"Family Wealth Report",
"High net worth",
"High net worth News",
"HNW",
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"... | null | [] | 2013-06-13T00:00:00 | FamilyWealthReport - Exclusive Intelligence for the family office community | en | images/icon.png | null | May was a busy month for moves, including a continued trend of former senior financial regulators moving to compliance roles in banks, for example.
Ashcourt Rowan appointed Kevin Norman to the newly-created
role of head of middle office for its asset management business.
Norman joined Ashcourt Rowan
from Rathbones, where he held the position of head of London middle office.
Barclays Wealth and Investment Management appointed Finlay MacDonald as a vice
president within its charities and segregated funds team for Scotland.
MacDonald previously held the role of investment manager at
both Glasgow Investment Managers and Ignis Asset Management.
Canaccord Genuity Wealth Management (latterly known as
Collins Stewart Wealth Management) appointed Chris Colclough as head of
portfolio management, based in Guernsey. Colclough
joined the firm in 2009 as a senior investment manager in its wealth management
division.
Cofunds appointed Rose St Louis as key account manager. St Louis joined Cofunds
from Praemium, where she held the positions of relationship manager and
implementation manager.
Coutts appointed Sarah Wyse to the newly-created role of
managing director, head of marketing and UK business development. Wyse
reports to Michael Morley, chief executive, and Ian Ewart, head of products,
services and marketing.
Nutmeg appointed Lee Cowles as its new managing director. Cowles
joined from creative publishing company Blurb, where he was managing director
for Europe.
Ashcourt Rowan appointed Steven Midgley to the newly-created
role of business director for Ashcourt Rowan Financial Planning. Midgley
provides business and operational support for the management of the financial
planning business and its national development.
Royal Bank of Scotland appointed former Financial Services
Authority managing director Jon Pain to
the newly-created role of group head of conduct and regulatory affairs. Pain oversees
conduct and compliance across all RBS divisions and manages strategic
leadership of the Group’s relationships with regulators. He reports to group
chief executive, Stephen Hester. His appointment takes effect from August.
Brooks Macdonald International appointed Richard Hughes as
head of business development and Chris Donoghue as senior business development
manager, as part of its new business development team in Jersey.
Hughes joined BMI from global financial services firm, Vistra, where he served
as business development director for three years. Donoghue joined BMI from HSBC
Private Bank, where he was head of the investment group for Jersey.
BlackRock appointed
Daniel Whitestone as a director to the BlackRock UK small/mid cap equities team.
Whitestone joined from UBS where he was head of the UK small/mid cap sales desk.
Lloyds TSB Private
Banking appointed Sarah Deaves to the newly-created role of investment advice
and private clients director for wealth. Deaves heads the investment advice and
private client team and reports to managing director of wealth Russell Galley. She
joined from Royal Bank of Scotland,
where she was managing director of private banking and advice.
Morgan Stanley Investment Management appointed Pepijn Heins as head of
Benelux sales, based in London.
Heins joined Morgan Stanley from Eaton Vance, where he was head of business
development for Europe. He reports to Richard
Lockwood, head of northern European distribution for Morgan Stanley Investment
Management.
Legal & General Investment Management appointed Emiel
van den Heiligenberg as head of asset allocation, based in London. Heilingenberg replaced David North,
LGMI’s previous head of asset allocation.
Rothschild appointed
Charles Costa Duarte and Jake van Beever to its UK
wealth management business, to create a new client advisor team, based in London. Both Duarte and Beever joined
from Rothschild from Lloyds TSB Private Bank, where they advised ultra high net
worth clients.
T Rowe Price appointed Arif Husain as head of international
fixed income. He succeeds Ian Kelson, who will remain at the firm but pare back
his management responsibilities.
UK
law firm Burgess Salmon promoted
Suzanna Harvey as a partner. Harvey
joined Beatrice Puoti and John Barnett as the third partner in the firm’s international
tax and trusts team.
Newton Investment Management appointed Khuram Sharih to the
newly-created role of high yield analyst in its global fixed income team. Sharih
joined Newton from Cairn Capital, where he was a senior credit analyst working
with portfolio managers to devise investment strategies for long biased UCITS
funds, high yield credit funds, and CLOs.
Brooks Macdonald International appointed Rod Sallis as an
investment advisor in its Guernsey office. Sallis
joined from SG Hambros, where he served as a fund analyst for two and a half
years.
UK-listed M&G
Investments appointed Andrius Isciukas to the newly-created role of fixed
income analyst, within its retail fixed interest team. Isciukas was formerly a
global high yield analyst at HSBC Asset Management, before which he served as a
real estate portfolio analyst at UBS Global Asset Management.
JP Morgan Private Bank appointed executive director Andrew
Kennedy as a private banker for its UK
team, reporting to Olivier de Givenchy, head of JP Morgan Private Bank in the UK.
Brewin Dolphin appointed Rob Burgeman and Peter Long as the
new heads of its London
office, taking over from Stephen Ford and Rupert Tyler. Burgeman has been at
Brewin Dolphin since 2007, before which he served at Savory Milln. Long joined
Brewin Dolphin in 1995, having served for the previous nine years at Kleinwort
Benson, within its private client and charity divisions.
Legal and General Property
appointed Chris Hunt to the newly-created role of senior asset manager to
support its property unit trust, reporting to LGP fund manager Matt Jarvis. Hunt
joined LGP from Cushman & Wakefield, where he served as an associate
partner within the business space investment team since 2005.
Bedell Trust appointed William McGilivray as a director in
its London
office. McGilivary was formerly a vice president at Northern Trust, where he
was responsible for wealth management in the Middle East and UK. In his new
role, McGilivray will be responsible for new business opportunities
across the group's international locations.
Barclays appointed
Richard Hilton as director and head of business development for its employee
benefits division. Based in London
and reporting to Paul Wilson, Hilton oversees the development of the firm’s
solutions in the employee benefits arena.
ML Capital appointed Dr Dermot Smurfit as chairman of the ML
Capital group of companies. He has held similar senior positions of deputy chairman
of Jefferson Smurfit Group, non-executive chairman of Peach Holdings,
non-executive director of ACE and chairman of Anker and of Pankaboard Oy.
Jupiter promoted Mike Buhl-Nielsen to lead manager of the
Jupiter Europa Sicav fund. Buhl-Nielsen took over the present deputy manager
Stephen Pearson, who is also the firm’s deputy chief investment officer.
SandAire appointed Michael Lindemann as director, wealth
management, having previously worked at Julius Baer. Mr Lindemann has a decade
of private banking experience. His previous experience includes four years as a
journalist with the Financial
Times and several years at N
M Rothschild and at Dresdner Kleinwort Wasserstein.
Miton Group, appointed Piers Harrison as director of operations
and risk management. He joined from Neptune Investment Management, where he was
deputy finance director and head of operational risk.
Marsh UK appointed
Richard Moxon as leader of its UK
private client services division, reporting to Adrian Saunders. Moxon joined
Marsh in 2009 as a senior client manager in the private client services team.
Before that, he served at Zurich as an appraisal
manager for private clients across Europe.
Invesco Perpetual named William Lam and Tony Roberts as fund
managers for the Invesco Perpetual Pacific Fund and the Invesco Pacific Equity
Fund. Lam oversees the Asian equity portion of the funds while Roberts manages
the Japanese equity portion.
Rothschild Wealth Management appointed Tracy Collins as a
director in its charities team, with effect from July. Based in London, Collins will report to Nandu Patel, head of
charities for Rothschild’s UK
wealth management business.
Cofunds announced that its chief executive, Martin Davis, stepped
down following the completion of the firm's acquisition by Legal & General.
He has been replaced by the head of strategic opportunities in L&G's
savings unit, Chris Last, subject to Financial Conduct Authority approval.
Canaccord Genuity Wealth Management appointed Richard Burden
as business development manager. Based in the Isle of Man, he will focus
specifically on the Middle East and work with
key intermediaries and introducers in the region, promoting the firm’s wealth
and fund management services.
Saffery Champness
appointed Alistair Hunt as a partner, based in the firm’s Peterborough office. He joined from RSM
Tenon, where he was partner and headed up the East
Midlands accounts and audit department, overseeing almost 100
staff.
Morningstar UK,
promoted Daniel Needham to the roles of global chief investment officer of
Morningstar Investment Management, and managing director of Morningstar
Investment Management Europe. Reporting to president of Morningstar Investment
Management, Thomas Idzorek, Needham oversees the
firm's investment management and consulting operations in Europe.
Geneva-headquartered Lombard
Odier Investment Managers has
appointed Carolina Minio-Paluello as deputy chief investment officer. Based in London, Minio-Paluello
will help build on the firm’s risk-based approach to portfolio construction for
institutional clients. She will report to the firm's chief investment officer,
Jan Straatman. Minio-Paluello joined from Citigroup, where she was head of
Europe, the Middle East and Africa for equity
and private investor solutions. Prior to this she spent 11 years with Goldman
Sachs, including nine at Goldman Sachs Asset Management, and was most recently
managing director for its quantitative investment strategies segment.
Reto Francioni was elected onto the UBS board of directors for
the first time. Meanwhile, Wolfgang Mayrhuber has left the UBS board of
directors, after deciding not to stand for re-election earlier this year.
Aviva Investors appointed Adeline Diab as head of
integration for its global responsible investment team based in London. Diab has over a
decade’s experience working in capital markets to shape sustainability and
governance strategies. She joined from APG Asset Management in the Netherlands,
where she was responsible for embedding ESG into the investment process across
asset classes.
EMEA Capital appointed former UBS manager Can Uran as managing partner and chief
investment officer. In his previous role, Uran was global co-head of emerging
markets trading for three years, responsible for all credit, rates and foreign
exchange products in Latin America, Central/Eastern Europe, Middle East, Africa
and Asia.
Lloyds Banking Group recruited Matthew Elderfield as group
director of conduct and compliance. He oversees the development of the group’s
conduct strategy, and oversees all compliance and conduct risk activities.
AXA Investment Managers appointed Garry Murdoch as global
head of compliance, reporting to global head of risks and controls Christian
Gissler. Murdoch oversees the coordination of the compliance teams
internationally, working in close association with the firm’s legal and risk
management departments.
Heartwood Investment Management, appointed Nick Hendy to the
newly-created role
of intermediary client director. Hendy joined Heartwood from
Aviva Investors, where he was latterly an investment sales manager.
Barclays appointed
Marc Hakim as director for its wealth and investment management division in the
Middle East and North Africa. Hakim is
responsible for developing and servicing high and ultra high net clients in the
region. Hakim joined from Swiss private bank Julius Baer, where he was
executive director for the Middle East region.
North America
New
York-listed Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Co, the global investment
firm, hired former Central Intelligence Agency director David Petraeus
as chairman of the newly-created KKR Global Institute.
The firm has, in recent years, increased engagement on macroeconomic
and geopolitical considerations, as well as on environmental, social and
governance issues.
“The KKR Global Institute will be the nexus of KKR’s focus on the
investment implications of these issues,” it said. The new venture will
also build on efforts to help KKR’s portfolio companies expand globally.
Petraeus, a retired four-star general, will work with a team at KKR
and alongside Ken Mehlman, global head of public affairs, and Henry
McVey, global head of macro and asset allocation. Additionally, Petraeus
will support KKR’s investment teams in the diligence process,
particularly when considering investments in new geographies.
JP Morgan Private Bank hired John Elmes - latterly of GenSpring
Family Offices - as a managing director and senior business advisor in
New York.
Reporting to David Wezdenko, chief operating officer of the firm’s US
private bank, Elmes will focus on the client and advisor experience.
Elmes has 25 years of industry experience and most recently served as
an operating committee member and head of investments at GenSpring
Family Offices.
BNY Mellon Wealth Management hired Catherine Irby Arnold as senior director in Seattle, WA.
In her newly-created role, Arnold will focus on business development
for what the firm believes are two key growth areas for the region:
middle-market mergers and acquisitions planning for businesses, and
trust services for multigenerational family wealth. She reports to
regional director James Barnyak.
Prior to joining BNY Mellon Wealth Management, Arnold was a team
leader for the northwest region and a private client advisor at The
Private Bank of Union Bank in Seattle. She previously served as national
sales and marketing manager of the managed asset group at McDonald
Investments/Key Bank.
The Private Client Reserve of US Bank hired Sally Vega as a trust
officer in Milwaukee, WI, working with high net worth individuals,
families and charitable organizations.
Vega joined the PCR from The PrivateBank, where as a trust officer
she advised affluent business executives, individuals and families about
trusts, based in Milwaukee.
She has around 16 years of experience in the financial services
industry and has also worked at Waukesha State Bank as a senior trust
administrator.
Raymond James & Associates, the broker/dealer business of New
York-listed Raymond James Financial, brought in Edward Tills from Morgan
Stanley as first vice president of investments in Rochester, NY.
Tills started his career in the financial services industry in 1981
at Bank of America Merrill Lynch in Rochester. He was later affiliated
with Dean Witter, Shearson Lehman, Smith Barney, Citigroup and Morgan
Stanley, as the firms merged or were acquired.
Kimberly Lawrence Hanga, a senior registered sales assistant with
some 18 years of industry experience, joined Tills in Rochester. Hanga
spent the last five years working with Tills at Morgan Stanley.
BNY Mellon Wealth Management hired Bill Jarry as director for
business development, focused on ultra high net worth clients in the
greater Boston, MA, region.
Jarry was formerly a financial advisor at Bernstein Global Wealth
Management since 2010 and previously served for 11 years as a managing
director at Provident Corporate Finance. In his newly-created role at
BNY Mellon, he reports to managing director Fred Young.
Meanwhile, BNY Mellon Wealth Management appointed Shei Unger to the
newly-created role of director for the Texas region. Based in Dallas, he
reports to David Emmes, president of western US markets.
Unger was latterly president of the boutique advisory firm Unger
& Co Commercial Capital in Dallas, TX, where he also served as head
of operations strategy.
Merrill Lynch bolstered its private wealth management team in Midtown
Manhattan with the hire of former Credit Suisse advisor Vishal Bakshi.
Bakshi joined as a managing director and private wealth advisor. In
his new role he will focus on ultra high net worth clients and
foundations with an average value of $30 million.
Bakshi had been with Credit Suisse for over a decade, managing a
reported $1.83 billion in assets and producing $5 million in annual
revenue. His new team at Merrill includes senior financial analyst Jayne
Finst, financial analyst David Greene and client associate Alex Plum.
Baird, the employee-owned firm, added Paul Donnelly as a director and
financial advisor in its Chicago wealth management office.
Donnelly joined the firm from William Blair & Company, where he
had worked as an investment counselor in the investment management
division since 2006. He has been in the industry since 1987, when he
started out at Arthur Andersen’s tax practice.
First National Bank Pennsylvania made two hires for its wealth
management and private banking divisions, in a move furthering the
firm's expansion plans in Maryland.
The firm appointed Michael DeRosa as vice president and financial
advisor for its wealth management division and Donna Logan as vice
president for private banking.
DeRosa has nearly 20 years of wealth management experience, most
recently serving as wealth manager for Wilmington Trust, formerly
M&T Bank, in Bethesda, MD.
Logan has more than a decade of private banking and business
development experience and most recently she served in a similar role
with Sandy Spring Bank in Annapolis, MD. Jacob Biltz, a financial
consultant with FNB affiliate First National Investment Services, also
joined FNB’s wealth management team in Maryland.
PaulaHogan, the Milwaukee, WI-based fee-only financial advisory firm,
appointed Steve White as managing director within its management team.
White joined PaulaHogan from JP Morgan Private Banking, where he was
an executive director at the Milwaukee office and part of the national
wealth advisory team.
Before joining JP Morgan, White practiced law for 15 years, most
recently at Quarles and Brady as an equity partner and member of its
estate planning group.
In his new role, White will be responsible for the management and
strategic direction of the firm, as well as his duties covering direct
advisory work with clients.
KeyBank, the US-based financial services firm, appointed Scott Harris
as a vice president and relationship manager for the firm’s New York
district.
Harris joined KeyBank from Sagemark Consulting/Lincoln Financial,
where he served as a wealth planning advisor. He is FINRA series six and
63 securities registered and holds life, accident and health licenses
in multiple states.
JP Morgan Chase appointed Barry Sommers as chief executive of its consumer bank, which includes Chase Wealth Management.
Sommers was latterly head of Chase Wealth Management, which includes
the Chase Private Client segment, in a role he held since 2010.
He took over as head of consumer bank from Ryan McInerney, who left
the firm after eight years to become president of VISA. He was head of
the consumer bank since 2009.
There will be a short transition period during which McInerney will
stay on and work with Sommers, and Sommers will continue to report to
Gordon Smith, CEO of consumer and community banking, in his new role.
PNC Wealth Management, the wealth arm of Pittsburgh-based PNC
Financial Services Group, expanded its wealth management team in
Alabama.
The team will be headed by PNC Wealth Management director Felix Tankersly.
The team includes: Harvey Hutchinson, vice president and senior
wealth planner; Dean Johnson, vice president and senior trust advisor;
Bob Ireland, vice president and senior relationship manager; Maggie
Tanner, vice president and senior banking advisor; Guillermo Araoz,
senior vice president and senior investment advisor; Jeremy Burns, vice
president and channel development advisor; and Heather Baker, vice
president and relationship manager.
Lyxor Asset Management, a wholly-owned subsidiary of Societe
Generale, appointed Frank Frecentese to its New York office as the
deputy head of hedge fund research, in a move furthering the firm's
expansion plans.
Frecentese joined from Citi Private Bank, where he was managing director and global head of hedge fund investments.
Prior to joining Citigroup, he was an executive director at Morgan
Stanley, where he was the head of alternatives research for Graystone
Research, part of the Morgan Stanley group.
Jane Fraser, who has been chief executive of Citigroup’s private bank
for the past four years, was replaced by Mark Mason as Fraser took up
the post as new head of the US bank’s mortgage business.
The current CitiMortgage CEO, Sanjiv Das, plans to leave the bank to
“pursue other opportunities,” according to the wording of an internal
memo. The move was announced by Citigroup CEO Michael Corbat.
Das took over Citigroup's mortgage business at the height of the
financial crisis in 2008. He will remain at the bank for a few months to
assist on mortgage issues related to the government.
Mason, who took on the top job at private banking, has been CEO of
Citi Holdings. In turn, Francesco Vanni d'Archirafi, who leads
Citigroup's transaction services business, took over as CEO of Citi
Holdings, the division that holds all non-core assets that Citi is
winding down or selling.
California-based Fremont Bank appointed Oscar Harrison as vice president of wealth management services.
Harrison, who has 14 years of experience in the financial sector, has
held a number of positions at firms including Merrill Lynch, Morgan
Stanley and Banc of America Investments.
As well as leading the bank's team of wealth management advisors, in
his new role, Harrison will be responsible for the development of a full
spectrum of products and services that will be available to banking
clients.
RBC Wealth Management added financial advisor Patrick Tobin to its Pittsburgh, PA, office.
Tobin, who joined from Morgan Stanley Smith Barney, has around $65
million in assets under management and has been in the industry for 25
years. He was appointed first vice president as well as senior portfolio
manager-portfolio focus.
National Financial Partners, which provides insurance and wealth
management services, appointed a new chief executive in the shape of
Douglas Hammond.
Hammond, who until his appointment was the firm’s president and chief operating officer, replaced Jessica Bibliowicz.
Hammond has served as COO since 2008, and was named president in 2012. He joined the firm in 1999.
Bibliowicz announced her intention to step down as CEO in April 2012,
having served in the role since April 1999. She has also been chairman
since June 2003.
HighTower, the advisor-owned firm, expanded its partnership
development team with two hires, along with completing a round of
financing for growth.
Thomas Brown and Frank Epinger joined the firm as executive directors
and relationship managers for the East and West coasts respectively.
Brown, who is based in New York, co-founded Black Valley Consulting, a
coaching and consulting firm for advisors. Before that, he was a branch
manager of a legacy Smith Barney office, and has also served as head of
national recruiting for UBS.
Epinger, meanwhile, spent the last 13 years working for Morgan
Stanley Smith Barney, most recently as a complex manager in Pasadena,
CA, overseeing eight offices.
Peapack-Gladstone Bank opened a private banking office in Princeton, NJ, in an expansion of its wealth management business.
As part of its move into the region, the bank hired Sean Murray from
Wilmington Trust. At Wilmington, Murray ran wealth advisory services in
the New Jersey market, as market executive. He will lead
Peapack-Gladstone’s team in the area as senior managing director and
market president.
He was joined in his move to Peapack-Gladstone by Gene McCarthy, who
was appointed lead senior managing director, commercial banking.
McCarthy was most recently team leader of real estate and commercial
banking of the Princeton office of M&T Bank/Wilmington Trust.
Gerald Buffalino and Jennifer Ohlweiler also joined the bank as
senior managing directors, commercial banking. Buffalino was previously a
vice president and senior relationship manager at M&T/Wilmington
Trust, while Ohlweiler was a commercial banker at M&T Bank.
The duo will work with McCarthy to develop the commercial banking and
wealth management business lines, as well as the client service model.
In other hires, the bank appointed Delia Bass-Dandridge as senior
managing director, wealth. Dandridge is a former vice president and
senior private client advisor at Wilmington Trust. She will focus on
growing the bank’s relationship banking and wealth management business.
Catherine Fedor, Haley Overington and Catina Hood completed the new Princeton team of private bankers.
Fedor joined as a managing director, private banking, having latterly
worked at Wachovia Bank. Overington and Hood joined as private bankers,
specializing in deposits, and both previously worked at M&T Bank.
UBS appointed Sylvia Coutinho as chief executive of UBS Group Brazil,
effective when current CEO Lywal Salles retires on June 24.
Coutinho was previously head of retail banking and wealth management
for Latin America and asset management for the Americas at HSBC. She has
also worked in a number of other senior Americas-based roles at that
firm - primarily in wealth management, private banking and asset
management.
In her new role - which UBS said makes her the first woman to serve
as CEO of a Brazilian business for an international bank - Coutinho will
oversee the delivery of resources to the firm’s private, corporate and
institutional clients. This includes UBS Brasil Corretora, which before
the Swiss firm bought it in February of this year was called Link
Investimentos - one of Brazil’s largest brokerage firms.
Philadelphia, PA-headquartered Janney Montgomery Scott appointed
industry veteran Randall Renneisen as an executive vice president of
wealth management in Greenville, DE.
Renneisen, who oversees about $195 million in client assets, was
joined by vice president of wealth management Robert Fischer and
registered private client assistant Susan McDermott. Together they form
The Renneisen Group.
Renneisen spent the previous four years at Morgan Stanley and prior
to that was at Citigroup Global Markets between 2006 and 2009. He worked
at Legg Mason from 1988 until 2006, having started his financial
services career in 1984 at Renneisen, Renneisen & Redfield.
First Mid-Illinois Bank & Trust hired Brad Rench as senior vice
president and regional president, succeeding Gordon Smith who is
retiring later this year.
Smith, who became senior vice president and regional president for
the Metro East region in 2001, will remain part of the team, focusing on
business development for the firm.
In his new role, Rench will manage the banking operations of the
Metro East market, responsible for growing business lines including
commercial and personal banking, trust and wealth management, and
insurance. Rench joined from First Clover Leaf Bank in Edwardsville, IL,
where he served as executive vice president and chief operations
officer.
Canada-based CIBC Global Asset Management made two senior
appointments, including a chief investment officer, to strengthen its
portfolio management team.
Suzann Pennington was appointed managing director and CIO, while
Stephen Carlin started as a vice president and senior portfolio manager
for Canadian equities.
Pennington will oversee all of CGAM’s portfolio management and
research efforts, but will remain as head of equities and continue to
manage the Canadian all-cap mandate.
Carlin has over 22 years of experience in equity investment
management and joined CIBC from Aegon Capital Management, where he was a
senior vice president and head of equities.
Wellesley, MA-based Weston Financial, a division of Washington Trust
Wealth Management, appointed Lorraine Chong as director of research.
Chong joined Weston Financial from a local registered investment
advisor, where she served as a portfolio manager. She also spent over a
decade at Fidelity Investments as a senior analyst and team leader.
Webster Private Bank hired Yves Cochez as senior vice president and
chief investment strategist, based in Stamford, CT. The CIS role is
newly-created.
At Webster, Cochez will head up the portfolio management team and set
the overall direction of investment management for high net worth
clients.
He was most recently a partner and chief investment officer at GBS
Finance, having previously held a number of senior investment positions
at Deutsche Bank Private Wealth Management.
Sterne, Agee & Leach, a privately-owned investment banking and
brokerage firm, appointed Walter Robinson as president and chief
operating officer.
Robinson retired from Scott & Stringfellow/BB&T Capital
Markets in March 2012. There, he served in many roles including chief
operating officer, president of the private client group, and president
and chief executive.
Robertson’s role will be heavily focused on strategic growth and the
development of Sterne, Agee & Leach, which is the largest subsidiary
of Sterne Agee Group. His role is a new one at the subsidiary.
The US Internal Revenue Service boss, Steven Miller, was forced to
step down amid a scandal of how IRS officials selectively screened
non-profit groups for political reasons.
Miller, the acting IRS commissioner, resigned due to anger as to why
the agency used terms such as “tea party,” for example, to subject some
groups’ applications for tax-exempt status to tougher scrutiny.
UK-based equity manager Martin Currie named Ranjit Sufi as country head for its US office.
Sufi joined the firm's New York office as executive vice president of
sales and client service, charged with leading business development in
the US and Canada.
Previously, Sufi worked as managing director at Tradewinds Global
Investors, an affiliate of Nuveen Investments. Before that, he worked
for nine years at Nicholas Applegate Capital Management, where he led
the global sales team and was a member of the company’s executive
committee.
BNY Mellon Wealth Management brought in Debralee Nelson from JP
Morgan Chase as a senior director to serve ultra high net worth clients
in the New York region.
Nelson was formerly a managing director and senior banker at JP
Morgan Private Bank, responsible for relationship management between
2009 and April of this year. Before that, she served as a managing
director and senior business development officer at Bessemer Trust and
US Trust.
UBS Wealth Management Americas added The Parker-Harrigan Group -
latterly of Bank of America Merrill Lynch - to its office in Fort
Lauderdale, FL.
The Parker-Harrigan Group is led by advisors Robert Harrigan and
Scott Parker, who were part of Merrill’s ultra high net worth private
banking and investment group.
Harrigan and Parker managed about $545 million in client assets with
their team at Merrill and had a T-12 production of about $4.2 million.
Baird appointed two financial advisor teams, with a combined $800
million in assets under management, in Nashville, TN, and Edina, MN.
In Nashville, The Liles Group has about $585 million in AuM and
consists of: Malcolm Liles, director and financial advisor; William
Liles, financial advisor; and Sherri Minunno, client relationship
assistant.
Meanwhile, further north in Edina, The Brennan Group manages about
$215 million in assets and is made up of: Gerald Brennan, director and
financial advisor; Jim Seidel, financial advisor; and Lynn Kittelson,
registered client relationship associate.
Manulife Asset Management hired an emerging markets debt portfolio
management team in the shape of Roberto Sanchez-Dahl and Paolo Valle,
who joined the firm as managing directors and senior portfolio managers.
As members of the firm’s fixed income team, Sanchez-Dahl and Valle
will manage an emerging markets debt strategy for institutional clients
and certain wealth management businesses of Manulife Financial and John
Hancock.
Reporting to Christopher Conkey, global chief investment officer, the
pair will also support other global debt strategies investing in
emerging market debt.
Sanchez-Dahl joined from Federated Investment Management Company,
where he has served as an emerging markets senior portfolio manager and
investment analyst.
Valle was formerly an emerging markets senior portfolio manager at
Federated Investment Management Company, where he served as vice
president. He spent from 2001 to 2004 as chief investment officer at
Ramirez Asset Management in New York City, and has also worked at
Merrill Lynch Investment Management in Princeton, NJ.
New York-based Lenox Advisors appointed Dave Schrohe as executive
vice president of private wealth management and Lenox Wealth Advisors.
Schrohe was latterly chief operating officer of wealth management
solutions at UBS. Before that, he served as head of Morgan Stanley Smith
Barney’s corporate client group.
Schrohe spent 16 years at MSSB and its predecessors, leading the
corporate and institutional client businesses. He also oversaw efforts
to deliver MSSB’s wealth management services to employees and executives
of its corporate and institutional clients.
BNY Mellon Wealth Management made four senior hires in Southern
California, as part of a "major focus" on expanding its West Coast
presence.
Sales director Bob Robinson, senior wealth director John Zarchen, and
sales director Rob Vickery are based in Los Angeles and report to
regional president Larry Miles. Senior director Eric McMullen is based
in Newport Beach, reporting to senior director Ben McGloin.
Robinson joined from Welton Investment, where from 2007 until
February of this year he served as managing director of business
development. Prior to that, he was director of sales for the western
division of Quality Home Loans.
Zarchen joined from Wells Fargo Private Bank, where he spent over
four years as a senior vice president and national manager. Between 2001
and 2008, he also served as director of planning.
Vickery was formerly part of the wealth and international division at
Lloyds Banking Group. Since 2010, he served as a director in North
America. Prior to that, he worked at Lloyds in the UK, having started as
a corporate partnerships manager in 2006.
McMullen spent the previous eight years as senior vice president and
wealth management division director at First Midwest Bank in Chicago,
IL. From 2001 to 2005, he was director of marketing at Metlife Financial
Services in the Chicago region.
David Skaggs joined The Private Client Reserve of US Bank as a wealth management advisor in St Louis, MO.
Skaggs has over 20 years of experience in the banking and financial
services industry, with a background in commercial credit, private
banking and investment services.
Before joining the PCR, Skaggs was president of Entech Engineering,
and has also worked at JP Morgan as a senior capital advisor and private
banker.
Petaluma, CA-headquartered Greenleaf & Burleson Wealth Management appointed Donnie McCleskey as a managing director.
McCleskey will focus on coordinating and expanding growth in
employer-sponsored retirement plans, while also working with a select
group of high net worth clients.
McCleskey has about seven years of experience in the financial
services and retirement planning industry, having worked at Bank of
America Merrill Lynch, Bloomberg Finance and Advisory Consulting
Group.
New York-listed Blackstone brought in Jim Albaugh as a senior advisor
to strengthen its private equity activities in the aerospace and
defense sectors.
Albaugh, who previously served as chief executive and president of
Boeing Commercial Airplanes, will also advise other businesses and
clients across Blackstone’s platforms.
At Boeing, Albaugh also served as president and CEO of Boeing
defense, space and security; senior vice president of Boeing and
president of the space and communications group; and president of Boeing
space transportation.
Birmingham, MI-headquartered Schechter Wealth Strategies hired
Stephen Blocki as chief operating officer, while Robert Langer filled
the newly-created role of managing director of its recently-launched New
York office.
Blocki spent the last 20 years at Dürr Systems, where he served as
head of the environmental division business, helping the firm expand
beyond North America into Mexico, China and Korea.
Langer spent the last ten years managing and running hedge funds.
Most recently, he headed up fixed income sales and trading at BTIG, a
boutique broker-dealer based in New York City.
Bruce Karpati left the Securities and Exchange Commission to join Prudential Investments as chief compliance officer.
In addition to leading compliance for Prudential’s registered
investment advisory company, Karpati will also serve as CCO of the
firm's mutual funds boards.
Karpati spent over 12 years at the SEC, most recently as national
chief enforcement officer within its asset management unit. In this
role, which he took up when the unit launched in 2010, he led
enforcement efforts involving investment advisors, investment companies,
mutual funds and private funds.
BNY Mellon Investment Management appointed Bruce Feibel as head of
performance analytics - a new role at the firm in which he will oversee
performance and risk analysis processes.
Reporting to Cynthia Steer, head of manager research and investment
solutions, Feibel will analyze the factors that drive returns and create
risks for investment strategies and portfolios.
Feibel joined BNY Mellon in 1999 and prior to his new role was head of strategy for the global investment services business.
He previously worked at State Street Global Advisors, providing
performance measurement services to the marketing, portfolio management
and client services teams.
Chicago, IL-headquartered HighTower brought in Frank Epinger from
Morgan Stanley Wealth Management as an executive director in Los
Angeles, CA.
At Morgan Stanley, Epinger was a branch manager and senior vice president in Pasadena, CA.
Atlantic Trust, the private wealth management division of New
York-listed Invesco, added Jennifer Kane to its Houston, TX, office as a
senior vice president and relationship manager.
Kane has over 12 years of industry experience and joined from Front
Barnett Associates, where she served as a lead portfolio manager and
member of the firm’s investment committee.
Previously, she was a junior portfolio manager and portfolio analyst
at Atlantic Trust's Chicago, IL, office, and a portfolio analyst with
Fayez Sarofim & Company in Houston.
Deutsche Bank, Germany’s largest bank, appointed Scott Lampard as chief country officer for Canada.
Reporting to Jacques Brand, chief executive of North America, Lampard
replaced Paul Jurist, who decided to retire after serving for 15 years
at Deutsche Bank. Jurist had been the firm’s CCO for Canada for the past
12 years.
Lampard, with more than 20 years of international capital markets
experience, joined Deutsche bank in 2010, where for the last three years
he has been responsible for the markets business in Canada, overseeing
investments across the fixed income, equities and commodities platforms.
Lampard will continue his current responsibilities at Deutsche Bank
as head of markets for Canada, and will continue to report to Jeffrey
Mayer, head of corporate banking and securities, North America.
Citi Private Bank appointed Steven Wieting as global chief
strategist, reporting to Eduardo Martinez Campos, global head of
investments.
In his new role, Wieting will be responsible for formulating
investment views and strategies for the business and its clients around
the world.
He will also be appointed chair of the global investment committee and joined the investments leadership team.
US Bancorp Investments, an affiliate of US Bank, appointed Steve
Felchle and Jason Ernst as financial advisors in Bismarck, ND.
Felchle and Ernst joined from Wells Fargo, where they managed $160 million in client assets.
Felchle has over 33 years of experience in the financial services
industry. Prior to working as a financial advisor at Wells Fargo, he
served as vice president of business and agricultural banking at Norwest
Bank.
Ernst has about 11 years of industry experience and was also formerly a financial advisor at Wells Fargo.
Sendero Wealth Management, a San Antonio, TX-based wealth management firm, expanded its footprint to Dallas.
As part of its expansion Sendero hired John Stanley Stevenson to lead
its operations in North Texas, as managing director of the new office.
Stevenson has a 20-year background in the wealth management advice
industry, having worked at Northern Trust and Belmont Wealth Management.
In his new role at Sendero he will be working with wealthy families
and charitable institutions in the Dallas and Fort Worth markets.
St Louis, MO-headquartered brokerage firm Benjamin F Edwards made 10
hires across its two new offices in Birmingham, AL, and Destin, FL,
while also adding to its existing locations in White Plains, NY, and
Chattanooga, TN.
Overall, the firm took on 12 new employees, including nine financial advisors.
In Birmingham, Steven Phillips joined as branch manager and senior
vice president of investments. He has over 20 years of experience in the
financial services industry.
Meanwhile, Thomas Luttrell started as vice president of investments.
He has over 25 years of experience in the brokerage industry and is a
member of the Luttrell Financial Group, which he co-founded with his
brother, James Luttrell, in 1999.
Assisting Phillips and Luttrell in Birmingham with their client
management responsibilities is Ashley Brook, a financial associate.
In Destin, James Luttrell stepped into the new office as vice
president of investments. He has 30 years of experience in the brokerage
industry. Matthew Dahlman joined as a financial consultant.
Nicholas Barlotta, a member of the Barlotta Cauley Wealth Management
Group, also moved to Destin as senior vice president of investments.
Other members of the Barlotta Cauley Wealth Management Group include
Daniel Cauley, vice president of investments, and Nicholas Barlotta, a
financial consultant.
Marti Lohr and Maeve Brennan were also hired in Destin as senior registered financial associates.
With the exception of Brennan in the Destin office, all of the
appointees that joined in Destin and Birmingham previously worked at
Wells Fargo Advisors.
In other moves, the firm appointed Darrelyn Brennan in White Plains as vice president of investments.
Lastly, Thomas Trivers stepped into the Chattanooga office as a financial advisor, joining from Hilliard Lyons.
Morgan Stanley Wealth Management appointed three financial advisors -
with combined client assets of $460 million - in New York, Arkansas and
Florida.
In Mount Kisco, NY, Paul Bagnato - with production of $1.7 million on
$165 million in client assets - joined from Wells Fargo and reports to
Mark Willis, branch manager.
Alissa Carloss joined in Jackon, TN, from Stifel Nicolaus. Her annual
production is around $1 million on $135 million in client assets.
Carloss reports to John Terry, complex manager in Little Rock, AK.
Her father, Terry Nance, also joined her team as a consulting group
analyst.
Meanwhile, Robbie DeRooy joined Morgan Stanley in West Palm Beach, FL, from UBS Wealth Management Americas.
New York-listed CTPartners, the global executive search firm, hired
Noah Schwarz as a principal within its financial services practice.
Based in New York, Schwarz will focus on serving clients in investment banking, private equity and asset management.
Schwarz joined from Heidrick & Struggles, where he was a member
of the firm’s global financial services practice. His clients include
investment banks and private equity firms, as well as asset managers,
wealth managers and family offices.
California-based Whittier Trust, the independent investment and
wealth management firm, appointed Thomas Frank as executive vice
president and Northern California regional manager, and Lisa Parker as
vice president of philanthropic services.
Frank was formerly a director at Abbot Downing, Wells Fargo’s ultra
high net worth unit. He has 26 years of experience working with high net
worth individuals and families, having also worked at Bessemer Trust
for 15 years.
In his new San Francisco, CA-based role, Frank will source and manage
client relationships, while overseeing all aspects of the firm’s
business in Northern California. He will also sit on the firm’s
executive committee.
Also based in San Francisco, Parker will consult HNW clients and
their families on a range of philanthropic management issues including
private foundation and donor-advised fund administration, grant making,
talent and leadership development and next generation education and
training.
Prior to joining Whittier Trust, Parker was the founder and principal
of Family Circle Advisors. She spent the previous 15 years as president
and executive director of the Lawrence Welk Family Foundation.
Canfield, OH-based Farmers National Financial Services appointed
Jeffrey Tonini as a senior vice president and director of wealth
management.
Tonini will lead the bank’s financial services division, assisting
clients with financial planning, retirement planning, investment
strategies and overall wealth management.
Ashvin Chhabra rejoined Merrill Lynch Wealth Management as chief
investment officer and head of investment management and guidance, based
in New York. He replaced Lisa Shalett.
Chhabra, who served as head of wealth strategies and analytics at
Merrill between 2001 and 2007, will oversee the delivery of investment
advice and strategy to financial advisors and their clients.
Additionally, Chhabra will lead investment management and guidance of
manager due diligence, investment analytics and the ultra high net
worth investment office.
Chhabra most recently served as the chief investment officer at the
Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, NJ. He spent six years there,
during which time he worked closely with the institute’s board of
trustees’ investment committee.
John Mathews took over from Jason Chandler as head of private wealth
management within UBS' US brokerage unit, as the Swiss bank looks to
grow its ultra high net worth business in the Americas.
Chandler previously oversaw the private wealth unit, which caters to
UHNW clients with over $10 million in investable assets and includes
about 340 advisors, as well as the wider Americas advisory force of some
7,000 brokers.
Going forwards, Chandler will continue to oversee the broader advisor
group, but Mathews, who was previously a regional director in the
southeast US, will lead the UHNW unit.
Both men report to Bob Mulholland, head of wealth management and investment solutions for UBS in the Americas.
Mathews now oversees all of UBS' private wealth offices in the US,
which include branches in New York, Boston, Chicago, San Francisco,
Atlanta, Houston, Los Angeles, Miami and Stamford, CT.
Leawood, KS-based Palmer Square Capital Management, the hedge fund-of-fund specialist, hired Jeffrey Fox as executive director.
Reporting to chief investment officer Angie Long, Fox will focus on
managing the analytics, trading and modeling behind the firm’s
structured credit and collateralized loan obligations platform.
He will also play a key role in new product development and working with the rating agencies.
Fox has over a decade of fixed income experience and previously
served as a managing director at Sandler O’Neill and Partners, an
investment banking firm and broker-dealer.
George Howe joined US Capital Advisors as a director at the firm’s new office in Austin, TX.
Howe joined after having previously managed his own advisory practice
at Raymond James since 2001. Before that, he spent 17 years at Standard
& Poor’s.
Cleveland, OH-based Cedar Brook Financial Partners hired Jo Ross as an executive assistant.
Ross has over 20 years of industry experience and will serve as client manager for Josh Melda, a partner at the firm.
Ross formerly worked at Simon Property Group as a guest services
manager and has also worked in the private banking and investing group
at KeyCorp. Before that, she was a legal assistant to attorneys at law
firms in Cleveland, including Baker & Hostetler, Calfee Halter and
McDonald Hopkins.
Perspecta Trust, the New Hampshire-based trust and wealth management
firm, promoted Scott Baker to president, and hired Todd Mayo as a
principal.
Baker succeeded Paul Montrone, who had been president of the firm
since it was founded in 2007. Montrone will remain as chairman and chief
executive.
Baker has 20 years of experience in the wealth management industry
and joined Perspecta in 2009 after a career with Goldman Sachs and
Citigroup in New York City.
New York-based Signature Bank brought in three private client banking teams in Manhattan, Great Neck and Brooklyn.
The first team joined in Manhattan from Citibank and is comprised of
Joan McNulty, group director and senior vice president; Melissa Badger,
associate group director and vice president; and Manuel Chalen, a senior
client associate.
McNulty worked closely with Badger and Chalen for ten and five years,
respectively, at Citibank. Badger, previously sales manager of treasury
products and vice president at Citibank, has 23 years of banking
experience, focused mostly on middle market clients.
Based in Great Neck, NY, the second team is made up of Chris
Panellino, group director and senior vice president, and associate group
directors Helen Dounias and Jason Torres. They all joined from HSBC in
Glen Oaks, NY.
US Bancorp Investments, an affiliate of US Bank, appointed Benjamin Jensen as a financial advisor in Anacortes, WA.
Jensen has about seven years of experience working in the Anacortes
market and regionally as a financial advisor for another firm.
Investment manager Neuberger Berman ramped up its expertise in the
emerging market debt sector, hiring 22 specialists in this asset class.
Of the new hires, 19 joined from ING Investment Management, where
they managed over $16 billion invested in emerging market debt.
The 22 staff are made up of 12 portfolio managers, six credit
analysts and four economists. They will be based across the US, Europe
and Asia.
They joined a 100-strong fixed income team at Neuberger Berman, led by Brad Tank, chief investment officer of fixed income.
The firm’s new emerging market debt platform is led by Rob
Drijkoningen, based in The Hague, and Gorky Urquieta, based in Atlanta.
Other professionals that joined the firm are: Bart van der Made (The
Hague), Raoul Luttik (The Hague), Jennifer Gorgoll (Atlanta), Nish
Popat (The Hague), and Prashant Singh (Singapore).
Umpqua Bank, part of Umpqua Holdings, expanded its private banking
division into the Puget Sound region of Washington, hiring from Wells
Fargo Private Bank to staff the new operation.
Elise Fortin, who has been in the wealth management industry for
around 25 years, joined Umpqua as senior vice president and market
leader, responsible for the private banking team serving clients in
Seattle and the surrounding area.
Fortin was latterly a senior vice president at Wells Fargo Private
Bank and has also worked in senior sales and business roles at US Trust,
Northern Trust, Key Bank and First Union Bank.
BMO Harris Private Banking, part of BMO Financial Group, promoted
Yannick Archambault to vice president and chief operating officer in
Toronto.
Archambault was replaced in his former role of vice president and
managing director by Alan Desnoyers, who was previously vice president
of personal banking for BMO Bank of Montreal.
Based in Quebec, Desnoyers will lead a team of about 100
professionals who provide services in the areas of banking, investment
management, estate, trust, succession planning and philanthropy.
Ameriprise Financial bolstered its advisor force in six states and
added $960 million in client assets with hires from Morgan Stanley
Wealth Management, Merrill Lynch, Wells Fargo Advisors, UBS Wealth
Management Americas and LPL Financial.
In Connecticut, John Nelson and Jon Nelson joined from Wells Fargo
Advisors, where they managed $125 million in client assets. They are now
based at Ameriprise’s Norwalk office in Fairfield County.
Leasha Flammio-Watson previously managed $90 million in client assets
at Wells Fargo and joins in Melbourne, FL, while Mark Aronson - also
formerly of Wells - joined in Mount Laurel, NJ. Aronson has about 30
years of industry experience and at Wells Fargo managed $126 million in
client assets.
The firm also appointed Jay Geaslen in Alpharetta, GA, from Bank of
America Merrill Lynch. He was an advisor at Merrill for over a decade,
managing $194 million in client assets.
Meanwhile, Norman Howarth joined in Massachusetts from LPL Financial,
which is part of LPL Financial Holdings. Howarth previously managed
$195 million in client assets and is now based in Charlestown.
In Florham Park, NJ, Ameriprise brought in Donald Jones and Trevor
Jones from UBS Wealth Management Americas. The pair managed $80 million
at UBS.
Lastly, William Patton joined Ameriprise from Morgan Stanley Wealth
Management in Virginia Beach, VA. Patton has worked in the industry for
40 years and managed $150 million in client assets at Morgan Stanley.
Chicago-based Northern Trust named Ronnie Powell has head of the
Austin, TX, region, where he will lead a team of people dedicated to
wealth preservation and growth.
Powell has been with the firm since 2006, when he joined after a
career working with both Merrill Lynch and Smith Barney in Dallas, TX.
He replaced Craig Falls, who left the firm.
Powell’s team will focus on wealth management including asset
management, estate planning, trust administration and private banking,
working with individuals, foundations, endowments and privately-held
businesses.
BMO Global Asset Management, part of BMO Financial Group, promoted managing director John Boritzke as head of fixed income.
Boritzke will continue as co-manager of the BMO Intermediate Tax-Free
Strategy, which includes responsibility for separately managed accounts
and the BMO Intermediate Tax-Free Fund.
Boritzke has 30 years of investment experience and will continue to be based in Milwaukee.
He has worked at the firm since 1983 and his past experience includes
duties as manager of the BMO Prime Money Market Fund and the BMO
Government Money Market Fund.
Asia-Pacific
Suncorp Advice, the Australian financial advisory firm,
named Michael Frawley as a new manager for its Queensland business. He assumes the role of
practice development manager for the self-employed advisory division in the
state. He is based in Brisbane.
Frawley previously headed the advice division of independently-licenced
financial planning firm Carwardine Financial Services in Brisbane. Before that, he held advisory
positions at Genesys Wealth and ANZ Bank.
Guardian Advice, the Australian life risk specialist dealer
group, named a new manager for Western and South Australia. Steve Coyle assumed the
role of manager for Western Australia and South Australia, based in Perth. Coyle joined from MLC, where he served
as business growth manager responsible for identifying and recruiting financial
planning businesses into the MLC licensees.
UBS Global Asset Management appointed a head for its
Asia-Pacific global real estate business. Trevor Cooke took on the
newly-created Sydney-based role, reporting to Thomas Wels, head of global real
estate. Cooke is responsible for managing UBS Global AM's Asia-Pacific GRE
team. Prior to UBS, he was a managing director for strategy and international
business development at Queensland Investment Corporation and had also worked
for AMP Capital Brookfield.
Edmond de Rothschild Asset Management appointed a new
equities head in China.
Xing Hu assumed the role of head of Chinese equities, based
in Hong Kong. He is in charge of the funds EdR
Mainland China and EdR China, which
operate under the global emerging markets and commodities team led by Thomas
Gerhardt. Hu was previously the head of the qualified foreign institutional
investors advisory business of Manulife TEDA Asset Management in Beijing. Before that, he
was a fund manager specialising in Greater China and Asia
ex-Japan markets at French firm Salomon Oppenheim Group.
China Renaissance Group appointed a new chief operating
officer. Christine Low took the role after serving as Asia
investment banking COO at UBS. Prior to that, she was part of UBS Securities in
Beijing also as
investment banking COO. In this new post, she reports directly to Fan Bao, the
chief executive.
Eastspring Investments, the asset management subsidiary of
Prudential Asia, named a new retail sales head for Asia.
Koh Hui-Jian assumed the newly created role of head of retail sales for all of Hong Kong, Singapore
and Asia, overseeing entry into the UK and European wholesale market.
Koh had over 17 years of asset management experience. She joined the company in
2011 as head of retail sales in Singapore.
In 2012, she was appointed head of retail sales in Singapore
and Hong Kong.
Mirae Asset Global Investments named a new chief marketing
officer based out of the Hong Kong office.
Ashley Dale assumed this role with immediate effect after serving as chief
executive officer of the Hong Kong business
since April 2012. Dale joined Mirae Asset Securities in London
in 2009 as head of UK
equity sales.
Baring Asset Management appointed Marco Tang to the newly-created
role of head of sales, client service and business development for mutual fund
distribution, across Hong Kong, China and Singapore. Tang joined from JP
Morgan Asset Management, where he was executive director and head of
intermediary business.
Houlihan Lokey appointed a new Asia
head to the lead the firm's corporate finance, restructuring and financial
advisory businesses across the region. David Timblick is the managing director
and head of Asia (including Japan).
He replaced David Putnam, who has left the company. Timblick joined from Lazard
Asia, where he worked for the last 14 years, most recently as head of the Asia advisory practice.
Vivian Chan, managing director and market leader at Credit
Suisse’s private bank in Hong Kong resigned,
as did team member Harry Lai. Chan led a team of relationship managers in Hong Kong, including Lai, Catarina Karlsson, Michael
Yong-Haron, Nelson Leung, Peter So. Before joining Credit Suisse in 2006, Lai
had accumulated 20 years of international private banking experience at firms
including JP Morgan, Citi and Barclays, as well as serving as acting head of
Rabobank Hong Kong.
Northern Trust has named a new country manager for its Hong Kong business. Brian Ovaert, at the US bank for the last 21 years, took the lead
role in Hong Kong, after serving as chief executive of Northern Operating
Services in Bangalore, India. In addition to this role, he
also was the Asia-Pacific regional head of operations and technology for
Northern Trust. Even with the new Hong Kong-based appointment, he retains the
O&T position, overseeing teams in Singapore,
Hong Kong, Melbourne and Bangalore.
Jupiter Asset Management appointed Peter Swarbreck as head
of its Asia-Pacific business. Swarbreck, who is based in Jupiter’s Hong Kong office, is responsible for driving business
growth in the region. He joined last year from BlackRock and has also held
senior business development and client relationship management roles with
Mercury Asset Management and Merrill Lynch Investment Managers.
UBS Wealth Management’s former head of fund selection,
Stanley Ngan, joined Sun Life Hong Kong as head of asset management and
pensions. Ngan took on the newly created position on 16 April and reports to
Belinda Luk, senior vice president of Sun Life’s pensions and group business.
The head of wealth management and retail banking at the
Indian unit of HSBC Holdings left the firm. Gannesh Bharadhwaj, who led the
division since July 2010, has left the bank for personal reasons.
Morrison & Foerster, the international law firm that
specialises in the financial services industry, has relocated one of its
partners to Singapore
as part of efforts to expand in the Asia-Pacific region. Daniel Levison moves
to the city-state after over 12 years serving the Tokyo office. He is known for his work on
white-collar dispute resolution matters for clients across the ASEAN, China and Japan.
Aviva Investors named a business head for Asia-Pacific. Lim
Beng Eu assumed the newly-created role of head of business development,
bringing with him over 15 years of experience in developing tailored client
solutions in the region. Lim joined the company in 2011 as head of the institutional
business development team. Before Aviva, he was head of the investment
management services team at Turner Investments.
Royal Bank of Scotland scrapped the position
leading the Asia-Pacific markets and international banking unit as part of a
reorganisation effort. John McCormick, group chairman and chief executive of
the said division, left the company after 17 years, seven of which were spent
in Asia. Donald Workman, the head of the asset
protection scheme unit, replaced McCormick as the new executive chairman of RBS
Asia-Pacific. Workman, who has been with RBS for 21 years, reports to John
Owen, CEO of international banking, and Suneel Kamlani and Peter Nielsen, the
co-CEOS of markets. He also leads the Asia-Pacific executive committee and
attends the RBS group executive committee. Pierre Ferland, head of markets for
Asia-Pacific, and Madan Menon, head of international banking in the region,
report to him.
The Monetary Authority of Singapore announced a number of
re-appointments to its board of directors. Tharman Shanmugaratnam retained the
position of chairman of the board from 21 May 2013 until 31 May 2015. Ravi
Menon stayed both as managing director of MAS and member of the MAS board of
directors for a further two-year term, starting 1 June 2013.
Heng Swee Keat and Lawrence Wong Shyun Tsai were
re-appointed as minister for education and acting minister for culture,
community and youth and senior minister of state (communications and
information), respectively, also with effect from 1 June with a two-year term. The
other members of the board are Lim Hng Kiang, deputy chairman and minister for
trade and industry, Lim Chee Onn, senior international advisor, Peter Ong Boon
Kwee, permanent secretary, Tan Chorh Chuan, president, and Quek See Tiat,
chairman, Building and Construction Authority.
Mani Sitaraman was appointed managing director and market
head for the non-resident India
and South Asia client segment for CIC Banque
Privee. He was previously managing director at BSI Bank Singapore and head of
wealth management services at that firm; prior to that, Sitaraman was executive
vice president at RBS Coutts (now Coutts), where he was market head, South East
Asia and NRI Asia.
Deutsche Bank appointed Philip Lee as chief country officer
for Singapore and vice
chairman for South East Asia, with effect from
8 July. Lee took over from Ronny Tan as Singapore chief country officer. Tan
continued with the bank as vice chairman, Singapore. Lee was previously with
JP Morgan from 1995, where he most recently held the roles of senior country
officer, Singapore,
and chief executive, South East.
Clifford Chance added three new partners to its Asian
franchise, bringing its regional total to 86 partners as of 1 May 2013. Matthew
Buchanan and Melissa Ng join the Singapore office as construction
and infrastructure project finance specialist and M&A corporate advisor,
respectively. Jiahua Ni joined the Shanghai
branch as banking and finance expert.
Switzerland
UBS appointed Caroline Kuhnert as its new
head of ultra high net worth global emerging markets.
Based in Zurich, Kuhnert reports to Paul
Raphael, head of wealth management for global emerging markets, and Joe
Stadler, global head of UHNW.
Previously, Kuhnert headed up UBS’s
international wealth management business in London, and has also held a number
of leadership roles at UBS Investment Bank, Creditanstalt Austria and
International Moscow Bank.
Europe
Barclays Wealth and Investment Management
hired Julie Fairclough as director and deputy local platform manager for its
wealth advisory division in Jersey.
Fairclough, with more than 13 years’
experience in financial services, joined from Royal Bank of Canada, where she
worked as head of transformation. She is responsible for Barclays’ Jersey trust
business as well as developing relationships with clients.
London-based Henderson Global Investors'
€15 billion (around $19 billion) property business named Paul-Eric Perchaud and
Julien Chaperon as portfolio managers for its French team.
Based in Paris and reporting to Ara
Adjennian, both men work across Henderson Property’s French retail portfolio.
Deutsche Bank, Germany's largest bank by
assets, appointed Bruno Hallak as chief country officer for France, succeeding
Marc Pandraud.
Pandraud was named head of client
franchise development and vice-chairman of corporate finance in Europe, the Middle
East and Africa, effective from 1 June.
Emmanuel Hasbanian and Julien Fabre were
promoted to co-heads of investment banking coverage and advisory for France.
Hallak was previously head of investment
banking coverage and advisory for France. Prior to joining Deutsche Bank in
2009, he was chairman of Merrill Lynch capital markets in France.
Asset Risk Consultants, the investment
services and performance tracking firm, hired Paul Meader, a former senior
figure at Collins Stewart Wealth Management, to launch the firm’s new fund
solutions division.
Meader was previously head of Guernsey
Portfolio Management at Collins Stewart, and former chairman of the Guernsey
International Business Association.
Van Lanschot, the Dutch private bank,
named Richard Bruens as head of its private banking business unit, effective 1
August.
Bruens joined the bank from ABN AMRO,
where he was global head of private wealth management, and global head of
products and solutions.
Bruens began his career at ABN AMRO, where
he held various managerial positions at the global markets division and the
head office. In 2007, he joined the executive committee of Renaissance Capital
in Moscow, before returning to ABN AMRO in 2010.
KBL European Private Bankers, the parent
company of UK-based private bank Brown Shipley, made three new appointments to
its senior management team. Frédéric Genet, Marc Lauwer and Yves Stein joined
the firm’s executive committee, based in Luxembourg.
Genet, who joined KBL as chief executive,
professional services, was previously a CEO at Société Générale Bank and Trust,
while Lauwer was latterly head of retail and commercial banking at Belfius Bank
in Belgium. Before that, he served as chief operating officer at Dexia Bank
Belgium and as CEO of Dexia Banka Slovensko, based in Slovakia. Stein joined
KBL from Union Bancaire Privée in Luxembourg, where he served as CEO. Before
that, he was director general, private banking at BNP Paribas Switzerland.
Carne Group, which advises fund managers
on how to govern their businesses, made two appointments to bolster its risk
management expertise.
Investment professionals Albert
Prendiville and Gerry Grimes joined Carne to deliver risk management.
Prendiville joined from Commerzbank Europe, where he was head of treasury in
Ireland. Prior to this he was a senior manager with responsibility for a
trading desk at KBC in Ireland. He has also worked at Dresdner Bank and Capel
Cure Myers.
Grimes is a risk professional with over 30
years of experience in financial markets, including as the founder and managing
director of the alternative investments business at Allied Irish Capital
Management. He also worked at the Central Bank of Ireland, where he held a
number of senior roles, including head of money markets and head of official
external reserves management.
International
US-based Ameriprise HYPERLINK
"http://www.wealthbriefing.com/html/results_cms.php?formsearchtype=all_dates&keywords=Ameriprise%20Financial" Financial bolstered its advisor force in six states
and added $960 million in client assets with hires from Morgan Stanley Wealth
Management, Merrill Lynch, Wells Fargo Advisors, UBS Wealth Management Americas
and LPL Financial.
In Connecticut,
John Nelson and Jon Nelson joined from Wells Fargo Advisors, where they managed
$125 million in client assets. They are now based at Ameriprise’s Norwalk
office in Fairfield County.
Leasha
Flammio-Watson previously managed $90 million in client assets at Wells Fargo
and joined in Melbourne, Florida, while Mark Aronson - also formerly of
Wells - joined in Mount Laurel, New Jersey. Aronson has about 30 years of
industry experience and at Wells Fargo managed $126 million in client assets.
The firm also
appointed Jay Geaslen in Alpharetta, Georgia, from Bank of America Merrill
Lynch. He was an advisor at Merrill for over a decade, managing $194
million in client assets.
Geneva-headquartered
Lombard Odier Investment Managers hired Carolina Minio-Paluello as deputy chief
investment officer.
Based in London,
Minio-Paluello helps to build on the firm’s risk-based approach to portfolio
construction for institutional clients. She reports to the firm's chief
investment officer, Jan Straatman. Minio-Paluello joined from Citigroup, where
she was head of Europe, the Middle East and Africa for equity and private
investor solutions.
Royal Bank of
Canada’s wealth management arm made three senior banker hires.
Samuel Witjaksono
was hired as executive director, RBC Wealth Management and brought with him
over 30 years of banking experience. Witjaksono was joined by newly appointed
directors, Reto Caviezel and Kusnadi Sudikarman, who each have more than 20
years of banking experience.
The trio came from
Sarasin, having previously worked at UBS. They are based in Singapore,
reporting to Febby Avianto, managing director and market manager, who joined
RBC earlier this year, also from Sarasin.
BNY Mellon
Investment Management appointed Bruce Feibel as head of performance analytics,
and he oversees the firm's performance and risk analysis processes.
Reporting to
Cynthia Steer, head of manager research and investment solutions, Feibel
analyses the factors that drive returns and create risks for investment
strategies and portfolios. Feibel joined BNY Mellon in 1999 and prior to his
new role was head of strategy for the global investment services business.
BNY Mellon Wealth
Management made four senior hires in Southern California, as part of a
"major focus" on expanding its West Coast presence.
Sales director Bob
Robinson, senior wealth director John Zarchen, and sales director Rob Vickery
are based in Los Angeles and report to regional president Larry Miles. Senior
director Eric McMullen is based in Newport Beach, reporting to senior director
Ben McGloin.
Robinson joined
from Welton Investment, where from 2007 until February of this year he served
as managing director of business development. Prior to that, he was director of
sales for the western division of Quality Home Loans.
Zarchen joined from
Wells Fargo Private Bank, where he spent over four years as a senior vice
president and national manager. Vickery was formerly part of the wealth and
international division at Lloyds Banking Group. McMullen spent the previous
eight years as senior vice president and wealth management division director at
First Midwest Bank in Chicago.
Canada-based CIBC
Global Asset Management made two senior appointments, including a chief
investment officer, to strengthen its portfolio management team.
Suzann Pennington
has been appointed managing director and CIO, while Stephen Carlin starts as a
vice president and senior portfolio manager for Canadian equities.
Pennington will
oversee all of CGAM’s portfolio management and research efforts, but will
remain as head of equities and continue to manage the Canadian all-cap mandate.
Jane Fraser, who
has been chief executive of Citigroup’s private bank for the past four years,
has been replaced by Mark Mason as Fraser took up the post as new head of the
US bank’s mortgage business.
Mason, who has
taken on the top job at private banking, has been CEO of Citi Holdings. In
turn, Francesco Vanni d'Archirafi, who leads Citigroup's transaction services
business, has taken over as CEO of Citi Holdings, the division that holds all
non-core assets that Citi is winding down or selling.
Latin America
UBS appointed
Sylvia Coutinho as chief executive of UBS Group Brazil, effective when its
current CEO Lywal Salles retires on 24 June.
Coutinho was
previously head of retail banking and wealth management for Latin America and
asset management for the Americas at HSBC. She has also worked in a number of
other senior Americas-based roles at that firm - primarily in wealth
management, private banking and asset management. | ||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 2 | 3 | https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/news-wires-white-papers-and-books/william-ewart-gladstone | en | William Ewart Gladstone | [
"https://www.encyclopedia.com/themes/custom/trustme/images/header-logo.jpg"
] | [] | [] | [
"William Ewart Gladstone1809-1898 British prime minister Sources"
] | null | [] | null | William Ewart Gladstone1809-1898 British prime minister Sources Source for information on William Ewart Gladstone: World Eras dictionary. | en | /sites/default/files/favicon.ico | https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/news-wires-white-papers-and-books/william-ewart-gladstone | 1809-1898
British prime minister
Sources
Religious Upbringing. William Ewart Gladstone was born in Liverpool to John Gladstone, a prosperous merchant of Scottish origin. His devoutly evangelical upbringing profoundly influenced his life. Gladstone distinguished himself at Christ Church, University of Oxford, but after much soul-searching he chose politics rather than a career in the church. Nevertheless, his religious convictions remained strong throughout his life. In 1839 he married Catherine Glynne; they had eight children.
Political Development. Gladstone was first elected to Parliament in 1832 with the Conservative Party. Throughout the 1830s the young Gladstone opposed almost all reform; his first speeches defended slavery in the West Indies and the Church of England. In 1843 he became president of the Board of Trade in the Conservative cabinet of Sir Robert Peel. Gladstone supported Peel’s movement toward free trade, but in 1846, when Peel repealed the Corn Laws to help stave off starvation in Ireland and England, the Conservative Party lost the support of the landed elites, and Peel’s government collapsed. Between 1846 and 1859 Gladstone was politically isolated. During this isolation his views changed from conservative to liberal because of the horrific famine in Ireland and the general fear that it could lead to an 1848-style revolution as had occurred in France. Religious intolerance in Great Britain, especially the exclusion of Jews and Catholics from government, had long irritated Gladstone’s powerful religious convictions: his political isolation facilitated the transformation of this irritation into political action. He also supported the cause of Italian nationalism and unity. In 1859 he joined the Liberals and served as chancellor of the exchequer under Lord Palmerston. He gradually accepted the idea of an expanded voting franchise as a means of defusing the dangerous tensions that were building in British society; this made him a champion of the lower classes. In 1866 Gladstone proposed an amendment to the Reform Acts, which would further enfranchise the working class by using monetary amounts paid to landlords as qualifiers. This act, in effect, would allow people without land the right to vote. The proposal failed, however. Benjamin Disraeli, Gladstone’s great rival, presented an amendment that was more palatable to the British social and political elites: financial qualifications for voting rights were lowered, and householders, including many urban workers, were included in the franchise. Disraeli’s bill passed in 1867.
First Ministry. In his first ministry (1868–1874) Gladstone’s reform record was impressive. One of his most significant acts was to create a national elementary education program for all British children (1870). His government made major reforms in the justice system, making the central courts more efficient; in the civil service, basing employment on merit; and in the military, abolishing the purchase of army commissions. Perhaps Gladstone’s most difficult policy project was his effort to resolve the festering conflict in Ireland. The Irish had long demanded independence from Britain. However, the Potato Famine and the British government’s unwillingness to alleviate the situation had radicalized many formerly moderate Irish people and had led to considerable violence. The British government, which had traditionally been unwilling to grant Ireland any autonomy, was even more opposed to Irish independence after the waves of violence began. The majority of the Irish population was Roman Catholic. However, several hundred years under the yoke of British imperialism had brought many Anglican and Presbyterian settlers from Great Britain to Ireland, most of whom became powerful landlords. Gladstone removed support for the Anglican Church in Ireland: Irish Catholics were no longer forced to pay taxes to support it. Irish tenant farmers had long been vulnerable to surprise evictions by their British landlords; Gladstone ameliorated this situation by requiring that the landlords pay compensation to any evicted tenants. The wealthy and propertied of Britain, however, grew worried that the changing voting franchise would upset their traditional political power—in 1874 the Conservatives were voted into office with Disraeli as Prime Minister.
Second Ministry. Gladstone was sharply critical of the practices of the Disraeli government in Britain’s overseas empire. During the election of 1880 Gladstone’s cogent opposition to the British annexation of the South African Republic, the Afrikaner (or Boer) state in the Transvaal region of what is now northern South Africa, won him many supporters. Gladstone felt that the annexation of South Africa was morally wrong but also worried about Great Britain’s ability to protect such a distant and unstable place. His critiques were well taken by the voters; he won the election of 1880 and resumed his place as prime minister. The Reform Act of 1884 was the most important piece of legislation in Gladstone’s second ministry. This act further lowered financial qualifications for voters and extended the vote to many rural citizens. He ushered in the Land Act of 1881, which gave Irish tenant farmers greater control over the land they farmed, through Parliament, but peace remained elusive. In 1884, for example, the chief secretary and the undersecretary for Ireland were assassinated by Irish radicals. While Gladstone had come to believe that Irish home rule was necessary if further violence were to be prevented, his views were not popular in Parliament. In foreign affairs he was criticized for abandoning the Transvaal to the Afrikaners in 1881; for bombarding Alexandria during an Egyptian revolt; and for failing to get relief troops to the Sudan in time to prevent the death of Charles “Chinese” Gordon, a popular British general, in 1885. Gladstone and his cabinet were slow to react to problems in the empire—he argued that continued imperial expansion was morally unjustifiable and amounted to slavery.
Third and Fourth Ministries. Gladstone’s third (1886) and fourth (1892–1894) ministries were dominated by his pursuit of home rule for Ireland. His first Irish home-rule bill (1886) split the Liberal Party: many Liberals saw the Irish as little more than rabid animals and refused to support any reduction in British power over Ireland. In 1893 a second home-rule bill passed the House of Commons but was rejected by the House of Lords. Gladstone wanted to continue to struggle for Irish home rule, but his cabinet, many of whom worried about the effect the fight would have on their careers, refused. He therefore resigned as prime minister in 1894 and retired.
Impact. He died of cancer at the age of eighty-eight and was buried in Westminster Abbey. Gladstone mobilized an idealistic liberalism in the British public; he believed that government reform could improve life for all British citizens. His efforts to increase the voting franchise to include urban workers and farm laborers defused dangerous social tensions and probably prevented a revolution in Britain. His sponsorship of public education also allowed the children of these same laborers the hope of upward mobility. The Liberal Party grew strong under Gladstone, and his governments provided political stability in England for almost three decades. He was guided by firm religious beliefs, he distrusted imperialism, and he decried mistreatment of people throughout the world.
Sources
D. A. Hamer, Liberal Politics in the Age of Gladstone and Rosebery: A Study in Leadership and Policy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972).
Roy Jenkins, Gladstone, a Biography (New York: Random House, 1997).
H. C. Matthew, Gladstone, 1809-1874 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986). | |||||
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Gladstone’s father, John Gladstone (1764–1851), was a Scottish-born Liverpool merchant and the owner of sugar plantations in the West Indies that ran on enslaved workers. A leading advocate for slave owners, Gladstone senior sought to obstruct or delay the emancipation of the enslaved. After emancipation passed into law he adopted the ‘coolie’ system of bringing in indentured labourers from the Indian sub-continent, before eventually selling his West Indian property.
William Gladstone himself – born in Liverpool, and educated at Eton and Christ Church Oxford – used his first speech in Parliament to defend his father against charges of cruelty to enslaved workers, while admitting that cases of this did exist. ‘He deprecated cruelty – he deprecated slavery; it was abhorrent to the nature of Englishmen; but … were not Englishmen to retain a right to their own honestly and legally acquired property?’, he asked.
On this basis, Gladstone argued for financial compensation for slave owners, and he himself benefited from his father’s tainted fortune. Later, he spoke in favour of the breakaway Confederate States in America. But he came to regret this, and in his later career was associated with internationalism and upholding the rights of non-Europeans. He told an audience in 1879 that the life of an Afghan hill villager was ‘as inviolable in the eye of Almighty God as … your own’.
Career
Gladstone began his political career as a Conservative. He served under the premiership of Sir Robert Peel as President of the Board of Trade (1843–5) and Colonial Secretary (1845–56). He supported Peel over the repeal of the Corn Laws and gravitated towards the Liberal Party, of which he became leader in 1867.
Gladstone had two stints as Chancellor of the Exchequer (1852–5 and 1859–66) in governments led by Lord Aberdeen and Lord Palmerston. His emphasis was on low government spending and free trade: he planned a notable trade deal with France, executed by Richard Cobden.
Gladstone was Prime Minister for a record four spells (1868–74, 1880–85, 1886 and 1892–94), and twice he combined this office with that of Chancellor (1873–74 and 1880–82). He was 82 when his final term at the top began – another record that still stands.
Irish ‘Home Rule’ and Other Reforms
‘My mission is to pacify Ireland’ was Gladstone’s comment on forming his first government in 1868. He disestablished the Anglican Church there in 1869 – the vast majority of Ireland’s population was Roman Catholic – and his Land Acts of 1870 and 1881 addressed economic grievances by giving greater rights to tenants. There were harsher measures too, such as the imprisonment of the Irish leader Charles Stewart Parnell.
However, Gladstone’s attempts to grant Ireland a measure of independence with ‘home rule’ in 1886 and 1893 both failed to get through Parliament and split the Liberal Party in the process.
Gladstone had more success with other reforms. His government brought in the first national system of elementary education in England, Wales and Scotland (1870–72), introduced the secret ballot for elections (1872) – before that voting was public, which made intimidation easy – and passed the 1884 Reform Act, which extended the vote to almost all adult males. His Railway Act of 1844 allowed for some regulation of fares and even made provision for the state acquisition of railways.
Foreign Policy and Private Life
Gladstone has been characterised as a reluctant imperialist. He was firm in his opposition to the Opium Wars but supported ‘the empire of settlement’ in Canada, Australia and New Zealand. He opposed further imperial expansion, but even while Prime Minister, his own views did not always prevail: the bombardment of Alexandria and invasion of Egypt took place under his premiership (1882) as did the first Boer War in South Africa (1880–81).
In 1879, during his Midlothian campaign for election for that Scottish constituency, Gladstone set out six principles for British foreign policy. They included ‘the love of freedom’ and ‘the equal rights of all nations’ and were an influence upon the founders of the League of Nations, among them US President Woodrow Wilson and Lord Robert Cecil.
Gladstone was a great political orator. Queen Victoria (who disliked him) complained that he spoke to her as if she were a public meeting. He was also a formidable classical scholar – among his works was Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age (1858). He kept a daily diary which recorded – among much else – his self-administered beatings for the lustful thoughts he had while attempting to ‘rescue’ women who earned their living by prostitution. He carried on this missionary work even while he was Prime Minster.
Carlton House Terrace
From 1840, Gladstone and his family lived in three different houses in Carlton House Terrace – all built in a monumental Graeco-Roman style by John Nash in 1827–33 – and at another nearby in Carlton Gardens. 11 Carlton House Terrace was their London home from April 1856 until April 1875, and bears Gladstone’s highly glazed plaque with its attractive laurel-leaf border, made by Doulton.
Gladstone lived here with his wife, Catherine, and their family – they had eight children. At home, the couple read the Bible together daily and there were regular household prayers: Gladstone belonged to the evangelical wing of the Church of England.
Gladstone’s period at the house coincided with a second stint as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and with the first of his four premierships, which saw him take office in 1868. On leaving he wrote that he ‘had grown to the house, having lived more time in it than in any other since I was born, and mainly by reason of all that was done in it’.
His government lost a general election in 1874, and he resigned as Liberal Party leader the following year. There was a mortgage debt of £4,500 on number 11. So with economy in mind, Gladstone sold the house and some of his art collection, and in 1876 moved his family to 73 Harley Street for what was intended to be retirement. This house is also marked by a plaque, as is Gladstone’s later home in St James’s Square. | ||||||
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wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 30 | https://www.encyclopedia.com/people/history/british-and-irish-history-biographies/william-ewart-gladstone | en | William Ewart Gladstone | [
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] | null | [] | null | *Gladstone, William Ewart* (1809–98). Statesman and author. Gladstone was one of the longest serving of British politicians and one of the most controversial. He was in office every decade from the 1830s to the 1890s, starting as a Tory [1], ending as a Liberal [2]-radical prime minister [3]. | en | /sites/default/files/favicon.ico | https://www.encyclopedia.com/people/history/british-and-irish-history-biographies/william-ewart-gladstone | Gladstone, William Ewart
Gladstone, William Ewart (1809–98). Statesman and author. Gladstone was one of the longest serving of British politicians and one of the most controversial. He was in office every decade from the 1830s to the 1890s, starting as a Tory, ending as a Liberal-radical prime minister. He was born in Liverpool on 29 December 1809, the son of Anne and John Gladstone, a merchant from Scotland who made his family's fortune in the Baltic and American corn trade. Gladstone was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford, and from the start was marked out for success in public life. Intensely religious, initially in the evangelical tradition taught him by his mother, he at first felt drawn to ordination in the Church of England, but not sufficiently to go against his father's objections. While president of the Oxford Union, he strongly opposed the Whigs' proposals for parliamentary reform and was elected to the Commons as a Tory in December 1832. Influenced by both Coleridge and the Oxford movement, he published The State in its Relations with the Church (1838) and Church Principles (1840) arguing that the Church of England should be the moral conscience of the state; Macaulay, in a savage refutation of Gladstone's arguments, called him ‘the rising hope of those stern and unbending tories’. In Peel's government 1841–5 he was vice-president and then president of the Board of Trade. This experience made him a firm free trader. He resigned in 1845 over the Maynooth grant, returning in 1846 to be briefly colonial secretary and to support repeal of the Corn Laws (though he was not during that year in the Commons) and to become a leader of the Peelite group. In the 1840s Gladstone thus left the Tory Party and reorientated his political and religious position.
In 1839 he married Catherine Glynne, of an old north Wales family; between 1840 and 1854 they had eight children.
In 1852, as a member of the Aberdeen coalition, he began the first of his four terms as chancellor of the Exchequer (the others were 1859–66, 1873–4, and 1880–2); his greatest budgets were those of 1853 and 1860. Gladstonian finance emphasized a balanced budget (i.e. with no deficit), minimum central government spending, the abolition of all protective tariffs, and a fair balance between direct and indirect taxes (Gladstone hoped to abolish income tax, which he disliked, and to replace it with other direct taxes). In his 1853 budget he repealed about 140 duties; in 1860 he repealed duties on 371 articles, many of them as a consequence of the treaty with France which he planned and Richard Cobden negotiated. His plan for phased abolition of income tax was ruined by the costs of the Crimean War.
Gladstone saw the budget as the chief moment of the parliamentary year—a national commitment to sound finance. Finance was, he said, ‘the stomach of the country, from which all other organs take their tone’. He deliberately made the presentation of the budget a dramatic and controversial political event. His budgetary strategy was accompanied by the imposition of Treasury control on a more professional civil service (deriving from the Northcote–Trevelyan Report which Gladstone commissioned) and financial accountability through the Public Accounts Committee which he set up. Gladstone had an explosive political character, which occasionally spilled over into outburst; but his reputation for sound finance gave him a firm political bedrock.
In the 1850s and 1860s Gladstone emerged as a politician of clear national standing with a reputation for oratory. Though MP for Oxford University from 1847 to 1866, and though initially supporting the South in the American Civil War, he began to take increasingly radical positions, especially on questions like parliamentary reform, and his statement in 1864, that ‘any man who is not presumably incapacitated … is morally entitled to come within the pale of the constitution’, seemed to mark him out as the future leader of the party of progress. However, the modest Reform Bill proposed by Gladstone and Russell in 1866 led to the temporary disintegration of the Liberal Party and the resignation of the government. Gladstone responded with increasingly radical demands on other questions, such as the abolition of compulsory church rates and disestablishment of the Irish church. Campaigning on these questions, he led the Liberals to win the 1868 election and became prime minister in December 1868: on receiving the queen's telegram of summons he remarked, ‘My mission is to pacify Ireland’. In his first government, one of the greatest of British reforming administrations, he disestablished the Irish church (1869), passed an important Irish Land Bill (1870), but failed with his Irish University Bill (1873, when the government resigned, only for Disraeli to refuse to take office). This government also abolished purchase of commissions in the army and religious tests in the universities; it established the secret ballot and, for the first time, a national education system in England, Wales, and Scotland (1870–2). However, a series of scandals in 1873–4 damaged the government's standing. Gladstone called and lost a snap general election in January 1874 with a quixotic plan to abolish income tax; he then announced his retirement (often previously contemplated) from the party leadership.
Gladstone, 64 in 1874, expected a retirement of writing and scholarship. He was already an established if idiosyncratic authority on Homer with his Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age (1858) and a frequent book reviewer. In his lifetime he published over 30 books and pamphlets and about 200 articles, chiefly on classical, theological, literary, and contemporary political topics. His articles provided a useful source of income when out of office and enabled him to retain the centre of the political stage even when in opposition. Gladstone had that rare gift of being thought to be controversial even when at his most anodyne; no public figure has more easily kept a place in the limelight.
In his pamphlets of 1851–2 and a stream of subsequent works, Gladstone opposed the ‘temporal power’ of the papacy. He opposed the declaration of papal infallibility in 1870 and denounced ‘Vaticanism’ in 1874–5. He nurtured links between Orthodoxy and Anglicanism as an antidote to Roman catholicism's hegemonic claims. Not surprisingly, therefore, he was swiftly drawn into the Bulgarian atrocities campaign in 1876. A series of speeches and pamphlets broadened into a general attack on ‘Beaconsfieldism’ and having fought the Midlothian campaign 1879–80 he was elected MP for Midlothian. He thus had a Scottish constituency, a Welsh home (his wife Catherine's house, Hawarden castle), and widespread English connections. He had become that very rare phenomenon, a fully ‘British’ politician. He again became prime minister in 1880. His second government passed an important Irish Land Act (1881) and, after initial rejection by the Lords, the Reform Act of 1884; but it failed to establish elected local government for Ireland or for Great Britain.
Since the 1860s, Gladstone had tried to pacify Ireland by accommodating Irish demands. He accompanied the concessionary Land Act (1881) with coercion, imprisoning C. S. Parnell, and breaking the power of the Irish Land League. From 1882, disregarding the set-back of the Phoenix Park murders, he sought to encourage the constitutional character of the Home Rule movement. His government resigned in 1885, unable to agree on local government for Ireland. Gladstone encouraged Parnell to bring forward a Home Rule proposal and fought the general election of November 1885 on a manifesto which carefully did not exclude it. In January 1886, his son Herbert having flown the ‘Hawarden Kite’ and Lord Salisbury having turned down Gladstone's proposal that the Tory government introduce a Home Rule measure with bipartisan support, Gladstone formed his third cabinet with ministers pledged to inquire into Home Rule. He had come to see devolution as the best means of maintaining Ireland within the United Kingdom, as well as having substantial advantages for the United Kingdom as a whole. He drew up a Home Rule Bill, providing for a legislature with two Houses in Dublin and with a generous financial settlement for the Irish, and he proposed to accompany it with a substantial Land Purchase Bill (to buy out the Anglo-Irish landowners). This bold settlement was too bold for his party and the Government of Ireland Bill was defeated in the Commons in June 1886, many Liberal Unionists defecting and eventually forming their own party. The government did, however, pass the Crofters' Act for Scotland, one of the few significant land-tenure reforms ever passed for the mainland. Gladstone called a general election and resigned on losing it. The 1886 proposal was probably the best chance the British had for a constitutional settlement which retained Ireland within the Union.
In foreign policy, Gladstone stood for an international order governed by morality and based on an updated Concert of Europe. To achieve this he was, unlike many free traders, ready to intervene diplomatically or if necessary militarily. His first government submitted the Alabama dispute to international arbitration and paid the consequent hefty fine, thus clearing the way for good relations with the USA. In the Midlothian campaign, Gladstone laid out ‘six principles’ of foreign policy, which recognized the equal rights of nations and the blessings of peace—these principles were extremely influential in world-wide liberal thought, and especially on President Woodrow Wilson and the liberals planning the League of Nations. In office in the 1880s, however, Gladstone found himself intervening in unpalatable ways; to maintain order, as he came to see it, in Egypt, he bombarded Alexandria in 1882 and then invaded Egypt in what was intended as a brief occupation to remove ‘extreme’ nationalists. Egypt proved, however, to be the ‘nest egg’ of Britain's north and central African empire. In 1881, war against the Boers in South Africa included the public-relations disaster of Majuba Hill. Order had also to be established in the Sudan and Gladstone, despite misgivings, failed to prevent Lord Hartington and others sending Charles Gordon to a Sudanese imbroglio partly of Gordon's own making; Gordon's death in 1885 was a further embarrassment to a beleaguered government. Gladstone always opposed imperial expansion and annexation, arguing—in a vein now common among economic historians—that expansion into tropical areas was a dangerous deflection from Britain's true economic and strategic interests (he was, however, a keen proponent of development of the ‘white’ empire). But he always lost the decision (if not the argument) and was an unwilling party to major imperial expansion in Africa and the Pacific.
Gladstone was aged 75 when his first Government of Ireland Bill was defeated. Now committed to campaigning for another attempt, he led the Liberal Party in opposition 1886–92 (his first period as formal opposition leader), winning the general election of 1892 despite the set-back of the split of the Home Rule party in 1890. In 1892 he formed his fourth and last government. In 1893 he successfully piloted his second Government of Ireland Bill through the Commons after 82 sittings; the Lords then brusquely rejected it, as they did many of the government's other proposals. Throughout his life Gladstone had battled to keep down defence expenditure. Already defeated in his attempt in 1892 to withdraw from Uganda, his final political struggle was an unsuccessful dispute with his own cabinet over naval expansion in 1893–4. His eyesight deteriorating, he finally resigned the premiership in March 1894, aged 84. He completed his edition of the works of Joseph Butler, the 18th-cent. theologian, and died on Ascension Day, 19 May 1898.
Gladstone stood 5 feet 10½ inches, with a large head and a powerful voice. He was always spry, his fitness maintained by long walks and his legendary tree-felling. Intense sexuality competed in his character with equally intense religious belief, and he had difficulty maintaining the two in balance when he undertook his ‘rescue’ work with prostitutes. These inner struggles combined with outward confidence to make him a very characteristic Victorian. His enduring governmental monument was the establishment of a tight code of financial principles, which remained influential long after the type of economy they were intended to serve had passed away. In British politics Gladstone was the most successful of non-Tory political leaders. Among executive politicians he has had few rivals in range and staying power, or in the capacity to meet new challenges with fresh policies. His use of speech-making and political meetings to bring great political questions before the people helped to integrate the mass electorate after 1867 and set a style which has influenced democratic countries ever since.
H. C. G. Matthew
Bibliography
Hammond, J. L. Gladstone and the Irish Nation (1938);
Matthew, H. C. G. , Gladstone 1809–1874 (Oxford, 1986);
Gladstone 1875–1898 (Oxford, 1995);
Morley, J. , Life of Gladstone (3 vols., 1903);
Ramm, A. , William Ewart Gladstone (Cardiff, 1989);
Vincent, J. , The Formation of the Liberal Party 1857–68 (1966).
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William Ewart Gladstone
William Ewart Gladstone
The English statesman William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898) led the Liberal party and served as prime minister four times. His strong religious sense was an integral part of his political and social policies.
William Gladstone was born in Liverpool on Dec. 29, 1809. His parents were of Scottish descent. His father, Sir John Gladstone, was descended from the Gledstanes of Lanarkshire; he had moved to Liverpool and become a wealthy merchant. William's mother, Anne Robertson of Stornaway, was John Gladstone's second wife, and William was the fifth child and fourth son of this marriage. He was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford; he took from his school days a sustained love for the classics and experience in debating. He was president of the Oxford Union and denounced the Parliamentary Reform Bill in a speech in 1831.
Gladstone graduated in December 1831, and a parliamentary career followed a brief sojourn in Italy in 1832. He, who was to become the great Liberal leader, was originally elected as a Tory from the pocket borough of Newark, and his major interest at the beginning was the Church of England, which he had seriously considered as a career. His maiden speech in June 1833 was a defense of West Indian slave owners with examples drawn from his father's plantations. His first book, The State in Its Relations with the Church (1838), was a defense of the established Church. In 1839 he married Catherine Glynne; the marriage was a happy one and gave to Gladstone important connections with the old Whig aristocracy.
Conversion to Liberalism
The 1840s saw Gladstone begin his move from right to left in politics. This meant a shift from High Tory (Conservative) to Liberal and a change in primary interest from defending High Church Anglicans to a concentration on financial reform. This change in Gladstone's outlook came in Sir Robert Peel's ministry of 1841-1846, in which Gladstone served as vice president and finally (1843) as president of the Board of Trade. The budget of 1842 was a move toward free trade with duties on hundreds of articles repealed or reduced, and Gladstone contributed much to this new tariff schedule. He resigned in 1845 on a religious issue—the increased grant to the Roman Catholic Maynooth College in Ireland—but returned to office in the same year as secretary of state for the colonies. The Corn Law repeal brought the Peel ministry down in 1846 and temporarily ended Gladstone's political career.
At the same time Gladstone severed his connections with Newark, which was controlled by the protectionist Duke of Newcastle, and in 1847 was elected member of Parliament for the University of Oxford. On the death of Peel in 1850 Gladstone moved to a new position of strength in the ranks of the Peelites (Tory liberals). His brilliant speech in 1852 attacking the budget proposed by Benjamin Disraeli brought about the fall of Lord Derby's government, and Gladstone became chancellor of the Exchequer in a coalition government headed by Lord Aberdeen. He could now apply his considerable financial talents to the economic policies of the nation, but this opportunity was curbed by the Crimean War, which Britain formally entered in 1854. The laissez-faire budget of 1853 was nevertheless a classic budget in the British commitment to economic liberalism.
Gladstone's religious views were also growing more liberal, more tolerant of Nonconformists and Roman Catholics. He voted to remove restrictions on Jews in 1847, and he opposed Lord John Russell's anti-Catholic Ecclesiastical Titles Bill in 1851. Gladstone was clearly shaken by the Oxford movement and the conversion of some of his Oxford friends (among them Henry Manning) to Roman Catholicism. This experience, however, served to broaden his understanding and respect for individual conscience. A trip to Naples (1850-1851), where he witnessed the terrible poverty in the reactionary Bourbon Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, also helped turn him away from his innate Toryism, and the conversion to liberalism was complete.
Prime Minister
In the 1850s and 1860s Gladstone moved toward a position of leadership in a newly formulated Liberal party. He had served as chancellor of the Exchequer in Lord Palmerston's coalition government (1859-1865), but following the death of Palmerston in 1865, a realignment of the parties took shape which saw the old Tory and Whig labels replaced by Conservative and Liberal. Thus the Peelites and the Whig Liberals came together in a new party under Gladstone's leadership. He introduced a bill in 1866 to expand the parliamentary electorate, but it failed. Disraeli then scooped the Liberals with his famous "Leap in the Dark" Reform Bill of 1867, which passed, enfranchising most of the adult males in the urban working class. But Disraeli's "Tory Democracy" did not return immediate dividends at the polls. In the election of 1868 Gladstone and the Liberals were returned with a comfortable majority.
Gladstone's first Cabinet (1868-1874) was one of the most talented and most successful of the four he headed; he considered it "one of the finest instruments of government that ever were constructed." The legislation passed was extensive, and the reforming theme was to reduce privilege and to open established institutions to all. The universities and the army were two of the targets. The removal of the religious tests for admission to Oxford and Cambridge and the abolition of the purchase of commissions in the army were liberal victories of 1871.
The Education Act of 1870, which provided for the creation of board schools at the elementary level, was the first step in the construction of a national education system. Competitive exams were introduced for most departments of the civil service in the same year. Other commitments to democracy included the realization of old Chartist dreams, such as the secret ballot in 1872. With these reforms Gladstone won some support but also antagonized powerful interests in the Church and the aristocracy. His opponents said that he was a wild demagogue and a republican; the government was defeated in the election of 1874.
Ireland and the Empire
The "Irish question," which was to dominate Gladstone's later years, received considerable attention in the first Cabinet. Responding to the Fenian violence of the 1860s, the government moved to disestablish the Irish Episcopal Church in 1869 and pass a Land Act in 1870. But the Irish problem remained, and the home-rule movement of Isaac Butt and Charles Stewart Parnell demanded a solution in the 1870s.
Gladstone emerged from a temporary retirement in 1879 in the celebrated Midlothian campaign to attack Disraeli's pro-Turkish foreign policy. The theme of his attack was that Disraeli's Near Eastern policy was morally wrong. The Turkish atrocities in the Balkans outraged Gladstone just as the prisoners of Naples had provoked his earlier attack against Bourbon injustice in Italy. Gladstone's direct appeal to the British voter in this campaign was a first in a more democratic approach to electioneering, and his eloquence was triumphant as the Liberals won the general election of 1880.
The major concern of Gladstone's second Cabinet was not foreign policy but Ireland and the empire. A Second Land Act was passed in 1881, which attempted to establish a fair rent for Irish tenants and tenure for those who paid rent. The act was not popular with the landlords or tenants, and a series of agrarian riots and general violence followed. The high point of this was the assassination of Lord Cavendish, the chief secretary for Ireland, and Thomas Burke, the undersecretary, in Phoenix Park, Dublin, in 1882. The Fenians, rather than the Home Rule party, were responsible for this act, but Gladstone was forced to suspend discussion of Irish reform and resort to harsh measures of suppression in a Prevention of Crimes Bill (1882).
Gladstone's commitment to Ireland was coupled with a consistent opposition to imperialism. He considered imperialism a Conservative ruse to distract the masses from the real issues. He believed that the "infamy of Disraeli's policy was equalled only by the villainy with which it had been carried out." For Britain to seize power in Africa to exploit the native population would be as unjust as the Turkish rule in the Balkans. But Gladstone's second ministry coincided with a worsening agricultural depression in which England's free trade policy seemed a liability rather than an asset. New market areas unencumbered with tariffs had an appeal, and imperialism became a popular crusade. Egypt and the Sudan were the main concerns in the 1880s following Britain's purchase of the Suez Canal (1875). A riot in Alexandria brought a British occupation in 1882, and a rebellion in the Sudan brought the death of Gen. Gordon in 1885, when Gladstone's dilatory tactics failed to rescue him in time. The popular reaction to Gordon's death was a clear indication of Gladstone's misreading of this issue.
The Irish question reached its climax in Gladstone's third and brief (February to July) Cabinet of 1886. The Home Rule Bill was the sole program. It was designed to give Ireland a separate legislature with important powers, leaving to the British Parliament control of the army, navy, trade, and navigation. Gladstone's Liberal party had the votes to carry the bill, but the party split on the issue. Joseph Chamberlain led a group known as the Liberal Unionists (loyal to the Union of 1801) to oppose Gladstone's policy; the bill failed and Gladstone resigned. He had been correct in his premise that home rule or some degree of self-government was essential to the solution of the Irish question, but he failed to face up to the problem of the other Ireland, the Ulster north that lived in fear of the Catholic majority.
Gladstone was to remain in Parliament for another decade and to introduce another Home Rule Bill in 1893, but after the defeat of 1886 he was no longer in command of his party or in touch with the public he had led and served so long. His insistence on home rule for Ireland combined with his opposition to imperialism and social reform was evidence of this. The meaningful legislation in behalf of trade unions was sponsored by the Conservatives. His opposition to the arms buildup in the 1890s was consistent with his sincere desire for peace but doomed to failure given the German military expansion of the same period. Gladstone retired in 1894 and died on May 19, 1898; he was buried in Westminster Abbey.
Evaluation of His Career
Gladstone is still seen today as the epitome of the Victorian statesman. His industry (he often worked 14 hours a day), powerful sense of moral purpose, appetite for sermons, and lack of wit made him an easy target for the disciples of Lytton Strachey. But Gladstone was at the same time a major force in the shaping of British democracy. No single politician of the 19th century ever matched Gladstone's ability to mobilize the nation behind a program. Only Gladstone could make a budget sound like the announcement of a crusade. His sympathy for the oppressed people of the world—the Irish, the Italians, the Bulgarians, and the Africans—was genuine.
Gladstone lacked the tact to get along with Queen Victoria and with some of his colleagues but, like William Pitt the Elder before him, he could reach out of Parliament and arouse the public. In appearance and bearing this gaunt figure, whose speeches were marked by evangelical fire, might have belonged to the 17th century, but in parliamentary tactics he anticipated the 20th century. His achievements are impressive by any standard. The respect and affection that the British reserved for Gladstone is summed up in the nicknames they gave him; he was the "Grand Old Man" and the "People's William."
Further Reading
The standard biography of Gladstone was written by a fellow Liberal, John Morley, Life of William Ewart Gladstone (1903; new ed., 1 vol., 1932). A more analytical portrait is in Sir Philip Magnus, Gladstone: A Biography (1954; repr., with corrections, 1960). Discussions of special issues in his career are Paul Knaplund, Gladstone and Britain's Imperial Policy (1927); R. W. Seton-Watson, Disraeli, Gladstone and the Eastern Question: A Study in Diplomacy and Party Politics (1935); and J. L. Hammond, Gladstone and the Irish Nation (1938). Recommended for general historical background are R. C. K. Ensor, England, 1870-1914 (1936); Herman Ausubel, The Late Victorians: A Short History (1955); H. J. Hanham, Elections and Party Management: Politics in the Time ofDisraeli and Gladstone (1959); and Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher, Africa and the Victorians (1961).
Additional Sources
Chadwick, Owen, Acton and Gladstone, London: Athlone Press, 1976.
Feuchtwanger, E. J., Gladstone, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1975; London: A. Lane, 1975.
Gladstone, Penelope, Portrait of a family: the Gladstones, 1839-1889, Ormskirk, Lanc.: T. Lyster, 1989.
Matthew, H. C. G. (Henry Colin Gray), Gladstone, 1809-1874, Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 1986; 1988.
Ramm, Agatha, William Ewart Gladstone, Cardiff: GPC, 1989.
Shannon, Richard, Gladstone, London: Hamilton, 1982; Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982, 1984.
Stansky, Peter, Gladstone, a progress in politics, Boston: Little, Brown, 1979; New York: W. W. Norton, 1979, 1981. □
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Gladstone, William Ewart
GLADSTONE, WILLIAM EWART
English statesman; b. Liverpool, Dec. 29, 1809; d. Hawarden, Wales, May 19, 1897. The fourth son of a wealthy merchant of Scottish ancestry, he was educated at Eton and at Oxford University, where he took a double first in classics and mathematics (1831). He was drawn to tractarianism and made friends with a number of its leaders. His selection of a political rather than an ecclesiastical career was solely in deference to his father's wishes. In December 1832, he was elected to Parliament as the member from Newark. Within a comparatively short time he became a trusted member of Peel's government. The poverty he witnessed in Naples during a visit there in 1851 is said to have led him to cast off his innate Toryism. He was prime minister four times (1868–74, 1880–85, 1886, 1892–94).
In The State in its Relations with the Church (1838), Gladstone declared that the State, no less than the individual, is bound by moral law; and that the State must have a Christian awareness. Originally, this belief led him to advocate a theocracy. His changed attitude appeared later when he led the successful struggles to disestablish the Church of ireland (1867) and to remove the religious tests in the universities, thereby opening positions in them to all creeds. His education Act of 1870, however, embittered the Church of England and failed to satisfy Nonconformists. It also antagonized Catholics, who were already suspicious of Gladstone for his early opposition to the Maynooth Grant and to the Irish hierarchy's schemes for university education. Gladstone's friendship with Cardinal manning dated from their undergraduate days. They corresponded regularly on Irish affairs, education, and social matters. It was largely Manning's influence that dissuaded Gladstone from attempting to break up vatican council i by force. Gladstone's polemical pamphlets against the Council elicited written replies from Manning and one from Bishop ullathorne. Relations between Gladstone and Manning became especially strained in 1885 when Cardinal McCabe of Dublin died. Gladstone was anxious to have an amenable prelate appointed. Lord Granville, Gladstone's foreign secretary, employed "Mr. George Errington … an active, officious, though not an official agent" to work for the British government at Rome. The matter became notorious. It was Manning, acting on information supplied by Sir Charles Dilke, who prevented the appointment of a government candidate.
Bibliography: j. morley, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone, 3 v. (New York 1903). g. t. garratt, The Two Mr. Gladstones (London 1936). j. l. hammond, Gladstone and the Irish Nation (London 1938). c. c. o' brien, Parnell and His Party, 1880–90 (Oxford 1957). v. a. mcclelland, Cardinal Manning: His Public Life and Influence, 1865–1892 (New York 1962). d. mcelrath, The Syllabus of Pius IX: Some Reactions in England (Louvain 1964).
[v. a. mcclelland]
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MCCLELLAND, V. A. "Gladstone, William Ewart ." New Catholic Encyclopedia. . Retrieved July 10, 2024 from Encyclopedia.com: https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/gladstone-william-ewart
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Gladstone, William Ewart
Gladstone, William Ewart (1809–98) British statesman, prime minister (1868–74, 1880–85, 1886, 1892–94). He was elected to Parliament as a Tory in 1832. Gladstone served as chancellor of the exchequer (1852–55, 1857–66). In 1867, he succeeded Palmerston as leader of the Liberal Party. In 1874, he was defeated by Benjamin Disraeli and resigned as Liberal leader. His criticism of Disraeli's imperialist tendencies won him the 1879 elections. Gladstone passed two Irish Land Acts and several Reform Acts (1884, 1885), extending the franchise. The government's failure to help General Gordon in Khartoum forced him to resign. Gladstone's last ministries were dominated by his advocacy of Home Rule for Ireland.
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Gladstone, William Ewart (1809-1898)
Gladstone, William Ewart (1809-1898)
The great Victorian statesman, four times prime minister of Great Britain, who was interested in psychical research, which he considered "the most important work which is being done in the world—by far the most important." Gladstone came to that belief rather late in his life. On October 29, 1884, he had a successful slate-writing sitting with the medium William Eglinton. After the séance he was quoted as saying:
"I have always thought that scientific men run too much in a groove. They do noble work in their own special line of research, but they are too often indisposed to give any attention to matters which seem to conflict with their established modes of thought. Indeed, they not infrequently attempt to deny that into which they have never inquired, not sufficiently realising the fact that there may possibly be forces in nature of which they know nothing."
Shortly after the Eglinton sitting, Gladstone joined the Society for Psychical Research.
Sources:
Feuchtwanger, E. J. Gladstone. Blasingtoke, U.K.: Macmillan, 1989.
Tweedale, Violet. Ghosts I Have Seen and Other Psychic Experiences. New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1919.
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wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 0 | 0 | http://www.rampantscotland.com/placenames/placename_minneapolis.htm | en | Scottish Place Names | [
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"Scottish Place Names Minneapolis-St. Paul"
] | null | [] | null | Scottish Place Names - Minneapolis-St. Paul, Minnesota, USA | favicon.ico | null | For comparability with other cities around the world, Minneapolis-St. Paul has been defined as the entire urban area including and surrounding the twin cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul. In addition to taking in the whole of Hennepin and Ramsey Counties, this area includes most of Anoka County to the north and Washington County to the east, together with the suburbanised sections of Dakota and Scott Counties to the south and Carver and Wright Counties to the west.
Of the names of the 345 communities and neighbourhoods in Greater Minneapolis-St. Paul that have been identified to date, 57 (16.5%) are based, in whole or in part, on place names that can also be found in Scotland, on Scottish family names, or on Scottish words. Of course, many of the names are used in other parts of the British Isles as well but at least 29 (8.4%) of these appear to have a unique connection with Scotland.
Picture of Minneapolis from St Paul via Wikimedia.
Communities, neighbourhoods, districts and outlying suburbs with names that occur only in Scotland and not elsewhere in the British Isles, and/or are definitely, or most probably, of Scottish origin are:
Afton and South Afton - there are places called Afton Bridgend, Afton Reservoir and Afton Water in East Ayrshire. According to Upham (2001), the authority on Minnesota place names, these Washington County communities have a definite link with Scotland and with Ayrshire in particular through Robert Burns' poem 'Afton Water'. Robert Burns (1759-1796), Scotland's national poet, is strongly associated with Ayrshire. Although the name Afton has an English ring to it (Afton is also the name of at least two places in southern England), Afton Water in Ayrshire is actually an Anglicisation of two Gaelic words: abhainn, meaning 'river' or 'stream' and don, meaning 'brown'. (Ayto & Crofton, 2005).
Armstrong - Armstrong is a Lowland Scottish family name (that's its tartan shown here), though the name is also frequently encountered today both in England and in Ireland, having no doubt travelled there from Scotland. Scarlett (1975), an authority on Scottish clans and tartans, states the origin of the name as meaning 'strong arm', tradition holding that an early king of Scotland bestowed the name to his standard bearer who had bodily rescued the king when dismounted in battle.
Blaine - Black (1996), the authority on Scottish family names, states that Blaine is a "reduced form of MacBlain". According to the House of Names Heraldic website, Blaine is a Scottish family name from Ayrshire. Its origin is said to be from the Gaelic bláán (yellow). The suburb of Blaine, in Anoka County, was named in 1877 by Moses Ripley, the first Chairman of the new township's Board of Supervisors. Ripley, who had come to Minnesota from Maine, persuaded his fellow Board Members to name the township in honour of James G. Blaine, a senator and three-time presidential candidate from Maine (Wikipedia article on Blaine, Minnesota, retrieved in January 2007). James G. Blaine (1830-1893), two-time U.S Secretary of State, was born in Washington County, Pennsylvania, of Scots-Irish stock (Wikipedia article on James G. Blaine, retrieved in January 2009).
Calhoun Beach, Calhoun Isles, East Calhoun and West Calhoun - The names of these neighbourhoods are ultimately attributed to early surveyors who mapped the western lands in 1817. East and West Calhoun were named after the secretary of war at the time, John C. Calhoun. John Calhoun was also a congressman, senator, secretary of state and vice president (Minneapolis Neighborhood Profiles). Black (1996) mentions Calhoun as an American adaptation of the Scottish family name Colquhoun. Both names are pronounced the same. In Scotland, the name Colquhoun goes back to at least 1241. The family has long been associated with the village of Luss on the banks of Loch Lomond. Many are buried in the churchyard there and there is a fine crest above a set of gates on the main Loch Lomondside road (see illustration). Black also notes that several Colquhouns achieved distinction in Sweden and descendants of Walter Colquhoun, a 16th century iron founder, still exist there under names such as Cahun, Cahund, Caun, Gaan, Gahn and Kharun. According to the Ancestry.com website, Calhoun (as distinct from Colquhoun) is an Irish adaptation of Colquhoun, but Black is silent on Colquhouns moving to Ireland.
Carag - this Celtic-looking name is actually an acronym: Calhoun Area Residents' Action Group (Minneapolis Neighborhood Profiles). Since the name of this neighbourhood refers to Calhoun (see entries above), a Scottish, or Scots-Irish, link can be claimed.
Edina and Edina Mills - The name was chosen by Andrew and John Craik, Scottish immigrants from Canada who had moved to the area in 1869 and who had renamed the mill they purchased 'Edina Mill' after Edinburgh, the Craik brothers' boyhood home in Scotland (Upham, 2001).
Elliot Park - there is a place called Elliot in the Scottish county of Angus. Elliot is a Scottish family name derived ultimately from the Old English Ælfwald, a common Saxon name on the Scottish Borders which was the original home of the Elliots. The Elliots later settled in Forfar (whence the modern place name in Angus) before heading south again, this time to Liddesdale where, by the late 16th century, "they had the doubtful honour of heading, with the Armstrongs, the list of the most unruly of the Border clans." (Scarlett, 1975, p. 60). The Wikipedia article on Elliot Park, Minneapolis, retrieved in January 2007, provides the following explanation for the name of this neighbourhood: "The namesake for the neighborhood is Mr. Joseph Elliot, an area physician, who donated his farm land to the city in 1893. This land is the site of the current Elliot Park, and another generous donation of Mr. Elliot resulted in the founding of Steele Park - these were the city's first two parks."
Fulton (Dumfries & Galloway). Fulton is also a Scottish family name. Black (1996) notes that the name Thomas de Fulton is recorded around 1260 and Henry de Foultone of Lanarkshire rendered homage to King Edward I in 1296. The Minneapolis neighbourhood takes its name from Robert Fulton (pictured here), the American engineer and artist who invented the steamboat in the 19th century (Minneapolis Neighborhood Profiles). Robert Fulton (1765-1815) was of Ulster Scots (Scots-Irish) descent.
Gladstone - there are places called Gladstone and Gladstone Boreland in South Lanarkshire, and Gladstone Farm in Renfrewshire. Gladstone is a Scottish family name, well established in Lanarkshire by the 13th century (Herbert de Gledstan was one of the signatories of the Ragman Roll). The most famous bearer of this name was William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898), one of Queen Victoria's Prime Ministers, whose portrait is shown here. According to Upham (2001), the suburb in Ramsey County was indeed named for the British Prime Minister. Although William Ewart Gladstone was born in Liverpool, his parents were both Scottish and he proudly claimed that "not a drop of blood in my veins is not Scottish."
Glendale (Highland) - This name proved to be a popular one during the 19th century, particularly in North America. The unusual feature of the name is that it is a tautology since it is based on two words (the Gaelic gleann and the Norse dalr) which both mean 'valley'.
Glenwood Junction and Sumner-Glenwood - there is a village in Aberdeenshire called Glenwood. Sumner, on the other hand, is an English family name.
Grant - there is a place called Grant in Perth & Kinross. There are also many other places in Scotland with this Scottish family name as part of the name, for example Grantlodge, Grantshouse and Grantown-on-Spey. Places beginning with Grant can also be found in England but in the majority of these instances 'Grant' has a different meaning.
Highland and Highland Park - names possibly recalling the Highlands of Scotland. Highland Park is one of the most commonly recurring place names in North American cities, so much so that there seem to be two communities with this name in Minneapolis-St. Paul (a district of St. Paul and a suburb in Anoka County).
Lauderdale (Scottish Borders). This suburb, in Ramsey County, was named for William Henry Lauderdale, veterinarian, dairy farmer and real estate businessman. Lauderdale was born in 1830 in New York, arrived in Hennepin County in 1854 and owned land in the area later known as Prospect Hills (Upham, 2001).
Logan Park - there is a Logan in Dumfries & Galloway as well as in East Ayrshire (the latter being the likely origin of the Scottish family name Logan - that's its tartan shown here). "The neighborhood has many large Victorian houses and is built around Logan Park, a square dating back to the 1800s and named for Civil War general and U.S. Sen. John A. Logan." (Minneapolis Neighborhood Profiles).
Macalester-Groveland - this St. Paul neighbourhood takes its name from Macalester College and Groveland Park. Macalester College (a Presbyterian college) was chartered in 1874 and was sponsored by Charles Macalester (1798-1873), a businessman from Philadelphia (Upham, 2001, and an article on Macalester College, retrieved from Wikipedia in January 2009). Black (1996) states that Macalester is one of the many variants of MacAlaster - son of Alexander. There are many records of the name in Scotland from 1455 onwards. Groveland, on the other hand, is probably of English or possibly German origin.
McKinley - this Minneapolis neighbourhood and its elementary school were named for William McKinley, the 25th president of the United States (Minneapolis Neighborhood Profiles). According to the House of Names Heraldic website, the McKinleys originated in Perthshire. The Ancestry.com website suggests that McKinley is the Anglicized form of Gaelic Mac Fionnlaigh, a patronymic from the early personal name Fionnlaoch.
Morningside - there are several places in Scotland called Morningside (in Dumfries & Galloway, North Lanarkshire, Perth & Kinross and, most famously, in the City of Edinburgh - illustrated here). Morningside is one of the most commonly recurring Scottish place names in cities around the world, especially in North America and South Africa. Upham (2001) states that Morningside was an 8,500-acre designed community for Minneapolis workers, and the first major residential development of Edina (see entry above) by C. I. Fuller. The suburb seceded from Edina on September 22, 1920, but returned in 1966. It seems highly probable that the neighbourhood was named for Morningside in Edinburgh.
Northdale (Shetland Islands). Since this community is situated in Anoka County (in the northern suburbs), this is probably a descriptive name that happens, coincidentally, to be found only in Scotland and not elsewhere in the British Isles.
Point Douglas - there is a Douglas in South Lanarkshire (the original territorial base of the powerful Douglas family) as well as in Ireland and on the Isle of Man. The Douglas family, descendants of William de Duglas (late 12th Century) was one of the most powerful in Scotland. A number of Douglas titles later devolved to the Duke of Hamilton and the eldest son of the Duke is now given the title of Marquess of Douglas. The Denmark Township Historical Society states that three pioneers - Hertzell, Burris and Hone - platted the village of Point Douglas in 1849 and named it for Senator Stephen Douglas, who was instrumental in forming the Minnesota Territory.
Willard-Hay - This neighbourhood was named after two elementary schools within its borders: Francis Willard and John Hay. The former was named for an American educator, author and reformer born in 1859, and the latter honours an American diplomat and author born in 1839 (Minneapolis Neighborhood Profiles). Hay is a well-known Scottish family name, the earliest recorded use of the name being in regard to William de Haya, who came to Scotland from Normandy in about 1160. The family takes its name from La Haye, a place in Normandy, France, the meaning of which is 'the stockade' (Scarlett, 1975). Willard, on the other hand is an English family name (there is a Willard's Hill in Sussex) or, in the USA, an Americanised form of the German surname Willhardt, the meaning of which is cognate with Willard ('brave/hardy will/desire').
Some of the following localities may also prove on further investigation to have a link with Scotland. However, these names are also associated with other parts of the British Isles:
Arden Hills - there are places called Arden in Argyll & Bute and in the City of Glasgow. Arden also occurs in other place names across Scotland, examples being Ardentallen and Ardentinny in Argyll & Bute, Ardendee in Dumfries & Galloway and Ardendrain in Highland. The name is not exclusively Scottish, however, since it occurs in many English place names, for example Henley-in-Arden in Warwickshire (referring to the Forest of Arden in Shakespeare's 'As You Like It'). According to Room (2003), Arden is a Celtic name meaning 'high district', from which source the name of the Ardennes, the forested hills in Belgium, is also derived. The Modern Gaelic word for 'high' is 'àrd'.
Coates - there are places called Coates in the City of Edinburgh, East Lothian, Fife and Midlothian, but Coates also features in many English place names. Two differing explanations have been given for the origin of the name of the suburb of Coates, in Dakota County. Upham (2001), the authority on Minnesota place names, states that it was named for G.A. Coates, an early settler. A second theory credits "the great philosopher and early sports activist James T. Coates." (Wikipedia article on Coates, Minnesota, retrieved in July 2008). According to the Ancestry.com website, Coates is either an English family name (meaning 'cottager'), a variant of the Scottish family name Coutts (derived from a place in Aberdeenshire), or an Americanised spelling of the German-Jewish Kotz or the German Koths. These various possibilities greatly reduce the chance of a Scottish connection in the case of the Minneapolis suburb.
Coopers Corner - places based on the family name Cooper are found throughout both Scotland and England. Scottish examples include Cooper Cleuch (Scottish Borders), Cooperhill (Aberdeenshire and East Ayrshire) and Cooper's Knowe (Highland). Upham (2001) provides the following explanation of the origin of the name of this suburb in Anoka County: "When the Great Northern Railway completed its line through the area in 1898 and the Bethel post office, established in 1863, was moved to a new townsite two miles west, becoming the present Bethel, the old site, which had a general store run by James Cooper, became known as Cooper's Corner."
Deer Park (Dumfries & Galloway and Highland) also several places in England.
Fletcher - Fletcher is certainly a Scottish family name. There is a Fletcher tartan and there is also a Fletcherfield in Angus possibly associated with the Fletchers of Innerpeffer. Since the origin of the name is purely occupational (meaning arrow-maker) it is hardly surprising that Fletcher is also found as an element in at least twelve place names throughout England, for example Fletchersbridge in Cornwall and Fletcher's Combe in Devon. Fletcher is also a relatively common English family name.
Glen Lake - Glen, as an element in British place names, is an Anglicisation of the Celtic word for a valley (gleann in Gaelic and glyn in Welsh). Consequently, there are many places, particularly in Scotland and Ireland, with Glen as part of the name. Glen is also a Scottish family name. However, it is fairly widely distributed in Ireland and northern England as well as in Scotland. According to Upham (2001) "the original land grant, April 2, 1857, of 160 acres at the south end of Lake Minnetonka was owned by Mary and Robert Glen, later becoming the site of the Hennepin County Home School for Boys and the Glen Lake Sanatorium (state tuberculosis hospital)."
Greenfield (City of Glasgow) also in England and Wales.
Greenwood - there is a Greenwood in Moray, Scottish Borders and South Lanarkshire but Greenwood is also found in England and in County Mayo, Ireland.
Hilltop (Dumfries & Galloway) but far more common throughout England (often spelled Hill Top) and also occurs in Ireland.
Howe - there are places in Scotland called Howe (in Aberdeenshire, Highland and the Orkney Islands) but the name is also used frequently across England. In addition, there are numerous places in both England and Scotland with 'Howe' as an element in the name. As a family name, however, its origin is far more likely to be English than Scottish. The Minneapolis neighbourhood, like its elementary school, was named as a tribute to Julia Ward Howe (born 1819), the author of "The Battle Hymn of the Republic". (Minneapolis Neighborhood Profiles).
Marshall Terrace - this neighbourhood was named after Minnesota's fifth governor, William R. Marshall, who served from 1866 to 1870 (Minneapolis Neighborhood Profiles). William Rainey Marshall (1825-1896) was born in Columbia, Missouri. It is not known whether he was ultimately of Scottish, Scots-Irish or English heritage, the family name Marshall (an occupational name from the Old French Mareschal) being strongly represented in both Scotland and in northern England. In Scotland, the Marshalls are a sept of Clan Keith.
Newport (Highland) also in England, Ireland and Wales - Newport is Wales' third largest city and is also one of the best-known towns on the Isle of Wight in southern England.
Oakwood (Scottish Borders, Moray and Perth & Kinross). However, this euphonious name is also used quite frequently for places in England.
Roseville - as a place name in the British Isles, Roseville seems to occur only in the English midlands. However, this place is not the source of the name of the suburb in Ramsey County, which, according to Upham (2001) was named after one of the first settlers, Isaac Rose, who was also the postmaster between 1857 and 1861. Rose is a Scottish as well as an English family name, while in the USA, its origin could also be French, German or Yiddish.
St Marys Point - there are places in Moray and Orkney Islands called St Marys but this is also the case in England.
Weston - there are villages in Highland, Moray and South Lanarkshire called Weston; also Weston Burn in the Scottish Borders, but places called Weston are found far more commonly in England and the name is also used in Wales.
A final category of neighbourhood and suburban names comprises places that can be found in Scotland, or family names that could be Scottish but which, in the case of Minneapolis-St. Paul, definitely or most probably have no Scottish connection.
Burnsville - Burns is a well-known Scottish family name. However, the suburb in Dakota County has no connection with Scotland. The name honours William Byrne, an early settler and landowner, who came to Minnesota in 1853 from Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. William Byrne had left his home in County Kilkenny, Ireland to settle in Canada in 1840. His family name had been recorded as Burns (presumably by an immigration official) and was never corrected (Upham, 2001 and Wikipedia article on Burnsville, Minnesota, retrieved in July 2008).
Coon Lake Beach, Coon Rapids and West Coon Rapids - Coon is said to be a Scottish family name from Argyllshire (House of Names), and/or an Irish family name derived from the Gaelic 'O Cuana', related to Cooney (Ancestry.com). However, the origin of the names of these northern suburbs appears to be neither Scottish nor Irish since the reference is to raccoons that were often found in the former rapids of Coon Creek (Wikipedia article on Coon Rapids, Minnesota, retrieved in January 2007).
Cooper - places based on the family name Cooper are found throughout both Scotland (that's their clan tartan here) and England (see Coopers Corner, above, for some Scottish examples). "The neighborhood's name is derived from an elementary school named after James Fenimore Cooper, an American novelist born in 1789." (Minneapolis Neighborhood Profiles). James Fenimore Cooper (1789-1851), author of 'The Last of the Mohicans', was born in Burlington, New Jersey of English Quaker descent.
Eden Prairie - Eden occurs as a place name throughout the British Isles, being an Old Celtic name of several rivers, not to mention its biblical connotations. Scottish examples include Eden and Eden Hill in Argyll & Bute, and the river Eden in Fife. The origin of the name of this suburb in Hennepin County has no connection with any specific place in the British Isles. According to the article on Eden Prairie, Minnesota, retrieved from Wikipedia in January 2007, the City of Eden Prairie owes its name to Elizabeth Fries Ellet, an East Coast writer who visited the area in 1852. In her travelogue book, 'Summer Rambles in the West', Mrs. Ellet described the Minnesota River valley, which adjoins the present day City of Eden Prairie, as "the garden spot of the territory."
Holland - there is a place called Holland in the Orkney Islands as well as in three English counties; there is also a Hollandbush in Stirling. Holland is an Old English name meaning 'land of hill spurs', though it may also refer to the Dutch province of Holland, a former administrative division of Lincolnshire or, in rare instances, the Anglicisation of an Irish personal name. The Minneapolis neighbourhood and its elementary school were named after Josiah Gilbert Holland, an American educator and editor born in 1819 in Massachusetts. "He was well known for Timothy Titcomb's Letters, a column he wrote for a newspaper in Springfield, Massachusetts." (Minneapolis Neighborhood Profiles). Being a New Englander, the likelihood of Josiah Holland having Scottish ancestry is greatly reduced.
Inver Grove Heights - being an Anglicisation of the Gaelic word 'inbhir', meaning 'river mouth', Inver occurs as an element in many Scottish place names (Inverness, Invermay, Inverkeithing, etc.). However, since it is of Gaelic origin, the name also occurs in Ireland, though not so commonly as in Scotland. The suburb of Inver Grove actually has an Irish connection. According to Upham (2001), a pioneer by the name of John McGroarty named the town after a place in Ireland from which many of the settlers had come. In an article on Inver Grove Heights, retrieved from Wikipedia in July 2008, it is further stated that the town was named after an Irish fishing village called Inver, and the German town of Grove. Neither Inver nor Grove is traceable as a modern place name in Ireland and Germany.
Linwood (Renfrewshire) also two places in England. Linwood is also an English and Scottish family name derived from the place name ('Lime tree wood'). However, there is no apparent link with either Scotland or England. As explained by Upham (2001), the suburb of Linwood in Anoka County "received its name from Linwood Lake, the largest and most attractive one in a series or chain of ten or more lakes extending from northeast to southwest through this township and onward to Ham Lake. The name doubtless refers to the lin tree or linden. Our American species (Tilia americana), usually called basswood, is abundant here and is common or frequent through nearly all this state."
Lyndale - there is a Lyndale Point on Loch Snizort, the only occurrence of the name in the British Isles. However, according to the Minneapolis Neighborhood Profiles website, the neighborhood was named for Lyndale Avenue, which in turn takes its name from Lyndale farm, a 1,400-acre farm owned by the Hon. William S. King. "The name of the farm was in honor of Mr. King's father, Rev. Lyndon King, an itinerant Methodist minister of northern New York, who was named for Josiah Lyndon, colonial governor of Rhode Island in 1768-1769."
Rosemount (Aberdeen City, Perth & Kinross and South Ayrshire) also in England and Ireland. There is no Scottish connection, however. Upham (2001) states that this suburb was named in the 1850s for a place in Ireland (presumably the small town in County Westmeath).
Victoria (Perth & Kinross) also in England. Like most places named Victoria, the origin of the name of this community in Carver County is unlikely to refer to a place in Scotland or England. Upham (2001) states that it was, in fact, named for Queen Victoria (see Gladstone, above, as another example of a local place name honouring a world-famous British personality). The picture here is a statue of Queen Victoria on top of a fountain in Glasgow.
Woodland - there is a place called Woodland in South Ayrshire as well as in five English counties. There is no Scottish connection, however, since the name of this suburb on Lake Minnetonka's Wayzata Bay was made up from the names of two communities that existed in the 1940s - Maplewoods and Groveland (Upham, 2001).
Many lakes, parks and golf courses throughout the metropolitan area also have names that are likely to be of Scottish origin. A few of these names could also prove to be English (e.g., Gray, Kellogg) or Irish (e.g., Kennedy, McMurray) but the vast majority are bound to have Scottish or Scots-Irish links. The following list is far from comprehensive - there may be several smaller parks and reserves whose names were not given on the maps that were consulted as well as larger parks in the outer suburbs.
Anderson Lakes - lakes in Eden Prairie, Hennepin County. Anderson is a Scottish family name, though in North America its origin is often Scandinavian (Americanisation of Andersen).
Bethune Park - a park in Minneapolis's Near-North neighbourhood. Bethune is a Scottish family name.
Birnamwood - golf course in Burnsville, Dakota County. Birnam Wood, in Perth & Kinross, is the forest mentioned in Shakespeare's Macbeth.
Braemar Park - golf course in Edina, Hennepin County. Braemar in Aberdeenshire is world famous as the venue for the annual Highland Gathering, patronised by royalty. The picture is of Mar Lodge, Braemar, Scotland.
Brownie Lake - a small lake in Bryn Mawr, Minneapolis. Brownie is a Scottish family name.
Burns Park - a small park in St. Paul's Battle Creek neighbourhood. Burns is a Scottish family name.
Crosby Lake - a lake in Crosby Farm Park (large park in Highland, St. Paul). Crosby is a northern English and Scottish family name; in Scotland it is usually spelled Crosbie.
Currie Park - a small park in Elliot Park, Minneapolis. Currie is a Scottish family name.
Dunning Field - a park in St. Paul's Lexington-Hamline neighbourhood. Dunning is a Scottish and English family name; it is also an Irish variation of Downing.
Edinburgh USA - golf course in Brooklyn Park, Hennepin County. Edinburgh is the capital city of Scotland - that's Edinburgh Castle shown here.
Elliot Park - a park in downtown Minneapolis. Elliot is a Scottish family name.
Gray's Bay - a lake in Minnetonka, Hennepin County. Gray is a Scottish and northern English family name.
Highlands Lake - a lake in Highlands Park, Edina, Hennepin County.
Highland National Golf Course - golf course next to Highland Park, Highland, St. Paul.
Irvine Park - a small park in St. Paul's West Seventh-Fort Road neighbourhood. Irvine is a Scottish family name.
Kellogg Park - a park in downtown St. Paul. Kellogg is an English and Scottish family name.
Kennedy Park - a park in West St. Paul. Kennedy is a Scottish and Irish family name.
Laddie Lake - a lake in the northern suburbs, Anoka County. Laddie is a rare family name; during the 1890s, it was found in only one Scottish and two northern English counties (East Lothian, Durham and Yorkshire).
Lake Calhoun - a lake in Minneapolis. Calhoun, as already noted, is an American variation of the Scottish family name Colquhoun.
Lochness Park and Lochness Lake - a park and a lake in Blaine, Anoka County. Loch Ness (with its fabled monster) is one of Scotland's best-known lochs.
McMurray Field - a park in St. Paul's Como Park neighbourhood. McMurray is an Irish and Scottish family name.
McRae Park - a small park in Northrup, Minneapolis. McRae is a Scottish family name.
Mitchell Lake - a lake in Eden Prairie, Hennepin County. Mitchell is a Scottish and English family name (more numerous in Scotland than in England).
Morrison Park - a park in Minneapolis. Morrison is a Scottish family name.
Prestwick - a golf course in Woodbury, Washington County. Prestwick is a Scottish and northern English place name.
St Clair Playground - a small park in St. Paul's West Seventh-Fort Road neighbourhood. St Clair, a rare surname both in Scotland and in England, may refer to the Scottish family name from which Sinclair is derived.
Stewart Field - a park in Phillips, Minnesota. Stewart is a Scottish family name.
Tartan Park Golf Course - golf course near Lake Elmo, Washington County.
In company with most American cities, the Scottish influence on local place names in Minneapolis-St. Paul is not as marked as it is in the average Canadian, Australian, New Zealand or Caribbean city. However, compared with all other major American cities (metropolitan population of 1,000,000 or more) the use of names that are definitely or most probably Scottish or Scots-Irish appears to be above average, based on current estimates. In some ways this is an unexpected finding since the twin cities are not regarded as having a particularly strong Scottish heritage (that honour going to the Germans, Scandinavians and New Englanders). The only place names with a direct link to Scotland appear to be Afton, Edina, Morningside (probably) and Gladstone (more indirectly), together with the names of at least five golf courses, the others referring to pioneers and politicians with Scottish family names. Minneapolis-St. Paul's place names nevertheless provide a good American example of the far-reaching effects of the Scottish diaspora. Acknowledgements:
Ayto, John & Crofton, Ian (2005). Brewer's Britain and Ireland: The History, Culture, Folklore and Etymology of 7500 Places in These Islands. (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London).
Black, George F. (1996). The Surnames of Scotland. (Birlinn Ltd, Edinburgh).
Room, Adrian (2003). The Penguin Dictionary of British Place Names. (Penguin Books, London).
Scarlett, James D. (1975). The Tartans of the Scottish Clans. (Collins, Glasgow and London).
Upham, Warren (2001). Minnesota Place Names: A Geographical Encyclopedia (Third Edition).
The Road Atlas '06 (Rand McNally).
Mapquest.com and Yahoo Maps for the names of outlying suburbs.
Minneapolis Neighborhood Profiles.
Neighborhoods of Minneapolis.
Saint Paul, Minnesota.
Ancestry.com website.
House of Names heraldic website.
Websites, place name gazetteers and published Ordnance Survey maps of British and Irish cities, towns, villages and counties. | ||||||
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London, published July 16th 1892 by Henry Graves & Co. the proprietors, Publishers to H.M. The Queen and T.R.H. the Prince and Princess of Wales 6 Pall Mall Copyright registered U.S.A. Copyright 1892 by Henry Graves & Co.
J. Colin Forbes | ||||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 2 | 32 | https://www.tryinteract.com/blog/william-ewart-gladstone-quiz-questions-and-answers/ | en | William Ewart Gladstone Quiz Questions and Answers | [
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] | 2024-06-20T20:47:55+00:00 | This list of quiz questions based on William Ewart Gladstone will test your knowledge of his early life, political career, and the historical events that shaped his world view. | en | Interact Blog | https://www.tryinteract.com/blog/william-ewart-gladstone-quiz-questions-and-answers/ | How do you feel about the role of religious conviction in politics, particularly in Gladstone’s case?
It’s inspiring to see someone so guided by their faith.
It can be problematic when personal beliefs clash with policy.
It’s a complicated issue with no easy answers.
I think it’s important to separate church and state.
What’s your favorite anecdote about Gladstone’s younger years?
His trip to Naples opened his eyes to injustice.
The story about John Smith ignited his passion for abolition.
His encounter with Dr. Keate shows his humorous side.
I find his meeting with Dr. Döllinger to be fascinating.
What makes you nervous about the way political parties constantly shifted during Gladstone’s era?
It seems like chaos, with no one truly representing the people.
It must have been hard to stay true to your ideals.
It’s a reminder that political alliances are often fleeting.
It’s fascinating to see how political landscapes evolve.
What makes you most frustrated about the way the Crimean War was handled?
The needless loss of life is tragic.
The disregard for international law is appalling.
It’s frustrating to see principle sacrificed for political gain.
The financial burden it placed on the nation is unforgivable.
What are you most excited about learning regarding Gladstone’s later political career?
His role in major reforms like the Oxford University Act.
His evolving stance on Irish Home Rule.
His continued fight for social justice.
His impact on British foreign policy.
What do you dream about when it comes to modern-day politicians embodying some of Gladstone’s principles?
I long for leaders with a strong moral compass.
I wish more politicians prioritized social justice.
I dream of a world where diplomacy trumps military action.
I yearn for leaders who are guided by principle over power.
What happened in the past when political leaders prioritized personal gain over the common good?
It often leads to corruption and the erosion of public trust.
It can result in policies that benefit the few at the expense of the many.
It can trigger social unrest and instability.
It undermines the very foundations of democracy.
What comes to mind when you think about the challenges Gladstone faced reconciling his faith with his political decisions?
It highlights the tension between personal beliefs and public duty.
It reminds me that there are rarely easy answers in politics.
It makes me question how much influence religion should have on government.
It’s a reminder that even the most principled individuals face moral dilemmas.
What’s your favorite example of Gladstone advocating for those who were oppressed?
His tireless work to abolish slavery.
His outspoken criticism of Neapolitan tyranny.
His efforts to improve the lives of the poor in Britain.
His advocacy for the rights of minorities.
When you were a kid, how did you learn about historical figures like Gladstone?
Through history books and documentaries.
From stories told by my teachers and family.
I didn’t learn much about him until later in life.
I was always fascinated by figures who fought for social justice.
You have a choice of reading a biography about Gladstone or a biography about Disraeli, which do you choose?
Gladstone, his moral compass intrigues me.
Disraeli, I’m drawn to his political maneuvering.
I’m equally interested in both figures.
Neither, I prefer to read about different historical periods.
A specific situation arises: Imagine you’re transported back in time and have the opportunity to advise Gladstone on the Maynooth Grant issue. What do you tell him?
Follow your conscience, even if it means resigning.
Try to find a compromise to avoid a political crisis.
Consider the long-term implications of your decision.
Your principles are important, but so is your political influence.
What keeps you up at night about the state of modern politics compared to Gladstone’s time?
The lack of civility and reasoned discourse.
The influence of special interests and money in politics.
The rise of nationalism and extremism.
The lack of focus on long-term solutions to global challenges.
Which of these aspects of Gladstone’s life would you enjoy the most if you were to experience them firsthand?
Engaging in passionate debates in the House of Commons.
Traveling to exotic locations like the Ionian Islands.
Witnessing the abolition of slavery.
Contributing to significant social reforms.
When you think about Gladstone’s legacy, what are you most concerned about people forgetting?
His unwavering commitment to social justice.
His intellectual brilliance and contributions to political thought.
His deep faith and how it shaped his world view.
His role as a transitional figure in British liberalism.
What aspect of Gladstone’s character makes you the most happy?
His strong moral compass and dedication to his principles.
His intellectual curiosity and passion for learning.
His compassion for the oppressed and his fight for justice.
His unwavering belief in the power of diplomacy and peace.
What is most likely to make you feel down about the current state of political discourse?
The polarization of opinions and the lack of civil debate.
The spread of misinformation and the erosion of trust.
The focus on short-term gains over long-term solutions.
The apathy and disengagement of many citizens.
In a perfect world, what would Gladstone’s greatest legacy be?
Inspiring future generations to fight for social justice.
Promoting a more compassionate and ethical approach to politics.
Laying the groundwork for lasting peace and international cooperation.
His commitment to education and intellectual growth.
If you could wave a magic wand, what would the perfect outcome of Gladstone’s efforts to address the Irish Question have been?
A peaceful and amicable resolution that granted Ireland greater autonomy.
A lasting solution that addressed the root causes of Irish discontent.
A unified Ireland that enjoyed peace and prosperity.
A stronger and more united United Kingdom.
How often do you reflect on the lessons we can learn from historical figures like Gladstone?
Often, I find their stories to be both inspiring and cautionary.
Occasionally, when I need a reminder that individuals can make a difference.
Rarely, I tend to focus on current events.
Never, I prefer to look towards the future.
You are at a party and someone makes a dismissive comment about “outdated” Victorian values. How do you react?
I engage in a respectful debate, highlighting the nuances of the era.
I politely challenge their viewpoint, citing Gladstone as an example.
I steer the conversation towards more neutral territory.
I ignore the comment and continue enjoying the party.
How comfortable are you with openly expressing your own political beliefs, even if they might be unpopular?
Very comfortable, I believe in standing up for my convictions.
Somewhat comfortable, as long as I can do so respectfully.
Not very comfortable, I prefer to avoid confrontation.
Not at all comfortable, I keep my political views private.
You have an afternoon to spend at a historical library. What do you do?
Dive deep into Gladstone’s personal letters and diaries.
Research the political climate of 19th-century Britain.
Explore primary sources related to Gladstone’s key achievements.
Get lost in the library’s collection of Victorian literature.
Which of these Gladstone-related topics is most likely to be a struggle for you to fully grasp?
The intricacies of 19th-century British politics.
The theological debates of Gladstone’s era.
The economic arguments for and against free trade.
The complexities of the Irish Question.
Which member of the Gladstone family are you most drawn to?
William, his ambition and complexities are fascinating.
Catherine, her strength and support for her husband is admirable.
John, his business acumen and political influence are intriguing.
Anne, her devout faith and influence on William are noteworthy.
New information related to Gladstone’s personal life comes to light. What is your first response?
Curiosity, I’m eager to learn more about this complex figure.
Skepticism, I want to ensure the information is credible.
Excitement, I love uncovering hidden historical details.
Indifference, I’m more interested in his political career.
Someone asks, “What’s your impression of Gladstone?” What’s the actual answer, not just a simple “He was a good man?”
A complex and principled man who navigated a tumultuous era.
A dedicated public servant driven by a strong moral compass.
A fascinating figure whose legacy is still debated today.
An influential politician who helped shape modern Britain.
What’s your go-to resource for learning more about Victorian-era politics?
Biographies of key figures like Gladstone and Disraeli.
Scholarly articles and books on 19th-century British history.
Historical fiction set during that time period.
Documentaries and films that bring the era to life.
What aspect of Gladstone’s era do you most want to dive deep on?
The social and economic impact of the Industrial Revolution.
The evolving role of the Church of England.
The expansion of the British Empire and its consequences.
The rise of mass media and its influence on public opinion.
What’s your favorite memory related to first learning about Gladstone?
Realizing his impact on issues we still grapple with today.
Connecting with his passion for social justice.
Understanding the complexities of the Victorian era.
I don’t have a specific memory, but his story is fascinating.
What topics related to Gladstone’s life and legacy are you most passionate about?
The intersection of faith and politics.
The struggle for social and economic justice.
The importance of diplomacy and peaceful conflict resolution.
The complexities of leadership and the burden of power.
How would your friends and family describe your interest in historical figures like Gladstone?
Passionate, you’re always eager to share what you’ve learned.
Knowledgeable, you have a knack for retaining historical details.
Curious, you’re always asking questions and seeking deeper understanding.
Respectable, but not something they are particularly interested in.
Tell us a little about your view on the relevance of studying historical figures like Gladstone in today’s world.
It’s crucial for understanding our present and avoiding past mistakes.
It provides valuable insights into human nature and the challenges of leadership.
It’s a reminder that progress is an ongoing struggle.
It’s interesting but not essential for navigating the modern world.
If you could choose any character trait of Gladstone’s to embody, which one would you choose and why?
His moral compass, to guide my own decisions and actions.
His intellect, to better understand the world around me.
His compassion, to connect with others and make a difference.
His work ethic, to achieve my goals and leave a lasting legacy.
What’s the first thing that comes to mind when you hear the phrase “The Victorian Era”?
Images of bustling London and grand estates.
A time of rapid change and social upheaval.
A period of rigid social norms and expectations.
The birth of many of our modern political and social structures.
What affects you the most when learning about historical injustices?
Anger at the perpetrators and sympathy for the victims.
A determination to learn from the past and prevent future atrocities.
Sadness that such things occurred but also hope for a better future.
A sense of detachment, as these events are far removed from my own life.
What’s your idea of a fitting tribute to honor Gladstone’s legacy?
A statue in a prominent location.
A library or research institute dedicated to his work.
A scholarship fund for students pursuing public service.
A renewed commitment to his values of social justice and peace.
What is your strongest takeaway from learning about Gladstone’s life and career?
One person can make a difference in the world.
Principles are worth fighting for, even when it’s difficult.
Progress is a slow and often messy process.
Understanding history is essential for navigating the present.
How prepared are you to engage in a debate about Gladstone’s stance on the Irish Home Rule movement?
Very prepared, I’ve researched his views extensively.
Somewhat prepared, I have a basic understanding of his position.
Not very prepared, I need to do more research.
Not at all prepared, I’m unfamiliar with the details of this issue.
What happens if a modern-day politician mirrored Gladstone’s decision to resign from the government over a matter of principle?
It would likely cause a media frenzy and potential political instability.
It could inspire others to hold their representatives to a higher standard.
It might be dismissed as a publicity stunt.
It depends on the specific issue and the political climate.
What do you think you need to further deepen your understanding of Gladstone’s impact on British politics?
Read more of his writings and speeches.
Explore biographies written from different perspectives.
Analyze the long-term consequences of his policies.
Discuss his legacy with historians and political scientists.
How often do you seek out information about historical figures who inspire you?
Frequently, I find their stories both fascinating and motivating.
Occasionally, when I need a reminder that positive change is possible.
Rarely, I prefer to focus on the present and future.
Never, I’m not particularly drawn to historical figures.
How confident are you in your ability to explain Gladstone’s stance on free trade to someone unfamiliar with the topic?
Very confident, I understand the economic arguments and his reasoning.
Somewhat confident, I can explain the basics but not the nuances.
Not very confident, I need to review the details.
Not at all confident, I don’t fully grasp the complexities of the issue.
How do you handle encountering historical narratives that challenge your own beliefs?
I try to approach them with an open mind and consider different viewpoints.
I engage in critical analysis, evaluating the evidence and arguments presented.
I acknowledge the differences but stick to my own perspective.
I tend to avoid such narratives as they make me uncomfortable.
Do you have a favorite biography about Gladstone at home?
Yes, I have a well-worn copy on my shelf.
I have a few different biographies that I consult regularly.
I’ve been meaning to get one, but haven’t gotten around to it yet.
I prefer to learn about him through other sources.
How well do you think you stick to your convictions when faced with challenging situations?
Very well, I try to let my principles guide my actions.
Fairly well, but I can be swayed by strong opposing arguments.
Not very well, I tend to avoid conflict and go with the flow.
I’m not sure, I haven’t faced many situations that truly tested my convictions.
Which of the following is most accurate when it comes to your knowledge of the Tractarian movement and its impact on Gladstone?
I have a comprehensive understanding of the movement and its influence on his life.
I’m familiar with the basics but would like to learn more.
I know very little about the Tractarian movement.
I’ve never heard of the Tractarian movement.
To what degree do you experience frustration when learning about historical injustices that remain unresolved today?
A great deal, it’s disheartening to see past mistakes repeated.
Moderately, it’s frustrating but important to acknowledge these issues.
Slightly, I try to focus on the progress that has been made.
Not at all, I prefer to focus on the present and future.
Which of these best describes your current understanding of the complexities of the Victorian era?
I have a nuanced understanding of the era’s social, political, and economic landscape.
I’m familiar with the key events and figures but recognize there’s always more to learn.
My knowledge is limited to a few basic facts and common perceptions.
I know very little about the Victorian era.
What is your current biggest challenge when trying to engage with historical content?
Finding the time to dedicate to reading and research.
Sifting through dense material and primary sources.
Staying objective and avoiding presentism.
Relating to historical figures and their experiences.
What’s the first thing that comes to mind when you encounter a historical figure with seemingly contradictory views?
Curiosity to understand the context of their time.
Skepticism about their true motivations and character.
Recognition that people are complex and capable of holding conflicting beliefs.
Disinterest, as contradictions make it difficult to form a clear opinion.
How do you handle the realization that your interpretation of history might be influenced by your own biases?
I actively seek out diverse perspectives and challenge my own assumptions.
I acknowledge my biases and try to be aware of how they might color my interpretations.
I accept that my views are inherently subjective.
I’m not overly concerned about bias, as I believe in my own judgment.
How would you describe your relationship to studying history?
A lifelong passion, I’m constantly learning and exploring.
A source of knowledge and enjoyment, I dip in and out when the mood strikes.
A duty, I feel obligated to learn about the past but don’t always enjoy it.
Distant, I don’t prioritize history in my life.
Are you stuck in viewing history as a collection of facts and dates, or do you see it as a tapestry of interconnected events and human experiences?
I see the interconnectedness, recognizing that individuals and events shape each other.
I’m working towards a more holistic understanding of history.
I tend to focus on key facts and figures.
I struggle to engage with history on a deeper level.
What would you say are your top struggles right now when it comes to analyzing political figures from the past?
Separating their actions from modern-day values and expectations.
Understanding the nuances of historical context.
Reconciling conflicting accounts and interpretations.
Maintaining objectivity when faced with morally challenging situations.
What is your history learning goal?
To gain a deep and nuanced understanding of a specific period or event.
To broaden my knowledge of world history and different cultures.
To be able to critically analyze historical information and form my own conclusions.
To simply enjoy the stories and learn from the past.
What do you think is missing in your quest to become more knowledgeable about history?
Time, I need to dedicate more time to reading and research.
Access to resources, I would love to visit archives and libraries.
Guidance, I could benefit from discussions with historians and experts.
Motivation, I need to find a way to make history more engaging.
What is your current level of expertise in 19th-century British social reforms?
Expert, I have extensive knowledge about various reform movements.
Knowledgeable, I’m familiar with the major reforms and their impact.
Beginner, I’m just starting to explore this aspect of history.
Limited, I need to start from scratch.
A new historical document about Gladstone’s involvement in a specific policy is discovered. How do you respond?
Excitement to delve into the primary source and uncover new insights.
Curiosity about how it might challenge or confirm existing narratives.
Caution, ensuring its authenticity and considering potential biases.
Indifference, as one document is unlikely to drastically alter my understanding.
What emotion do you experience most when learning about the struggles and triumphs of historical figures?
Inspiration, their stories give me hope and motivate me to make a difference.
Empathy, I connect with their humanity and the challenges they faced.
Curiosity, I’m fascinated by their motivations and decision-making processes.
Detachment, I view history as a series of events rather than personal stories.
Which of the following do you notice yourself worrying about on a day-to-day basis when it comes to modern politics?
The erosion of democratic norms and the rise of authoritarianism.
The growing gap between the rich and the poor and the lack of social mobility.
The lack of progress on climate change and other environmental threats.
The spread of misinformation and the decline of civil discourse.
How informed and engaged do you feel in your understanding of contemporary political issues?
Very informed and engaged, I actively follow current events.
Relatively informed, I stay up-to-date but don’t always delve deeply.
Moderately informed, I rely on headlines and social media for information.
Not very informed or engaged, I find politics overwhelming.
How well do you think modern governments uphold the values of social justice and ethical conduct that Gladstone championed?
Poorly, we still have a long way to go in achieving a just and equitable society.
Somewhat well, progress is being made but there are still significant challenges.
Relatively well, most governments strive to act ethically but face constraints.
Very well, we live in a relatively just and compassionate world.
I believe understanding Gladstone’s life can provide valuable lessons for navigating today’s complex world.
Strongly agree, his story offers insights into leadership, ethics, and social change.
Somewhat agree, there are some relevant takeaways but also limitations.
Neither agree nor disagree, I need more information to form an opinion.
Disagree, his time period is too different from our own to be relevant.
I’m afraid that we are losing sight of the importance of principled leadership in the pursuit of power and political gain.
Strongly agree, modern politics often prioritizes expediency over ethics.
Somewhat agree, there are some concerning trends but also examples of principled leaders.
Neither agree nor disagree, it’s a complex issue with no easy answers.
Disagree, I believe most leaders strive to act ethically.
Which of the following is most likely to frustrate you when studying history?
The lack of primary sources to fully understand past events.
The realization that we often repeat the mistakes of the past.
The difficulty of remaining objective when confronting controversial figures.
The sheer volume of information and the challenge of knowing where to start.
What is the trickiest part about trying to apply lessons from history to contemporary issues?
Avoiding anachronism and understanding the historical context.
Finding parallels that are both relevant and accurate.
Acknowledging the limitations of historical analogies.
Recognizing that history rarely offers easy answers or solutions.
Do you find yourself gravitating towards historical narratives that confirm your existing beliefs, or are you open to challenging your perspectives?
I’m open to challenging my views and seeking out different perspectives.
I try to be objective, but I’m naturally drawn to narratives that resonate with me.
I prefer to stick with sources that align with my worldview.
I’m not particularly interested in history, so this isn’t a major concern for me.
Do you have a system in place, such as a reading list or a documentary queue, to further your historical knowledge?
Yes, I’m always adding to my list and seeking out new sources.
I have a general idea of what I want to explore next.
I tend to rely on recommendations from others or stumble upon things by chance.
I haven’t given much thought to a structured approach.
How do you determine your historical reading material’s objectivity each time you select a new book or article?
I consider the author’s background, sources, and potential biases.
I seek out reviews and critical analyses from diverse perspectives.
I compare different accounts to get a more balanced view.
I generally trust my own judgment and go with what interests me.
Are your history comprehension skills consistently allowing you to draw connections between past events and present-day issues?
Yes, I often find myself recognizing patterns and drawing parallels.
Sometimes, I need to consciously look for connections.
Not always, I can get caught up in the details and lose sight of the bigger picture.
Rarely, I struggle to bridge the gap between history and the present.
How do you manage the emotional impact of confronting difficult historical events or injustices?
I allow myself to feel the emotions but also seek out stories of resilience and hope.
I channel my emotions into action, supporting causes that address similar issues today.
I try to maintain a degree of detachment to avoid becoming overwhelmed.
I struggle with the emotional weight of history and often avoid such topics.
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Jessmyn Solana
Jessmyn Solana is the Digital Marketing Manager of Interact, a place for creating beautiful and engaging quizzes that generate email leads. She is a marketing enthusiast and storyteller. Outside of Interact Jessmyn loves exploring new places, eating all the local foods, and spending time with her favorite people (especially her dog).
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] | null | [] | null | en | null | The Project Gutenberg eBook, William Ewart Gladstone, by James Bryce This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. Title: William Ewart Gladstone His Characteristics as Man and Statesman Author: James Bryce Release Date: September 26, 2014 [eBook #3416] [This file was first posted on April 10, 2001] Language: English Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) ***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE***
Transcribed from the 1919 The Century Co. edition by David Price, email ccx074@pglaf.org
WILLIAM
EWART
GLADSTONE
HIS CHARACTERISTICS
AS MAN AND STATEMAN
BY
JAMES BRYCE
AUTHOR OF “THE AMERICAN COMMONWEALTH,”
“TRANSCAUCASIA AND ARARAT,” “THE
HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE,” “IMPRES-
SIONS OF SOUTH AFRICA.”
NEW YORK
THE CENTURY CO.
1919
Copyright, 1898, by
The Evening Post Publishing Company.
Copyright 1898, by
The Century Co.
CONTENTS
PAGE
I.
Introduction
1
II.
Early Influences
5
III.
Parliamentarian
18
IV.
Orator
39
V.
Originality and Independence
56
VI.
Social Qualities
76
VII.
Authorship
81
VIII.
Religious Character
94
p. 1I
INTRODUCTION
No man has lived in our times of whom it is so hard to speak in a concise and summary fashion as Mr. Gladstone. For forty years he was so closely associated with the public affairs of his country that the record of his parliamentary life comes near to being an outline of English politics. His activity spread itself out over many fields. He was the author of several learned and thoughtful books, and of a multitude of articles upon all sorts of subjects. He showed himself as eagerly interested in matters of classical scholarship and Christian doctrine and ecclesiastical history as in questions of national finance and foreign policy. No account of him could be complete without reviewing his actions and estimating the results of his work in all these directions. But the difficulty of describing and judging him goes deeper. His was a singularly complex nature, a character hard to unravel. His individuality was extremely strong; all that he said or did bore its impress. Yet it was an individuality so far from being self-consistent as sometimes to seem a bundle of opposite qualities capriciously united in a single person. He might with equal truth be called, and he has been in fact called, a conservative and a revolutionary. He was dangerously impulsive, and had frequently to suffer from his impulsiveness; yet he was also not merely wary and cautious, but so astute as to have been accused of craft and dissimulation. So great was his respect for authority and tradition that he clung to views regarding the unity of Homer and the historical claims of Christian sacerdotalism which the majority of competent specialists have now rejected. So bold was he in practical matters that he transformed the British constitution, changed the course of English policy in the Orient, destroyed an established church in one part of the United Kingdom, and committed himself to the destruction of two established churches in two other parts. He came near to being a Roman Catholic in his religious opinions, yet was for twenty years the darling leader of the English Protestant Nonconformists and the Scotch Presbyterians. No one who knew him intimately doubted his conscientious sincerity and earnestness, yet four fifths of the English upper classes were in his later years wont to regard him as a self-interested schemer who would sacrifice his country to his lust for power. Though he loved general principles, and often soared out of the sight of his audience when discussing them, he generally ended by deciding upon points of detail the question at issue. He was at different times of his life the defender and the assailant of the same institutions, yet he scarcely seemed inconsistent in doing opposite things, because his method and his arguments preserved the same type and color throughout. Any one who had at the beginning of his career discerned in him the capacity for such strange diversities and contradictions would probably have predicted that they must wreck it by making his purposes weak and his course erratic. Such a prediction would have proved true of any one with less firmness of will and less intensity of temper. It was the persistent heat and vehemence of his character, the sustained passion which he threw into the pursuit of the object on which he was for the moment bent, that fused these dissimilar qualities and made them appear to contribute to and to increase the total force which he exerted.
p. 5II
EARLY INFLUENCES
The circumstances of Mr. Gladstone’s political career help to explain, or, at any rate, will furnish occasion for the attempt to explain, this complexity and variety of character. But before we come to his manhood it is convenient to advert to three conditions whose influence on him has been profound: the first his Scottish blood, the second his Oxford education, the third his apprenticeship to public life under Sir Robert Peel.
Theories of character based on race differences are dangerous, because they are so easy to form and so hard to test. Still, no one denies that there are qualities and tendencies generally found in the minds of men of certain stocks, just as there are peculiarities in their faces or in their speech. Mr. Gladstone was born and brought up in Liverpool, and always retained a touch of Lancashire accent. But, as he was fond of saying, every drop of blood in his veins was Scotch. His father was a Lowland Scot from the neighborhood of Biggar, in the Upper Ward of Lanarkshire, where the old yeoman’s dwelling of Gledstanes—“the kite’s rock”—may still be seen. His mother was of Highland extraction, by name Robertson, from Dingwall, in Ross-shire. Thus he was not only a Scot, but a Scot with a strong infusion of the Celtic element, the element whence the Scotch derive most of what distinguishes them from the English. The Scot is more excitable, more easily brought to a glow of passion, more apt to be eagerly absorbed in one thing at a time. He is also more fond of abstract intellectual effort. It is not merely that the taste for metaphysical theology is commoner in Scotland than in England, but that the Scotch have a stronger relish for general principles. They like to set out by ascertaining and defining such principles, and then to pursue a series of logical deductions from them. They are, therefore, somewhat bolder reasoners than the English, less content to remain in the region of concrete facts, more eager to hasten on to the process of working out a body of speculative doctrines. The Englishman is apt to plume himself on being right in spite of logic; the Scotchman delights to think that it is through logic he has reached his conclusions, and that he can by logic defend them. These are qualities which Mr. Gladstone drew from his Scottish blood. He had a keen enjoyment of the processes of dialectic. He loved to get hold of an abstract principle and to derive all sorts of conclusions from it. He was wont to begin the discussion of a question by laying down two or three sweeping propositions covering the subject as a whole, and would then proceed to draw from these others which he could apply to the particular matter in hand. His well-stored memory and boundless ingenuity made this finding of such general propositions so easy a task that a method in itself agreeable sometimes appeared to be carried to excess. He frequently arrived at conclusions which the judgment of the sober auditor did not approve, because, although they seemed to have been legitimately deduced from the general principles just enunciated, they were somehow at variance with the plain teaching of the facts. At such moments one felt that the man who was charming but perplexing Englishmen by his subtlety and ingenuity was not himself an Englishman in mental quality, but had the love for abstractions and refinements and dialectical analysis which characterizes the Scotch intellect. He had also a large measure of that warmth and vehemence, called in the sixteenth century the perfervidum ingenium Scotorum, which belong to the Scottish temperament, and particularly to the Celtic Scot. He kindled quickly, and when kindled, he shot forth a strong and brilliant flame. To any one with less power of self-control such intensity of emotion as he frequently showed would have been dangerous; nor did this excitability fail, even with him, to prompt words and acts which a cooler judgment would have disapproved. But it gave that spontaneity which was one of the charms of his nature; it produced that impression of profound earnestness and of resistless force which raised him out of the rank of ordinary statesmen. The tide of emotion swelling fast and full seemed to turn the whole rushing stream of intellectual effort into whatever channel lay at the moment nearest.
With these Scottish qualities, Mr. Gladstone was brought up at school and college among Englishmen, and received at Oxford, then lately awakened from a long torpor, a bias and tendency which never thereafter ceased to affect him. The so-called “Oxford Movement,” which afterward obtained the name of Tractarianism and carried Dr. Newman, together with other less famous leaders, on to Rome, had not yet, in 1831, when Mr. Gladstone won his degree with double first-class honors, taken visible shape, or become, so to speak, conscious of its own purposes. But its doctrinal views, its peculiar vein of religious sentiment, its respect for antiquity and tradition, its proneness to casuistry, its taste for symbolism, were already potent influences working on the more susceptible of the younger minds. On Mr. Gladstone they told with full force. He became, and never ceased to be, not merely a High-churchman, but what may be called an Anglo-Catholic, in his theology, deferential not only to ecclesiastical tradition, but to the living voice of the visible church, respecting the priesthood as the recipients (if duly ordained) of a special grace and peculiar powers, attaching great importance to the sacraments, feeling himself nearer to the Church of Rome, despite what he deemed her corruptions, than to any of the non-episcopal Protestant churches. Henceforth his interests in life were as much ecclesiastical as political. For a time he desired to be ordained a clergyman. Had this wish been carried out, it can scarcely be doubted that he would eventually have become the leading figure in the Church of England and have sensibly affected her recent history. The later stages in his career drew him away from the main current of political opinion within that church. He who had been the strongest advocate of established churches came to be the leading agent in the disestablishment of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Ireland, and a supporter of the policy of disestablishment in Scotland and in Wales. But the color which these Oxford years gave to his mind and thoughts was never obliterated. They widened the range of his interests and deepened his moral zeal and religious earnestness. But at the same time they confirmed his natural bent toward over-subtle distinctions and fine-drawn reasonings, and they put him somewhat out of sympathy not only with the attitude of the average Englishman, who is essentially a Protestant,—that is to say, averse to sacerdotalism, and suspicious of any other religious authority than that of the Bible and the individual conscience,—but also with two of the strongest influences of our time, the influence of the sciences of nature, and the influence of historical criticism. Mr. Gladstone, though too wise to rail at science, as many religious men did till within the last few years, could never quite reconcile himself either to the conclusions of geology and zoology regarding the history of the physical world and the animals which inhabit it, or to the modern methods of critical inquiry as applied to Scripture and to ancient literature generally. The training which Oxford then gave, stimulating as it was, and free from the modern error of over specialization, was defective in omitting the experimental sciences, and in laying undue stress upon the study of language. A proneness to dwell on verbal distinctions and to trust overmuch to the analysis of terms as a means of reaching the truth of things is noticeable in many eminent Oxford writers of that and the next succeeding generation—some of them, like the illustrious F. D. Maurice, far removed from Dr. Newman and Mr. Gladstone in theological opinion.
When the brilliant young Oxonian entered the House of Commons at the age of twenty-three, Sir Robert Peel was leading the Tory party with an authority and ability rarely surpassed in parliamentary annals. Within two years the young man was admitted into the short-lived Tory ministry of 1834, and soon proved himself an active and promising lieutenant of the experienced chief. Peel was an eminently wary and cautious man, alive to the necessity of watching the signs of the times, of studying and interpreting the changeful phases of public opinion. His habit was to keep his own counsel, and even when he perceived that the policy he had hitherto followed would need to be modified, to continue to use guarded language and refuse to commit himself to change till he perceived that the fitting moment had arrived. He was, moreover, a master of detail, slow to propound a plan until he had seen how its outlines were to be filled up by appropriate devices for carrying it out in practice. These qualities and habits of the minister profoundly affected his gifted disciple. They became part of the texture of his own political character, and in his case, as in that of Peel, they sometimes brought censure upon him, as having withheld too long from the public views or purposes which he thought it unwise to disclose till effect could promptly be given to them. Such reserve, such a guarded attitude and conservative attachment to existing institutions, were not altogether natural to Mr. Gladstone’s mind, and the contrast between them and some of his other qualities, like the contrast which ultimately appeared between his sacerdotal tendencies and his political liberalism, contributed to make his character perplexing and to expose his conduct to the charge of inconsistency. Inconsistent, in the ordinary sense of the word, he was not, much less changeable. He was really, in the main features of his political convictions and the main habits of his mind, one of the most tenacious and persistent of men. But there were always at work in him two tendencies. One was the speculative desire to probe everything to the bottom, to try it by the light of general principles and logic, and where it failed to stand this test, to reject it. The other was the sense of the complexity of existing social and political arrangements, and of the risk of disturbing any one part of them unless the time had arrived for resettling other parts also. Every statesman feels both these sides to every concrete question of reform. No one has set them forth more cogently, and in particular no one has more earnestly dwelt on the necessity for the latter, than the most profound thinker among English statesmen, Edmund Burke. Mr. Gladstone, however, felt and stated them with quite unusual force, and when he stated the one side, people forgot that there was another which would be no less vividly present to him at some other moment. He was not only, like all successful parliamentarians, necessarily something of an opportunist, though perhaps less so than his master Peel, but was moved by emotion more than most statesmen, and certainly more than Peel. The relative strength with which the need for comprehensive reform or the need for watchful conservatism presented itself to his mind depended largely upon the weight which his emotions cast into one or the other scale, and this element made it difficult to forecast his probable action. Thus his political character was the result of influences differing widely in their origin—influences, moreover, which it was hard for ordinary observers to appreciate.
p. 18III
PARLIAMENTARIAN
Mr. Gladstone sat for sixty-three years in Parliament, and for more than twenty-six years was the leader of his party, and therefore the central figure of English politics. As has been said, he began as a high Tory, remained about fifteen years in that camp, was then led by the split between Peel and the protectionists to take up an intermediate position, and finally was forced to cast in his lot with the Liberals, for in England, as in America, third parties seldom endure. No parliamentary career in English annals is comparable to his for its length and variety; and of those who saw its close in the House of Commons, there was only one man, Mr. Villiers (who died in January, 1898), who could remember its beginning. He had been opposed in 1833 to men who might have been his grandfathers; he was opposed in 1893 to men who might have been his grandchildren. In a sketch like this, it is impossible to describe or comment on the events of such a life. All that can be done is to indicate the more salient characteristics which a study of his career as a statesman and a parliamentarian sets before us.
The most remarkable of these characteristics is the sustained freshness, openness, eagerness of mind, which he preserved down to the end of his life. Most of us, just as we make few intimate friends, so we form few new opinions after thirty-five. Intellectual curiosity may remain fresh and strong even after fifty, but its range steadily narrows as one abandons the hope of attaining any thorough knowledge of subjects other than those which make the main business of one’s life. One cannot follow the progress of all the new ideas that are set afloat in the world. One cannot be always examining the foundations of one’s political or religious beliefs. Repeated disappointments and disillusionments make a man expect less from changes the older he grows; and mere indolence adds its influence in deterring us from entering upon new enterprises. None of these causes seemed to affect Mr. Gladstone. He was as much excited over a new book (such as Cardinal Manning’s Life) at eighty-six as when at fourteen he insisted on compelling little Arthur Stanley (afterward Dean of Westminster, and then aged nine) to procure Gray’s poems, which he had just perused himself. His reading covered almost the whole field of literature, except physical and mathematical science. While frequently declaring that he must confine his political thinking and leadership to a few subjects, he was so observant of the movements of opinion that the course of talk brought up scarcely any topic in which he did not seem to know what was the latest thing that had been said or done. Neither the lassitude nor the prejudices common in old age prevented him from giving a fair consideration to any new doctrines. But though his intellect was restlessly at work, and though his eager curiosity disposed him to relish novelties, except in theology, that bottom rock in his mind of caution and reserve, which has already been referred to, made him refuse to part with old views even when he was beginning to accept new ones. He allowed both to “lie on the table” together, and while declaring his mind to be open to conviction, he felt it safer to speak and act on the old lines till the process of conviction had been completed. It took fourteen years, from 1846 to 1860, to carry him from the Conservative into the Liberal camp. It took five stormy years to bring him round to Irish home rule, though his mind was constantly occupied with the subject from 1880 to 1885, and those who watched him closely saw that the process had advanced some considerable way even in 1881. And as regards ecclesiastical establishments, having written a book in 1838 as a warm advocate of state churches, it was not till 1867 that he adopted the policy of disestablishment for Ireland, not till 1890 that he declared himself ready to apply it in Wales and Scotland also.
Both these qualities—his disposition to revise his opinions in the light of new arguments and changing conditions, and the reticence he maintained till the process of revision had been completed—exposed him to misconstruction. Commonplace men, unwont to give serious scrutiny to their opinions, ascribed his changes to self-interest, or at best regarded them as the index of an unstable mind. Dull men could not understand why he should have forborne to set forth all that was passing in his mind, and saw little difference between reticence and dishonesty. Much of the suspicion and even fear with which he was regarded, especially after 1885, arose from the idea that it was impossible to predict what he would do next, and how far his openness of mind would carry him. In so far as they tended to shake public confidence, these characteristics injured him in his statesman’s work, but the loss was far outweighed by the gain. In a country where opinion is active and changeful, where the economic conditions that legislation has to deal with are in a state of perpetual flux, where the balance of power between the upper and middle and poorer classes has been swiftly altering during the last sixty years, no statesman can continue to serve the public if he adheres obstinately to the views with which he started in life. He must—unless, of course, he stands aloof in permanent opposition—either submit to advocate measures he secretly mislikes, or else must keep himself always ready to learn from events, and to reconsider his opinions in the light of emergent tendencies and insistent facts. Mr. Gladstone’s pride as well as his conscience forbade the former alternative; it was fortunate that the inexhaustible activity of his intellect made the latter natural to him. He was accustomed to say that the great mistake of his earlier views had been in not sufficiently recognizing the worth and power of liberty, and the tendency which things have to work out for good when left to themselves. The application of this principle gave room for many developments, and many developments there were. He may have wanted that prescience which is, after integrity, the highest gift of a statesman, but which is almost impossible to a man so pressed by the constant and engrossing occupations of an English minister that he cannot find time for the patient study and thought from which alone sound forecasts can issue. But he had the next best quality, that of always learning from the events which passed under his eyes.
With this singular openness and flexibility of mind, there went a not less remarkable ingenuity and resourcefulness. His mind was fertile in expedients, and still more fertile in reasonings by which to recommend the expedients. This gift was often dangerous, for he was apt to be carried away by the dexterity of his own dialectic, and to think schemes substantially good in whose support he could muster so formidable an array of arguments. He never seemed to be at a loss, in public or private, for a criticism, or for an answer to the criticisms of others. If his power of adapting his own mind to the minds of those whom he had to convince had been equal to the skill and swiftness with which he accumulated a mass of matter persuasive to those who looked at things in his own way, no one would have exercised so complete a control over the political opinion of his time. But his mind had not this power of adaptation. It moved on its own lines—peculiar lines, which were often misconceived, even by those who sought to follow him most loyally. Thus it happened that he was blamed for two opposite faults. Some, pointing to the fact that he had frequently altered his views, denounced him as a demagogue profuse of promises, ready to propose whatever he thought likely to catch the people’s ear. Others complained that there was no knowing where to have him; that he had an erratic mind, whose currents ran underground and came to the surface in unexpected places; that he did not consult his party, but followed his own predilections; that his guidance was unsafe because his decisions were unpredictable. Both these views were unfair, yet the latter came nearer to the truth than the former. No great popular leader had in him less of the true ring of the demagogue. He saw, of course, that a statesman cannot oppose the popular will beyond a certain point, and may have to humor it in order that he may direct it. Now and then, in his later days, he so far yielded to his party advisers as to express his approval of proposals for which he cared little personally. But he was too self-absorbed, too eagerly interested in the ideas that suited his own cast of thought, to be able to watch and gage the tendencies of the multitude. On several occasions he announced a policy which startled people and gave a new turn to the course of events. But in none of these instances, and certainly not in the three most remarkable,—his declarations against the Irish church establishment in 1868, against the Turks and the traditional English policy of supporting them in 1876, and in favor of Irish home rule in 1886,—did any popular demand suggest his pronouncement. It was the masses who took their view from him, not he who took his mandate from the masses. In all of these instances he was at the time in opposition, and was accused of having made this new departure for the sake of recovering power. In the two former he prevailed, and was ultimately admitted, by his more candid adversaries, to have counseled wisely. In all of them he may, perhaps, be censured for not having sooner perceived, or at any rate for not having sooner announced, the need for reform. But it was very characteristic of him not to give the full strength of his mind to a question till he felt that it pressed for a solution. Those who discussed politics with him were scarcely more struck by the range of his vision and his power of correlating principles and details than by his unwillingness to commit himself on matters whose decision he could postpone. Reticence and caution were sometimes carried too far, not merely because they exposed him to misconstruction, but because they withheld from his party the guidance it needed. This was true in all the three instances just mentioned; and in the last of them his reticence probably contributed to the separation from him of some of his former colleagues. Nor did he always rightly divine the popular mind. Absorbed in his own financial views, he omitted to note the change that had been in progress between 1862 and 1874, and thus his proposal in the latter year to extinguish the income tax fell completely flat. He often failed to perceive how much the credit of his party was suffering from the belief, quite groundless so far as he personally was concerned, that his government was indifferent to what are called Imperial interests, the interests of England outside England. But he always thought for himself, and never stooped to flatter the prejudices or inflame the passions of any class in the community.
Though the power of reading the signs of the times and moving the mind of the nation as a whole may be now more essential to an English statesman than the skill which manages a legislature or holds together a cabinet, that skill counts for much, and must continue to do so while the House of Commons remains the supreme governing authority of the country. A man can hardly reach high place, and certainly cannot retain high place, without possessing this kind of art. Mr. Gladstone was at one time thought to want it. In 1864, when Lord Palmerston’s end was evidently near and Mr. Gladstone had shown himself the most brilliant and capable man among the Liberal ministers in the House of Common’s, people speculated about the succession to the headship of the party; and the wiseacres of the day were never tired of repeating that Mr. Gladstone could not possibly lead the House of Commons. He wanted tact (they said), he was too excitable, too impulsive, too much absorbed in his own ideas, too unversed in the arts by which individuals are conciliated. But when, after twenty-five years of his unquestioned reign, the time for his own departure drew nigh, men asked how the Liberal party in the House of Commons would ever hold together after it had lost a leader of such consummate capacity. Seldom has a prediction been more utterly falsified than that of the Whig critics of 1864. They had grown so accustomed to Palmerston’s way of handling the House as to forget that a man might succeed by quite different methods. And they forgot also that a man may have many defects and yet in spite of them be incomparably the fittest for a great place.
Mr. Gladstone had the defects that were ascribed to him. His impulsiveness sometimes betrayed him into declarations which a cooler man would have abstained from. The second reading of the Irish Home-Rule Bill of 1886 would probably have been carried had he not been goaded by his opponents into words which seemed to recall or modify the concessions he had announced at a meeting of the Liberal party held just before. More than once precious time was wasted in useless debates because his antagonists, knowing his excitable temper, brought on discussions with the sole object of annoying him and drawing from him some hasty deliverance. Nor was he an adept, like Disraeli and Sir John A. Macdonald, in the management of individuals. He had a contempt for the meaner side of human nature which made him refuse to play upon it. He had comparatively little sympathy with many of the pursuits which attract ordinary men; and he was too constantly engrossed by the subjects of enterprises which specially appealed to him to have leisure for the lighter but often very important devices of political strategy. A trifling anecdote, which was told in London about twenty-five years ago, may illustrate this characteristic. Mr. Delane, then editor of the “Times,” had been invited to meet the prime minister at a moment when the support of the “Times” would have been specially valuable to the Liberal government. Instead of using the opportunity to set forth his policy and invite an opinion on it, Mr. Gladstone talked the whole time of dinner upon the question of the exhaustion of the English coal-beds, to the surprise of the company and the unconcealed annoyance of the powerful guest. It was the subject then uppermost in his mind, and he either did not think of winning Mr. Delane or disdained to do so. In the House of Commons he was entirely free from airs, or, indeed, from any sort of assumption of superiority. The youngest member might accost him in the lobby and be listened to with perfect courtesy. But he seldom addressed any one outside his own very small group of friends, and more than once made enemies by omitting to notice and show some attention to members of his party who, having been eminent in their own towns, expected to be made much of when they entered Parliament. Having himself plenty of pride and comparatively little vanity, he never realized the extent to which, and the cheapness with which, men can be captured and used through their vanity. And his mind, flexible as it was in seizing new points of view and devising expedients to meet new circumstances, did not easily enter into the characters of other men. Ideas and causes interested him more than personal traits did; his sympathy was keener and stronger for the sufferings of nations or masses of men than with the fortunes of a particular person. With all his accessibility and immensely wide circle of acquaintances, he was at bottom a man chary of real friendship, while the circle of his intimates became constantly smaller with advancing years.
So it befell that though his popularity among the general body of his adherents went on increasing, and the admiration of his parliamentary followers remained undiminished, he had few intimate friends, few men in the House of Commons who linked him to the party at large and rendered to him those confidential personal services which count for much in keeping a party in hearty accord and enabling the commander to gage the sentiment of his troops. Thus adherents were lost who turned into dangerous foes—lost for the want not so much of tact as of a sense for the need and use of tact in humoring and managing men.
If, however, we speak of parliamentary strategy in its larger sense, as covering familiarity with parliamentary forms and usages, the powers of seizing a parliamentary situation and knowing how to deal with it, the art of guiding a debate and choosing the right moment for reserve and for openness, for a dignified retreat, for a watchful defense, for a sudden rattling charge upon the enemy, no one had a fuller mastery of it. His recollection of precedents was unrivaled, for it began in 1833 with the first reformed Parliament, and it seemed as fresh for those remote days as for last month. He enjoyed combat for its own sake, not so much from any inborn pugnacity, for he was not disputatious in ordinary conversation, as because it called out his fighting force and stimulated his whole nature. “I am never nervous in reply,” he once said, “though I am sometimes nervous in opening a debate.” And although his impetuosity sometimes betrayed him into imprudence when he was taken unawares, no one could be more wary or guarded when a crisis arrived whose gravity he had foreseen. In the summer of 1881 the House of Lords made some amendments to the Irish Land Bill which were deemed ruinous to the working of the measure, and therewith to the prospects of the pacification of Ireland. A conflict was expected which might have strained the fabric of the constitution. The excitement which quickly arose in Parliament spread to the whole nation. Mr. Gladstone alone remained calm and confident. He devised a series of compromises, which he advocated in conciliatory speeches. He so played his game that by a few minor concessions he secured nearly all of the points he cared for, and, while sparing the dignity of the Lords, steered his bill triumphantly out of the breakers which had threatened to engulf it. Very different was his ordinary demeanor in debate when he was off his guard. Observers have often described how his face and gestures while he sat in the House of Commons listening to an opponent would express all the emotions that crossed his mind; with what eagerness he would follow every sentence, sometimes contradicting half aloud, sometimes turning to his next neighbor to express his displeasure at the groundless allegations or fallacious arguments he was listening to, till at last he would spring to his feet and deliver a passionate reply. His warmth would often be in excess of what the occasion required, and quite disproportioned to the importance of his antagonist. It was in fact the unimportance of the occasion that made him thus yield to his feeling. As soon as he saw that bad weather was coming, and that careful seamanship was wanted, his coolness returned, his language became guarded and careful, and passion, though it might increase the force of his oratory, never made him deviate a hand’s breadth from the course he had chosen.
p. 39IV
ORATOR
Of that oratory, something must now be said. By it he rose to fame and power, as, indeed, by it most English statesmen have risen, save those to whom wealth and rank and family connections have given a sort of presumptive claim to high office, like the Cavendishes and the Russells, the Cecils and the Bentincks. And for many years, during which Mr. Gladstone was distrusted as a statesman because, while he had ceased to be a Tory, he had not fully become a Liberal, his eloquence was the main, one might almost say the sole, source of his influence. Oratory was a power in English politics even a century and a half ago, as the career of the elder Pitt shows. But within the last fifty years, years which have seen the power of rank and family connections decline, it has continued to be essential to the highest success although much less cultivated as a fine art, and brings a man quickly to the front, though it will not keep him there should he prove to want the other branches of statesmanlike capacity.
The permanent reputation of an orator depends upon two things, the witness of contemporaries to the impression produced upon them, and the written or printed—we may, perhaps, be soon able to say the phonographed—record of his speeches. Few are the famous speakers who would be famous if they were tried by this latter test alone, and Mr. Gladstone was not one of them. It is only by a rare combination of gifts that one who speaks with so much readiness, force, and brilliance as to charm his listeners is also able to deliver such valuable thoughts in such choice words that posterity will read them as literature. Some few of the ancient orators did this; but we seldom know how far those of their speeches which have been preserved are the speeches which they actually delivered. Among moderns, some French preachers, Edmund Burke, Macaulay, and Daniel Webster are perhaps the only speakers whose discourses have passed into classics and find new generations of readers. Twenty years hence Mr. Gladstone’s will not be read, except, of course, by historians. They are too long, too diffuse, too minute in their handling of details, too elaborately qualified in their enunciation of general principles. They contain few epigrams and few of those weighty thoughts put into telling phrases which the Greeks called γνῶμαι. The style, in short, is not sufficiently rich or finished to give a perpetual interest to matters whose practical importance has vanished. The same oblivion has overtaken all but a very few of the best things of Grattan, Pitt, Canning, Plunket, Brougham, Peel, Bright. It may, indeed, be said—and the examples of Burke and Macaulay show that this is no paradox—that the speakers whom posterity most enjoys are rarely those who most affected the audiences that listened to them.
If, on the other hand, Mr. Gladstone be judged by the impression he made on his own time, his place will be high in the front rank. His speeches were neither so concisely telling as Mr. Bright’s nor so finished in diction; but no other man among his contemporaries—neither Lord Derby nor Mr. Lowe nor Mr. Disraeli nor Bishop Wilberforce nor Bishop Magee—deserved comparison with him. And he rose superior to Mr. Bright himself in readiness, in variety of knowledge, in persuasive ingenuity. Mr. Bright required time for preparation, and was always more successful in alarming his adversaries and stimulating his friends than in either instructing or convincing anybody. Mr. Gladstone could do all these four things, and could do them at an hour’s notice, so vast and well ordered was the arsenal of his mind.
His oratory had many conspicuous merits. There was a lively imagination, which enabled him to relieve even dull matter by pleasing figures, together with a large command of quotations and illustrations. There were remarkable powers of sarcasm—powers, however, which he rarely used, preferring the summer lightning of banter to the thunderbolt of invective. There was admirable lucidity and accuracy in exposition. There was great skill in the disposition and marshaling of his arguments, and finally—a gift now almost lost in England—there was a wonderful variety and grace of appropriate gesture. But above and beyond everything else which enthralled the listener, there were four qualities, two specially conspicuous in the substance of his eloquence—inventiveness and elevation; two not less remarkable in his manner—force in the delivery, expressive modulation in the voice.
Of the swift resourcefulness of his mind, something has been said already. In debate it shone out with the strongest ray. His readiness, not only at catching a point, but at making the most of it on a moment’s notice, was amazing. Some one would lean over the back of the bench he sat on and show a paper or whisper a sentence to him. Apprehending its bearings at a glance, he would take the bare fact and so shape and develop it, like a potter molding a bowl on the wheel out of a lump of clay, that it grew into a cogent argument or a happy illustration under the eye of the audience, and seemed all the more telling because it had not been originally a part of his case. Even in the last two years of his parliamentary life, when his sight had so failed that he read nothing, printed or written, except what it was absolutely necessary to read, and when his deafness had so increased that he did not hear half of what was said in debate, it was sufficient for a colleague to whisper a few words to him, explaining how the matter at issue stood, and he would rise to his feet and extemporize a long and ingenious argument, or perhaps retreat with dexterous grace from a position which the course of the discussion or the private warning of the “whips” had shown to be untenable. No one ever saw him at a loss either to meet a new point raised by an adversary or to make the most of an unexpected incident. Sometimes he would amuse himself by drawing a cheer or a contradiction from his opponents, and would then suddenly turn round and use this hasty expression of their opinion as the basis for a fresh argument of his own. In this particular kind of debating power, for the display of which the House of Commons—an assembly of moderate size, which knows all its leading figures familiarly—is an apt theater, he has been seldom rivaled and never surpassed. Its only weakness sprang from its superabundance. He was sometimes so intent on refuting the particular adversaries opposed to him, and persuading the particular audience before him, that he forgot to address his reasonings to the public beyond the House, and make them equally applicable and equally convincing to the readers of next morning.
As dignity is one of the rarest qualities in literature, so elevation is one of the rarest in oratory. It is a quality easier to feel than to describe or analyze. We may call it a power of ennobling ordinary things by showing their relation to great things, of pouring high emotions round them, of bringing the worthier motives of human conduct to bear upon them, of touching them with the light of poetry. Ambitious writers and speakers incessantly strain after effects of this kind; but they are effects which study and straining do not enable a man to attain. Vainly do most of us flap our wings in the effort to soar; if we rise from the ground it is because some unusually strong or deep burst of feeling makes us for the moment better than ourselves. In Mr. Gladstone the capacity for feeling was at all times so strong, the susceptibility of the imagination so keen, that he soared without effort. His vision seemed to take in the whole landscape. The points actually in question might be small, but the principles involved were to him far-reaching. The contests of to-day seemed to interest him because their effect would be felt in a still distant future. There are rhetoricians skilful in playing by words and manner on every chord of human nature, rhetoricians who move you indeed, and may even carry you away for the moment, but whose sincerity you nevertheless doubt, because the sense of spontaneity is lacking. Mr. Gladstone was not of these. He never seemed to be forcing an effect or assuming a sentiment. To listen to him was to feel convinced of his own conviction and of the reality of the warmth with which he expressed it. Nor was this due to the perfection of his rhetorical art. He really did feel what he expressed. Sometimes, of course, like all statesmen, he had to maintain a cause whose weakness he knew, as, for instance, when it became necessary to defend the blunder of a colleague. But even in such cases he did not simulate feeling, but reserved his earnestness for those parts of the case on which it could be honestly expended. As this was true of the imaginative and emotional side of his eloquence altogether, so was it especially true of his unequaled power of lifting a subject from the level on which other speakers had treated it into the purer air of permanent principle, perhaps even of moral sublimity.
The note of genuineness and spontaneity which marked the substance of his speeches was no less conspicuous in their delivery. Nothing could be more easy and graceful than his manner on ordinary occasions. His expository discourses, such as those with which he introduced a complicated bill or unfolded a financial statement, were models of their kind, not only for lucidity, but for the pleasant smoothness, equally free from monotony and from abruptness, with which the stream of speech flowed from his lips. The task was performed so well that people thought it an easy task till they saw how immeasurably inferior were the performances of two subsequent chancellors of the exchequer so able in their respective ways as Mr. Lowe and Mr. Goschen. But when an occasion arrived which quickened men’s pulses, and particularly when some sudden storm burst on the House of Commons, a place where the waves rise as fast as in a mountain lake under a squall rushing down a glen, the vehemence of his feeling found expression in the fire of his eye and the resistless strength of his words. His utterance did not grow swifter, nor did the key of his voice rise, as passion raises and sharpens it in most men. But the measured force with which every sentence was launched, like a shell hurtling through the air, the concentrated intensity of his look, as he defied antagonists in front and swept his glance over the ranks of his supporters around and behind him, had a startling and thrilling power which no other Englishman could exert, and which no Englishman had exerted since the days of Pitt and Fox. The whole proud, bold, ardent nature of the man seemed to flash out, and one almost forgot what the lips said in admiration of the towering personality.
People who read next day the report in the newspapers of a speech delivered on such an occasion could not comprehend the impression it had made on the listeners. “What was there in it so to stir you?” they asked. They had not seen the glance and the gestures; they had not heard the vibrating voice rise to an organ peal of triumph or sink to a whisper of entreaty. Mr. Gladstone’s voice was naturally one of great richness and resonance. It was a fine singing voice, and a pleasant voice to listen to in conversation, not the less pleasant for having a slight trace of Liverpool accent clinging to it. But what struck one in listening to his speeches was not so much the quality of the vocal chords as the skill with which they were managed. He had the same gift of sympathetic expression, of throwing his feeling into his voice, and using its modulations to accompany and convey every shade of meaning, that a great composer has when he puts music to a poem, or a great executant when he renders at once the composer’s and the poet’s thought. And just as great singers or violinists enjoy the practice of their art, so it was a delight to him to put forth this faculty of expression—perhaps an unconscious, yet an intense delight; as appeared from this also, that whenever his voice failed him (which sometimes befell in later years) his words came less easily, and even the chariot of his argument seemed to drive heavily. That the voice should so seldom have failed him was wonderful. When he had passed his seventy-fifth year, it became sensibly inferior in volume and depth of tone. But its strength, variety, and delicacy remained. In April, 1886, he being then seventy-seven, it held out during a speech of nearly four hours in length. In February, 1890, it enabled him to deliver with extraordinary effect an eminently solemn and pathetic appeal. In March, 1895, those who listened to it the last time it was heard in Parliament—they were comparatively few, for the secret of his impending resignation had been well kept—recognized in it all the old charm. But perhaps the most curious instance of the power it could exert is to be found in a speech made in 1883, during one of the tiresome debates occasioned by the refusal of the Tory party and of some timorous Liberals to allow Mr. Bradlaugh to be sworn as a member of the House of Commons. This speech produced a profound impression on those who heard it, an impression which its perusal to-day fails to explain. That impression was chiefly due to the grave and reverent tone in which he delivered some sentences stating the view that it is not our belief in the bare existence of a Deity, but the realizing of him as being also a Providence ruling the world, that is of moral value and significance, and was due in particular to the lofty dignity with which he declaimed six lines of Lucretius, setting forth the Epicurean view of the gods as unconcerned with mankind. There were probably not ten men in the House of Commons who could follow the sense of the lines so as to appreciate their bearing on his argument. But these stately and sonorous hexameters—hexameters that seemed to have lived on through nineteen centuries to find their application from the lips of an orator to-day; the sense of remoteness in the strange language and the far-off heathen origin; the deep and moving note in the speaker’s voice, thrilled the imagination of the audience and held it spellbound, lifting for a moment the whole subject of debate into a region far above party conflicts. Spoken by any one else, the passage culminating in these Lucretian lines might have produced little effect. It was the voice and manner, above all the voice, with its marvelous modulations, that made the speech majestic.
Yet one must not forget to add that with him, as with some other famous statesmen, the impression made by a speech was in a measure due to the admiring curiosity and wonder which his personality inspired. He was so much the most interesting human being in the House of Commons that, when he withdrew, many members said that the place had lost half its attraction for them, and that the chamber seemed empty because he was not in it. Plenty of able men remained. But even the ablest seemed ordinary, perhaps even commonplace, when compared with the figure that had vanished, a figure in whom were combined, as in no other man of his time, an unrivaled experience, an extraordinary activity and versatility of intellect, a fervid imagination, and an indomitable will.
p. 56V
ORIGINALITY AND INDEPENDENCE
Though Mr. Gladstone’s oratory was a main source of his power, both in Parliament and over the people, the effort of his enemies to represent him as a mere rhetorician will seem absurd to the historian who reviews his whole career. The mere rhetorician adorns and popularizes the ideas which have originated with others, he advocates policies which others have devised; he follows and expresses the sentiments which already prevail in his party. He may help to destroy; he does not construct. Mr. Gladstone was himself a source of new ideas and new policies; he evoked new sentiments or turned sentiments into new channels. He was a constructive statesman not less conspicuously than Pitt, Canning, and Peel. If the memory of his oratorical triumphs were to pass completely away, he would deserve to be remembered in respect of the mark he left upon the British statute-book and of the changes he wrought both in the constitution of his country and in her European policy. To describe the acts he carried would almost be to write the history of recent British legislation; to pass a judgment upon their merits would be foreign to the scope of this sketch: it is only to three remarkable groups of measures that reference can here be made.
The first of these three groups includes the financial reforms embodied in a series of fourteen budgets between the years 1853 and 1882, the most famous of which were the budgets of 1853 and 1860. In the former Mr. Gladstone continued the work begun by Peel by reducing and simplifying the customs duties. The deficiency in revenue thus caused was supplied by the enactment of less oppressive imposts, and particularly by resettling the income tax, and by the introduction of a succession duty on real estate. The preparation and passing of this very technical and intricate Succession Duty Act was a most laborious enterprise, of which Mr. Gladstone used to speak as the severest mental strain he had ever undergone.
Καρτίοστην δὴ τήν γε μάχην φάατω δύμεναι ἀνδρῶν.
The budget of 1860, among other changes, abolished the paper duty, an immense service to the press, which excited the hostility of the House of Lords. They threw out the measure, but in the following year Mr. Gladstone forced them to submit. His achievements in the field of finance equal, if they do not surpass, those of Peel, and are not tarnished, as in the case of Pitt, by the recollection of burdensome wars. To no minister can so large a share in promoting the commercial and industrial prosperity of modern England, and in the reduction of her national debt, be ascribed.
The second group includes the two great parliamentary reform bills of 1866 and 1884 and the Redistribution Bill of 1885. The first of these was defeated in the House of Commons, but it led to the passing next year of an even more comprehensive bill—a bill which, though passed by Mr. Disraeli, was to some extent dictated by Mr. Gladstone, as leader of the opposition. Of these three statutes taken together, it may be said that they have turned Britain into a democratic country, changing the character of her government almost as profoundly as did the Reform Act of 1832.
The third group consists of a series of Irish measures, beginning with the Church Disestablishment Act of 1869, and including the Land Act of 1870, the University Education Bill of 1873 (defeated in the House of Commons), the Land Act of 1881, and the home-rule bills of 1886 and 1893. All these were in a special manner Mr. Gladstone’s handiwork, prepared as well as brought in and advocated by him. All were highly complicated, and of one—the Land Act of 1881, which it took three months to carry through the House of Commons—it was said that so great was its intricacy that only three men understood it—Mr. Gladstone himself, his Attorney-General for Ireland, and Mr. T. M. Healy. So far from shrinking from, he seemed to revel in, the toil of mastering an infinitude of technical details. Yet neither did he want boldness and largeness of conception. The Home-Rule Bill of 1886 was nothing less than a new constitution for Ireland, and in all but one of its most essential features had been practically worked out by himself more than four months before it was presented to Parliament.
Of the other important measures passed while he was prime minister, two deserve special mention, the Education Act of 1870 and the Local-Government Act of 1894. Neither of these, however, was directly his work, though he took a leading part in piloting the former through the House of Commons.
His action in the field of foreign policy, though it was felt only at intervals, was on several occasions momentous, and has left abiding results in European history. In 1851, he being then still a Tory, his powerful pamphlet against the Bourbon government of Naples, and the sympathy he subsequently avowed with the national movement in Italy, gave that movement a new standing in Europe by powerfully recommending it to English opinion. In 1870 the prompt action of his government, in concluding a treaty for the neutrality of Belgium on the outbreak of the war between France and Germany, saved Belgium from being drawn into the strife. In 1871, by concluding the treaty of Washington, which provided for the settlement of the Alabama claims, he not only asserted a principle of the utmost value, but delivered England from what would have been, in case of her being at war with any European power, a danger fatal to her ocean commerce. And, in 1876, the vigorous attack he made on the Turks after the Bulgarian massacre roused an intense feeling in England, so turned the current of opinion that Disraeli’s ministry were forced to leave the Sultan to his fate, and thus became the cause of the deliverance of Bulgaria, Eastern Rumelia, Bosnia, and Thessaly from Mussulman tyranny. Few English statesmen have equally earned the gratitude of the oppressed.
Nothing lay nearer to his heart than the protection of the Eastern Christians. His sense of personal duty to them was partly due to the feeling that the Crimean War had prolonged the rule of the Turk, and had thus imposed a special responsibility on Britain, and on the statesmen who formed the cabinet which undertook that war. Twenty years after the agitation of 1876, and when he had finally retired from Parliament and political life, the massacres perpetrated by the Sultan on his Armenian subjects brought him once more into the field, and his last speech in public (delivered at Liverpool in the autumn of 1896) was a powerful argument in favor of British intervention to rescue the Eastern Christians. In the following spring he followed this up by a spirited pamphlet on behalf of the freedom of Crete. In neither of these two cases did success crown his efforts, for the government, commanding a large majority in Parliament, pursued the course it had already entered on. Many poignant regrets were expressed in England that Mr. Gladstone was no longer able to take practical action in the cause of humanity; yet it was a consolation to have the assurance that his sympathies with that cause had been nowise dulled by age and physical infirmity.
That he was right in the view he took of the Turks and British policy in 1876–78 has been now virtually admitted even by his opponents. That he was also right in 1896 and 1897, when urging action to protect the Eastern Christians, will probably be admitted ten years hence, when partizan passion has cooled. In both cases it was not merely religious sympathy, but also a far-sighted view of policy that governed his judgment. The only charge that can fairly be brought against his conduct in foreign, and especially in Eastern, affairs is, that he did not keep a sufficiently watchful eye upon them at all times, but frequently allowed himself to be so engrossed by British domestic questions as to lose the opportunity which his tenure of power from time to time gave him of averting approaching dangers. Those who know how tremendous is the strain which the headship of a cabinet and the leadership of the House of Commons impose will understand, though they will not cease to regret, this omission.
Such a record is the best proof of the capacity for initiative which belonged to him and in which men of high oratorical gifts have often been wanting. In the Neapolitan case, in the Alabama case, in the Bulgarian case, no less than in the adoption of the policy of a separate legislature and executive for Ireland, he acted from his own convictions, with no suggestion of encouragement from his party; and in the last instances—those of Ireland and of Bulgaria—he took a course which seemed to the English political world so novel and even startling that no ordinary statesman would have ventured on it.
His courage was indeed one of the most striking parts of his character. It was not the rashness of an impetuous nature, for, impetuous as he was when stirred by some sudden excitement, he was wary and cautious whenever he took a deliberate survey of the conditions that surrounded him. It was the proud self-confidence of a strong character, which was willing to risk fame and fortune in pursuing a course it had once resolved upon; a character which had faith in its own conclusions, and in the success of a cause consecrated by principle; a character which obstacles did not affright or deter, but rather roused to a higher combative energy. Few English statesmen have done anything so bold as was Mr. Gladstone’s declaration for Irish home rule in 1886. He took not only his political power but the fame and credit of his whole past life in his hand when he set out on this new journey at seventy-seven years of age; for it was quite possible that the great bulk of his party might refuse to follow him, and he be left exposed to derision as the chief of an insignificant group. It turned out that the great bulk of the party did follow him, though many of the most influential and socially important refused to do so. But neither Mr. Gladstone nor any one else could have foretold this when his intentions were first announced.
Two faults natural to a strong man and an excitable man were commonly charged on him—an overbearing disposition and an irritable temper. Neither charge was well founded. Masterful he certainly was, both in speech and in action. His ardent manner, the intensity of his look, the dialectical vigor with which he pressed an argument, were apt to awe people who knew him but slightly, and make them abandon resistance even when they were unconvinced. A gifted though somewhat erratic politician used to tell how he once fared when he had risen in the House of Commons to censure some act of the ministry. “I had not gone on three minutes when Gladstone turned round and gazed at me so that I had to sit down in the middle of a sentence. I could not help it. There was no standing his eye.” But he neither meant nor wished to beat down his opponents by mere authority. One of the ablest of his private secretaries, who knew him as few people did, once observed: “When you are arguing with Mr. Gladstone, you must never let him think he has convinced you unless you are really convinced. Persist in repeating your view, and if you are unable to cope with him in skill of fence, say bluntly that for all his ingenuity and authority you think he is wrong, and you retain your own opinion. If he respects you as a man who knows something of the subject, he will be impressed by your opinion, and it will afterward have due weight with him.” In his own cabinet he was willing to listen patiently to everybody’s views, and, indeed, in the judgment of some of his colleagues, was not, at least in his later years, sufficiently strenuous in asserting and holding to his own. It is no secret that some of the most important decisions of the ministry of 1880–85 were taken against his judgment, though when they had been adopted he, of course, defended them in Parliament as if they had received his individual approval. Nor, although he was extremely resolute and tenacious, did he bear malice against those who foiled his plans. He would exert his full force to get his own way, but if he could not get it, he accepted the position with dignity and good temper. He was too proud to be vindictive, too completely master of himself to be betrayed, even when excited, into angry words. Whether he was unforgiving and overmindful of injuries, it was less easy to determine, but those who had watched him most closely held that mere opposition or even insult did not leave a permanent sting, and that the only thing he could not forget or forgive was faithlessness or disloyalty. Like his favorite poet, he put the traditori in the lowest pit, although, like all practical statesmen, he often found himself obliged to work with those whom he distrusted. His attitude toward his two chief opponents well illustrates this feature of his character. He heartily despised Disraeli, not because Disraeli had been in the habit of attacking him, as one could easily perceive from the way he talked of those attacks, but because he thought Disraeli habitually untruthful, and considered him to have behaved with incomparable meanness to Peel. Yet he never attacked Disraeli personally, as Disraeli often attacked him. There was another of his opponents of whom he entertained an especially bad opinion, but no one could have told from his speeches what that opinion was. For Lord Salisbury he seemed to have no dislike at all, though Lord Salisbury had more than once insulted him. On one occasion (in 1890) he remarked to a colleague who had said something about the prime minister’s offensive language: “I have never felt angry at what Salisbury has said about me. His mother was very kind to me when I was quite a young man, and I remember Salisbury as a little fellow in a red frock rolling about on the ottoman.” His leniency toward another violent tongue which frequently assailed him, that of Lord Randolph Churchill, was not less noteworthy.
That his temper was naturally hot, no one who looked at him could doubt. But he had it in such tight control, and it was so free from anything acrid or malignant, that it had become a good temper, worthy of a large and strong nature. With whatever vehemence he might express himself, there was nothing wounding or humiliating to others in this vehemence, the proof of which might be found in the fact that those younger men who had to deal with him were never afraid of a sharp answer or an impatient repulse. A distinguished man (the late Lord Chief Justice Coleridge), some ten years his junior, used to say that he had never feared but two persons, Mr. Gladstone and Cardinal Newman; but it was awe of their character that inspired this fear, for no one could cite an instance in which either of them had forgotten his dignity or been betrayed into a discourteous word. Of Mr. Gladstone especially it might be said that he was cast in too large a mold to have the pettiness of ruffled vanity or to abuse his predominance by treating any one else as an inferior. His manners were the manners of the old time, easy but stately. Like his oratory, they were in what Matthew Arnold used to call the grand style; and the contrast in this respect between him and most of those who crossed swords with him in literary or theological controversy was apparent. His intellectual generosity was a part of the same largeness of nature. He always cordially acknowledged his indebtedness to those who helped him in any piece of work; received their suggestions candidly, even when opposed to his own preconceived notions; did not hesitate to own a mistake if he had made one. Those who have abundant mental resources, and have conquered fame, can doubtless afford to be generous. Julius Cæsar was, and George Washington, and so, in a different sphere, were Newton and Darwin. But the instances to the contrary are so numerous that one may say of magnanimity that it is among the rarest as well as the finest ornaments of character.
The essential dignity of his nature was never better seen than during the last few years of his life, after he had retired (in 1894) from Parliament and public life. He indulged in no vain regrets, nor was there any foundation for the rumors, so often circulated, that he thought of reëntering the arena of strife. He spoke with no bitterness of those who had opposed, and sometimes foiled, him in the past. He gave vent to no disparaging criticisms on those who from time to time filled the place that had been his in the government of the country or the leadership of his party. Although his opinion on current questions was frequently solicited, he scarcely ever allowed it to be known, and never himself addressed the nation, except (as already mentioned) on behalf of what he deemed a sacred cause, altogether above party—the discharge by Britain of her duty to the victims of the Turk. As soon as an operation for cataract had enabled him to read or write for seven hours a day, he devoted himself with his old ardor to the preparation of an edition of Bishop Butler’s works, resumed his multifarious reading, and filled up the interstices of his working-time with studies on Homer which he had been previously unable to complete. No trace of the moroseness of old age appeared in his manners or his conversation, nor did he, though profoundly grieved at some of the events which he witnessed, and owning himself disappointed at the slow advance made by some causes dear to him, appear less hopeful than in earlier days of the general progress of the world, or less confident in the beneficent power of freedom to promote the happiness of his country. The stately simplicity which had been the note of his private life seemed more beautiful than ever in this quiet evening of a long and sultry day. His intellectual powers were unimpaired, his thirst for knowledge undiminished. But a placid stillness had fallen upon him and his household; and in seeing the tide of his life begin slowly to ebb, one thought of the lines of his illustrious contemporary and friend:
such a tide as moving seems asleep,
Too full for sound or foam,
When that which drew from out the boundless deep
Turns again home.
p. 76VI
SOCIAL QUALITIES
Adding these charms of manner to a memory of extraordinary strength and quickness and to an amazing vivacity and variety of mental force, any one can understand how fascinating Mr. Gladstone was in society. He enjoyed it to the last, talking as earnestly and joyously at eighty-five as he had done at twenty on every topic that came up, and exerting himself with equal zest, whether his interlocutor was an arch-bishop or a young curate. Though his party used to think that he overvalued the political influence of the great Whig houses and gave them more than their fair share of honors and appointments, no one was personally more free from that taint of snobbishness which is so frequently charged upon Englishmen. He gave the best he had to everybody alike, paying to men of learning and letters a respect which they seldom receive from English politicians or social magnates. And although he was scrupulously observant of all the rules of precedence and conventions of social life, it was easy to see that neither rank nor wealth had that importance in his eyes which the latter, especially nowadays, commands in London. Dispensing titles and decorations with a liberal hand, his pride always refused such so-called honors for himself. When Mr. Disraeli became Earl of Beaconsfield, his smile had a touch of contempt in it as he observed, “I cannot forgive him for not having made himself a duke.”
It was often said of him that he lacked humor; but this was only so far true that he was apt to throw into small matters a force and moral earnestness which ordinary people thought needless, and to treat seriously opponents whom a little light sarcasm would have better reduced to their insignificance. In private he was wont both to tell and enjoy good stories; while in Parliament, though his tone was generally earnest, he would occasionally display such effective powers of banter and ridicule as to make people wonder why they were so rarely put forth. A great deal of what passes in London for humor is mere cynicism, and he hated cynicism so heartily as to dislike even humor when it had a touch of cynical flavor. Wit he enjoyed, but did not produce. The turn of his mind was not to brevity and point and condensation. He sometimes struck off a telling phrase, but never polished an epigram. His conversation was luminous rather than sparkling; you were interested and instructed while you listened, but the words seldom dwelt in your memory.
After the death of Thomas Carlyle he was beyond dispute the best talker in London, and a talker far more agreeable than either Carlyle or Macaulay, inasmuch as he was no less ready to listen than to speak, and never wearied the dinner-table by a monologue. His simplicity, his spontaneity, his genial courtesy, as well as the vast fund of knowledge and of personal recollections at his command, made him extremely popular in society, so that his opponents used to say that it was dangerous to meet him, because one might be forced to leave off hating him. He was, perhaps, too prone to go on talking upon one subject which happened to fill his mind at the moment; nor was it easy to divert his attention to something else which others might deem more important. Those who stayed with him in the same country house sometimes complained that the perpetual display of force and eagerness fatigued them, as one tires of watching the rush of Niagara. His guests, however, did not feel this, for his own home life was quiet and smooth. He read and wrote a good many hours daily, but never sat up late, almost always slept soundly, never missed early morning service at the parish church, never seemed oppressed or driven to strain his strength. With all his impetuosity, he was remarkably regular, systematic, and deliberate in his habits and ways of doing business. A swift reader and a surprisingly swift writer, he was always occupied, and was skilful in using even the scraps and fragments of his time. No pressure of work made him fussy or fidgety, nor could any one remember to have seen him in a hurry.
p. 81VII
AUTHORSHIP
The best proof of his swiftness, his industry, and his skill in economizing time is to be found in the quantity of his literary work, which, considering the abstruse nature of the subjects to which most of it is related, would have been creditable to the diligence of a German professor sitting alone in his study. As to the merits of the work there has been some controversy. Mankind are slow to credit the same person with eminence in various fields. When they read the prose of a great poet, they try it by severer tests than would be applied to other prose-writers. When a painter wins fame by his portraits or his landscapes, they are apt to discourage any other kind of painting he may attempt. So Mr. Gladstone’s reputation as an orator stood in his own light when he appeared as an author. He was read with avidity by thousands who would not have looked at the article or book had it borne any other name; but he was judged by the standard, not of his finest printed speeches, for his speeches were seldom models of composition, but rather by that of the impression which his speeches made on those who heard them. Since his warmest admirers could not claim for him as a writer of prose any such pre-eminence as belonged to him as a speaker, it followed that his written work was not duly appreciated. Had he been a writer and nothing else, he would have been famous and powerful by his pen.
He might, however, have failed to secure a place in the front rank. His style was forcible, copious, rich with various knowledge, warm with the ardor of his nature. But it had three serious defects. It was diffuse, apt to pursue a topic into details, when these might have been left to the reader’s own reflection. It was redundant, employing more words than were needed to convey the substance. It was unchastened, indulging too freely in tropes and metaphors, in quotations and adapted phrases even when the quotation added nothing to the sense, but was due merely to some association in his own mind. Thus it seldom reached a high level of purity and grace, and though one might excuse its faults as natural to the work of a swift and busy man, they were sufficient to prevent readers from deriving much pleasure from the mere form and dress of his thoughts. Nevertheless there are passages, and not a few passages, both in the books and in the articles, of rare merit, among which may be cited (not as exceptionally good, but as typical of his strong points) the striking picture of his own youthful feeling toward the Church of England contained in the “Chapter of Autobiography,” and the refined criticism of “Robert Elsmere,” published in 1888. Almost the last thing he wrote, a pamphlet on the Greek and Cretan question, published in the spring of 1897, has all the force and cogency of his best days. Two things were never wanting to him: vigor of expression and an admirable command of appropriate words.
His writings fall into three classes: political, theological, and literary—the last including, and indeed chiefly consisting of, his books and articles upon Homer and the Homeric question. All the political writings, except his books on “The State in its Relations to the Church” and “Church Principles Considered in their Results,” belong to the class of occasional literature, being pamphlets or articles produced with a view to some current crisis or controversy. They are valuable chiefly as proceeding from one who bore a leading part in the affairs they relate to, and as embodying vividly the opinions and aspirations of the moment, less frequently in respect of permanent lessons of political wisdom, such as one finds in Machiavelli or Tocqueville or Edmund Burke. Like Pitt and Peel, Mr. Gladstone had a mind which, whatever its original tendencies, had come to be rather practical than meditative. He was fond of generalizations and principles, but they were always directly related to the questions that came before him in actual politics; and the number of general maxims or illuminative suggestions to be found in his writings and speeches is not large in proportion to their sustained intellectual vigor. Even Disraeli, though his views were often fanciful and his epigrams often forced, gives us more frequently a brilliant (if only half true) historical aperçu, or throws a flash of light into some corner of human character. Of the theological essays, which are mainly apologetic and concerned with the authenticity and authority of Scripture, it is enough to say that they exhibit the same general characteristics as the treatises dealing with Homer, which were the most serious piece of work that proceeded from Mr. Gladstone’s pen. These Homeric treatises are in one sense worthless, in another sense admirable. Those parts of them which deal with early Greek mythology and religion, with Homeric geography and genealogy, and in a less degree with the use of Homeric epithets, have been condemned by the unanimous voice of scholars as fantastic. The premises are assumed without sufficient investigation, while the reasonings are fine-drawn and flimsy. Extraordinary ingenuity is shown in piling up a lofty fabric, but the foundation is of sand, and the edifice has hardly a solid wall or beam in it. A clever conjecture is treated as a fact; an inference possible but represented as probable is drawn from this conjecture; a second inference is based upon the first; we are made to forget that the probability of this second is at most only half the probability of the first; the process is continued in the same way; and when the whole superstructure is complete, the reader is provoked to perceive how much dialectical skill has been wasted upon a series of hypotheses which a breath of common-sense criticism dissipates. If one is asked to explain the weakness in this particular department of so otherwise strong a mind, the answer would seem to be that the element of fancifulness in Mr. Gladstone’s intellect, and his tendency to mistake mere argumentation for verification, were checked in practical politics by constant intercourse with friends and colleagues as well as by the need of convincing visible audiences, while in theological or historical inquiries his ingenuity roamed with a dangerous freedom over wide plains where no obstacles checked its course. Something may also be due to the fact that his philosophical and historical education was received at a time when the modern critical spirit and the canons it recognizes had scarcely begun to assert themselves at Oxford. Similar defects may be discerned in other eminent writers of his own and preceding generations of Oxford men, defects which persons of equal or even inferior power in later generations would not display. In some of these, and particularly in Cardinal Newman, the contrast between dialectical acumen, coupled with surpassing rhetorical skill, and the vitiation of the argument by a want of the critical faculty, is even more striking than in Mr. Gladstone’s case; and the example of that illustrious man suggests that the dominance of the theological view of literary and historical problems, a dominance evident in Mr. Gladstone, counts for something in producing the phenomenon noted.
With these deficiencies, Mr. Gladstone’s Homeric work had the great merit of being based on a full and thorough knowledge of the Homeric text. He had seen that Homer is not only a poet, but an “historical source” of the highest value, a treasure-house of data for the study of early Greek life and thought, an authority all the more trustworthy because an unconscious authority, addressing not posterity but his own contemporaries. With this thorough knowledge of the matter contained in the poems, Mr. Gladstone was able to present many interesting and permanently valuable pictures of the political and social life of Homeric Greece, while the interspersed literary criticisms are often subtle and suggestive, erring, when they do err, chiefly through what may be called the over-earnestness of his mind. He sometimes takes the poet too seriously; he is apt to read an ethical purpose into descriptive or dramatic touches which are merely descriptive or dramatic. But he has for his author not only that intense sympathy which is the best basis for criticism, but a real justness of poetic taste which the learned and painstaking German commentator frequently wants. That he was a sound and accurate scholar in that somewhat narrow sense of the word which denotes a grammatical and literary mastery of Greek and Latin, goes without saying. Men of his generation were more apt to keep up their familiarity with the ancient classics than is the present generation; and his habit of reading Greek for the sake of his Homeric studies, and Latin for the sake of his theological, made this familiarity more than usually thorough. Like most Etonians, he loved and knew the poets by preference. Theology claimed a place beside poetry; history came next, and was always a favorite branch of study. It seemed odd that the constitutional history of England was by no means one of his strong subjects, but the fact is that this was preeminently a Whig subject, and Mr. Gladstone never was a Whig, never learned to think upon the lines of the great Whigs of former days. His knowledge was not, perhaps, very wide, but it was generally exact; indeed, the accuracy with which he grasped facts that belonged to the realm of history proper was sometimes in strange contrast to the fanciful way in which he reasoned from them, or to the wildness of his conjectures in the prehistoric region. For metaphysics strictly so called he had apparently little turn—his reading did not go far beyond those companions of his youth, Aristotle and Bishop Butler; and philosophical speculation interested him only so far as it bore on Christian doctrine. Neither, in spite of his eminence as a financier and an advocate of free trade, did he show much taste for economic studies. On practical topics, such as the working of protective tariffs, the abuse of charitable endowments, the development of fruit-culture in England, the duty of liberal giving by the rich, the utility of thrift among the poor, his remarks were always full of point, clearness, and good sense, but he seldom launched out into the wider sea of economic theory. He must have possessed mathematical talent, for he took a first class in mathematics at Oxford, at the same time as his first in classics, but it was a subject he soon dropped. Regarding the sciences of nature, the sciences of experiment and observation, he seemed to feel as little curiosity as any educated man who notes the enormous part they play in the modern world can feel. Sayings of his have been quoted which show that he imperfectly comprehended the character of the evidence they rely upon and of the methods they employ. On one occasion he astonished a dinner-table of younger friends by refusing to accept some of the most certain conclusions of modern geology. No doubt he belonged (as the famous Lord Derby once said of himself) to a pre-scientific age; still, it was hard to avoid thinking that he was unconsciously influenced by a belief that such sciences as geology and biology, for instance, were being worked in a sense hostile to revealed religion, and were therefore influences threatening the moral welfare of mankind.
p. 94VIII
RELIGIOUS CHARACTER
Of all the things with which men are concerned, religion was that which had the strongest hold upon his thoughts and feelings. He had desired, when quitting the university, to become a clergyman, and it was only his father’s opposition that made him abandon the idea. Never thereafter did he cease to take the warmest and most constant interest in all the ecclesiastical controversies that distracted the Established Church. He was turned out of his seat for Oxford University by the country clergy, who form the bulk of the voters. He incurred the bitter displeasure of four fifths of the Anglican communion by disestablishing the Protestant Episcopal Church in Ireland, and from 1868 to the end of his life found nearly all the clerical force of the English establishment arrayed against him, while his warmest support came from the Nonconformists of England and the Presbyterians of Scotland. Yet nothing affected his devotion to the church in which he had been brought up, nor to the body of Anglo-Catholic doctrine he had imbibed as an undergraduate. After an attack of influenza which had left him very weak in the spring of 1891, he endangered his life by attending a meeting on behalf of the Colonial Bishoprics Fund, for which he had spoken fifty years before. His theological opinions tinged his views upon not a few political subjects. They filled him with dislike of the legalization of marriage with a deceased wife’s sister; they made him a vehement opponent of the bill which established the English Divorce Court in 1857, and a watchfully hostile critic of all divorce legislation in America afterward. Some of his friends traced to the same cause his low estimate of German literature and even his political aversion to the German Empire. He could not forget that Germany had been the fountain of rationalism, while German Evangelical Protestantism was more schismatic and further removed from the medieval church than it pleased him to deem the Church of England to be. He had an exceedingly high sense of the duty of purity of life and of the sanctity of domestic relations, and his rigid ideas of decorum inspired so much awe that it used to be said to a person who had told an anecdote with ever so slight a tinge of impropriety, “How many thousands of pounds would you take to tell that to Gladstone?” When living in the country, it was his constant practice to attend daily morning service in the parish church, and on Sunday to read in it the lessons for the day; nor did he ever through his long career transgress his rule against Sunday labor.
Religious feeling, coupled with a system of firm dogmatic beliefs, was the mainspring of his whole career, a guiding light in perplexities, a source of strength in adverse fortune, a consolation in sorrow, a beacon of hope beyond the disappointments and shortcomings of life. He did not make what is commonly called a profession of religion, and talked little about it in general society, though always ready to plunge into a magazine controversy when Christianity was assailed. But those who knew him well knew that he was always referring current questions to, and trying his own conduct by, a religious standard. He was a remarkable example of the coexistence together with a Christian virtue of a quality which theologians treat as a sin. He was an exceedingly proud man, yet an exceedingly humble Christian. With a high regard for his own dignity and a keen sensitiveness to any imputation on his honor, he was deeply conscious of his imperfections in the eye of God, realizing the sinfulness and feebleness of human nature with a medieval intensity. The language of self-depreciation he was wont to use, though people often thought it unreal, was the genuine expression of his sense of the contrast between the religious ideal he set up and his own attainment. And the tolerance which he extended to those who attacked him or who had (as he thought) behaved ill in public life was largely due to this pervading sense of the frailty of human character, and of the inextricable mixture in conduct of good and bad motives. “It is always best to take the charitable view,” he once observed in passing through the division lobby, when a friend had quoted to him the saying of Dean Church that Mark Pattison had painted himself too black in his autobiography—“always best, especially in politics.”
This indulgent view, which seemed to develop in his later years, was the more remarkable because his feelings were strong and his expressions sometimes too vehement. There was nothing in it of the cynical “man of the world” acceptance of a low standard as the only possible standard, for his moral earnestness was as fervent at eighty-eight as it had been at thirty. Although eminently accessible and open in the ordinary converse of society, he was in reality a reserved man; not shy, stiff, and externally cold, like Peel, nor always standing on a pedestal of dignity, like the younger Pitt, but revealing his deepest thoughts only to a very few intimate friends, and treating all others with a courteous friendliness which, though it put them quickly at their ease, did not encourage them to approach any nearer. Thus, while he was admired by the mass of his followers, and beloved by the small inner group of family friends, the great majority of his colleagues, official subordinates, and political or ecclesiastical associates felt for him rather respect than affection, and would have hesitated to give him any of friendship’s confidences. It was regretfully observed that though he was kindly and considerate, would acknowledge all good service, and gladly offer to a junior an opportunity of distinction, he seldom seemed sufficiently interested in any one of his disciples to treat him with special favor or bestow those counsels which a young man so much prizes from his chief. But for the warmth of his devotion to a few early friends and the reverence he always paid to their memory, a reverence touchingly shown in the article on Arthur Hallam which he published in 1898, sixty-five years after Hallam’s death, there might have seemed to be a measure of truth in the judgment that he cared less for men than for ideas and causes. Those, however, who marked the pang which the departure to the Roman Church of his friend Hope Scott caused him, those who in later days noted the enthusiasm with which he would speak of Lord Althorp, his opponent, and of Lord Aberdeen, his chief, dwelling upon the beautiful truthfulness and uprightness of the former and the sweet amiability of the latter, knew that the impression of detachment he gave wronged the sensibility of his own heart. Of how few who have lived for more than sixty years in the full sight of their countrymen, and have been as party leaders exposed to angry and sometimes dishonest criticism, can it be said that there stands on record against them no malignant word and no vindictive act! This was due not perhaps entirely to natural sweetness of disposition, but rather to self-control and to a certain largeness and dignity of soul which would not condescend to anything mean or petty. Nor should it be forgotten that the perfectly happy life which he led at home, cared for in everything by a devoted wife, kept far from him those domestic troubles which have soured the temper and embittered the judgments of not a few famous men. Reviewing his whole career, and summing up the impressions and recollections of those who knew him best, this dignity is the feature which dwells most in the mind, as the outline of some majestic Alp moves one from afar when all the lesser beauties of glen and wood, of crag and glacier, have faded in the distance. As elevation was the note of his oratory, so was magnanimity the note of his character.
The favorite Greek maxim that no man can be called happy till his life is ended must, in the case of statesmen, be extended to warn us from the attempt to fix any one’s place in history till a generation has arisen to whom he is a mere name, not a familiar figure to be loved, opposed, or hated. Few reputations made in politics keep so far green and fresh that men continue to read and write and speculate about the person when those who can remember him living have departed. Out of all the men who have played a leading part in English public life in the present century there are but seven or eight—Pitt, Fox, Canning, Wellington, Peel, O’Connell, Disraeli, perhaps Melbourne and Brougham—who still excite our curiosity. The great poet or the great artist lives longer—indeed, he lives as long as his books or his pictures; the statesman, like the musician or the actor, begins to be forgotten so soon as his voice is still, unless he has so dominated the men of his own time, and made himself a part of his country’s history, that his personal character becomes a leading factor in the course which events took. Tried by this test, Mr. Gladstone’s fame seems destined to last. His eloquence will soon become merely a tradition, for his printed speeches do not preserve its charm. His main acts of policy, foreign and domestic, will have to be judged by their still unborn consequences. If his books continue to be read, it will be rather because they are his than in respect of any permanent contribution they have made to knowledge. But whoever follows the annals of England during the memorable years from 1843 to 1894 will meet his name on almost every page, will feel how great must have been the force of an intellect that could so interpenetrate the events of its time, and will seek to know something of the wonderful figure that rose always conspicuous above the struggling throng.
There is a passage in the “Odyssey” where the seer Theoclymenus, in describing a vision of death, says: “The sun has perished out of heaven.” To Englishmen, Mr. Gladstone has been like a sun which, sinking slowly, has grown larger as he sank, and filled the sky with radiance even while he trembled on the verge of the horizon. There were able men, and famous men, but there was no one comparable to him in power and fame and honor. Now he is gone. The piercing eye is dim, and the mellow voice is silent, and the light has died out of the sky.
***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE***
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wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 2 | 45 | https://www.findmypast.co.uk/1911-census/william-ewart-gladstone-newton-rg14/06011/0545/1-62432432-8e34-4e59-8254-5a6e198d7075 | en | William Ewart Gladstone Newton living in Southampton, Hampshire in 1911 Census | [
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William Ewart Gladstone
PartyLiberalSeat10 Downing Street First term
3 December 1868 – 17 February 1874CabinetFirst Gladstone ministryElection1868 Second term
23 April 1880 – 9 June 1885CabinetSecond Gladstone ministryElection1880 Third term
1 February 1886 – 20 July 1886CabinetThird Gladstone ministryElection1885 Fourth term
15 August 1892 – 2 March 1894CabinetFourth Gladstone ministryElection1892Library website
William Ewart Gladstone was the Liberal prime minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland on four separate occasions between 1868 and 1894. He was noted for his moralistic leadership and his emphasis on world peace, economical budgets, political reform and efforts to resolve the Irish question. Gladstone saw himself as a national leader driven by a political and almost religious mission, which he tried to validate through elections and dramatic appeals to the public conscience. His approach sometimes divided the Liberal Party, which he dominated for three decades. Finally Gladstone split his party on the issue of Irish Home Rule, which he saw as mandated by the true public interest regardless of the political cost.[1][2]
Further information: First Gladstone ministry
During the Christmas of 1867 The Earl Russell announced that he would not lead the Liberal Party at the next general election and so Gladstone succeeded him as Liberal Party leader. The resulting general election of 1868 (the first under the extended franchise enacted in the Reform Act 1867) returned a Liberal majority of 112 seats in the House of Commons.
As prime minister 1868 to 1874 Gladstone headed a Liberal Party that was a coalition of Peelites like himself, Whigs and radicals; Gladstone was now a spokesman for "peace, economy and reform."[3]
Between 1870 and 1874 religious disputes played a major part in destroying the broad Liberal Party coalition. Disputes over education, Irish disestablishment, and the Irish universities showed the divergence between, on the one hand, Whigs, who wanted state control of education and the propagation of a nondenominational, morally uplifting Christianity, and on the other hand Gladstone and his supporters, who sought to guard religion's independence from a modernising civil power. This division struck a lasting blow to prospects of agreement on future policy over education and Ireland.[4]
The first major reform Gladstone undertook was the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland as embodied in the Irish Church Act 1869. This was followed by the Landlord and Tenant Act of 1870 which attempted to protect Irish tenants from unfair treatment from landlords by lending public money to tenants to enable them to buy their holdings. The Act limited landlords' powers to arbitrarily evict their tenants and established compensation for eviction, which varied according to the size of holdings and was not eligible for those evicted for failing to pay rents.[5]
Gladstone's government also passed the Elementary Education Act 1870 (33 & 34 Vict. c. 75), which provided England with an adequate system of elementary schools for the first time. It established a system of elective school boards which were founded to provide education where there were no voluntary schools. These boards had the power to levy rates and from which construct schools, employ teachers, and the ability to force children to attend (if they thought fit) those who were receiving no other education. They were also able to pay certain children's fees for voluntary schools.[6]
In 1871 Gladstone's government passed the Trade Union Act making membership of trade unions legal for the first time. However, picketing remained illegal, with the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1871 making it a specific criminal offence punishable by three months' hard labour in prison.[7] The Ballot Act 1872 was also passed, which established secret ballots for general and local elections.
The Licensing Act 1872 restricted the opening hours in public houses; regulated the content of beer; gave local authorities the power to determine licensing hours and gave boroughs the option of banning all alcohol. These policies were enforced by the police. This Act was generally unpopular and led to rioting in some towns.[8] The liquor industry had Liberal leanings before the Act but now this totally changed, and from "midsummer 1871 [when the first Licensing Bill was discussed] till the dissolution of 1874 nearly every public-house in the United Kingdom was an active committee-room for the Conservative Party". Gladstone blamed the Act for the Conservative victory in the 1874 general election, writing: "We have been borne down in a torrent of gin and beer".[9]
The Supreme Court of Judicature Act 1873 remodelled the English court system (establishing the High Court of Justice and the Court of Appeal). It also attempted to remove the House of Lords's role as a judicial body for England, but this provision was not implemented due to the Conservative victory of 1874.
As Gladstone's Secretary of State for War, Edward Cardwell enacted far-reaching reforms of the British Army in what would become known as the Cardwell Reforms.
In 1868 Gladstone appointed Robert Lowe (1811–92) Chancellor of the Exchequer, expecting him to hold down public spending. Public spending rose, and Gladstone pronounced Lowe "wretchedly deficient." Maloney notes that historians concur on that. Lowe systematically underestimated revenue, enabling him to resist the clamour for tax cuts, and to reduce the national debt instead. He insisted that the tax system be fair to all classes. By his own criterion of fairness—that the balance between direct and indirect taxation remain unchanged—he succeeded. Historians point out that this balance had never been a good measure of class incidence and was by that time thoroughly archaic.[10]
Public expenditure on the military and the navy by 1871 was at its lowest level since 1858. Overall, national public expenditure was reduced from £71,000,000 in 1868 to £67,000,000 in 1870 and 1871. However, it rose to £74,604,000 in 1874. Nevertheless, Gladstone was able to produce five surpluses for each year amounting to £17,000,000. He was also able (he resumed the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer in August 1873 till the dissolution of Parliament in early 1874) to reduce the income tax to 3 pence in the pound in 1873, and the next year proposed to abolish it altogether if he won the next general election.[11]
In the aftermath of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–71 Gladstone attempted to persuade the German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck to forbear from annexing Alsace and Lorraine from defeated France. Gladstone published an anonymous article in the Edinburgh Review in October 1870 espousing his views, but it did not remain anonymous for long. The Germans remained unconvinced by Gladstone's overtures, however. France would regain both provinces in 1919 and 1944—but only after two World Wars with Germany.
During the American Civil War (1861-1865), Gladstone as Chancellor of the Exchequer favoured British and French intervention on the side of the Confederacy. His advice was rejected by the Prime Minister and Britain remained uninvolved. However, British firms financed the purchasing of weapons and stored them in blockade runners where they would be smuggled through the Union blockade to the Confederacy in exchange for cotton. The Confederate ship CSS Alabama had been built in an English port and had subsequently damaged Union shipping. In 1872 Gladstone partly settled the Alabama Claims by giving the United States $15,500,000 as part of the Treaty of Washington only on part of damages committed by British-built Confederate raiders.[12]
Gladstone paid little attention to military affairs but in 1870 pushed through Parliament major changes in Army organisation. Germany's stunning triumph over France proved that the Prussian system of professional soldiers with up-to-date weapons was far superior to the traditional system of gentlemen-soldiers that Britain used.[13] The reforms were designed to centralise the power of the War Office, abolish purchase of officers' commissions, and to create reserve forces stationed in Britain by establishing short terms of service for enlisted men.[14]
Edward Cardwell (1813–1886) as Secretary of State for War (1868–1874) designed the reforms that Gladstone supported in the name of efficiency and democracy. In 1868 he abolished flogging, raising the private soldier status to more like an honourable career. In 1870 Cardwell abolished "bounty money" for recruits, discharged known bad characters from the ranks. He pulled 20,000 soldiers out of self-governing colonies, like Canada, which learned they had to help defend themselves. The most radical change, and one that required Gladstone's political muscle, was to abolish the system of officers obtaining commissions and promotions by purchase, rather than by merit. The system meant that the rich landholding families controlled all the middle and senior ranks in the army. Promotion depended on the family's wealth, not the officer's talents, and the middle class was shut out almost completely. British officers were expected to be gentlemen and sportsmen; there was no problem if they were entirely wanting in military knowledge or leadership skills. From the Tory perspective it was essential to keep the officer corps the domain of gentlemen, and not a trade for professional experts. They warned the latter might menace the oligarchy and threaten a military coup; they preferred an inefficient army to an authoritarian state. The rise of Bismarck's new Germany made this reactionary policy too dangerous for a great empire to risk. The bill, which would have compensated current owners for their cash investments, passed Commons in 1871 but was blocked by the House of Lords. Gladstone then moved to drop the system without any reimbursements, forcing the Lords to backtrack and approve the original bill. Liberals rallied to Gladstone's anti-elitism, pointing to the case of Lord Cardigan (1797–1868), who spent £40,000 for his commission and proved utterly incompetent in the Crimean war, where he ordered the disastrous "Charge of the Light Brigade" in 1854. Cardwell was not powerful enough to install a general staff system; that had to await the 20th century. He did rearrange the war department. He made the office of Secretary of State for War superior to the Army's commander in Chief; the commander was His Royal Highness The Duke of Cambridge (1819–1904), the Queen's first cousin, and an opponent of the reforms. The surveyor-general of the ordnance, and the financial secretary became key department heads reporting to the Secretary. The militia was reformed as well and integrated into the Army. The term of enlistment was reduced to 6 years, so there was more turnover and a larger pool of trained reservists. The territorial system of recruiting for regiments was standardised and adjusted to the current population. Cardwell reduced the Army budget yet increased its strength of the army by 25 battalions, 156 field guns, and abundant stores, while the reserves available for foreign service had been raised tenfold from 3,500 to 36,000 men.[13]
Further information: Second Gladstone ministry
In the 1880 general election Gladstone's Liberals won 352 seats, a gain of 110, against 237 for the Conservatives and 63 for the Irish Home Rule League. It was a comfortable margin, but defections always seemed to whittle down the lead and sometimes produced defeat. Despite his age Gladstone was an indefatigable leader and organiser, and the most brilliant speaker; however he wasted energy by serving as his own Chancellor of the Exchequer for a while. His Liberal party was increasingly factionalised between the smaller "radical" contingent and the larger "Whig" grouping. Gladstone selected a relatively weak cabinet that favoured the Whigs. Even so, some Whigs were alienated because of his imperial policy, while the radical leader, Joseph Chamberlain broke away in because they opposed his home rule plan for Ireland.
It has been argued that Gladstone mishandled the Bradlaugh affair, giving the opposition a religious cudgel which they used for years, with the result that his second ministry was not nearly as successful as the first.[15]
One of the first major pieces of legislation introduced by the new government was the Elementary Education Act 1880, which enshrined the principle of compulsory education (for all children aged 5–10 years of age) into law for the first time.
In 1881 Gladstone was convinced that to pass a Land Bill for Ireland, law and order should be restored. In February 1881 the government therefore passed the Peace Preservation (Ireland) Act 1881 (44 & 45 Vict. c. 5) which gave the Viceroy of Ireland powers to suspend habeas corpus, and gave him in effect the power to lock up anyone he liked for as long as he liked. This was the act used to arrest Irish Nationalist leader Charles Stewart Parnell. In August that year Parliament passed the Land Law (Ireland) Act 1881 which gave Irish tenants "the three Fs"; fair rent, fixity (security) of tenure; and the right to freely sell their holdings.[16] Gladstone's government also passed the Arrears of Rent (Ireland) Act 1882, which cancelled rent arrears for Irish tenants occupying land worth less than £30 per annum who were unable to pay.[17]
The Married Women's Property Act 1882 gave married women the same rights to buy, sell, and own property as unmarried women did and had the effect of women being legally recognised as individuals in their own right for the first time in history.
Gladstone's second government also saw a number of electoral reforms. The Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act 1883 aimed at eliminating corruption in elections and the Representation of the People Act 1884, which gave the counties the same franchise as the boroughs—adult male householders and £10 lodgers—and added about six million to the total number who could vote in parliamentary elections. Parliamentary reform continued with the Redistribution of Seats Act 1885.
Public expenditure was reduced to slightly under £81,000,000 in 1881 from the £83,000,000 inherited from the previous administration of 1879. However it rose to £89,000,000 in 1885.[18] For nearly three years into his second government Gladstone resumed the office of Chancellor. He abolished the tax on malt for the farmers, funding this by adding one pence on income tax and introducing a duty on beer, in 1880. In 1881 he reduced the income tax to five pence in the pound, funding this by increasing the duty on spirits, probates and legacies. In his last Budget in 1882 Gladstone added to the income tax.[18]
Gladstone's government was unexpectedly defeated on the Budget vote on 8 June 1885 and therefore Gladstone resigned the premiership the next day, with Lord Salisbury forming a minority Conservative administration.
While in opposition Gladstone spoke out against Disraeli's aggressive imperialism. Especially in his Midlothian campaign speeches of 1880 he had expounded on his Liberal philosophy of government. The major concern of the campaign was with foreign affairs; with evangelical fervour he articulated his vision of a world community, governed by law, and protecting the weak. The basis was universalism and inclusiveness; his emotional appeals reached to the sense of concern for others, rising eventually to the larger picture of the unity of mankind.[19] Gladstone intended to restore right conduct and right principles when he returned to office, but public opinion—especially among the rural gentry—forced his government to continue imperial defence and expansion, most notably in Egypt.[20] At a time when France, Germany and others were rapidly expanding their empires, he opposed expanding the British Empire.[21]
Gladstone won the 1880 election on the back of his Midlothian campaign against Disraeli's support for the Ottoman Empire. He proceeded to reverse Disraeli's foreign policy by withdrawing the British garrison in Kandahar in Afghanistan and wanted to cede Cyprus to Greece, although he was dissuaded from this by Lord Granville.[22] Although he had denounced the annexation of the Transvaal in the election campaign, he announced in January 1881 that self-government was not going to happen. The Boers rebelled against this in February and drove the British out by force at the Battle of Majuba Hill. Gladstone implemented the Pretoria Convention later in August which ended the First Boer War. In October in a speech at Leeds, Gladstone proclaimed: "While we are opposed to imperialism, we are devoted to the empire".[23]
However, in 1882 a nationalist revolt occurred in Egypt, headed by Colonel Urabi. There was a perceived danger to the Suez Canal, and therefore British communications with its to Indian empire, as well as to British holders of Egyptian bonds.[24] At first, Gladstone appealed to the Concert of Europe to take collective action, although this was met by unenthusiastic responses. France initially sent warships to join the Royal Navy at Alexandria, but refused to send military forces in fear of weakening its defences against Germany. On 10 July Gladstone instructed that an ultimatum be given to Urabi to halt military fortifications of Alexandria within twelve hours. Urabi did not answer and so on 11 July the Royal Navy bombarded the city while the French withdrew. This resulted in rioting and Gladstone got from Parliament £2,300,000 and raised the income tax from 5d. to 6½d. to finance a military campaign.[25] The decision to go to war met with opposition from within the Liberal Party, and the Radical MP John Bright resigned from the Cabinet in protest.[26] On 19 August British troops commanded by Sir Garnet Wolseley landed at Port Said and on 13 September defeated Urabi's forces at the Battle of Tel-el-Kebir. On hearing news of the British victory Gladstone was ecstatic and ordered salutes of the guns in Hyde Park in their honour.[27]
In January 1884 Gladstone consented to sending General Gordon to the Sudan to report on the best means of evacuating Egyptian garrisons there in the aftermath of the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad's rebellion. When Gordon arrived in the Sudan he wanted to hold the capital, Khartoum. At first Gladstone refused to send a relief expedition but a few months later he consented and in October 1884 General Wolseley embarked from Cairo to Khartoum but arrived there too late to save Gordon, who had died when Khartoum fell to the Mahdi. "No single event in Gladstone's career made him more unpopular"[28] and a vote of censure in the Commons reduced the government's majority to fourteen.
Enormous publicity was accorded the case of Charles Bradlaugh, who was elected as a Liberal to Parliament again and again but could not be seated because he was an atheist. Bradlaugh was a conventional Liberal on most issues, but he was also a highly controversial proponent of birth control. The technical issue was whether an atheist could "affirm" his loyalty rather than "swear to God." Gladstone fought to get Bradlaugh seated, but took a legalistic approach which allowed the Conservatives to attack the Liberals with an appeal to religious sentiment. The Liberals were split and their cause suffered. Bradlaugh was finally seated in 1886 and in 1888 Parliament passed a law that allowed affirmations instead of oaths.[29]
With very little publicity Gladstone after 1880 was increasingly estranged from Queen Victoria on issues of Church of England patronage. Gladstone's policy was to nominate bishops and deans solely on the basis of merit and leadership ability. The Queen, encouraged by Disraeli, favoured moderates who would restrain the High Church party (which tended to support the Liberals).[30][31]
The general election in November/December 1885 saw the Liberals lose 33 seats but in January 1886 Salisbury resigned the premiership after losing a vote in the Commons and so Gladstone formed a government on 1 February. Historians point to his age as an explanation for his inflexibility. He minimized the Radical role in his cabinet, with only Joseph Chamberlain representing that faction. The result was internal feuding that so weakened the cabinet that solid achievements were lacking. The historian Donald Southgate argues:
Gladstone, age and ailing, had lost his effectiveness....The party was suffering because the desire to preserve it took precedence, even with the leading Radicals, over the desire to employ it for any particular purpose, such as the grant of local representative institutions to Ireland.[32]
The historian Robert Ensor wrote:
Never in the modern era has a triumphant House of Commons majority achieved so little....The reason was not merely the continuing economic unrest outside, nor the new phenomena of two oppositions—an Irish as well as a conservative. It was that... there persisted a hidden [conflict] within the majority itself, which palsied the government's consuls and zigzagged its policy.... His own method of adjustment, which was to be radical in the open and whiggish behind the scenes, allowed neither side to feel secure. Now, too, that he was past 70, mere egotism grew on him; and within a habit of playing this mystery—man and puzzling his followers by unexpected moves.[33]
Gladstone turned to Ireland. The First Home Rule Bill was introduced to Parliament on 8 April and the Land Purchase Bill on 16 April. Joseph Chamberlain and George Otto Trevelyan resigned from the Cabinet when Gladstone told them that he intended to introduce the bills.[34]
The Land Purchase Bill enabled landlords in Ireland—mostly Protestants—to sell their land to their tenants for the price of 20 years' rent. The purchases were to be financed by government loans funded by £120,000,000 secured on British credit at 3%.[35] The bill was a shock to Liberals and brought down Gladstone's government in a matter of months. Irish nationalist reaction was mixed, Unionist opinion was hostile, and the election addresses during the 1886 election revealed English radicals to be against the bill also. Among the Liberal rank and file, several Gladstonian candidates disowned the bill, reflecting fears at the constituency level that the interests of the working people were being sacrificed to finance a rescue operation for the landed elite. The Land Purchase Bill was criticised from all sides and was dropped. The Home Rule Bill was defeated by 343 votes to 313, with 93 Liberals voting against.[36][37] Thus nothing was accomplished except the permanent disruption of the Liberal Party.
Men who left the Liberal Party now formed the Liberal Unionist Party. Gladstone dissolved Parliament and called a general election which resulted in a Unionist (Conservative and Liberal Unionist) landslide victory under Salisbury.[38]
The general election of 1892 returned more Liberals than Unionists but without an overall majority. The Unionists stayed in office until they lost a motion of no confidence moved by H. H. Asquith on 11 August. Gladstone became Prime Minister for the last time at the age of 82, and was both the oldest ever person to be appointed to the office and when he resigned in 1894 aged 84 he was the oldest person ever to occupy the Premiership.[39]
Gladstone was the first Prime Minister to make it a condition of ministers to resign directorships of public companies in 1892. This was abandoned by Salisbury in 1895 and Arthur Balfour after him but was restored by Liberal Henry Campbell-Bannerman in 1905 and was observed ever since.[40]
Having to rely on Irish Nationalist votes, Gladstone introduced the Second Home Rule Bill in February 1893, passing second reading on 21 April by 43 votes and third reading on 1 September by 34 votes. However the House of Lords killed the Bill by voting against by 419 votes to 41 on 8 September. Gladstone wanted to call a general election to campaign against the Lords but his colleagues dissuaded him from doing so.
Public expenditure in the years 1892–93 was £80,000,000 with income tax at seven pence in the pound. In 1894 Britain's imports totalled £408,000,000, with total British-made exports at £216,000,000 (and the re-export of imports valued at £57,000,000).[41]
In December 1893 an Opposition motion proposed by Lord George Hamilton called for an expansion of the Royal Navy. Gladstone opposed increasing public expenditure on the naval estimates, in the tradition of free trade liberalism of his earlier political career as Chancellor. Almost all his colleagues, however, believed in some expansion of the Royal Navy. Gladstone also opposed Sir William Harcourt's proposal to implement a graduated death duty, which Gladstone denounced as "the most radical measure of my lifetime".[42]
Gladstone decided to resign the Premiership, ostensibly on health grounds, on 2 March 1894. The Queen did not ask Gladstone who should succeed him but sent for Lord Rosebery (Gladstone would have advised on Lord Spencer).[43]
Adelman, Paul. Gladstone, Disraeli and later Victorian politics (Routledge, 2014).
Aldous, Richard. The Lion and the Unicorn: Gladstone vs. Disraeli (2007)
Beales, Derek. From Castlereagh to Gladstone, 1815–1885 (1969), survey of political history online
Bebbington, D.W. and R. Swift, eds. Gladstone centenary essays (Liverpool University Press, 2000).
Boyce, D. George, and Alan O'Day, eds. Gladstone and Ireland: Politics, Religion and Nationality in the Victorian Age (2011)
Bright, J. Franck. A History of England: Period V. Imperial Reaction: Victoria 1880–1901 (vol 5, 1904); detailed political narrative; 295pp; online; also another copy
Ensor, R.C.K. England 1870–1914 (Oxford History of England Series) (1936), 652 pp [ISBN missing]
Feuchtwanger, E.J. "Gladstone and the Rise and Fall of Victorian Liberalism" History Review (Dec 1996) v. 26 online Archived 24 September 2019 at the Wayback Machine; also online
Hammond, J. L. and M. R. D. Foot. Gladstone and Liberalism (1952) 220 pp[ISBN missing]
Hirst, F. W. Gladstone as Financier and Economist (London: Ernest Benn, 1931).
Hoppen, K. Theodore. The Mid-Victorian Generation 1846–1886 (New Oxford History of England) (2000)
Jagger, Peter J., ed. Gladstone (2007), 256 pp
Jenkins, Roy. Gladstone: A Biography (2002) 698 pp;
Jenkins, T. A. Gladstone, Whiggery and the Liberal Party, 1874–1886 (1988)
Knaplund, Paul. Gladstone's foreign policy (1935).
Langer, William L. European Alliances and Alignments, 1871-1890 (2nd ed. 1950).
Leonard, Dick. "William Ewart Gladstone – From ‘Stern Unbending Tory’to ‘the People’s William’." in Leonard, ed. Nineteenth-Century British Premiers (Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008). 286–309.
McCarthy, Justin H. England under Gladstone, 1880-1885 (1885).online
Magnus, Philip M. Gladstone: A biography (1954)
Matthew, H. C. G. "Gladstone, William Ewart (1809–1898)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004); online edn, May 2011
Matthew, H. C. G. Gladstone, 1809–1874 (1988); Gladstone, 1875–1898 (1995) [ISBN missing]
Matthew, Gladstone: 1809–1898 (1997) is an unabridged one-volume version. online
Morley, J. The life of William Ewart Gladstone, 3 vols. (1903) vol 2 online classic biography with many primary documents
Partridge, M. Gladstone (2003) 284 pp[ISBN missing]
Shannon, Richard. Gladstone. Vol. 1, 1809–1865.; (1982) 580 pp.; Gladstone. Vol. 2: 1865–1898. 1999. 702 pp.
Shannon, Richard. The crisis of imperialism, 1865-1915 (1976), pp 76–100, 142–98..
Southgate, Donald. The passing of the Whigs, 1832–1886 (1962)
Swartz, Marvin. The politics of British foreign policy in the era of Disraeli and Gladstone (Macmillan, 1985).
Vincent, J. Gladstone and Ireland (1978).
Matthew, H. C. G. and M. R. D. Foot, eds. Gladstone Diaries. With Cabinet Minutes & Prime-Ministerial Correspondence (13 vol; vol 14 is the index; 1968–1994); includes diaries, important selections from cabinet minutes and key political correspondence.[ISBN missing]]; vol. 14 pp. 1–284 includes brief identification of the 20,000+ people mentioned by Gladstone. | ||||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 2 | 12 | https://aaregistry.org/story/william-gladstone-politician-and-slaveowner-born/ | en | William Gladstone, Politician and Slaveowner born. | [
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] | null | [] | 2023-08-21T19:33:23+00:00 | *William Gladstone was born on this date in 1809. He was a white British statesman, enslaver, and politician. Born in Liverpool, William Ewart Gladstone was of Scottish ancestry, the fourth son of the wealthy enslaver John Gladstone and his second wife, Anne MacKenzie Robertson. In 1814, young “Willy” visited Scotland for the first time, as […] | en | https://aaregistry.org/wp-content/themes/aareg/images/favicon.ico | African American Registry | https://aaregistry.org/story/william-gladstone-politician-and-slaveowner-born/ | *William Gladstone was born on this date in 1809. He was a white British statesman, enslaver, and politician.
Born in Liverpool, William Ewart Gladstone was of Scottish ancestry, the fourth son of the wealthy enslaver John Gladstone and his second wife, Anne MacKenzie Robertson. In 1814, young "Willy" visited Scotland for the first time, as he and his brother John traveled with their father.
William Gladstone was educated from 1816 to 1821 at the vicarage of St. Thomas' Church at Seaforth. In 1821, he attended Eton College. In December 1831, he achieved a double first-class degree. Gladstone was President of the Oxford Union, where he was an orator, which followed him into the House of Commons. At university, Gladstone denounced Whig's proposals for parliamentary reform in a famous debate at the Oxford Union in May 1831. On the second day of the three-day debate on the Whig Reform Bill, Gladstone moved the motion: 'That the Ministry has unwisely introduced, and most unscrupulously forwarded, a measure which threatens not only to change the form of our Government but ultimately to break up the very foundations of social order, as well as materially to forward the views of those who are pursuing the project throughout the civilized world.'
Gladstone's early attitude towards slavery came from his father, one of the largest enslavers in the British Empire. In 1831, when the Oxford Union considered a motion in favor of the immediate emancipation of the enslaved people in the West Indies, Gladstone moved an amendment in favor of gradual manumission along with better protection for the personal and civil rights of the slaves and better provision for their Christian education. Gladstone wanted gradual rather than immediate emancipation and proposed that slaves should serve a period of apprenticeship after being freed.
He also opposed the international slave trade (which lowered the value of the slaves the father already owned). The antislavery movement demanded the immediate abolition of slavery. In 1832, Gladstone opposed this and said that emancipation should come after moral emancipation through adopting an education system and the inculcation of "honest and industrious habits" among the enslaved people. Then "with the utmost speed that prudence will permit, we shall arrive at that exceedingly desired consummation, the utter extinction of slavery." His early Parliamentary speeches followed a similar line. In June 1833, Gladstone concluded his speech on the 'slavery question' by declaring that though he had dwelt on "the dark side" of the issue, he looked forward to "a safe and gradual emancipation."
In 1834, slavery was abolished across the British Empire, and owners were paid full value for their slaves by the government. Gladstone helped his father obtain £106,769 in official reimbursement by the government for the 508 slaves he owned across nine plantations in the Caribbean. In later years, Gladstone's attitude towards slavery became more critical as his father's influence over his politics diminished.
Shortly after the outbreak of the American Civil War, Gladstone wrote to his friend, the Duchess of Sutherland, that "the principle announced by the vice-president of the South...which asserts the superiority of the white man, and in addition to that founds on it his right to hold the black in slavery, I think that principle detestable, and I am whole with the opponents of it" but that he felt that the North was wrong to try to restore the Union by military force, which he believed would fail. Palmerston's government adopted a position of British neutrality throughout the war while declining to recognize the independence of the Confederacy. In October 1862, Gladstone made a speech in Newcastle in which he said that Jefferson Davis and the other Confederate leaders had "made a nation," that the Confederacy seemed certain to succeed in asserting its independence from the North, and that the time might come when it would be the duty of the European powers to "offer friendly aid in compromising the quarrel."
The speech caused consternation on both sides of the Atlantic and led to speculation that Britain might be about to recognize the Confederacy." He clarified in the press that his comments in Newcastle were not to signal a change in Government policy but to express his belief that the North's efforts to defeat the South would fail due to the strength of Southern resistance. In a memorandum to the Cabinet later that month, Gladstone wrote that, although he believed the Confederacy would probably win the war, it was "seriously tainted by its connection with slavery" and argued that the European powers should use their influence on the South to affect the "mitigation or removal of slavery."
Looking back late in life, Gladstone named the abolition of slavery as one of ten great achievements of the previous sixty years where the masses had been right, and the upper classes had been wrong. In a career lasting over 60 years, he served for 12 years as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, spread over four non-consecutive terms (the most of any British prime minister) beginning in 1868 and ending in 1894. He also served as Chancellor of the Exchequer four times for over 12 years. He formed his last government in 1892 at the age of 82. William Gladstone left office in March 1894, aged 84, as both the oldest person to serve as Prime Minister and the only prime minister to have served four non-consecutive terms.
He left Parliament in 1895 and died three years later, on May 19, 1898. Gladstone was known affectionately by his supporters as "The People's William" or the "G.O.M." ("Grand Old Man" or, to political rivals, "God's Only Mistake"). Historians often rank Gladstone as one of the greatest prime ministers in British history. | ||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 84 | https://medium.com/%40johnwelford15/william-ewart-gladstone-a-sanctimonious-prime-minister-7f94bf502cad | en | William Ewart Gladstone: A Sanctimonious Prime Minister | [
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] | 2022-09-20T15:46:53.145000+00:00 | On 9th December 1868 William Ewart Gladstone (1809–98) became Liberal Prime Minister of the United Kingdom for the first time. He would have four terms in total, of 15 years combined duration, and he… | en | Medium | https://medium.com/@johnwelford15/william-ewart-gladstone-a-sanctimonious-prime-minister-7f94bf502cad | On 9th December 1868 William Ewart Gladstone (1809–98) became Liberal Prime Minister of the United Kingdom for the first time. He would have four terms in total, of 15 years combined duration, and he would hold the record for being the oldest Prime Minster when he entered his final term in 1892 at the age of 82.
Gladstone had an excellent record as a politician with an impressive list of achievements that included Irish home rule, free elementary education, secret ballots at elections and the extension of the franchise to working-class men.
However, he was a man with virtually no sense of humour and a moralistic attitude that most people found to be insufferable. Many stories were told about his sanctimonious air and his conviction that, as one person said, he not only had the right card up his sleeve but was certain that God had put it there.
During the early part of his political career his chief rival was the much more socially acceptable Conservative leader Benjamin Disraeli, who had all the wit and social grace that Gladstone lacked. | |||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 2 | 28 | https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/gladstone_william_ewart.shtml | en | Historic Figures: William Ewart Gladstone (1809 | http://www.bbc.co.uk/favicon.ico | http://www.bbc.co.uk/favicon.ico | [
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] | null | [] | 2006-11-06T00:00:00 | Victorian Liberal prime minister | en | http://www.bbc.co.uk/favicon.ico | null | Four-times Liberal prime minister of Great Britain, Gladstone was one of the dominant political figures of the Victorian era and a passionate campaigner on a huge variety of issues, including home rule for Ireland.
William Ewart Gladstone was born on 29 December 1809 in Liverpool, the son of a prosperous merchant. He was educated at Eton and Oxford University and was elected to parliament in 1832, as a Tory. He made his mark from the start and held junior offices in Robert Peel's government of 1834 - 1835. Although he was slowly moving towards liberalism, in 1843 Gladstone entered Peel's Conservative cabinet. When the Conservatives split in 1846, Gladstone followed Peel in becoming a Liberal-Conservative. Between 1846 and 1859 Gladstone was politically isolated, although he held some cabinet posts, including chancellor of the exchequer, a position he would ultimately hold three times.
In 1859, he joined the Liberals, becoming their leader in 1867 and the following year, prime minister for the first time. His government created a national elementary programme and made major reforms in the justice system and the civil service. Ireland was always a focus for Gladstone. In 1869 he disestablished the Irish Protestant church and passed an Irish Land Act to rein-in unfair landlords. A heavy defeat in the 1874 general election led to Gladstone's arch-rival Benjamin Disraeli becoming Conservative prime minister, and Gladstone retired as Liberal leader. He remained a formidable government opponent, attacking the Conservatives over their failure to respond to Turkish brutality in the Balkans - the 'Eastern Crisis'.
In 1880, Gladstone became prime minister for the second time, combining this with the office of chancellor for two years. His failure to rescue General Charles Gordon from Khartoum and slow reaction to other imperial issues cost him dear, and in 1885 the government's budget was defeated, prompting him to resign.
Gladstone's third (1886) and fourth (1892 - 1894) terms as prime minister were dominated by his crusade for home rule in Ireland. The years he was out of office were devoted to the issue as well. His first home rule bill in 1886 split the Liberal Party and was rejected. In 1893, another home rule bill was rejected by the House of Lords. Gladstone found himself increasingly at odds with his cabinet and, in 1894, he resigned. He died of cancer on 19 May 1898 and was buried in Westminster Abbey. | |||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 92 | https://www.cwgc.org/stories/stories/pte-william-ewart-gladstone-jones-24th-ox-and-bucks-light-infantry/ | en | Pte. William Ewart Gladstone Jones ~ 2 | [
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] | null | The story of Ewart Jones. Share your family and community stories today with For Evermore and the Commonwealth War Graves Commission. | en | /apple-touch-icon.png?v=PYqQG3J6gr | CWGC Stories | https://www.cwgc.org/stories/stories/pte-william-ewart-gladstone-jones-24th-ox-and-bucks-light-infantry/ | William Ewart Gladstone Jones was born in Kidderminster on June the 19th 1898. From an early age, the name William was dropped entirely and he was simply known to everyone as Ewart; so, throughout his story, we’ll refer to him by that preferred name…
Ewart’s father was Henry Joseph Jones who had originally hailed from Old Hill near Dudley; Henry had grown up in a large family (he was one of ten children) and he was clearly a highly skilled man, being a wheelwright by trade.
Ewart’s mother was Amelia Jones; she was born and raised in Elmley Lovett; a small village located just east of Hartlebury.
How Ewart’s parents first met is not known, but it may well have been the case that Henry plied his trade fixing wooden wheels on carts and wagons in and around the farmyards of rural Worcestershire, from whence Amelia hailed.
When he was born, Ewart was the second child of Henry and Amelia; his ‘big’ sister Sarah Elizabeth had been born a year earlier, in 1897. The national census of 1901 confirms the family living in a two-up-two-down terraced house in Villiers Street, Kidderminster, a location that would have suited Henry and Amelia perfectly, as they were devout churchgoers; their chosen place of worship being the Milton Hall Baptist Church on Lorne Street, a minute’s walk away from their home.
In an appropriate reflection of the town’s character at that time, on completion of building works in 1890, the Church’s chief benefactor (a corn merchant named Josiah Harvey) handed over its use “to a committee of working men and women” and said that because of strong prejudices against Churches and Chapels, he had decided it would be called a Hall.
Young Ewart was soon brought into the faith and when growing up, would have undoubtedly attended the Milton Hall young men’s bible class, which was affectionately known as ‘Mr. Bale’s Bible Class’.
Along with his sister Sarah, Ewart attended Lea Street school, a ten-minute walk from their home in Villiers Street.
The 1911 census confirms that Henry and Amelia had been busy; not only had they moved house – to Albert Street, a little closer to Lea Street school for Ewart and Sarah – but they had also brought another four children into the world. Ewart had gained two brothers (Joseph Henry born in 1901 and Benjamin John, born in 1904) and two further sisters (Mildred Marion born in 1903 and his newest sibling, Rosalind Florence, born in 1911).
The 1911 census confirms that at the age of fourteen, Ewart’s sister Sarah, was working in one of the town’s many carpet factories, as a “carpet stitcher.”
Not long after Great Britain declared war on Germany, Ewart gained a fourth brother, Samuel James.
Like most young men at that time, Ewart was determined to answer his country’s call (following an early request for volunteers, in just eight weeks, over three-quarters of a million men in Britain had joined up).
So, keen to ‘do his bit,’ he enlisted on the 5th of June 1916, aged 18 years and 7 months.
At this stage, Ewart would have undergone a medical examination and would have been graded in terms of physical suitability for service. He would then have been sent home to await a call to report for basic training. From the records available, it seems that although Ewart was technically enrolled, his period of waiting for the training call-up was longer than usual, (records suggest that he had a temporary exemption on medical grounds, only being mobilised after a Travelling Medical Board had examined him sometime in early December 1917).
Later that same month, Ewart was posted to the 13th (Reserve) Battalion of the Royal Warwickshire Regiment. Soon after his arrival, a structural re-organisation saw this battalion become re-classified as the 33rd Training Reserve Battalion, or 33TRB.
Ewart served with the 33TRB from the 20th of December 1916 to the 12th of July 1918. On completion of his basic training, he was posted to a ‘Graduated Battalion’ where he received more advanced infantry training (in areas such as the workings and intricacies of the Lewis machine gun, the most effective use of hand grenades, and general battle-fitness, including bayonet fighting).
On completion of this training, as a twenty-year-old man, he would have been considered fit and ready for service overseas. Throughout this period of advanced infantry training, Ewart and his mates would have also undertaken Home Defence duties.
The Graduated Battalion that Ewart was in was the 206th - and on the 26th of July, this unit sent a draft of fully trained, eager young soldiers to France…
On the 29th of July they arrived at an Infantry Base Depot in Rouen (basically, a holding camp which kept newly arrived men in training while they awaited posting to a unit at the front). Almost immediately following arrival, 314 of Ewart’s draft were allocated to the 2nd Battalion of the Devonshire Regiment (the Devons).
Such transfers and attachments were not uncommon. They were driven by the need for reinforcements in those units that had been badly weakened by losses in battle. The number of such movements varied according to casualty rates suffered and by the intensity of fighting up and down the line.
Ewart’s transfer to the Devons was most probably due to the terrible losses that they'd suffered in the Third Battle of Ypres a month previously (a battle more commonly referred to as Passchendaele).
When he caught up with them on the 20th of August, they were resting in billets near Caëstre, six miles north-east of Hazebrouck.
Ewart and the Devons returned to the Ypres Salient at the end of November and even though the intensity of the initial fighting had abated, they were still in the thick-of-it, regularly taking part in hazardous offensive and defensive actions.
Around this time, Ewart fell ill and was taken out of the line by his company Captain (R.J. Filgate) and sent for treatment on the Princesse Elisabeth, a 300-berth hospital ship that was on-hire from the Belgium government; his illness being confirmed by the on-board doctor as “influenza.”
Influenza was not an uncommon ailment amongst the frontline troops, and the medical staff aboard the Princesse Elisabeth would have been well versed in its treatment.
On overcoming the initial symptoms, Ewart would have undergone a period of convalescence and rehabilitation before eventually appearing before a medical board whose job it was to assess his physical suitability for redeployment to a frontline unit.
Ewart returned to the Devons but only for a short time; another transfer ensued and in early April 1918, he was directed to make his way to Avesne (a remote village behind Amiens) and report to his new unit – the 2/4th Battalion of the Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry (Ox and Bucks LI).
Once again, this transfer was driven by the heavy losses incurred by the 2/4th in previous battles; they'd suffered terribly when holding the line at Gricourt in the face of ongoing German attacks (the German Spring Offensive; the Kaiser’s desperate attempt to win the war before the newly arrived Americans could fully deploy their troops).
Further losses had been incurred during their subsequent rearguard action around St. Quentin when helping cover the British withdrawal in the face of the unrelenting German advance. The loss in all ranks is said to have been so heavy that the killed and missing could only be computed by counting those very few that remained.
When Ewart joined his new, battle-weary battalion, it was as part of a 300-man draft (NCOs and men) along with a tranche of new Officers.
As if fighting with the Devons in the Ypres Salient wasn’t sufficient, Ewart saw even more action with the 2/4th Ox and Bucks: on April the 12th and 15th to the northeast of Robecq, on August the 28th near Neuf Berquin, and after moving south to the Cambrai Sector, at Haussy on the 24th and the 25th of October.
Three weeks after that last action, the war was over.
Unlike so many of his compatriots, Ewart had managed to survive the war; however his final months in service were spent battling against illness – the ongoing effects of an earlier gassing.
On the 9th of January 1919, an ailing Ewart was granted two weeks furlough and was sent home. Back in Blighty, Ewart’s health deteriorated further and he never returned to his battalion…
On the 20th of February 1919 he was discharged and: “Transferred to Class “Z” Army Reserve on demobilisation.”
Raised in 1918, the Class “Z” Army was a reserve contingent consisting of previously enlisted British soldiers who had since been discharged. When the predicted refusal to accept the terms of the Armistice by disillusioned German stalwarts didn’t happen, the “Z” Reserve was abolished on the 31st of March 1920.
However, if called upon to do so, Ewart would never have been able to function as a “Z” Army reservist, he was simply too unwell…
Ewart passed away on the 23rd of July 1919, aged just 21.
His Ministry of Pensions record card confirmed his disability on discharge as being "pulmonary tuberculosis" - it further confirmed that the degree of Ewart’s disablement was 100%. Tellingly, it also confirmed that his condition was wholly attributable to his war service.
On the 24th of July, the day after his passing, Ewart had planned to attend the Great War victory parade through the streets of Kidderminster…
In a newspaper article published 95 years after Ewart’s death, Ewart’s nephew (Roger Jones, the son of Ewart’s brother Edward) told of how he’d canvassed the Common-wealth War Graves Commission (CWGC) and presented evidence to support the claim that Ewart’s death at home, was a direct consequence of his service overseas.
Up until this time, although Ewart's name appeared on the local war memorial, he wasn't included as a war casualty in some records (most probably because he'd died at home, post Armistice).
The Commission reviewed the evidence and agreed that Ewart’s name should most definitely be added to the Commission’s records of war dead and should be included in the United Kingdom Book of Remembrance.
Roger’s efforts in winning recognition for his uncle’s service must be roundly applauded.
Today, due to Roger’s success, Ewart’s family grave in Kidderminster cemetery is regularly tended by a CWGC volunteer, and in line with the Commissions pledge that all CWGC memorials to the fallen will be tended in perpetuity, it will continue to receive such attention for generation after generation, for many years to come.
In the same article, Roger confirmed that Ewart was:
“…gassed in 1918, and (he) was sent to recuperate in northern France before being sent back to the front, despite not being well enough to fight”.
The validity of that claim may be open to conjecture. Of course, appropriate medical assessment processes were in place to ensure that those unfit to fight were discharged. However, no medical board member could ever really know how badly Ewart still felt as a result of his gassing.
Despite the tried-and-trusted military protocols, only Ewart knew if he was truly fit enough for a return to frontline service - and the stories passed down from Ewart himself through generations of his family, suggest that he might not have been.
The fact that he was returned to frontline service and then died from Pulmonary Tuberculosis just a few months later, suggests that he wasn’t… | ||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 2 | 23 | https://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/c8k64q6r/entire_text/ | en | William Ewart Gladstone Collection: Finding Aid | [
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] | null | [] | null | https://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/c8k64q6r/entire_text/ | [Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898]. “Arrangements for [funeral of Sir Stephen Glynne], Wednesday June 24, 1874…,” A.MS. (6 p.), (1874, June 22), [Hawarden]. GLA 2
Note: Very fragile -- handle carefully.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. [Check for £25 paid to the order of Harry Drew, d. 1910], D.S. (printed: 1 p.), (1890, June 3). GLA 3
On verso: endorsed by Harry Drew.
[Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898]. [Inscription/Translation for Restoration of Edinburgh Cross by Gladstone], A.MS. (2 p.), ([ca. 1885]), London. GLA 5
Note: copied out by William Henry Gladstone (?).
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. [Instructions to an aide regarding numbers of newly enfranchised], A.MS.S. (2 p.), ([1866-1867?], Mar. 7), London. GLA 6
Note: marked “Secret;” could also be dated Mar. 7, 1883-1884.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. “Memorandum:” [regarding William Henry Gladstone becoming M.P. for Chester], A.MS.S. (3 p.), (1865, Apr. 13). GLA 7
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. [Note on terms of appointment to a post in the Treasury], A.MS.S. (3 p.), ([before 1894]), London. GLA 8
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. “Rejoiner on Authority in Matters of Opinion:” [article: corrected page proofs for The Nineteenth Century], MS.S. (printed: 25 p.), (1877, June 25). GLA 9
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. “Speech of W.E. Gladstone…in the House of Commons, Monday, June 29, 1840,” MS. (printed: 35 p.), (1840), London. GLA 11
Note: with A.N.S. by Gladstone to Henry Goulburn, 1784-1856.
[Members of the House of Commons]. [Petition to W.E. Gladstone of M.P.s to appoint a committee to advise upon the completion of the later Alfred Steven’s monument to the Duke of Wellington in St. Paul’s Cathedral], D.S. (printed: 2 p.), ([ca. 1880-1882?]), London. GLA 15
Cataloger’s note: printed petition signed by a large number of M.P.s.
Aberdeen and Temair, Ishbel Gordon, Marchioness of, 1857-1939. 1 letter to Catherine Raven Holiday, d. 1924, L.S. (typewritten: 1 p.), (1892, June 22), London. GLA 16
Bryce, James Bryce, Viscount, 1838-1922. 1 letter to William A. Aiken, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1915, [May?] 27), Hindleap (Sussex, Eng.). GLA 17
Cambridge, George William Frederick Charles, Duke of, 1819-1904. 1 letter to “My Dear Admiral,” A.L.S. (4 p.), (1876, Jan. 11), London. GLA 21
Christie-Miller, Samuel, 1811-1889. 1 letter to W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1857, June 12), Westminster. GLA 22
Cataloger’s note: letter signed, “S Christy;” he took the name of Miller in 1862. Some sources list him as “Christy-Miller.”
Drew, Harry, d. 1910. 1 letter to “My Dear Sir,” A.L.S. (4 p.), (1898, June 27), Chester. GLA 31
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Fanny Aikin-Kortright, 1821-1900], A.L.S. (3 p.), (1874, May 9), Hawarden. GLA 138
Note: bottom portion of final page cut away, with some loss of text.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Robert Aird, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1878, Apr. 5), [London]. GLA 139
Note: damaged and fragile.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to C---- H---- Allen, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1878, Feb. 12), London. GLA 140
Note: damaged.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.S. (Acton Smee) Ayrton, 1816-1886, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1873, Apr. 10), London. GLA 146
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Churchill Babington, 1821-1889, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1876, Aug. 9), Hawarden. GLA 150
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to E---- Baldwin, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1853, May 12), London. GLA 152
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Frederick Lygon, Earl Beauchamp, 1830-1891, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1852, Jan. 2), Hawarden. GLA 159
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Sir William Sterndale Bennett, 1816- 1875, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1869, Mar. 5), London. GLA 165
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to E.F. (Edward Frederic) Benson, 1867-1940, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1891, Oct. 31). GLA 166
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Domenico Berti, 1820-1897, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1888, July 6), London. GLA 170
[Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898]. 1 note to Albert Bierstadt, 1830-1902, A.N. (1 p.), (1868, July 6), London. GLA 172
Note: written in the third person.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A---- Bilderbrek, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1883, July 6), London. GLA 173
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to T---- W---- Brown, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1886, Dec. 30), Hawarden. GLA 180
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Robert Browning, 1812-1889, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1885, July 2), London. GLA 183
With envelope.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [My dear Bruce], A.L.S. (2 p.), (1872, Apr. 15), London. GLA 184
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to William Edward Buckley, 1817?-1892, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1864, May 2), London. GLA 186
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Christian Karl Josias, Frelherr von Bunsen, 1791-1860, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1843, July 11), London. GLA 187
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Mr.] A---- W---- Burnly, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1896, Apr. 24). GLA 188
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Arthur Gray Butler, 1831-1909, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1890, Feb. 6), Oxford. GLA 189
With envelope.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Aaron Buzacott, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1876, Dec. 9). GLA 191
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to C. Kegan Paul & Co., A.N.S. (1 p.), (1879, May 29), [London]. GLA 192
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 30 letters, 6 postcards, 1 note and 1 telegram to Patrick William Campbell, (1878-1892), London and Hawarden. GLA 196-233
Note: many letters with envelopes.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Henry E. Carlisle, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1885, Jan. 28), London. GLA 240
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Henry Caswall, 1810-1870, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1843, June 7), London. GLA 243
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to John Henry Chamberlain, 1831- 1883, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1879, Jan. [8]). GLA 245
Note: postcard is misdated Jan. 9.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to John Chapman, 1822-1894, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1859, July 22), London. GLA 246
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Chatto & Windus (Firm), A.N.S. (1 p.), (1897, May 25), Hawarden. GLA 247
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter and 1 note to Hugh C.E. (Hugh Culling Eardley) Childers, 1827-1896, (1883-1887), London and Hawarden. GLA 250-251
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Samuel Christie-Miller, 1811-1889, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1857, June 19), Hawarden. GLA 252
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Mrs.] ----- Clifford, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1895, Dec. 3), Hawarden. GLA 255
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] ----- Cole, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1855, July 24). GLA 256
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] ----- Coleridge, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1883, May 21), London. GLA 257
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Edward William Cooke, 1811-1880, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1850, Apr. 8), [London]. GLA 261
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Emily Charlotte Boyle, Countess of Cork, 1828-1912, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1893, Dec. 24). GLA 263
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to T---- R---- Cotgrave, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1888, Mar. 31), London. GLA 264
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Mr.] R---- Crawford, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1890, May 15). GLA 266
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Lionel Payne Crawfurd, 1864-1934, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1880, Feb. 9). GLA 267
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Paolo Crespi, d. 1900, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1879, Oct. 3), Venice. GLA 268
Note: in Italian.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to William Cureton, 1808-1864, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1840, July 1), London. GLA 269
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Bertram Wodehouse Currie, 1827- 1896, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1891, June 4). GLA 270
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 3 letters and 1 postcard to Sir Donald Currie, 1825-1909, (1895-1896), Hawarden and Penmaenmawr. GLA 271-274
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Daldy, Isbister & Co., A.L.S. (2 p.), (1876, June 15), London. GLA 275
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Darwin and Pugh (Firm), A.L.S. (2 p.), (1862, Oct. 7), London. GLA 276
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Horace Davey, Baron Davey, 1833- 1907]?, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1885, Nov. 2), Hawarden. GLA 277
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Charles De La Pryme, 1815-1899, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1859, Mar.), London. GLA 280
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 5 letters and 1 note to Bonamy Dobree, 1794- 1863, (1861), Hawarden and London. GLA 283-288
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Diana Emily Flora Doyle, 1805-1879, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1878, Feb. 8), London. GLA 290
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Alexander Graham Dunlop, 1814- 1892, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1867, Aug. 9), London. GLA 292
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Edwin Richard Windham Wyndham- Quin, Earl of Dunraven, 1812-1871, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1868, Apr. 9), Hawarden. GLA 293
[Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898]. 1 letter to Joseph Durham, A.L. (1 p.), (1851, July 7), London. GLA 294
Note: written in the third person.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Sir Walter Durnford, 1847-1926, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1877, Oct. 6), Hawarden. GLA 295
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to G---- J---- Edwards, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1875, Aug. 8), Hawarden. GLA 298
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [John Passmore Edwards, 1823- 1911]?, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1868, Feb. 2), Hawarden. GLA 299
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Edward Law, Earl of Ellenborough, 1790-1871, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1853, Apr. 25), London. GLA 300
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Sir John Whittaker Ellis, 1829-1912], A.L.S. (2 p.), (1881, June 27), London. GLA 301
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to C---- K---- Etheridge, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1887, Sep. 29), Hawarden. GLA 303
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Mr.] S---- Evans, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1878, Apr. 8). GLA 304
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to J---- W---- Ferguson, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1843, Jan. 3), Hawarden. GLA 308
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to T---- T---- Flynn, A.L.S. (7 p.), (1857, Apr. 21), London. GLA 312
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to J. A. Fox, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1889, Nov. 28). GLA 314
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Charles Hay Frewen, 1813-1878, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1849, Dec. 10), Fasque. GLA 315
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Francis Aidan Gasquet, 1846-1929, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1889, Oct. 10), Hawarden. GLA 316
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Charles T. (Charles Tindal) Gatty, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1878, Sep. 16), [Hawarden]. GLA 317
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 note to Henry Hucks Gibbs, 1819-1907, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1890, June 6), London. GLA 318
With envelope.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to The Glasgow Mail, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1887, Jan. 21), Hawarden. GLA 329
Note: addressed to The Editor.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Lord Arthur Gordon-Lennox, 1825- 1892, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1848, June 27), London. GLA 334
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Lord Henry Charles George Gordon- Lennox, 1821-1886, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1861, May 29), London. GLA 335
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to J.T. (James Thomas) Grein, 1862- 1935, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1889, Feb. 22), London. GLA 337
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Lady Theodora Guest, 1840-1924, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1861, Jan. 3), Hawarden. GLA 347
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 note and 1 letter to Charles Wood, Viscount Halifax, 1800-1885, (1852-1865), London and Hawarden. GLA 349-350
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Mr.] A---- Hall, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1878, July 27). GLA 351
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Henry Fitzmaurice Hallam, 1824-1850, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1840, July 21), London. GLA 352
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Sir Edward Walter Hamilton, 1847- 1908, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1875, Jan. 4). GLA 356
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to J---- Hamilton, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1858, July 28), Hawarden. GLA 357
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Thomson Hankey, 1805-1893, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1864, June 20), London. GLA 358
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Miss] ----- [Hanwell?], A.L.S. (4 p.), ([1891?], Aug. [6?]), London. GLA 359
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to J---- C---- Haslam, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1887, Feb. 8). GLA 360
Note: damaged and fragile.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Sir Benjamin Hawes, 1797-1862, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1841, Dec. 1), London. GLA 361
Note: lower portion of left corner torn away, with loss of text.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Stephen Hawtrey, 1808-1886, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1862, Feb. 3), London. GLA 367
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [[Mr.] M---- Hickie], A.L.S. (2 p.), (1878, May 21), London. GLA 378
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Rev.] J---- N---- Hoare, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1878, May 26), London. GLA 379
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [[Rev.] J---- T---- Hodges], A.L.S. (3 p.), (1877, Sep. 17), Hawarden. GLA 381
Note: bottom portion of final page cut away.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 4 letters and 3 postcards to Henry Holiday, 1839- 1927, (1880-1891), Hawarden and London. GLA 382-388
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Dr.] ----- Hook, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1858, Dec. 2), London. GLA 389
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to J---- R----- Hope, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1842, Sep. 4), London. GLA 390
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Dr.] J---- W---- Hudson, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1862, May 14), London. GLA 391
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to E---- R---- Humphreys, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1861, Apr. 10), London. GLA 392
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 2 letters and 2 postcards to A. Taylor (Alexander Taylor) Innes, 1833-1912, (1860-1895), London. GLA 395-398
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to William J. (William Josiah) Irons, 1812-1883, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1861, June 15), London. GLA 403
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 2 notes and 2 letters to Donald A. Irvine, d. 1852, (1849-1851), London and Fasque. GLA 405-408
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Robert C. (Robert Charles) Jenkins, 1815-1896, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1878, Dec. 13), London. GLA 413
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Mr.] H---- J---- Jennings, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1877, July 31). GLA 414
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 note to John Gladstone & Co., A.N.S. (1 p.), (1835, Jan. 3), Newark. GLA 417
Note: addressed to Mr. Macdowal.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Rev.] J---- P---- Jones, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1865, July 21), Hawarden. GLA 419
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Mr.] G---- H---- Kemp, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1878, May 6). GLA 421
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Mr.] H---- A---- Kennedy, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1895, [Mar. 25]). GLA 422
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Rev.] J---- Kennedy, A.N. (1 p.), (1875, July 26). GLA 423
Note: written in the third person.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [August Kestner, 1777-1853]?, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1843, July), London. GLA 424
Cataloger’s Note: this letter might be addressed to V. Victor Chauffour-Kestner, 1819-1889.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to William S. Kyle, 1851-, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1888, Dec. 1). GLA 429
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] C---- Lake, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1859, [Jan.?] 24), London. GLA 430
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Mr.] A---- T---- Landreth, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1880, Jan. 8). GLA 434
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to William Henry Leatham, 1815-1889, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1865, July 25), Osborne. GLA 438
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Prince Leopold, Duke of Albany, 1853-1884, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1874, May 12), Hawarden. GLA 440
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Joseph Barber Lightfoot, 1828-1889, A.L.S. (5 p.), (1882, Mar. 8), London. GLA 444
[Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898]. 1 letter to [Mr.] ----- Lock, A.L. (1 p.), (1844, Feb. 2), London. GLA 445
Note: written in the third person.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Cecil Chetwynd Kerr, Marchioness of Lothian, d. 1877, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1865, Oct. 26), London. GLA 447
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Rev.] E---- Maclure, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1894, Nov. 29). GLA 459
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Samuel Douglas McEnery, 1837-1910, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1886, May 31), London. GLA 462
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to H.T.J. (Henry Tyrwhitt Jones) Macnamara, 1820-1877, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1871, Feb. 27), London. GLA 471
With envelope (front of envelope only).
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Rev.] ----- [McWarden]?, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1859, June 21), London. GLA 472
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 15 letters, 5 postcards and 1 note to Catherine Marsh, 1818-1912, (1866-1867), Hawarden and London. GLA 476-496
Note: some letters with envelopes.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to H---- J---- R---- [Marston?], A.N.S. (1 p.), (1897, June 7), Hawarden. GLA 498
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Miss] ----- Martin, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1887, Nov. 4), Hawarden. GLA 499
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Arnold Harris Mathew, 1852- 1919], A.N.S. (1 p.), (1896, June 19). GLA 513
Cataloger’s Note: Mathew changed his name to Arnoldo Girolamo Povoleri, Count Povoleri, from 1889-1894.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to George Moffatt, 1806-1878, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1865, Mar. 6), London. GLA 520
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to James Wellwood, Baron Moncreiff of Tulliebole, 1811-1895, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1864, July 14), London. GLA 521
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to C.G. (Claude Goldsmid) Montefiore, 1858-1938, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1890, Mar. 28), [London]. GLA 522
Note: damaged and fragile.
[Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898]. 1 letter to [Mr. & Mrs.] Murchison, A.L. (1 p.), ([ca. 1865?], Apr. 4), London. GLA 532
Note: written in the third person.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to George Newman, 1835-1911, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1886, Jan. 2). GLA 538
Note: printed photo of Gladstone pasted onto postcard.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter and 1 postcard to C.B. Adderley (Charles Bowyer Adderley), Baron Norton, 1814-1905, (1858-1897), London and Hawarden. GLA 546-547
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Edward, Lord Pelham-Clinton, 1836- 1907, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1887, July 4), Dollis Hill. GLA 550
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Catherine Herbert, Countess of Pembroke, 1783-1856, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1855, Feb. 26), London. GLA 551
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Mr.] C---- H---- Perkins, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1890, Aug. 13), Hawarden. GLA 552
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to William Perry, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1891, Dec. 9), London. GLA 555
Note: fragile -- please do not remove from mylar.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Henry Wright Phillott, 1816-1895, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1878, Aug. 6). GLA 556
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] A---- Pitt, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1876, Dec. 26), Hawarden. GLA 557
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to George Potter, 1832-1893, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1867, Sep. 6), Hawarden. GLA 560
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Rev.] C---- M---- Preston, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1857, Aug. 11), London. GLA 563
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to E.B. (Edward Bouverie) Pusey, 1800- 1882, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1860, Oct. 24), London. GLA 564
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Sir Cuthbert Quilter, 1841-1911, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1886, June 5), London. GLA 565
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to James S. Randell, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1878, June 15). GLA 566
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Sir Henry Creswicke Rawlinson, 1810- 1895, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1871, July 5), London. GLA 568
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 3 letters and 2 postcards to William H. (William Henry) Rideing, 1853-1918, (1887-1897), Hawarden and London. GLA 573-577
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.-F. (Alexis-François) Rio, 1797- 1874, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1839, June 27), London. GLA 579
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] C---- Robertson, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1864, Oct. 6), Balmoral. GLA 580
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Charles Ross, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1853, Nov. 1), Hawarden. GLA 582
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Adolphe Schaeffer, 1826-1896, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1875, Mar. 10), London. GLA 593
Followed by: French translation in an unknown hand (2 p.).
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mrs.] ----- Schwabe, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1867, Nov. 4), Hawarden. GLA 594
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 2 letters and 2 notes to Thomas Scott, 1808-1878, (1855-1873), London and Hawarden. GLA 595-598
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Service & Paton (Firm)]?, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1897, Oct. 8), Hawarden. GLA 600
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Robert James Simpson, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1878, May 23), London. GLA 613
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to “Dear Sir,” A.N.S. (1 p.), (1877, Nov. 2). GLA 616
Note: name and address covered and impossible to read; damaged and fragile.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to “Dear Sir,” A.L.S. (1 p.), (1885, May 27), Hawarden. GLA 617
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to “Dear Sir,” A.L.S. (2 p.), (1895, June 20), “Tantallon Castle.” GLA 619
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to “Dear Sir,” A.L.S. (1 p.), (1859, July 22). GLA 620
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Felicia Skene, 1821-1899, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1877, May 29), Hawarden. GLA 623
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] A---- F---- Smith, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1875, May 22), London. GLA 624
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to I. Gregory (Isaac Gregory) Smith, 1826-1920, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1865, Apr. 26), London. GLA 626
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 note to [Mr.] J---- G---- Spencer, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1888, July 20), London. GLA 629
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Edward John Stanley, Baron Stanley of Adderley, 1802-1869, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1865, July 29), Hawarden. GLA 632
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to William Thorpe, 1778-1865, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1855, June 11), Hawarden. GLA 648
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to William Toynbee, 1849-, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1878, Dec. 4), [London.] GLA 650
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to A.J.R. (Arthur James Richens) Trendell, 1836-1909, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1879, Aug. 28), Hawarden. GLA 652
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to George Trevor, 1809-1888, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1866, Feb. 9), London. GLA 653
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Martin Farquhar Tupper, 1810-1889, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1865, Nov. 7), Liverpool. GLA 655
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Mr.] F---- Turner, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1889, May 23). GLA 656
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to T. Fisher (Thomas Fisher) Unwin, 1848-1935, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1887, Dec. 6). GLA 657
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 10 letters and 1 note to J---- S---- Vickers, (1874- 1891), Penmaenmawr, Hawarden and London. GLA 660-670
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to W.B. Whittingham & Co., A.N.S. (1 p.), (1887, Sep. 3). GLA 671
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Sir Charles Waldstein, 1856-1927, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1895, July 6), Hawarden. GLA 672
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Edward Walford, 1823-1897, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1857, May 20), London. GLA 673
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to John Wood Warter, 1806-1878, A.L.S. (8 p.), (1847, July 21), London. GLA 675
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Henry William Watkins, 1844-1922, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1890, July 6), London. GLA 676
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Alaric Alexander Watts, 1797-1864, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1857, May 8), London. GLA 677
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Richard Bethell, Baron Westbury, 1800-1873, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1861, June 17), London. GLA 679
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Samuel George Booth White, 1812- 1880, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1860, [Jan. 9?]), London. GLA 682
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to H---- T---- Whorlow, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1887, Mar. 11), Dollis Hill. GLA 683
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 3 letters and 1 postcard to William Clowes and Sons, (1874-1875), Hawarden and London. GLA 685-688
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to W---- Wilson, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1868, Nov. 9), Hawarden. GLA 690
With envelope.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Rev.] W---- J---- Wintle, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1895, Feb. 2). GLA 691
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Ralph Nicholson Wornum, 1812-1877, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1867, July 19), London. GLA 693
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [James William Worthington]?, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1844, May 9), London. GLA 694
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to William Wyon, 1795-1851, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1845, Feb. 5), London. GLA 696
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 note to -----, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1864, May 30), London. GLA 697
Note: a pass to enter the Gallery of the House of Commons.
Ives, [F?]. 1 letter to John Nielson Gladstone, 1807-1863, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1833, May 6), Newbridge. GLA 718
Note: a letter of character for William Best, a servant.
Morley, John, 1838-1923. 1 letter to Patrick William Campbell, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1902, July 10), Ridgeways, Surrey. GLA 723
With envelope.
[Nelson, Thomas, 1822-1892]?. 1 letter to “My Dear Sir,” A.L.S. (1 p.), (1886, Sep. 9), St. Leonards. GLA 726
Mayall. 1 carte de visite photograph of W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, sepia; ([ca. 1870]), London and Brighton. GLA 753. Note: trimmed from a larger photo (?)
A.& C. Taylor. 1 carte de visite photograph of W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, sepia; ([ca. 1880]), London. GLA 754
W.F. Mead. W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, photograph reproduced on wood felled at Hawarden by Gladstone; ([ca. 1875]), London [Note: very fragile -- do not remove from mylar]. GLA 757
[Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898]. To Capt. C.B. Norman, reproduction of a letter dated July 6, 1896; printed, with commentary, for the Serbian Society of Great Britain, (1 piece), ([ca. 1900?]). Note: NOT TO BE COPIED OR REPRODUCED.
Misc. envelopes to Catherine Raven Holiday and Henry Holiday (11 pieces), (1888-1898). Note: envelopes addressed by various members of the Gladstone family.
Albert, Prince Consort of Queen Victoria, 1819-1861. “Address of His Royal Highness the Prince Consort on Opening the International Statistical Congress, Held in London on the 16th of July, 1880,” MS. (printed: 9 p.), (1880, July), London. GLA 759(1)
Note: with autograph signatures: “Mr. Gladstone,” “Albert.”
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] J---- W---- Julian, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1878, May 2), Hawarden. GLA 759(4)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1847, Mar. 12), Hagley. GLA 759(11)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1847, Nov. 10), London. GLA 759(12)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1847, Nov. 15), London. GLA 759(13)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1847, Dec. 21), London. GLA 759(14)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] J---- Maitland, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1848, Apr. 6), London. GLA 759(15)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to John Hamilton Gray, 1800-1867, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1848, May 15), London. GLA 759(16)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to C.B. Adderley (Charles Bowyer Adderley), Baron Norton, 1814-1905, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1849, Jan. 16), Fasque. GLA 759(17)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Edward] Griffiths, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1849, Feb. 12), London. GLA 759(18)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1850, Mar. 10), London. GLA 759(20)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1850, Mar. 17), London. GLA 759(21)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Edward] Griffiths, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1850, July 10), London. GLA 759(22)
On verso: autograph note by Griffiths.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1850, Oct. 6), London. GLA 759(23)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Arthur W. (Arthur West) Haddan, 1816-1873, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1851, July 15), London. GLA 759(24)
With envelope.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1851, July 17), London. GLA 759(25)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1852, July 30), Hawarden. GLA 759(26)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to John Lockhart Ross, 1810-1891, A.L.S. (6 p.), (1852, Dec. 28), London. GLA 759(27)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1853, Aug. 10), London. GLA 759(28)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Charles Neate, 1806-1879, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1854, Apr. 4), London. GLA 759(29)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1855, Feb. 28), London. GLA 759(30)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Frederick William Portlock Collison, 1814-1889, A.L.S. (6 p.), (1854, Jan. 11), London. GLA 759(31)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Whitwell Elwin, 1816-1900, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1855, June 21), Oxford. GLA 759(32)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Whitwell Elwin, 1816-1900, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1855, July 21), London. GLA 759(33)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1856, Jan. 16), Hawarden. GLA 759(34)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1856, Jan. 24), London. GLA 759(35)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] J---- Griffiths, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1856, Feb. 1), London. GLA 759(36)
With envelope.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1856, Aug. 4), Hawarden. GLA 759(37)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Whitwell Elwin, 1816-1900, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1856, Sep. 6), Hawarden. GLA 759(38)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] E---- Harford, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1856, Oct. 20), Hawarden. GLA 759(39)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1856, Oct. 31), Hawarden. GLA 759(40)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1857, Feb. 2), London. GLA 759(41)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Whitwell Elwin, 1816-1900, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1857, June 22), Hawarden. GLA 759(42)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1858, May 15), London. GLA 759(43)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1859, July 8), London. GLA 759(44)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to “Dear Sir,” A.L.S. (2 p.), (1859, Aug. 13), London. GLA 759(45)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Whitwell Elwin, 1816-1900, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1859, Sep. 24), London. GLA 759(46)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to “Dear Sir,” A.L.S. (1 p.), (1860, Mar. 20), London. GLA 759(48)
With autograph note in an unknown hand.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mrs. A---- Gladstone?], A.L.S. (2 p.), (1861, Apr. 10), London. GLA 759(49)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Frederick] Teed, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1862, Apr. 19), London. GLA 759(50)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Ernest Charles Jones, 1819-1869, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1862, May 15), London. GLA 759(51)
Note: only signed by Gladstone.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1863, Mar. 20), London. GLA 759(52)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to John Prideaux Lightfoot, 1803-1887, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1863, Apr. 29), London. GLA 759(53)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1863, Oct. 28), Hagley. GLA 759(54)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1864, May 19), London. GLA 759(55)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1865, Nov. 23), London. GLA 759(56)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1866, Apr. 28), London. GLA 759(57)
Beresford Hope, A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford), 1820-1887. 1 letter to W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1866, May 3), London. GLA 759(58)
Note: marked “copy.”
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Charles Neate, 1806-1879, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1866, May 25), London. GLA 759(59)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1867, Oct. 18), Hawarden. GLA 759(60)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] ----- Clay, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1869, June 22), London. GLA 759(61)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Charles Neate, 1806-1879, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1869, June 16), London. GLA 759(62)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to William George Eden, Baron Auckland, 1829-1890, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1869, Aug. 21), Deal. GLA 759(63)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. Engraving of a statue, (printed: 1 p.), ([ca. 1885?]). GLA 759(64)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Edward Cardwell, Viscount Cardwell, 1813-1886, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1870, Apr. 25), London. GLA 759(65)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1872, Jan. 26), London. GLA 759(66)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Thomas Ogilvy, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1872, Oct. 1). GLA 759(67)
With envelope.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1872, Oct. 26), Hawarden. GLA 759(68)
With envelope.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to “Sir,” A.L.S. (2 p.), (1875, Mar. 5), London. GLA 759(69)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1874, Apr. 6), Hawarden. GLA 759(70)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1874, June 23), Hawarden. GLA 759(71)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1874, Nov. 27), Hawarden. GLA 759(72)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Edward Cardwell, Viscount Cardwell, 1813-1886, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1875, Jan. 6), Hawarden. GLA 759(73)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] E---- Harford, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1875, July 29), London. GLA 759(74)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] J---- W---- Julian, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1875, Nov. 18), Hawarden. GLA 759(75)
With envelope.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1875, Nov. 24), Chatsworth. GLA 759(76)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1876, Jan. 20). GLA 759(77)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Rev.] H---- Falloon, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1876, Feb. 4), London. GLA 759(78)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Sir John William Kaye, 1814-1876, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1876, Mar. 15), London. GLA 759(79)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Fanny Aikin-Kortright, 1821-1900, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1876, Apr. 24), Hawarden. GLA 759(80)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Edward J. Collings, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1876, Sep. 1), Hawarden. GLA 759(81)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1876, Oct. 10). GLA 759(82)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Joseph] Dawson, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1876, Nov. 8), Hawarden. GLA 759(83)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Edward J. Collings, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1877, Feb. 1). GLA 759(84)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Edward J. Collings, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1877, May 29). GLA 759(85)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Joseph] Dawson, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1877, Nov. 17), Hawarden. GLA 759(86)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1878, June 6). GLA 759(87)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1878, Sep. 19), Hawarden. GLA 759(88)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1878, Nov. 17), Hawarden. GLA 759(89)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Edward J. Collings, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1879, Jan. 22). GLA 759(90)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Augustus Jessopp, 1823-1914, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1879, May 24), London. GLA 759(91)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1879, Aug. 21), London. GLA 759(92)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1879, Nov. 12), Hawarden. GLA 759(93)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (4 p.), (1879, Nov. 15), Hawarden. GLA 759(94)
With envelope.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1881, Mar. 27), London. GLA 759(95)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1882, Jan. 17), Hawarden. GLA 759(96)
With envelope.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A.J.B. (Alexander James Beresford) Beresford Hope, 1820-1887, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1882, May 15), London. GLA 759(97)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1882, Oct. 18), London. GLA 759(98)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to Charles Neate, 1806-1879, A.L.S. (7 p.), (1854, Apr. 3), London. GLA 759(99)
Note: date misread as 1884.
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to James Fawn & Son (Firm), A.N.S. (1 p.), (1887, Nov. 19), Hawarden. GLA 759(100)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 letter to [Mr.] J---- Stewart, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1889, May 4), London. GLA 759(101)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Edward Griffith, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1891, Oct. 26). GLA 759(102)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Edward Griffith, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1892, Apr. 13). GLA 759(103)
Followed by: autograph note by Griffith (?).
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Joseph] Dawson, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1895, May 3). GLA 759(104)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to Edward Griffith, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1896, Sep. 19). GLA 759(105)
Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898. 1 postcard to [Joseph] Dawson, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1896, Nov. 24). GLA 759(106)
Stewart, J----. “A Short Ancestral Account of the Right Hon. William Ewart Gladstone…,” MS. (printed: 8 p.), (1889). GLA 759(107)
Gladstone, Catherine Glynne, 1812-1900. 1 letter to Frederick Teed, A.L.S. (4 p.), ([ca. 1860?], Dec. 6), Hawarden. GLA 759(108)
Gladstone, Catherine Glynne, 1812-1900. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (4 p.), ([ca. 1880?], Apr. 9), Hawarden. GLA 759(109)
Gladstone, Catherine Glynne, 1812-1900. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (4 p.), ([ca. 1885?], Dec.). GLA 759(110)
Gladstone, Catherine Glynne, 1812-1900. 1 letter to Frederick Teed, A.L.S. (4 p.), ([ca. 1865?], Apr. [17?]), London. GLA 759(111)
Gladstone, William Henry, 1840-1891. 1 letter to A. (Abraham) Hayward, 1801-1884, A.L.S. (3 p.), (1872, Apr. 21). GLA 759(112)
Gladstone, Herbert John Gladstone, Viscount, 1854-1930. 1 letter to James [Brown?], A.L.S. (2 p.), (1880, May 18). GLA 759(113)
Bassano, Alexander. 1 carte de visite photograph of Helen Gladstone, 1849-1925, sepia; ([ca. 1885?]), London. GLA 759(114)
Gladstone, Helen, 1849-1925. 1 postcard to Tillotson & Son (Firm), A.N.S. (1 p.), (1889, Nov. 29), Cambridge. GLA 759(115)
Gladstone, Stephen Edward, 1844-1920. 1 letter to Edward J. Collings, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1902, Jan. 26), Hawarden. GLA 759(116)
Gladstone, Stephen Edward, 1844-1920. 1 postcard to Edward J. Collings, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1902, Jan. 28). GLA 759(117)
Gladstone, Stephen Edward, 1844-1920. 1 letter to “Dear Sir,” A.L.S. (1 p.), (1902, May 18), Hawarden. GLA 759(118)
Gladstone, Stephen Edward, 1844-1920. 1 letter to “Dear Sir,” A.L.S. (1 p.), (1903, May 6), Hawarden. GLA 759(119)
Drew, Mary Gladstone, 1847-1927. 1 letter to “Madam,” A.L.S. (1 p.), ([ca. 1885?]), Hawarden. GLA 759(120)
Drew, Mary Gladstone, 1847-1927. 1 letter to “Dear Sir,” A.L.S. (1 p.), (1903, May 8), Chester. GLA 759(121)
Drew, Harry, d. 1910. 1 postcard to Benjamin Yeates, A.N.S. (1 p.), ([1896?], Sep. 30). GLA 759(122)
The Edge. 1 cabinet card photograph of Robertson Gladstone, 1805-1875, sepia; ([ca. 1870?]), Llandudno. GLA 759(123)
[Gladstone, Robertson, 1805-1875]. 1 letter to [Mr.] ----- Malley, A.L. (3 p.), ([1847?], Nov. 20). GLA 759(124)
Note: written in the third person.
Braithwaite, C.H. 1 cabinet card photograph of Herbert John Gladstone, Viscount Gladstone, 1854-1930, sepia; ([ca. 1885?]), Leeds. GLA 759(125)
Gladstone, Herbert John Gladstone, Viscount, 1854-1930. 1 letter to John P. (John Pennington) Thomasson, d. 1904, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1903, Oct. 29), Hawarden. GLA 759(126)
Gladstone, Herbert John Gladstone, Viscount, 1854-1930. 1 card to -----, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1907, Feb. 21). GLA 759(127)
Thomasson, John P. (John Pennington), d. 1094. 1 letter to [Edward J.] Collings, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1903, Nov. 1), Bolton. GLA 759(128)
Gladstone, Adam Steuart, 1814-1863. 1 letter to [Algernon Fulke Egerton, 1826-1891], A.L.S. (3 p.), ([1861], Jan. 26). GLA 759(129)
Aberdeen, George Hamilton Gordon, Earl of, 1784-1860. 1 letter to W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1845, July 11), London. GLA 759(130)
Brougham and Vaux, Henry Brougham, Baron, 1778-1868. 1 letter to [W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898], A.L.S. (2 p.), ([ca. 1850?]). GLA 759(131)
Buccleuch, Walter Francis Scott, Duke of, 1806-1884. 1 letter to W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, A.L.S. (2 p.), ([1846?], Apr. 8). GLA 759(132)
Ellenborough, Edward Law, Earl of, 1790-1871. 1 letter to W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, A.L.S. (2 p.), ([1846?], May 6). GLA 759(133)
[Graham, James, Sir, 1792-1861]? 1 letter to W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1846, May 26). GLA 759(134)
[Herbert of Lea, Sidney Herbert, Baron, 1810-1861]? 1 letter to W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1846, Mar. 25), London. GLA 759(135)
Lyndhurst, John Singleton Copley, Baron, 1772-1863. 1 letter to W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, A.L.S. (1 p.), ([ca. 1850?], May 4), London. GLA 759(136)
[R-----?]. 1 letter to W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, A.L.S. (1 p.), ([1846?], Mar. 10), London. GLA 759(137)
Note: signature illegible.
Derby, Edward Henry Stanley, Earl of, 1826-1893. 1 letter to W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1846, Apr. 8), Knowsley. GLA 759(138)
Followed by: autograph note by Gladstone.
[Wilberforce, Samuel, 1805-1873]. 1 letter to W.E. (William Ewart) Gladstone, 1809-1898, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1846, June 16), London. GLA 759(139)
Note: signed as the Bishop of Oxford, “S Oxon”
Lombardi & Co. 1 cabinet card photograph of [Sir Edward Walter Hamilton, 1847-1908], sepia; ([ca. 1880?]), London. GLA 759(140)
Hamilton, Edward Walter, Sir, 1847-1908. 1 letter to Edward J. Collings, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1880, Oct. 2), London. GLA 759(141)
Following on the same page: Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898, signature on envelope, addressed to Charles Wood, Viscount Halifax, 1800-1885.
Hamilton, Edward Walter, Sir, 1847-1908. 1 letter to [Edward J. Collings]?, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1902, Nov. 1), London. GLA 759(142)
Hamilton, Edward Walter, Sir, 1847-1908. 1 card to [Edward J. Collings]?, A.N.S. (1 p.), ([1902], Nov. 11), London. GLA 759(143)
Knight, Joseph. 1 note to Edward J. Collings, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1902, Sep. 19), London. GLA 759(144)
Followed by: lines of poetry by Dr. Sebastian Evans about W.E. Gladstone; copied out by Knight (1 p.).
Lyttelton, George William Spencer, 1847-1913. 1 letter to Edward J. Collings, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1887, May 12), London. GLA 759(145)
Martin, Theodore, Sir, 1816-1909. 1 letter to Edward J. Collings, A.L.S. (1 p.), (1902, July 29), London. GLA 759(146)
Phillimore, Walter G.F. (Walter George Frank Phillimore), Baron, 1845-1929. 1 letter to Edward J. Collings, A.L.S. (2 p.), (1897, May 10), London. GLA 759(147)
Following on the same page: Gladstone, W.E. (William Ewart), 1809-1898, envelope addressed to Walter…Phillimore, Baron Phillimore.
Phillimore, Walter G.F. (Walter George Frank Phillimore), Baron, 1845-1929. “This war in [Turkey?] is entirely the work of the Six Powers…,” A.MS. (1 p.), ([before 1897]). GLA 759(148)
Note: copied out by Phillimore from “Mr. Gladstone’s Life in his library.”
Morley, John, 1838-1923. 1 card to -----, A.N.S. (1 p.), (1899, Oct. 15), Hawarden. GLA 759(149)
Pusey, E.B. (Edward Bouverie), 1800-1882. 1 letter to [Arthur W. (Arthur West) Haddan, 1816- 1873], A.L.S. (1 p.), ([before 1873]). GLA 759(150)
Pusey, E.B. (Edward Bouverie), 1800-1882. 1 letter to Arthur W. (Arthur West) Haddan, 1816- 1873, A.L.S. (3 p.), ([before 1873]). GLA 759(151)
[Tennyson, Alfred Tennyson, Baron, 1809-1892]. 1 note to Edward Griffith, A.N. (1 p.), (1884, Mar. 21), Isle of Wight. GLA 759(152)
With envelope. Note: written in the third person. | ||||||||
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] | null | [] | 2019-07-14T19:32:18+00:00 | Sir John Everett Millais - Thomas Oldham Barlow - William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898) Prime Minister - mezzotint | en | Government Art Collection | https://artcollection.culture.gov.uk/artwork/18335/ | Home Artworks William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898) Prime Minister
William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898) Prime Minister
Sir John Everett Millais (1829 - 1896)
Thomas Oldham Barlow (1824 - 1889)
Mezzotint with chine collé
published 1881
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About the work
Dressed in a frock coat and bow tie, Prime Minister William Gladstone stands with his hands clasped and stares sternly into the distance. At the lower right of the image is the date 1879, when the original painting on which this print is based was made, surmounted the monogram of the painter John Everett Millais.
Gladstone sat for this, his first portrait from Millais, in 1879. Five separate hour-long sittings were required, after which he noted in his diary that the artist’s ‘ardour and energy about his picture inspire a strong sympathy’. The original painting is now in the National Portrait Gallery, London. A second Millais painting of Gladstone, painted in 1884–85, is at Eton College, Windsor. Millais’ third portrait of Gladstone, painted when the sitter was 76, is now in the collection of Christ Church, Oxford.
About the artist
John Everett Millais studied at the Royal Academy Schools, where he exhibited his first work at the age of 16. While at the Academy he formed lasting friendships with William Holman Hunt and Dante Gabriel Rossetti. Together they founded the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood in 1848 and Millais is now widely considered to have been the most accomplished painter of the group. After distancing himself from the Brotherhood to adopt a more popular style, he was elected an Associate of the Royal Academy in 1853. From 1860 onwards he produced a succession of works which brought him considerable success and became a fashionable society portraitist. Millais died at the age of 76, just a few months after being appointed President of the Royal Academy.
Thomas Oldham Barlow was born in Oldham, Lancashire; the son of an ironmonger. In 1839 he was apprenticed to an engraving firm in Manchester. He also trained at the Manchester School of Design. In 1846 he moved to London, eventually settling in Kensington. He became best-known for his engravings after the paintings of his friend John Phillip, including ‘Doña Pepita’ (c.1858) and ‘La gloria’ (c.1877). When Phillip died in 1867, Barlow acted as executor. Barlow also engraved the works of John Everett Millais (twice serving as his model) and J. M. W. Turner. He exhibited his engravings at the Society of British Artists and the Royal Academy. In 1881 he was elected a Royal Academician. He died in Kensington on Christmas Eve, 1889, aged 75.
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Details
Title
William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898) Prime Minister
Date
published 1881
Medium
Mezzotint with chine collé
Dimensions
height: 59.10 cm, width: 43.50 cm
Acquisition
Purchased from Grosvenor Prints, June 2010
Inscription
signed in pencil below image: [left] J.E. Millais [centre] W. Gladstone [right] M. Oldham Barlow
Provenance
Grosvenor Prints, London
GAC number
18335 | |||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 2 | 19 | https://www.tryinteract.com/blog/narrative-summary-of-the-life-of-william-ewart-gladstone-vol-1-of-3/ | en | Narrative Summary of The Life of William Ewart Gladstone, Vol. 1 (of 3) | [
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] | 2024-06-20T20:42:25+00:00 | This volume details the life of William Ewart Gladstone, British Prime Minister, from his birth in 1809 to 1859, focusing on his early life, education, entry into Parliament, and early political career. | en | Interact Blog | https://www.tryinteract.com/blog/narrative-summary-of-the-life-of-william-ewart-gladstone-vol-1-of-3/ | Overview: This biography chronicles the early life of William Ewart Gladstone, a prominent figure in British politics during the 19th century. The first volume delves into his childhood, shaped by a strong Scottish heritage and a family steeped in the world of commerce. His education at Eton and Oxford reveals his early religious fervor and intellectual development, as well as the formative influences of figures like Canning and Arthur Hallam. We see his initial steps in public life, entering Parliament in 1832, where he quickly gains a reputation for eloquence and intellectual prowess. The volume explores his early political beliefs, his transition from Tory to Peelite, and his first experiences with government office. It also discusses the rise of the Tractarian movement, the impact of the abolition of slavery, and Gladstone’s growing interest in the Church and its role in society.
Main parts:
Childhood: The text begins with a first-hand account of Gladstone’s childhood, marked by family travel, his father’s success in commerce, and the family’s involvement in the West Indies slave trade. This section highlights the influence of his parents, especially his mother’s deep religiosity, and his own early struggles with self-discipline and a lack of devotional inclination.
Eton: This section delves into Gladstone’s time at Eton, where he develops friendships that shape his intellectual and political development. It highlights the influence of Dr. Keate, the formidable headmaster, and the role of the debating society and the Eton Miscellany in his early explorations of politics and writing.
Oxford: Here we see Gladstone’s academic success, his double first-class degree, and his deepening commitment to evangelical Christianity. This period sees the beginnings of his involvement in political activism, notably his impassioned speech against the Reform Bill at the Oxford Union.
Enters Parliament: The text covers Gladstone’s initial years as MP for Newark, his first speeches on slavery and his father’s controversial involvement in the West Indies, his early forays into the House of Commons, and his first taste of government office under Sir Robert Peel.
The New Conservatism and Office: The text discusses Gladstone’s early political life as a Canningite, his transition to a more conservative stance, and his first experiences with government office under Peel. We see his early work at the Colonial Office, his first major speech on slavery, and his involvement in the Canadian and Jamaica issues.
Progress in Public Life: This section explores Gladstone’s evolving views on the Church, his first book “The State in its Relations with the Church”, his engagement with the Tractarian movement, and his growing awareness of the tension between religious and secular spheres.
Close of Apprenticeship: Gladstone’s further political development is explored, including his support for Peel’s economic reforms, his early forays into the complex world of industrial and financial affairs, and his first experiences of party strife and coalition.
Peel’s Government: This section details Gladstone’s involvement in the Peel government, focusing on his role in shaping economic policy, his work at the Board of Trade, and the gradual shift in his views on free trade.
Maynooth: The text recounts the Maynooth controversy, highlighting Gladstone’s internal struggle with the policy of increasing funding for the Catholic seminary. This leads to his first significant conflict with Peel and his eventual resignation from the government.
Triumph of Policy and Fall of the Minister: This section recounts the repeal of the Corn Laws and the political turmoil that followed. It discusses Peel’s decision to resign, the rise of the protectionist movement, and Gladstone’s continued commitment to free trade.
The Tractarian Catastrophe: The text details the evolution of the Tractarian movement, highlighting Gladstone’s shifting views and the impact of Newman’s secession from the Anglican Church. It discusses Gladstone’s growing unease with the movement’s direction, his role in the controversy surrounding William George Ward, and his strong stance against the Gorham judgement.
Member for Oxford: This section describes Gladstone’s election to Parliament as the representative of Oxford University. The election is marked by passionate debate over his religious views and his support for the admission of Jews to Parliament.
The Hawarden Estate: The text addresses the financial difficulties faced by the Gladstone family due to the Oak Farm venture. It details Gladstone’s long struggle to rescue the family estate and his commitment to maintaining the estate for future generations.
Party Evolution – New Colonial Policy: This section explores Gladstone’s early views on colonial policy, highlighting his support for local freedom and self-governance, as well as his belief that the colonies should be financially independent from the mother country.
Religious Tornado – Peelite Difficulties: This section discusses the deep divisions within the Church, the impact of the Gorham judgment, and the eventual secession of Manning and Hope-Scott from the Anglican Church.
Naples: Gladstone’s journey to Naples in 1850 exposes him to the harsh realities of Bourbon absolutism. This experience significantly shapes his views on tyranny and injustice. He witnesses the plight of political prisoners and the corruption of the judicial system. This section marks the beginning of his engagement with the Italian Question.
Death of Sir Robert Peel: This section describes the death of Sir Robert Peel and the resulting political turmoil. It discusses the emergence of Lord Palmerston as a major political figure, his clashes with Gladstone over foreign policy, and the subsequent Don Pacifico debate.
Gorham Case – Secession of Friends: The section examines the Gorham judgment and its impact on the Church of England. It highlights Gladstone’s growing concern about the erosion of church authority and his strong opposition to the judgment. He also grapples with the loss of his friends, Manning and Hope-Scott, to the Catholic Church.
Oxford Reform – Open Civil Service: This section chronicles the movement for reform at Oxford University. Gladstone’s involvement in the process, his advocacy for open competition for college positions, and his role in the eventual passage of the Oxford University Act in 1854 are detailed. The section also explores the parallel movement for civil service reform, highlighting Gladstone’s strong support for the principle of open competition.
War Finance – Tax or Loan: The section discusses Gladstone’s role as Chancellor of the Exchequer during the Crimean War. It highlights his efforts to manage the nation’s finances, his opposition to war loans, and his strong advocacy for financing the war through taxation.
Crisis of 1855 and Break-up of the Peelites: The text recounts the crisis that brought down the Aberdeen coalition government. It focuses on Gladstone’s opposition to the Roebuck committee, his decision to join Palmerston’s government, and his subsequent resignation from that government, marking the end of the Peelite party.
Political Isolation: The section discusses Gladstone’s period of political isolation after leaving Palmerston’s government. It highlights his growing criticism of Palmerston’s foreign policy, his commitment to peace and his involvement in the peace movement.
General Election – New Marriage Law: The section details the 1857 election and Gladstone’s re-election for Oxford University. It describes his continued unease with Palmerston’s leadership and his involvement in the debate over the Divorce and Matrimonial Causes Act, where he vehemently opposes the bill while advocating for a more balanced approach.
The Second Derby Government: This section chronicles Gladstone’s renewed engagement with the Conservative Party. He is offered a position in Derby’s government but declines due to his lingering disagreements with the party’s direction.
The Ionian Islands: This section explores Gladstone’s mission to the Ionian Islands in 1858. It details the islands’ troubled political and economic state, his efforts to implement reforms, and the eventual decision to transfer the islands to Greece.
Junction with the Liberals: This section marks Gladstone’s decision to join Palmerston’s Liberal government in 1859. It explores his reasons for accepting office and the political and personal considerations behind this decision.
View on Life:
Religious Conviction: Gladstone is driven by a deep and abiding faith, seeing a connection between religious principles and the ethical conduct of both individuals and nations. This conviction often fuels his moral outrage against injustice, oppression, and war.
Duty: Gladstone prioritizes duty over personal gain, evidenced by his dedication to public service and his willingness to take on difficult tasks, even when they are unpopular or against his own interests. He has a strong sense of responsibility for his actions and a desire to act with integrity.
Opposition to Extremes: Gladstone generally avoids political extremes, favoring moderation and careful consideration of all sides of an issue. He is wary of reckless action and believes in the importance of reasoned discourse and compromise.
Social Justice: As he matures, Gladstone’s understanding of social justice evolves. He becomes increasingly critical of the inequalities of the existing system, particularly those that affect the working class and the poor.
Scenarios:
The West Indies Slave Trade: Gladstone’s family’s involvement in the slave trade significantly shapes his early political thinking. His first speech in Parliament defends the planters against charges of cruelty while arguing for the eventual abolition of slavery.
The Catholic Question: Gladstone’s early career is marked by the ongoing debate over Catholic emancipation. He initially opposes it but eventually comes to support it. The issue of the Maynooth grant causes a deep conflict with Peel and his resignation from the government.
The Reform Bill: Gladstone’s passionate opposition to the Reform Bill of 1831 marks his first foray into political activism. He later comes to see the bill as a necessary step toward a more just and representative system of government.
The Crimean War: The Crimean War poses a significant challenge to Gladstone’s political beliefs. He initially supports the war based on the need to contain Russian aggression but ultimately becomes a vocal advocate for peace, arguing against the expansion of the war’s goals.
The Ionian Islands: Gladstone’s mission to the Ionian Islands tests his political skills. He is charged with reforming the islands’ government but encounters deep-seated resistance from the Ionians themselves, as well as from the British government.
Challenges:
Balancing Church and State: Gladstone wrestles with the tension between his deep commitment to the Church and his growing belief in the separation of church and state. This internal conflict plays out in his writings and speeches, especially regarding the Church in Ireland and the role of the state in education.
Reconciling Principles and Expediency: Gladstone often finds himself at odds with the demands of practical politics, where expediency and compromise frequently clash with his ideals of justice and principle. This is evident in his actions regarding the Maynooth grant, the Corn Laws, and the Crimean War.
Party Affiliations: Gladstone struggles to find a political home, moving from Tory to Peelite and eventually aligning himself with the Liberal Party. His shifting allegiances often bring criticism and suspicion, as he grapples with finding a party that aligns with his evolving views.
Maintaining Integrity in the Face of Conflict: Gladstone’s strong moral compass and sense of duty often lead him into difficult situations. He faces relentless attacks for his stances on issues like slavery, the Irish Church, and the Crimean War, but he consistently defends his principles and actions, even when it costs him popularity or political advantage.
Conflict:
Church vs. State: This conflict is a recurring theme throughout Gladstone’s career. He believes in the Church’s vital role in society, but he also recognizes the state’s need for autonomy. He is constantly trying to find a balance between the two institutions.
Theological vs. Secular: Gladstone grapples with the tension between his religious beliefs and the demands of secular government. This struggle is evident in his response to the Tractarian movement, his opposition to the Maynooth grant, and his debates over the role of the Church in society.
Free Trade vs. Protection: Gladstone’s views on free trade evolve over time, moving from support for protection to a strong commitment to free trade. He faces significant conflict within the Conservative Party, leading to his eventual move to the Liberal Party.
War vs. Peace: The Crimean War presents Gladstone with a major moral and political challenge. He initially supports the war but becomes a vocal advocate for peace, arguing against the expansion of the war’s goals and the continued conflict.
Plot:
The Rise of a Statesman: The narrative follows Gladstone’s journey from his early days as a devout young man with a passion for learning to a rising figure in British politics.
The Formation of a Peelite: We see Gladstone’s break with the Tory party as he aligns himself with the Peelites and their principles of free trade and limited government.
The Maynooth Crisis: Gladstone’s resignation from Peel’s government over the Maynooth grant is a pivotal turning point.
The Great Emancipator: Gladstone’s role in the abolition of slavery is highlighted, demonstrating his growing commitment to social justice.
The Crimean War and Its Aftermath: The text details Gladstone’s initial support for the war, his later advocacy for peace, and the political turmoil that followed. His actions during this period demonstrate his growing independence from party politics.
The Church and its Role in Society: Gladstone’s deep concern for the Church is a recurring theme. He grapples with the Church’s changing relationship with the state and the challenge of maintaining its moral authority in a secularizing world.
The Italian Question: Gladstone’s journey to Naples exposes him to the evils of Bourbon rule and ignites his passion for Italian unification and freedom.
Point of view:
The Committed Christian: Gladstone’s perspective is shaped by his strong religious convictions. He sees the world through a lens of faith, applying Christian principles to his political views and social commentary.
The Conservative Reformer: Gladstone begins as a conservative but evolves into a liberal reformer. He supports traditional institutions like the monarchy and the Church, but he also champions individual freedom and social progress.
The Advocate for the Oppressed: Gladstone is driven by a deep sympathy for the downtrodden. He champions the cause of the poor, the enslaved, and those oppressed by tyranny. His actions on slavery, the Irish Church, and Neapolitan rule demonstrate his unwavering commitment to social justice.
How it’s written:
The text is written in a formal and scholarly tone, drawing on a wide range of historical sources and personal accounts. The author, John Morley, aims to present a comprehensive and balanced portrait of Gladstone, while acknowledging his own perspective as a friend and admirer. Examples of this style include Gladstone’s own introspective diary entries, which reveal his inner thoughts and struggles, and Morley’s detailed descriptions of parliamentary debates, which capture the intensity and drama of the political scene.
Tone:
The tone is generally respectful and objective, reflecting a deep appreciation for Gladstone’s intellect and character. However, the text does not shy away from highlighting Gladstone’s flaws and contradictions, presenting a nuanced and human portrait.
Life choices:
Politics vs. Religion: Gladstone initially considers dedicating his life to the ministry but ultimately chooses a career in politics, driven by a desire to serve his country and a belief that he can make a greater difference in the political arena.
Tory vs. Liberal: Gladstone’s allegiance shifts from the Tory party to the Peelites and eventually the Liberal Party, driven by a changing world and his evolving views on social justice, free trade, and the role of the state.
Serving the Crown vs. Serving Principles: Gladstone struggles with the tension between loyalty to the Crown and the pursuit of his own principles. He often finds himself at odds with the government’s policies, leading to resignations and periods of political isolation.
Lessons:
The Power of Conviction: Gladstone’s unwavering conviction in his principles inspires him to fight for what he believes in, even when it is unpopular or costs him politically. He demonstrates that integrity and a strong moral compass are essential qualities for leaders.
The Importance of Growth and Change: Gladstone’s career illustrates the value of intellectual curiosity, open-mindedness, and a willingness to evolve one’s views in response to changing circumstances. He demonstrates the importance of not clinging to outdated ideas or clinging to political affiliations simply for the sake of belonging.
The Responsibility of Power: Gladstone consistently emphasizes the responsibility of those in power to serve the common good and advocate for social justice. He demonstrates that leadership requires courage, compassion, and a willingness to confront injustice, even when it is difficult or inconvenient.
The Struggle for a More Just World: Gladstone’s life is a testament to the ongoing struggle for a more just and equitable world. He engages in passionate debates about slavery, the Irish Church, the Italian Question, and the rights of minorities, demonstrating the power of individual action and the importance of never giving up on the pursuit of a better future.
Characters:
William Ewart Gladstone: Born into a wealthy Scottish family, Gladstone is a brilliant and devout man, driven by a strong moral compass and a desire to serve his country. He is a gifted orator, a skilled politician, and a dedicated scholar, but he often grapples with the complexities of public life and the conflict between his principles and the demands of political expediency.
John Gladstone: Gladstone’s father, a successful merchant and a strong political figure in his time. He is a demanding but loving father, deeply committed to his family and to the Conservative cause.
Anne Gladstone: Gladstone’s elder sister, a devout and influential figure in his early life.
Arthur Hallam: Gladstone’s close friend at Eton, a brilliant and precocious young man, whose early death deeply affects Gladstone.
Sir Robert Peel: A towering figure in British politics, Peel is Gladstone’s mentor and political leader. Peel’s influence is profound, but Gladstone eventually breaks with his party on issues such as the Maynooth grant and the repeal of the Corn Laws.
Lord Palmerston: A dominant figure in British politics, Palmerston is Gladstone’s rival and frequent adversary. Their clashes over foreign policy are particularly notable, leading to Gladstone’s alienation from the Liberal Party.
Lord John Russell: Another prominent figure in British politics, Russell is a leading liberal reformer. He becomes a key figure in the formation of the coalition government with the Peelites and later becomes Gladstone’s partner in enacting significant reforms, such as the Oxford University Act.
Catherine Gladstone: Gladstone’s wife, a strong and supportive figure, who provides him with love and stability throughout his long and turbulent career.
James Hope-Scott: Gladstone’s close friend and confidante, who plays an important role in shaping his theological views. His conversion to Catholicism deeply affects Gladstone.
Henry Edward Manning: A prominent figure in the Tractarian movement, Manning’s conversion to Catholicism is another major blow to Gladstone’s belief in the Church of England. He becomes a respected and influential figure in the Catholic Church.
Dr. Döllinger: A German Catholic theologian, whose views challenge Gladstone’s understanding of Catholicism and solidify his commitment to the Anglican Church.
Themes:
The Nature of Faith and the Role of the Church: The text explores Gladstone’s complex relationship with the Church, his initial commitment to evangelical Christianity, his deepening interest in Anglo-Catholic theology, and his growing concern for the Church’s future in a secularizing world.
The Importance of Principle: Gladstone’s career is marked by his strong belief in the power of principle. He is willing to sacrifice personal gain and political advantage to defend what he believes is right.
The Evolution of Political Ideas: The text illustrates the changing political landscape of 19th-century Britain, from the struggles over Catholic emancipation and the Reform Bill to the rise of free trade and the Crimean War. We see how Gladstone’s views evolve as he grapples with new challenges and responds to the changing social and political realities.
The Role of the Statesman: Gladstone’s life demonstrates the complexity of the statesman’s role. He is a brilliant orator, a skilled politician, and a dedicated public servant, but he is also a man of strong convictions, who often finds himself torn between his personal beliefs and the demands of political expediency.
The Challenge of Governing a Nation: The text underscores the difficulty of governing a nation with diverse interests and rapidly changing views. We see how Gladstone and other leaders struggle with issues of class, religion, and international relations.
Principles:
The Importance of Religious Values in Public Life: Gladstone believes that Christian principles should inform the conduct of nations, arguing for the moral responsibility of governments and a rejection of brute power and self-interest.
The Need for a Just and Equitable Society: Gladstone is committed to addressing social injustice, championing the cause of the poor and advocating for reforms that promote equality.
The Virtues of Moderation and Compromise: Gladstone often cautions against ideological extremes, favoring a balanced approach to political and social issues. He believes that compromise and a willingness to consider opposing views are crucial for effective governance.
The Value of Freedom and Self-Government: While initially wary of democratic reforms, Gladstone becomes a staunch advocate for individual liberties and the importance of self-government, both in Britain and its colonies.
Intentions of the characters in the text or the reader of the text:
William Ewart Gladstone: Driven by a desire to serve his country, Gladstone seeks to improve the lives of his fellow citizens, to uphold religious values, and to promote justice and reform in the world. His actions are often motivated by a desire to act with integrity and to champion what he believes is right.
The Reader: The reader is likely seeking to gain a deeper understanding of Gladstone’s life, his political beliefs, and his influence on British history. They may be interested in the challenges of leadership, the evolution of political thought, and the relationship between religion, morality, and public affairs.
Unique Vocabulary:
“Laissez-faire and laissez-aller”: This French phrase, meaning “let do” or “let go,” is often used by Gladstone to criticize policies based on unfettered free markets and a limited role for government intervention.
**“The State in its Relations with the Church”: ** This phrase is used to describe the central theme of Gladstone’s first book, which argues for the state’s responsibility to support and protect the Church.
“The Turk”: This term refers to the Ottoman Empire and its rulers. Gladstone often uses the term to express his concern about the Ottoman government’s treatment of its Christian subjects.
“The Sick Man of Europe”: This term, used to describe the Ottoman Empire during this period, reflects the declining power and instability of the Turkish state. It underscores the growing tension between Ottoman rule and the aspirations of the Christian peoples within the empire.
“The Public Law of Europe”: This phrase refers to the principles of international law and diplomacy that guide relations between European states. Gladstone sees the Crimean War as a violation of this law.
Anecdotes:
The Story of John Smith: This anecdote, concerning a missionary wrongly convicted and executed in Demerara, is used to illustrate the horrors of slavery and the moral imperative to abolish it.
The Encounter with Dr. Keate: This humorous anecdote depicts Gladstone’s unexpected encounter with his former headmaster at Eton, Dr. Keate, who is now a member of a crowded congregation at a service led by Edward Irving.
The Meeting with Dr. Döllinger: This meeting with a leading German Catholic theologian, who expresses admiration for Gladstone’s views on the Church of England, reveals a surprising aspect of the intellectual climate of the time.
Ideas:
The Christian State: Gladstone argues that the British state has a moral obligation to uphold Christian values, particularly in its dealings with other nations and in its policies regarding the Church.
The Importance of Principle in Politics: He believes that statesmen should be guided by principle and not solely by expediency or personal ambition. He advocates for a just and equitable society, a rejection of unchecked power, and a commitment to peace and international cooperation.
The Evolution of Liberalism: His political views evolve over time, moving from a conservative perspective to a more liberal one. He embraces the principles of free trade, social reform, and individual liberty.
Facts and findings:
The Impact of Free Trade: Gladstone details the positive economic effects of Peel’s reforms, highlighting the growth of British trade and the reduction of poverty.
The Misery of the Ionian Islands: Gladstone’s firsthand observations of the Islands expose the failings of British rule, revealing the corruption, poverty, and political instability under the British protectorate.
The Horrors of Neapolitan Tyranny: His journey to Naples brings him face to face with the brutality of the Bourbon monarchy, the repression of political dissent, and the appalling conditions of the Neapolitan prisons.
Statistics:
The cost of the Crimean War: Gladstone underscores the immense financial burden of the war, noting the cost of one hundred million pounds annually.
The cost of Colonial Administration: He highlights the substantial expenditure required to maintain British control over the colonies, arguing that the cost is excessive and that a more independent system of governance is both more efficient and more just.
The Size of the Ionian Population: He notes that the population of the Ionian Islands is only 250,000, highlighting the disproportionate amount of attention and resources that the British government has devoted to this small group of islands.
Points of view:
The Perspective of a Committed Christian: Gladstone’s religious faith profoundly shapes his political views. He sees the world through a moral lens and often expresses his beliefs in strong moral terms.
The Conservative-Liberal: While embracing traditional values and institutions, Gladstone is also a strong advocate for reform and social progress. This duality is evident in his support for free trade, his commitment to the Church, and his fierce opposition to tyranny.
The Advocate for Peace: Gladstone is deeply opposed to war and often expresses strong criticisms of military interventions. He sees the Crimean War as a tragic example of the folly of military adventurism.
Perspective:
The Historian’s Perspective: Morley, the author, presents a balanced and insightful perspective on Gladstone’s life and career, drawing on a wealth of sources and offering his own nuanced observations.
The Internal Struggle: The text provides a glimpse into Gladstone’s inner world, revealing his struggles with self-doubt, his wrestling with complex issues, and his ongoing efforts to reconcile his ideals with the realities of political life.
The Shifting Sands of Politics: The text highlights the volatility and instability of British politics, with parties constantly forming, breaking up, and reforming. We see how Gladstone navigates these shifting sands, struggling to find a place and a purpose in the midst of continuous turmoil.
Learn more
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Jessmyn Solana is the Digital Marketing Manager of Interact, a place for creating beautiful and engaging quizzes that generate email leads. She is a marketing enthusiast and storyteller. Outside of Interact Jessmyn loves exploring new places, eating all the local foods, and spending time with her favorite people (especially her dog).
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William was sent to Eton College, one of Britain’s leading schools, and then to Oxford University. Many of Britain’s politicians had studied at these places. William did well and, just as his father had hoped, took an interest in politics and showed promise as a public speaker.
In 1832 Gladstone became a member of Parliament as a member of the Conservative Party. It was the start of a lifetime in politics. He was a skillful orator (speaker) and did many important jobs. He was chancellor of the Exchequer four times. As chancellor it was his job to manage the finances of the country.
Gladstone’s views slowly changed from conservative to liberal over the course of his career. In 1867 he became the leader of the Liberal Party. He stayed with them for the rest of his political career.
In 1868 Gladstone became prime minister for the first time. He was prime minister four times and spent about 12 years in the job altogether.
He was a reformer, and his governments made many changes that improved the lives of ordinary people. For example, in 1870 his government passed a law making education available to many children. In 1884 he passed a law giving more people the right to vote in elections. He also tried to give the Irish people more rights and more power to govern themselves. At the time all of Ireland was ruled by Great Britain.
In 1894 Gladstone resigned from his fourth term as prime minister. He died four years later, on May 19, 1898, at the age of 88. | ||||
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The life of Josiah Wedgwood from his private correspondence and family papers in the possession of Joseph Mayer, Esq., F.S.A., F. Wedgwood, Esq., C. Darwin, Esq., M.A., F.R.S., Miss Wedgwood and other original sources with an introductory sketch of the art of pottery in England / by Eliza Meteyard with numerous illustrations in two volumes - Vol. I [II]. - London: 1865
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Address on the place of ancient Greece in the providential order of the world, delivered before the University of Edinburgh, by William Ewart Gladstone
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] | 1999-07-28T00:00:00+00:00 | William Ewart Gladstone was a statesman and four-time prime minister of Great Britain (1868–74, 1880–85, 1886, 1892–94). Gladstone was of purely Scottish descent. His father, John, made himself a merchant prince and was a member of Parliament (1818–27). Gladstone was sent to Eton, where he did not | en | /favicon.png | Encyclopedia Britannica | https://www.britannica.com/biography/William-Ewart-Gladstone | Early life
Gladstone was of purely Scottish descent. His father, John, made himself a merchant prince and was a member of Parliament (1818–27). Gladstone was sent to Eton, where he did not particularly distinguish himself. At Christ Church, Oxford, in 1831 he secured first classes in classics and mathematics.
He originally intended to take orders in the Church of England, but his father dissuaded him. He mistrusted parliamentary reform; his speech against it in May 1831 at the Oxford Union, of which he had been president, made a strong impression. One of his Christ Church friends, the son of the Duke of Newcastle, persuaded the Duke to support Gladstone as candidate for Parliament for Newark in the general election of December 1832; and the “Grand Old Man” of Liberalism thus began his parliamentary career as a Tory member.
His maiden speech on June 3, 1833, made a decided mark. He held minor office in Sir Robert Peel’s short government of 1834–35, first at the treasury, then as undersecretary for the colonies.
In July 1839 he married Catherine, the daughter of Sir Stephen Glynne of Hawarden, near Chester. A woman of lively wit, complete discretion, and exceptional charm, she was utterly devoted to her husband, to whom she bore eight children. This marriage gave him a secure base of personal happiness for the rest of his life. It also established him in the aristocratic governing class of the time.
Private preoccupations
The Glynne family estates were deeply involved in the financial panic of 1847. For several years Gladstone was concerned with extricating them. He began charitable work, which was open to a great deal of misinterpretation; he often tried to persuade prostitutes to enter a “rescue” home that he and his wife maintained or in some other way to take up a different way of life.
Several of Gladstone’s closest Oxford friends were among the many Anglicans who converted to Roman Catholicism under the impact of the Oxford Movement. Gladstone had moved to a High Anglican position in Italy just after leaving Oxford. The suspicion that he was Catholic was used against him by his adversaries, of whom he had many in the University of Oxford, for which he was elected MP in August 1847. He scandalized many of his new constituents at once by voting for the admission of Jews to Parliament.
Gladstone made his first weighty speech on foreign affairs in June 1850, opposing foreign secretary Lord Palmerston in the celebrated Don Pacifico debate over the rights of British nationals abroad. That autumn he visited Naples, where he was appalled by the conditions that he found in the prisons. In July 1851 he published two letters to Lord Aberdeen describing the conditions, and appealing to all conservatives to set an iniquity right. The Neapolitan prisoners were treated even worse than before, and most conservatives, all over Europe, were deaf to his appeal. But Palmerston circulated the letters to all the British missions on the Continent, and they delighted every liberal who heard of them.
Financial policy
For nine years after Peel’s death in 1850, Gladstone’s political position was seldom comfortable. As one of the most eminent of the dwindling band of Peelites, he was mistrusted by the leaders of both parties and distrusted some of them—particularly Palmerston and Disraeli—in his turn. He refused to join Lord Derby’s government in 1852. At the end of that year, a brilliant attack on Disraeli’s budget brought the government down and Gladstone rose in public estimation. He then joined Aberdeen’s coalition as chancellor of the Exchequer. In his first budget speech he put forth a bold and comprehensive plan for large reductions in duties, proposed the eventual elimination of the income tax, and carried a scheme for the extension of the legacy duty to real property.
His budget provided the backbone of the coalition’s success in 1853, a year in which he spent much time devising a scheme for a competitive civil service system. He defended the Crimean War as necessary for the defense of the public law of Europe; but its outbreak disrupted his financial plans. Determined to pay for it as far as possible by taxation, he doubled the income tax in 1854. When Aberdeen fell in January 1855, Gladstone agreed to join Palmerston’s Cabinet; but he resigned three weeks later, with two other Peelites, rather than embarrass his party by accepting a committee of inquiry into the conduct of the Crimean War. He was, as a result, unpopular in the country; and he made himself more unpopular still by speeches in Parliament in the summer of 1855, in which he held that the war was no longer justified.
Gladstone helped to defeat Palmerston in the Commons by a speech on China in March 1857. He twice refused to join Derby’s government in 1858, in spite of a generous letter from Disraeli. In June 1859 Gladstone cast a vote for Derby’s Conservative government on a confidence motion and caused surprise by joining Palmerston’s Whig Cabinet as chancellor of the Exchequer a week later. His sole, but overwhelming, reason for joining a statesman he neither liked nor trusted was the critical state of the Italian question. The triumvirate of Palmerston, Russell, and Gladstone did indeed help, over the next 18 months, to secure the unification of almost all Italy.
Gladstone was constantly at issue with his prime minister over defense spending. By prolonged efforts, he managed to get the service estimates down by 1866 to a lower figure than that for 1859. A further abolition of import duties was achieved by his budget of 1860. His support of an Anglo-French trade treaty doubled the value of trade. He proposed the abolition of the duties on paper, which the House of Lords declined to do. In 1861 Gladstone included the abolition with all the other budget arrangements in a single finance bill that the Lords dared not amend, a procedure that has been followed ever since. Another useful step was the creation of the post office savings bank. These measures brought him increased popularity with the leaders of working class opinion, as did journeys around the main centres of industry.
In the general election of July 1865, Gladstone was defeated at Oxford but secured a seat in South Lancashire. When Palmerston died in October and Russell became prime minister, Gladstone took over the leadership of the House of Commons, while remaining at the Exchequer.
Convinced of the need for a further reform of Parliament, he introduced a bill for the moderate extension of the franchise in March 1866, but it foundered in June, and the whole government resigned. Next year Disraeli introduced a stronger Reform Bill that gave a vote to most householders in boroughs. Disraeli became prime minister early in 1868. Russell had resigned from active politics, and Gladstone was the Liberal mentor during the general election at the end of the year. Though Gladstone lost his Lancashire seat, he was returned for Greenwich; and the Liberal Party won handsomely in the country as a whole. His abilities had made him its indispensable leader, and when Disraeli resigned Queen Victoria called on him to form a government. | ||||
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] | null | [] | null | Definitive description of William Ewart Gladstone (1809 - 1898) from the Gazetteer for Scotland | https://www.scottish-places.info/people/famousfirst997.html | British Prime Minister. Although born in Liverpool, Gladstone's parents were Scottish (his father was born in Leith) and the family lived at Fasque House (Aberdeenshire). Following an education at Eton and Oxford, he was elected as a Conservative Member of Parliament for Newark in 1832 and was appointed to a junior Treasury post by Peel. Having lost his earlier seat, Gladstone was elected as MP for Oxford University in 1847 and became Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Earl of Aberdeen's administration, a post he retained under Palmerston. On 18th April 1853, he gave the longest budget speech to date lasting 4¾ hours. He moved to the Liberal party and again lost his seat, but was re-elected for South Lancashire in 1866. By 1868 Gladstone was Prime Minister for the first time, a post he occupied on no less than four occasions, the last at the age of 82. In 1880, he was elected to a Scottish constituency after the famous Midlothian Campaigns of 1879-80.
During these campaigns, Gladstone toured Edinburgh, the Lothians and Borders making notable (and lengthy) speeches on issues of the day. His audiences were large; for example, 20,000 in Edinburgh, 5000 in Dalkeith and 4000 at Stow. Living at Dalmeny House, as guest of the 5th Earl of Rosebery who managed his campaigns, Gladstone also spoke at Corstorphine, Cramond, Gilmerton, Loanhead, Bonnyrigg, Penicuik, Juniper Green, Balerno, Ratho, Mid Calder. West Calder, Linlithgow, Hawick, Galashiels, Peebles and Innerleithen, together with Glasgow, Hamilton, where he saw Hamilton Palace and described its condition as "deeply mournful", Inverkeithing, Dunfermline and Aberfeldy. He represented Midlothian until he retired from politics in 1895.
Gladstone introduced significant parliamentary reforms, extending the right to vote and outlawing corrupt practices. He also worked unsuccessfully for Irish home rule and was a Rector of the University of Glasgow. | |||||||
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] | null | [] | null | *Gladstone, William Ewart* (1809–98). Statesman and author. Gladstone was one of the longest serving of British politicians and one of the most controversial. He was in office every decade from the 1830s to the 1890s, starting as a Tory [1], ending as a Liberal [2]-radical prime minister [3]. | en | /sites/default/files/favicon.ico | https://www.encyclopedia.com/people/history/british-and-irish-history-biographies/william-ewart-gladstone | Gladstone, William Ewart
Gladstone, William Ewart (1809–98). Statesman and author. Gladstone was one of the longest serving of British politicians and one of the most controversial. He was in office every decade from the 1830s to the 1890s, starting as a Tory, ending as a Liberal-radical prime minister. He was born in Liverpool on 29 December 1809, the son of Anne and John Gladstone, a merchant from Scotland who made his family's fortune in the Baltic and American corn trade. Gladstone was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford, and from the start was marked out for success in public life. Intensely religious, initially in the evangelical tradition taught him by his mother, he at first felt drawn to ordination in the Church of England, but not sufficiently to go against his father's objections. While president of the Oxford Union, he strongly opposed the Whigs' proposals for parliamentary reform and was elected to the Commons as a Tory in December 1832. Influenced by both Coleridge and the Oxford movement, he published The State in its Relations with the Church (1838) and Church Principles (1840) arguing that the Church of England should be the moral conscience of the state; Macaulay, in a savage refutation of Gladstone's arguments, called him ‘the rising hope of those stern and unbending tories’. In Peel's government 1841–5 he was vice-president and then president of the Board of Trade. This experience made him a firm free trader. He resigned in 1845 over the Maynooth grant, returning in 1846 to be briefly colonial secretary and to support repeal of the Corn Laws (though he was not during that year in the Commons) and to become a leader of the Peelite group. In the 1840s Gladstone thus left the Tory Party and reorientated his political and religious position.
In 1839 he married Catherine Glynne, of an old north Wales family; between 1840 and 1854 they had eight children.
In 1852, as a member of the Aberdeen coalition, he began the first of his four terms as chancellor of the Exchequer (the others were 1859–66, 1873–4, and 1880–2); his greatest budgets were those of 1853 and 1860. Gladstonian finance emphasized a balanced budget (i.e. with no deficit), minimum central government spending, the abolition of all protective tariffs, and a fair balance between direct and indirect taxes (Gladstone hoped to abolish income tax, which he disliked, and to replace it with other direct taxes). In his 1853 budget he repealed about 140 duties; in 1860 he repealed duties on 371 articles, many of them as a consequence of the treaty with France which he planned and Richard Cobden negotiated. His plan for phased abolition of income tax was ruined by the costs of the Crimean War.
Gladstone saw the budget as the chief moment of the parliamentary year—a national commitment to sound finance. Finance was, he said, ‘the stomach of the country, from which all other organs take their tone’. He deliberately made the presentation of the budget a dramatic and controversial political event. His budgetary strategy was accompanied by the imposition of Treasury control on a more professional civil service (deriving from the Northcote–Trevelyan Report which Gladstone commissioned) and financial accountability through the Public Accounts Committee which he set up. Gladstone had an explosive political character, which occasionally spilled over into outburst; but his reputation for sound finance gave him a firm political bedrock.
In the 1850s and 1860s Gladstone emerged as a politician of clear national standing with a reputation for oratory. Though MP for Oxford University from 1847 to 1866, and though initially supporting the South in the American Civil War, he began to take increasingly radical positions, especially on questions like parliamentary reform, and his statement in 1864, that ‘any man who is not presumably incapacitated … is morally entitled to come within the pale of the constitution’, seemed to mark him out as the future leader of the party of progress. However, the modest Reform Bill proposed by Gladstone and Russell in 1866 led to the temporary disintegration of the Liberal Party and the resignation of the government. Gladstone responded with increasingly radical demands on other questions, such as the abolition of compulsory church rates and disestablishment of the Irish church. Campaigning on these questions, he led the Liberals to win the 1868 election and became prime minister in December 1868: on receiving the queen's telegram of summons he remarked, ‘My mission is to pacify Ireland’. In his first government, one of the greatest of British reforming administrations, he disestablished the Irish church (1869), passed an important Irish Land Bill (1870), but failed with his Irish University Bill (1873, when the government resigned, only for Disraeli to refuse to take office). This government also abolished purchase of commissions in the army and religious tests in the universities; it established the secret ballot and, for the first time, a national education system in England, Wales, and Scotland (1870–2). However, a series of scandals in 1873–4 damaged the government's standing. Gladstone called and lost a snap general election in January 1874 with a quixotic plan to abolish income tax; he then announced his retirement (often previously contemplated) from the party leadership.
Gladstone, 64 in 1874, expected a retirement of writing and scholarship. He was already an established if idiosyncratic authority on Homer with his Studies on Homer and the Homeric Age (1858) and a frequent book reviewer. In his lifetime he published over 30 books and pamphlets and about 200 articles, chiefly on classical, theological, literary, and contemporary political topics. His articles provided a useful source of income when out of office and enabled him to retain the centre of the political stage even when in opposition. Gladstone had that rare gift of being thought to be controversial even when at his most anodyne; no public figure has more easily kept a place in the limelight.
In his pamphlets of 1851–2 and a stream of subsequent works, Gladstone opposed the ‘temporal power’ of the papacy. He opposed the declaration of papal infallibility in 1870 and denounced ‘Vaticanism’ in 1874–5. He nurtured links between Orthodoxy and Anglicanism as an antidote to Roman catholicism's hegemonic claims. Not surprisingly, therefore, he was swiftly drawn into the Bulgarian atrocities campaign in 1876. A series of speeches and pamphlets broadened into a general attack on ‘Beaconsfieldism’ and having fought the Midlothian campaign 1879–80 he was elected MP for Midlothian. He thus had a Scottish constituency, a Welsh home (his wife Catherine's house, Hawarden castle), and widespread English connections. He had become that very rare phenomenon, a fully ‘British’ politician. He again became prime minister in 1880. His second government passed an important Irish Land Act (1881) and, after initial rejection by the Lords, the Reform Act of 1884; but it failed to establish elected local government for Ireland or for Great Britain.
Since the 1860s, Gladstone had tried to pacify Ireland by accommodating Irish demands. He accompanied the concessionary Land Act (1881) with coercion, imprisoning C. S. Parnell, and breaking the power of the Irish Land League. From 1882, disregarding the set-back of the Phoenix Park murders, he sought to encourage the constitutional character of the Home Rule movement. His government resigned in 1885, unable to agree on local government for Ireland. Gladstone encouraged Parnell to bring forward a Home Rule proposal and fought the general election of November 1885 on a manifesto which carefully did not exclude it. In January 1886, his son Herbert having flown the ‘Hawarden Kite’ and Lord Salisbury having turned down Gladstone's proposal that the Tory government introduce a Home Rule measure with bipartisan support, Gladstone formed his third cabinet with ministers pledged to inquire into Home Rule. He had come to see devolution as the best means of maintaining Ireland within the United Kingdom, as well as having substantial advantages for the United Kingdom as a whole. He drew up a Home Rule Bill, providing for a legislature with two Houses in Dublin and with a generous financial settlement for the Irish, and he proposed to accompany it with a substantial Land Purchase Bill (to buy out the Anglo-Irish landowners). This bold settlement was too bold for his party and the Government of Ireland Bill was defeated in the Commons in June 1886, many Liberal Unionists defecting and eventually forming their own party. The government did, however, pass the Crofters' Act for Scotland, one of the few significant land-tenure reforms ever passed for the mainland. Gladstone called a general election and resigned on losing it. The 1886 proposal was probably the best chance the British had for a constitutional settlement which retained Ireland within the Union.
In foreign policy, Gladstone stood for an international order governed by morality and based on an updated Concert of Europe. To achieve this he was, unlike many free traders, ready to intervene diplomatically or if necessary militarily. His first government submitted the Alabama dispute to international arbitration and paid the consequent hefty fine, thus clearing the way for good relations with the USA. In the Midlothian campaign, Gladstone laid out ‘six principles’ of foreign policy, which recognized the equal rights of nations and the blessings of peace—these principles were extremely influential in world-wide liberal thought, and especially on President Woodrow Wilson and the liberals planning the League of Nations. In office in the 1880s, however, Gladstone found himself intervening in unpalatable ways; to maintain order, as he came to see it, in Egypt, he bombarded Alexandria in 1882 and then invaded Egypt in what was intended as a brief occupation to remove ‘extreme’ nationalists. Egypt proved, however, to be the ‘nest egg’ of Britain's north and central African empire. In 1881, war against the Boers in South Africa included the public-relations disaster of Majuba Hill. Order had also to be established in the Sudan and Gladstone, despite misgivings, failed to prevent Lord Hartington and others sending Charles Gordon to a Sudanese imbroglio partly of Gordon's own making; Gordon's death in 1885 was a further embarrassment to a beleaguered government. Gladstone always opposed imperial expansion and annexation, arguing—in a vein now common among economic historians—that expansion into tropical areas was a dangerous deflection from Britain's true economic and strategic interests (he was, however, a keen proponent of development of the ‘white’ empire). But he always lost the decision (if not the argument) and was an unwilling party to major imperial expansion in Africa and the Pacific.
Gladstone was aged 75 when his first Government of Ireland Bill was defeated. Now committed to campaigning for another attempt, he led the Liberal Party in opposition 1886–92 (his first period as formal opposition leader), winning the general election of 1892 despite the set-back of the split of the Home Rule party in 1890. In 1892 he formed his fourth and last government. In 1893 he successfully piloted his second Government of Ireland Bill through the Commons after 82 sittings; the Lords then brusquely rejected it, as they did many of the government's other proposals. Throughout his life Gladstone had battled to keep down defence expenditure. Already defeated in his attempt in 1892 to withdraw from Uganda, his final political struggle was an unsuccessful dispute with his own cabinet over naval expansion in 1893–4. His eyesight deteriorating, he finally resigned the premiership in March 1894, aged 84. He completed his edition of the works of Joseph Butler, the 18th-cent. theologian, and died on Ascension Day, 19 May 1898.
Gladstone stood 5 feet 10½ inches, with a large head and a powerful voice. He was always spry, his fitness maintained by long walks and his legendary tree-felling. Intense sexuality competed in his character with equally intense religious belief, and he had difficulty maintaining the two in balance when he undertook his ‘rescue’ work with prostitutes. These inner struggles combined with outward confidence to make him a very characteristic Victorian. His enduring governmental monument was the establishment of a tight code of financial principles, which remained influential long after the type of economy they were intended to serve had passed away. In British politics Gladstone was the most successful of non-Tory political leaders. Among executive politicians he has had few rivals in range and staying power, or in the capacity to meet new challenges with fresh policies. His use of speech-making and political meetings to bring great political questions before the people helped to integrate the mass electorate after 1867 and set a style which has influenced democratic countries ever since.
H. C. G. Matthew
Bibliography
Hammond, J. L. Gladstone and the Irish Nation (1938);
Matthew, H. C. G. , Gladstone 1809–1874 (Oxford, 1986);
Gladstone 1875–1898 (Oxford, 1995);
Morley, J. , Life of Gladstone (3 vols., 1903);
Ramm, A. , William Ewart Gladstone (Cardiff, 1989);
Vincent, J. , The Formation of the Liberal Party 1857–68 (1966).
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William Ewart Gladstone
William Ewart Gladstone
The English statesman William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898) led the Liberal party and served as prime minister four times. His strong religious sense was an integral part of his political and social policies.
William Gladstone was born in Liverpool on Dec. 29, 1809. His parents were of Scottish descent. His father, Sir John Gladstone, was descended from the Gledstanes of Lanarkshire; he had moved to Liverpool and become a wealthy merchant. William's mother, Anne Robertson of Stornaway, was John Gladstone's second wife, and William was the fifth child and fourth son of this marriage. He was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford; he took from his school days a sustained love for the classics and experience in debating. He was president of the Oxford Union and denounced the Parliamentary Reform Bill in a speech in 1831.
Gladstone graduated in December 1831, and a parliamentary career followed a brief sojourn in Italy in 1832. He, who was to become the great Liberal leader, was originally elected as a Tory from the pocket borough of Newark, and his major interest at the beginning was the Church of England, which he had seriously considered as a career. His maiden speech in June 1833 was a defense of West Indian slave owners with examples drawn from his father's plantations. His first book, The State in Its Relations with the Church (1838), was a defense of the established Church. In 1839 he married Catherine Glynne; the marriage was a happy one and gave to Gladstone important connections with the old Whig aristocracy.
Conversion to Liberalism
The 1840s saw Gladstone begin his move from right to left in politics. This meant a shift from High Tory (Conservative) to Liberal and a change in primary interest from defending High Church Anglicans to a concentration on financial reform. This change in Gladstone's outlook came in Sir Robert Peel's ministry of 1841-1846, in which Gladstone served as vice president and finally (1843) as president of the Board of Trade. The budget of 1842 was a move toward free trade with duties on hundreds of articles repealed or reduced, and Gladstone contributed much to this new tariff schedule. He resigned in 1845 on a religious issue—the increased grant to the Roman Catholic Maynooth College in Ireland—but returned to office in the same year as secretary of state for the colonies. The Corn Law repeal brought the Peel ministry down in 1846 and temporarily ended Gladstone's political career.
At the same time Gladstone severed his connections with Newark, which was controlled by the protectionist Duke of Newcastle, and in 1847 was elected member of Parliament for the University of Oxford. On the death of Peel in 1850 Gladstone moved to a new position of strength in the ranks of the Peelites (Tory liberals). His brilliant speech in 1852 attacking the budget proposed by Benjamin Disraeli brought about the fall of Lord Derby's government, and Gladstone became chancellor of the Exchequer in a coalition government headed by Lord Aberdeen. He could now apply his considerable financial talents to the economic policies of the nation, but this opportunity was curbed by the Crimean War, which Britain formally entered in 1854. The laissez-faire budget of 1853 was nevertheless a classic budget in the British commitment to economic liberalism.
Gladstone's religious views were also growing more liberal, more tolerant of Nonconformists and Roman Catholics. He voted to remove restrictions on Jews in 1847, and he opposed Lord John Russell's anti-Catholic Ecclesiastical Titles Bill in 1851. Gladstone was clearly shaken by the Oxford movement and the conversion of some of his Oxford friends (among them Henry Manning) to Roman Catholicism. This experience, however, served to broaden his understanding and respect for individual conscience. A trip to Naples (1850-1851), where he witnessed the terrible poverty in the reactionary Bourbon Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, also helped turn him away from his innate Toryism, and the conversion to liberalism was complete.
Prime Minister
In the 1850s and 1860s Gladstone moved toward a position of leadership in a newly formulated Liberal party. He had served as chancellor of the Exchequer in Lord Palmerston's coalition government (1859-1865), but following the death of Palmerston in 1865, a realignment of the parties took shape which saw the old Tory and Whig labels replaced by Conservative and Liberal. Thus the Peelites and the Whig Liberals came together in a new party under Gladstone's leadership. He introduced a bill in 1866 to expand the parliamentary electorate, but it failed. Disraeli then scooped the Liberals with his famous "Leap in the Dark" Reform Bill of 1867, which passed, enfranchising most of the adult males in the urban working class. But Disraeli's "Tory Democracy" did not return immediate dividends at the polls. In the election of 1868 Gladstone and the Liberals were returned with a comfortable majority.
Gladstone's first Cabinet (1868-1874) was one of the most talented and most successful of the four he headed; he considered it "one of the finest instruments of government that ever were constructed." The legislation passed was extensive, and the reforming theme was to reduce privilege and to open established institutions to all. The universities and the army were two of the targets. The removal of the religious tests for admission to Oxford and Cambridge and the abolition of the purchase of commissions in the army were liberal victories of 1871.
The Education Act of 1870, which provided for the creation of board schools at the elementary level, was the first step in the construction of a national education system. Competitive exams were introduced for most departments of the civil service in the same year. Other commitments to democracy included the realization of old Chartist dreams, such as the secret ballot in 1872. With these reforms Gladstone won some support but also antagonized powerful interests in the Church and the aristocracy. His opponents said that he was a wild demagogue and a republican; the government was defeated in the election of 1874.
Ireland and the Empire
The "Irish question," which was to dominate Gladstone's later years, received considerable attention in the first Cabinet. Responding to the Fenian violence of the 1860s, the government moved to disestablish the Irish Episcopal Church in 1869 and pass a Land Act in 1870. But the Irish problem remained, and the home-rule movement of Isaac Butt and Charles Stewart Parnell demanded a solution in the 1870s.
Gladstone emerged from a temporary retirement in 1879 in the celebrated Midlothian campaign to attack Disraeli's pro-Turkish foreign policy. The theme of his attack was that Disraeli's Near Eastern policy was morally wrong. The Turkish atrocities in the Balkans outraged Gladstone just as the prisoners of Naples had provoked his earlier attack against Bourbon injustice in Italy. Gladstone's direct appeal to the British voter in this campaign was a first in a more democratic approach to electioneering, and his eloquence was triumphant as the Liberals won the general election of 1880.
The major concern of Gladstone's second Cabinet was not foreign policy but Ireland and the empire. A Second Land Act was passed in 1881, which attempted to establish a fair rent for Irish tenants and tenure for those who paid rent. The act was not popular with the landlords or tenants, and a series of agrarian riots and general violence followed. The high point of this was the assassination of Lord Cavendish, the chief secretary for Ireland, and Thomas Burke, the undersecretary, in Phoenix Park, Dublin, in 1882. The Fenians, rather than the Home Rule party, were responsible for this act, but Gladstone was forced to suspend discussion of Irish reform and resort to harsh measures of suppression in a Prevention of Crimes Bill (1882).
Gladstone's commitment to Ireland was coupled with a consistent opposition to imperialism. He considered imperialism a Conservative ruse to distract the masses from the real issues. He believed that the "infamy of Disraeli's policy was equalled only by the villainy with which it had been carried out." For Britain to seize power in Africa to exploit the native population would be as unjust as the Turkish rule in the Balkans. But Gladstone's second ministry coincided with a worsening agricultural depression in which England's free trade policy seemed a liability rather than an asset. New market areas unencumbered with tariffs had an appeal, and imperialism became a popular crusade. Egypt and the Sudan were the main concerns in the 1880s following Britain's purchase of the Suez Canal (1875). A riot in Alexandria brought a British occupation in 1882, and a rebellion in the Sudan brought the death of Gen. Gordon in 1885, when Gladstone's dilatory tactics failed to rescue him in time. The popular reaction to Gordon's death was a clear indication of Gladstone's misreading of this issue.
The Irish question reached its climax in Gladstone's third and brief (February to July) Cabinet of 1886. The Home Rule Bill was the sole program. It was designed to give Ireland a separate legislature with important powers, leaving to the British Parliament control of the army, navy, trade, and navigation. Gladstone's Liberal party had the votes to carry the bill, but the party split on the issue. Joseph Chamberlain led a group known as the Liberal Unionists (loyal to the Union of 1801) to oppose Gladstone's policy; the bill failed and Gladstone resigned. He had been correct in his premise that home rule or some degree of self-government was essential to the solution of the Irish question, but he failed to face up to the problem of the other Ireland, the Ulster north that lived in fear of the Catholic majority.
Gladstone was to remain in Parliament for another decade and to introduce another Home Rule Bill in 1893, but after the defeat of 1886 he was no longer in command of his party or in touch with the public he had led and served so long. His insistence on home rule for Ireland combined with his opposition to imperialism and social reform was evidence of this. The meaningful legislation in behalf of trade unions was sponsored by the Conservatives. His opposition to the arms buildup in the 1890s was consistent with his sincere desire for peace but doomed to failure given the German military expansion of the same period. Gladstone retired in 1894 and died on May 19, 1898; he was buried in Westminster Abbey.
Evaluation of His Career
Gladstone is still seen today as the epitome of the Victorian statesman. His industry (he often worked 14 hours a day), powerful sense of moral purpose, appetite for sermons, and lack of wit made him an easy target for the disciples of Lytton Strachey. But Gladstone was at the same time a major force in the shaping of British democracy. No single politician of the 19th century ever matched Gladstone's ability to mobilize the nation behind a program. Only Gladstone could make a budget sound like the announcement of a crusade. His sympathy for the oppressed people of the world—the Irish, the Italians, the Bulgarians, and the Africans—was genuine.
Gladstone lacked the tact to get along with Queen Victoria and with some of his colleagues but, like William Pitt the Elder before him, he could reach out of Parliament and arouse the public. In appearance and bearing this gaunt figure, whose speeches were marked by evangelical fire, might have belonged to the 17th century, but in parliamentary tactics he anticipated the 20th century. His achievements are impressive by any standard. The respect and affection that the British reserved for Gladstone is summed up in the nicknames they gave him; he was the "Grand Old Man" and the "People's William."
Further Reading
The standard biography of Gladstone was written by a fellow Liberal, John Morley, Life of William Ewart Gladstone (1903; new ed., 1 vol., 1932). A more analytical portrait is in Sir Philip Magnus, Gladstone: A Biography (1954; repr., with corrections, 1960). Discussions of special issues in his career are Paul Knaplund, Gladstone and Britain's Imperial Policy (1927); R. W. Seton-Watson, Disraeli, Gladstone and the Eastern Question: A Study in Diplomacy and Party Politics (1935); and J. L. Hammond, Gladstone and the Irish Nation (1938). Recommended for general historical background are R. C. K. Ensor, England, 1870-1914 (1936); Herman Ausubel, The Late Victorians: A Short History (1955); H. J. Hanham, Elections and Party Management: Politics in the Time ofDisraeli and Gladstone (1959); and Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher, Africa and the Victorians (1961).
Additional Sources
Chadwick, Owen, Acton and Gladstone, London: Athlone Press, 1976.
Feuchtwanger, E. J., Gladstone, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1975; London: A. Lane, 1975.
Gladstone, Penelope, Portrait of a family: the Gladstones, 1839-1889, Ormskirk, Lanc.: T. Lyster, 1989.
Matthew, H. C. G. (Henry Colin Gray), Gladstone, 1809-1874, Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 1986; 1988.
Ramm, Agatha, William Ewart Gladstone, Cardiff: GPC, 1989.
Shannon, Richard, Gladstone, London: Hamilton, 1982; Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982, 1984.
Stansky, Peter, Gladstone, a progress in politics, Boston: Little, Brown, 1979; New York: W. W. Norton, 1979, 1981. □
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Gladstone, William Ewart
GLADSTONE, WILLIAM EWART
English statesman; b. Liverpool, Dec. 29, 1809; d. Hawarden, Wales, May 19, 1897. The fourth son of a wealthy merchant of Scottish ancestry, he was educated at Eton and at Oxford University, where he took a double first in classics and mathematics (1831). He was drawn to tractarianism and made friends with a number of its leaders. His selection of a political rather than an ecclesiastical career was solely in deference to his father's wishes. In December 1832, he was elected to Parliament as the member from Newark. Within a comparatively short time he became a trusted member of Peel's government. The poverty he witnessed in Naples during a visit there in 1851 is said to have led him to cast off his innate Toryism. He was prime minister four times (1868–74, 1880–85, 1886, 1892–94).
In The State in its Relations with the Church (1838), Gladstone declared that the State, no less than the individual, is bound by moral law; and that the State must have a Christian awareness. Originally, this belief led him to advocate a theocracy. His changed attitude appeared later when he led the successful struggles to disestablish the Church of ireland (1867) and to remove the religious tests in the universities, thereby opening positions in them to all creeds. His education Act of 1870, however, embittered the Church of England and failed to satisfy Nonconformists. It also antagonized Catholics, who were already suspicious of Gladstone for his early opposition to the Maynooth Grant and to the Irish hierarchy's schemes for university education. Gladstone's friendship with Cardinal manning dated from their undergraduate days. They corresponded regularly on Irish affairs, education, and social matters. It was largely Manning's influence that dissuaded Gladstone from attempting to break up vatican council i by force. Gladstone's polemical pamphlets against the Council elicited written replies from Manning and one from Bishop ullathorne. Relations between Gladstone and Manning became especially strained in 1885 when Cardinal McCabe of Dublin died. Gladstone was anxious to have an amenable prelate appointed. Lord Granville, Gladstone's foreign secretary, employed "Mr. George Errington … an active, officious, though not an official agent" to work for the British government at Rome. The matter became notorious. It was Manning, acting on information supplied by Sir Charles Dilke, who prevented the appointment of a government candidate.
Bibliography: j. morley, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone, 3 v. (New York 1903). g. t. garratt, The Two Mr. Gladstones (London 1936). j. l. hammond, Gladstone and the Irish Nation (London 1938). c. c. o' brien, Parnell and His Party, 1880–90 (Oxford 1957). v. a. mcclelland, Cardinal Manning: His Public Life and Influence, 1865–1892 (New York 1962). d. mcelrath, The Syllabus of Pius IX: Some Reactions in England (Louvain 1964).
[v. a. mcclelland]
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MCCLELLAND, V. A. "Gladstone, William Ewart ." New Catholic Encyclopedia. . Encyclopedia.com. 10 Jul. 2024 <https://www.encyclopedia.com>.
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MCCLELLAND, V. A. "Gladstone, William Ewart ." New Catholic Encyclopedia. . Retrieved July 10, 2024 from Encyclopedia.com: https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/gladstone-william-ewart
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Gladstone, William Ewart
Gladstone, William Ewart (1809–98) British statesman, prime minister (1868–74, 1880–85, 1886, 1892–94). He was elected to Parliament as a Tory in 1832. Gladstone served as chancellor of the exchequer (1852–55, 1857–66). In 1867, he succeeded Palmerston as leader of the Liberal Party. In 1874, he was defeated by Benjamin Disraeli and resigned as Liberal leader. His criticism of Disraeli's imperialist tendencies won him the 1879 elections. Gladstone passed two Irish Land Acts and several Reform Acts (1884, 1885), extending the franchise. The government's failure to help General Gordon in Khartoum forced him to resign. Gladstone's last ministries were dominated by his advocacy of Home Rule for Ireland.
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Gladstone, William Ewart (1809-1898)
Gladstone, William Ewart (1809-1898)
The great Victorian statesman, four times prime minister of Great Britain, who was interested in psychical research, which he considered "the most important work which is being done in the world—by far the most important." Gladstone came to that belief rather late in his life. On October 29, 1884, he had a successful slate-writing sitting with the medium William Eglinton. After the séance he was quoted as saying:
"I have always thought that scientific men run too much in a groove. They do noble work in their own special line of research, but they are too often indisposed to give any attention to matters which seem to conflict with their established modes of thought. Indeed, they not infrequently attempt to deny that into which they have never inquired, not sufficiently realising the fact that there may possibly be forces in nature of which they know nothing."
Shortly after the Eglinton sitting, Gladstone joined the Society for Psychical Research.
Sources:
Feuchtwanger, E. J. Gladstone. Blasingtoke, U.K.: Macmillan, 1989.
Tweedale, Violet. Ghosts I Have Seen and Other Psychic Experiences. New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1919.
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Gladstone was the fourth son of Sir John Gladstone, 1st Baronet (1764-1851) and was born in Liverpool, though his family had strong Scottish ties. The Gladstones were a rich family, with a fortune built on the corn and tobacco trade and West Indian sugar plantations which employed some 2,500 enslaved Africans in 1833. John Gladstone had strong political ambitions for his youngest son, who was provided with a first-class education at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. On graduation, he briefly considered a career in the church or the law.
In 1832, at the request of the 4th Duke of Newcastle under Lyne, father of Gladstone’s close friend the Earl of Lincoln, Gladstone stood as member of parliament for Newark. He faced significant opposition during the campaign, as the nominee of a Tory aristocrat and the son of a prominent slaveowner. Gladstone opposed the 1832 Reform Act and defended his father’s support for slavery, arguing for a system of apprenticeship rather than immediate emancipation. After a fierce election contest, Gladstone was returned at the top of the poll. He fell out with his election committee over the publicans’ bills run-up during the contest, and in his maiden speech in parliament in 1833 supported compensation for slave-owners. Gladstone’s father subsequently received over £100,000, under the terms of the act which abolished slavery throughout the British empire.
Gladstone went on to become a popular constituency MP and was returned for Newark in 1835, 1837, and 1841. Macaulay described Gladstone as 'the rising hope of those stern and unbending Tories'. His early political career was marked by Tory Anglicanism and he published a number of books which defended the connection between Church and State. He was quickly appointed to government office, under Sir Robert Peel, holding junior positions in the 1830s and serving in the cabinet as President of the Board of Trade (1843-5) and Secretary of State for War and the Colonies (1846). In 1846, he retired as MP for Newark, after supporting the Repeal of the Corn Laws, which was opposed by the Duke of Newcastle. Gladstone was subsequently returned as MP for the University of Oxford (1847), before transferring to South Lancashire (1865), Greenwich (1868), and Midlothian (1880).
By the 1850s, Gladstone was revising many of his earlier Tory views – including his opposition to parliamentary reform and defence of slavery. He followed the Peelites into opposition in 1846, served as Chancellor of the Exchequer under Lord Aberdeen’s coalition government (1852-5), and returned to the Exchequer in 1859 under Lord Palmerston, holding the position until 1866. During the American Civil War (1861-5), he praised the southern Confederacy for its resistance to the North but argued that Europe should seek the mitigation or removal of slavery. In domestic politics, Gladstone was associated with political Liberalism and radicalism. In 1864, he declared that there was no reason in principle why all able men could not be given the vote. After the defeat of the Liberal Reform Bill in 1866, Gladstone became the Liberal Party’s opposition leader in the House of Commons. By 1868, he was Prime Minister.
Gladstone served as Liberal Prime Minister four times (1868-74, 1880-5, 1886, 1892-4). His radicalism was disliked by Queen Victoria, who described him as ‘that half-mad firebrand’. In 1886, he split the Liberal Party by supporting Home Rule for Ireland, and, after the defeat of the Home Rule Bill in 1893, he argued for the reform of the House of Lords in order to pass it. He died on 19 May 1898 and was given a state funeral at Westminster Abbey. Reflecting on the changes in his political beliefs, towards the end of his life, Gladstone observed, ‘I was brought up to distrust and dislike liberty; I learned to believe in it’. | |||||||
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Haymarket VA David Vernon Smith .....................Alex<strong>and</strong>ria VA Michael Joseph Stone ...................Ann<strong>and</strong>ale VA Philip Edward Strapp .............Charlottesville VA Jacob Benjamin Towery ..........Charlottesville VA Kristen Alison Tropea .............Charlottesville VA Keith Robert Unger ...........................Norfolk VA Elizabeth Jeanine Watson .............Lakewood CO Michael Joseph Weber ............Charlottesville VA Alison Corinne Welch ...................... McLean VA Peter Francis Williams ...........Charlottesville VA Ante Liesbeth Wind ................Charlottesville VA R<strong>and</strong>all Lyndon Woodford .............Troutville VA Lindsay Shuford Yount .................... Augusta GA Joyce Won-Kai Yue .........................Yorktown VA Shvetha Murthy Zarek ...................... McLean VA Jason Saint Zolak ....................Charlottesville VA School <strong>of</strong> Law Conferred August 16, 2005 Juris Doctor Shaun Hart James ....................... Westerville OH Conferred January 5, 2006 Juris Doctores Ann Cabell Baskervill ................... Petersburg VA Carmen C Green ....................Charlottesville VA Alex<strong>and</strong>er William Mejias ............Alex<strong>and</strong>ria VA Conferred May 21, 2006 Doctor <strong>of</strong> Juridical Science Marietta Sze-Chie Fa ................... Taipei, Taiwan Masters <strong>of</strong> Laws Ammar Ziad Abu Zayyad ..............New York NY Adrian Charles Beerworth ....... Sydney, Australia Glenn Bettelheim .....................Versailles, France Diego Ignacio Blanco Carrillo ............................. San Luis Potosi, Mexico Fern<strong>and</strong>o Caceres .............................. Lima, Peru Hector Gustavo Calero ...................... Lima, Peru Tae-Jin Cha ........................... Seoul, South Korea Soohye Cho .......................... Seoul, South Korea Catherine Ross Dunham ............Fayetteville NC Fabiana Estrada Tena ..........Mexico City, Mexico Asaf Jimenez Adorno ..........Mexico City, Mexico Young-Min Kim .................... Seoul, South Korea Won Seok Kwak .................................................. Sungnam Kyunggi-do, South Korea Byoung-Ki Lee ...................... Seoul, South Korea Junsik Lee ............................Daegu, South Korea Jun Li ........................................ Shanghai, China Xun Liu ..................................Charlottesville VA | |||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 94 | https://www.tryinteract.com/blog/narrative-summary-of-the-life-of-william-ewart-gladstone-vol-1-of-3/ | en | Narrative Summary of The Life of William Ewart Gladstone, Vol. 1 (of 3) | [
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] | 2024-06-20T20:42:25+00:00 | This volume details the life of William Ewart Gladstone, British Prime Minister, from his birth in 1809 to 1859, focusing on his early life, education, entry into Parliament, and early political career. | en | Interact Blog | https://www.tryinteract.com/blog/narrative-summary-of-the-life-of-william-ewart-gladstone-vol-1-of-3/ | Overview: This biography chronicles the early life of William Ewart Gladstone, a prominent figure in British politics during the 19th century. The first volume delves into his childhood, shaped by a strong Scottish heritage and a family steeped in the world of commerce. His education at Eton and Oxford reveals his early religious fervor and intellectual development, as well as the formative influences of figures like Canning and Arthur Hallam. We see his initial steps in public life, entering Parliament in 1832, where he quickly gains a reputation for eloquence and intellectual prowess. The volume explores his early political beliefs, his transition from Tory to Peelite, and his first experiences with government office. It also discusses the rise of the Tractarian movement, the impact of the abolition of slavery, and Gladstone’s growing interest in the Church and its role in society.
Main parts:
Childhood: The text begins with a first-hand account of Gladstone’s childhood, marked by family travel, his father’s success in commerce, and the family’s involvement in the West Indies slave trade. This section highlights the influence of his parents, especially his mother’s deep religiosity, and his own early struggles with self-discipline and a lack of devotional inclination.
Eton: This section delves into Gladstone’s time at Eton, where he develops friendships that shape his intellectual and political development. It highlights the influence of Dr. Keate, the formidable headmaster, and the role of the debating society and the Eton Miscellany in his early explorations of politics and writing.
Oxford: Here we see Gladstone’s academic success, his double first-class degree, and his deepening commitment to evangelical Christianity. This period sees the beginnings of his involvement in political activism, notably his impassioned speech against the Reform Bill at the Oxford Union.
Enters Parliament: The text covers Gladstone’s initial years as MP for Newark, his first speeches on slavery and his father’s controversial involvement in the West Indies, his early forays into the House of Commons, and his first taste of government office under Sir Robert Peel.
The New Conservatism and Office: The text discusses Gladstone’s early political life as a Canningite, his transition to a more conservative stance, and his first experiences with government office under Peel. We see his early work at the Colonial Office, his first major speech on slavery, and his involvement in the Canadian and Jamaica issues.
Progress in Public Life: This section explores Gladstone’s evolving views on the Church, his first book “The State in its Relations with the Church”, his engagement with the Tractarian movement, and his growing awareness of the tension between religious and secular spheres.
Close of Apprenticeship: Gladstone’s further political development is explored, including his support for Peel’s economic reforms, his early forays into the complex world of industrial and financial affairs, and his first experiences of party strife and coalition.
Peel’s Government: This section details Gladstone’s involvement in the Peel government, focusing on his role in shaping economic policy, his work at the Board of Trade, and the gradual shift in his views on free trade.
Maynooth: The text recounts the Maynooth controversy, highlighting Gladstone’s internal struggle with the policy of increasing funding for the Catholic seminary. This leads to his first significant conflict with Peel and his eventual resignation from the government.
Triumph of Policy and Fall of the Minister: This section recounts the repeal of the Corn Laws and the political turmoil that followed. It discusses Peel’s decision to resign, the rise of the protectionist movement, and Gladstone’s continued commitment to free trade.
The Tractarian Catastrophe: The text details the evolution of the Tractarian movement, highlighting Gladstone’s shifting views and the impact of Newman’s secession from the Anglican Church. It discusses Gladstone’s growing unease with the movement’s direction, his role in the controversy surrounding William George Ward, and his strong stance against the Gorham judgement.
Member for Oxford: This section describes Gladstone’s election to Parliament as the representative of Oxford University. The election is marked by passionate debate over his religious views and his support for the admission of Jews to Parliament.
The Hawarden Estate: The text addresses the financial difficulties faced by the Gladstone family due to the Oak Farm venture. It details Gladstone’s long struggle to rescue the family estate and his commitment to maintaining the estate for future generations.
Party Evolution – New Colonial Policy: This section explores Gladstone’s early views on colonial policy, highlighting his support for local freedom and self-governance, as well as his belief that the colonies should be financially independent from the mother country.
Religious Tornado – Peelite Difficulties: This section discusses the deep divisions within the Church, the impact of the Gorham judgment, and the eventual secession of Manning and Hope-Scott from the Anglican Church.
Naples: Gladstone’s journey to Naples in 1850 exposes him to the harsh realities of Bourbon absolutism. This experience significantly shapes his views on tyranny and injustice. He witnesses the plight of political prisoners and the corruption of the judicial system. This section marks the beginning of his engagement with the Italian Question.
Death of Sir Robert Peel: This section describes the death of Sir Robert Peel and the resulting political turmoil. It discusses the emergence of Lord Palmerston as a major political figure, his clashes with Gladstone over foreign policy, and the subsequent Don Pacifico debate.
Gorham Case – Secession of Friends: The section examines the Gorham judgment and its impact on the Church of England. It highlights Gladstone’s growing concern about the erosion of church authority and his strong opposition to the judgment. He also grapples with the loss of his friends, Manning and Hope-Scott, to the Catholic Church.
Oxford Reform – Open Civil Service: This section chronicles the movement for reform at Oxford University. Gladstone’s involvement in the process, his advocacy for open competition for college positions, and his role in the eventual passage of the Oxford University Act in 1854 are detailed. The section also explores the parallel movement for civil service reform, highlighting Gladstone’s strong support for the principle of open competition.
War Finance – Tax or Loan: The section discusses Gladstone’s role as Chancellor of the Exchequer during the Crimean War. It highlights his efforts to manage the nation’s finances, his opposition to war loans, and his strong advocacy for financing the war through taxation.
Crisis of 1855 and Break-up of the Peelites: The text recounts the crisis that brought down the Aberdeen coalition government. It focuses on Gladstone’s opposition to the Roebuck committee, his decision to join Palmerston’s government, and his subsequent resignation from that government, marking the end of the Peelite party.
Political Isolation: The section discusses Gladstone’s period of political isolation after leaving Palmerston’s government. It highlights his growing criticism of Palmerston’s foreign policy, his commitment to peace and his involvement in the peace movement.
General Election – New Marriage Law: The section details the 1857 election and Gladstone’s re-election for Oxford University. It describes his continued unease with Palmerston’s leadership and his involvement in the debate over the Divorce and Matrimonial Causes Act, where he vehemently opposes the bill while advocating for a more balanced approach.
The Second Derby Government: This section chronicles Gladstone’s renewed engagement with the Conservative Party. He is offered a position in Derby’s government but declines due to his lingering disagreements with the party’s direction.
The Ionian Islands: This section explores Gladstone’s mission to the Ionian Islands in 1858. It details the islands’ troubled political and economic state, his efforts to implement reforms, and the eventual decision to transfer the islands to Greece.
Junction with the Liberals: This section marks Gladstone’s decision to join Palmerston’s Liberal government in 1859. It explores his reasons for accepting office and the political and personal considerations behind this decision.
View on Life:
Religious Conviction: Gladstone is driven by a deep and abiding faith, seeing a connection between religious principles and the ethical conduct of both individuals and nations. This conviction often fuels his moral outrage against injustice, oppression, and war.
Duty: Gladstone prioritizes duty over personal gain, evidenced by his dedication to public service and his willingness to take on difficult tasks, even when they are unpopular or against his own interests. He has a strong sense of responsibility for his actions and a desire to act with integrity.
Opposition to Extremes: Gladstone generally avoids political extremes, favoring moderation and careful consideration of all sides of an issue. He is wary of reckless action and believes in the importance of reasoned discourse and compromise.
Social Justice: As he matures, Gladstone’s understanding of social justice evolves. He becomes increasingly critical of the inequalities of the existing system, particularly those that affect the working class and the poor.
Scenarios:
The West Indies Slave Trade: Gladstone’s family’s involvement in the slave trade significantly shapes his early political thinking. His first speech in Parliament defends the planters against charges of cruelty while arguing for the eventual abolition of slavery.
The Catholic Question: Gladstone’s early career is marked by the ongoing debate over Catholic emancipation. He initially opposes it but eventually comes to support it. The issue of the Maynooth grant causes a deep conflict with Peel and his resignation from the government.
The Reform Bill: Gladstone’s passionate opposition to the Reform Bill of 1831 marks his first foray into political activism. He later comes to see the bill as a necessary step toward a more just and representative system of government.
The Crimean War: The Crimean War poses a significant challenge to Gladstone’s political beliefs. He initially supports the war based on the need to contain Russian aggression but ultimately becomes a vocal advocate for peace, arguing against the expansion of the war’s goals.
The Ionian Islands: Gladstone’s mission to the Ionian Islands tests his political skills. He is charged with reforming the islands’ government but encounters deep-seated resistance from the Ionians themselves, as well as from the British government.
Challenges:
Balancing Church and State: Gladstone wrestles with the tension between his deep commitment to the Church and his growing belief in the separation of church and state. This internal conflict plays out in his writings and speeches, especially regarding the Church in Ireland and the role of the state in education.
Reconciling Principles and Expediency: Gladstone often finds himself at odds with the demands of practical politics, where expediency and compromise frequently clash with his ideals of justice and principle. This is evident in his actions regarding the Maynooth grant, the Corn Laws, and the Crimean War.
Party Affiliations: Gladstone struggles to find a political home, moving from Tory to Peelite and eventually aligning himself with the Liberal Party. His shifting allegiances often bring criticism and suspicion, as he grapples with finding a party that aligns with his evolving views.
Maintaining Integrity in the Face of Conflict: Gladstone’s strong moral compass and sense of duty often lead him into difficult situations. He faces relentless attacks for his stances on issues like slavery, the Irish Church, and the Crimean War, but he consistently defends his principles and actions, even when it costs him popularity or political advantage.
Conflict:
Church vs. State: This conflict is a recurring theme throughout Gladstone’s career. He believes in the Church’s vital role in society, but he also recognizes the state’s need for autonomy. He is constantly trying to find a balance between the two institutions.
Theological vs. Secular: Gladstone grapples with the tension between his religious beliefs and the demands of secular government. This struggle is evident in his response to the Tractarian movement, his opposition to the Maynooth grant, and his debates over the role of the Church in society.
Free Trade vs. Protection: Gladstone’s views on free trade evolve over time, moving from support for protection to a strong commitment to free trade. He faces significant conflict within the Conservative Party, leading to his eventual move to the Liberal Party.
War vs. Peace: The Crimean War presents Gladstone with a major moral and political challenge. He initially supports the war but becomes a vocal advocate for peace, arguing against the expansion of the war’s goals and the continued conflict.
Plot:
The Rise of a Statesman: The narrative follows Gladstone’s journey from his early days as a devout young man with a passion for learning to a rising figure in British politics.
The Formation of a Peelite: We see Gladstone’s break with the Tory party as he aligns himself with the Peelites and their principles of free trade and limited government.
The Maynooth Crisis: Gladstone’s resignation from Peel’s government over the Maynooth grant is a pivotal turning point.
The Great Emancipator: Gladstone’s role in the abolition of slavery is highlighted, demonstrating his growing commitment to social justice.
The Crimean War and Its Aftermath: The text details Gladstone’s initial support for the war, his later advocacy for peace, and the political turmoil that followed. His actions during this period demonstrate his growing independence from party politics.
The Church and its Role in Society: Gladstone’s deep concern for the Church is a recurring theme. He grapples with the Church’s changing relationship with the state and the challenge of maintaining its moral authority in a secularizing world.
The Italian Question: Gladstone’s journey to Naples exposes him to the evils of Bourbon rule and ignites his passion for Italian unification and freedom.
Point of view:
The Committed Christian: Gladstone’s perspective is shaped by his strong religious convictions. He sees the world through a lens of faith, applying Christian principles to his political views and social commentary.
The Conservative Reformer: Gladstone begins as a conservative but evolves into a liberal reformer. He supports traditional institutions like the monarchy and the Church, but he also champions individual freedom and social progress.
The Advocate for the Oppressed: Gladstone is driven by a deep sympathy for the downtrodden. He champions the cause of the poor, the enslaved, and those oppressed by tyranny. His actions on slavery, the Irish Church, and Neapolitan rule demonstrate his unwavering commitment to social justice.
How it’s written:
The text is written in a formal and scholarly tone, drawing on a wide range of historical sources and personal accounts. The author, John Morley, aims to present a comprehensive and balanced portrait of Gladstone, while acknowledging his own perspective as a friend and admirer. Examples of this style include Gladstone’s own introspective diary entries, which reveal his inner thoughts and struggles, and Morley’s detailed descriptions of parliamentary debates, which capture the intensity and drama of the political scene.
Tone:
The tone is generally respectful and objective, reflecting a deep appreciation for Gladstone’s intellect and character. However, the text does not shy away from highlighting Gladstone’s flaws and contradictions, presenting a nuanced and human portrait.
Life choices:
Politics vs. Religion: Gladstone initially considers dedicating his life to the ministry but ultimately chooses a career in politics, driven by a desire to serve his country and a belief that he can make a greater difference in the political arena.
Tory vs. Liberal: Gladstone’s allegiance shifts from the Tory party to the Peelites and eventually the Liberal Party, driven by a changing world and his evolving views on social justice, free trade, and the role of the state.
Serving the Crown vs. Serving Principles: Gladstone struggles with the tension between loyalty to the Crown and the pursuit of his own principles. He often finds himself at odds with the government’s policies, leading to resignations and periods of political isolation.
Lessons:
The Power of Conviction: Gladstone’s unwavering conviction in his principles inspires him to fight for what he believes in, even when it is unpopular or costs him politically. He demonstrates that integrity and a strong moral compass are essential qualities for leaders.
The Importance of Growth and Change: Gladstone’s career illustrates the value of intellectual curiosity, open-mindedness, and a willingness to evolve one’s views in response to changing circumstances. He demonstrates the importance of not clinging to outdated ideas or clinging to political affiliations simply for the sake of belonging.
The Responsibility of Power: Gladstone consistently emphasizes the responsibility of those in power to serve the common good and advocate for social justice. He demonstrates that leadership requires courage, compassion, and a willingness to confront injustice, even when it is difficult or inconvenient.
The Struggle for a More Just World: Gladstone’s life is a testament to the ongoing struggle for a more just and equitable world. He engages in passionate debates about slavery, the Irish Church, the Italian Question, and the rights of minorities, demonstrating the power of individual action and the importance of never giving up on the pursuit of a better future.
Characters:
William Ewart Gladstone: Born into a wealthy Scottish family, Gladstone is a brilliant and devout man, driven by a strong moral compass and a desire to serve his country. He is a gifted orator, a skilled politician, and a dedicated scholar, but he often grapples with the complexities of public life and the conflict between his principles and the demands of political expediency.
John Gladstone: Gladstone’s father, a successful merchant and a strong political figure in his time. He is a demanding but loving father, deeply committed to his family and to the Conservative cause.
Anne Gladstone: Gladstone’s elder sister, a devout and influential figure in his early life.
Arthur Hallam: Gladstone’s close friend at Eton, a brilliant and precocious young man, whose early death deeply affects Gladstone.
Sir Robert Peel: A towering figure in British politics, Peel is Gladstone’s mentor and political leader. Peel’s influence is profound, but Gladstone eventually breaks with his party on issues such as the Maynooth grant and the repeal of the Corn Laws.
Lord Palmerston: A dominant figure in British politics, Palmerston is Gladstone’s rival and frequent adversary. Their clashes over foreign policy are particularly notable, leading to Gladstone’s alienation from the Liberal Party.
Lord John Russell: Another prominent figure in British politics, Russell is a leading liberal reformer. He becomes a key figure in the formation of the coalition government with the Peelites and later becomes Gladstone’s partner in enacting significant reforms, such as the Oxford University Act.
Catherine Gladstone: Gladstone’s wife, a strong and supportive figure, who provides him with love and stability throughout his long and turbulent career.
James Hope-Scott: Gladstone’s close friend and confidante, who plays an important role in shaping his theological views. His conversion to Catholicism deeply affects Gladstone.
Henry Edward Manning: A prominent figure in the Tractarian movement, Manning’s conversion to Catholicism is another major blow to Gladstone’s belief in the Church of England. He becomes a respected and influential figure in the Catholic Church.
Dr. Döllinger: A German Catholic theologian, whose views challenge Gladstone’s understanding of Catholicism and solidify his commitment to the Anglican Church.
Themes:
The Nature of Faith and the Role of the Church: The text explores Gladstone’s complex relationship with the Church, his initial commitment to evangelical Christianity, his deepening interest in Anglo-Catholic theology, and his growing concern for the Church’s future in a secularizing world.
The Importance of Principle: Gladstone’s career is marked by his strong belief in the power of principle. He is willing to sacrifice personal gain and political advantage to defend what he believes is right.
The Evolution of Political Ideas: The text illustrates the changing political landscape of 19th-century Britain, from the struggles over Catholic emancipation and the Reform Bill to the rise of free trade and the Crimean War. We see how Gladstone’s views evolve as he grapples with new challenges and responds to the changing social and political realities.
The Role of the Statesman: Gladstone’s life demonstrates the complexity of the statesman’s role. He is a brilliant orator, a skilled politician, and a dedicated public servant, but he is also a man of strong convictions, who often finds himself torn between his personal beliefs and the demands of political expediency.
The Challenge of Governing a Nation: The text underscores the difficulty of governing a nation with diverse interests and rapidly changing views. We see how Gladstone and other leaders struggle with issues of class, religion, and international relations.
Principles:
The Importance of Religious Values in Public Life: Gladstone believes that Christian principles should inform the conduct of nations, arguing for the moral responsibility of governments and a rejection of brute power and self-interest.
The Need for a Just and Equitable Society: Gladstone is committed to addressing social injustice, championing the cause of the poor and advocating for reforms that promote equality.
The Virtues of Moderation and Compromise: Gladstone often cautions against ideological extremes, favoring a balanced approach to political and social issues. He believes that compromise and a willingness to consider opposing views are crucial for effective governance.
The Value of Freedom and Self-Government: While initially wary of democratic reforms, Gladstone becomes a staunch advocate for individual liberties and the importance of self-government, both in Britain and its colonies.
Intentions of the characters in the text or the reader of the text:
William Ewart Gladstone: Driven by a desire to serve his country, Gladstone seeks to improve the lives of his fellow citizens, to uphold religious values, and to promote justice and reform in the world. His actions are often motivated by a desire to act with integrity and to champion what he believes is right.
The Reader: The reader is likely seeking to gain a deeper understanding of Gladstone’s life, his political beliefs, and his influence on British history. They may be interested in the challenges of leadership, the evolution of political thought, and the relationship between religion, morality, and public affairs.
Unique Vocabulary:
“Laissez-faire and laissez-aller”: This French phrase, meaning “let do” or “let go,” is often used by Gladstone to criticize policies based on unfettered free markets and a limited role for government intervention.
**“The State in its Relations with the Church”: ** This phrase is used to describe the central theme of Gladstone’s first book, which argues for the state’s responsibility to support and protect the Church.
“The Turk”: This term refers to the Ottoman Empire and its rulers. Gladstone often uses the term to express his concern about the Ottoman government’s treatment of its Christian subjects.
“The Sick Man of Europe”: This term, used to describe the Ottoman Empire during this period, reflects the declining power and instability of the Turkish state. It underscores the growing tension between Ottoman rule and the aspirations of the Christian peoples within the empire.
“The Public Law of Europe”: This phrase refers to the principles of international law and diplomacy that guide relations between European states. Gladstone sees the Crimean War as a violation of this law.
Anecdotes:
The Story of John Smith: This anecdote, concerning a missionary wrongly convicted and executed in Demerara, is used to illustrate the horrors of slavery and the moral imperative to abolish it.
The Encounter with Dr. Keate: This humorous anecdote depicts Gladstone’s unexpected encounter with his former headmaster at Eton, Dr. Keate, who is now a member of a crowded congregation at a service led by Edward Irving.
The Meeting with Dr. Döllinger: This meeting with a leading German Catholic theologian, who expresses admiration for Gladstone’s views on the Church of England, reveals a surprising aspect of the intellectual climate of the time.
Ideas:
The Christian State: Gladstone argues that the British state has a moral obligation to uphold Christian values, particularly in its dealings with other nations and in its policies regarding the Church.
The Importance of Principle in Politics: He believes that statesmen should be guided by principle and not solely by expediency or personal ambition. He advocates for a just and equitable society, a rejection of unchecked power, and a commitment to peace and international cooperation.
The Evolution of Liberalism: His political views evolve over time, moving from a conservative perspective to a more liberal one. He embraces the principles of free trade, social reform, and individual liberty.
Facts and findings:
The Impact of Free Trade: Gladstone details the positive economic effects of Peel’s reforms, highlighting the growth of British trade and the reduction of poverty.
The Misery of the Ionian Islands: Gladstone’s firsthand observations of the Islands expose the failings of British rule, revealing the corruption, poverty, and political instability under the British protectorate.
The Horrors of Neapolitan Tyranny: His journey to Naples brings him face to face with the brutality of the Bourbon monarchy, the repression of political dissent, and the appalling conditions of the Neapolitan prisons.
Statistics:
The cost of the Crimean War: Gladstone underscores the immense financial burden of the war, noting the cost of one hundred million pounds annually.
The cost of Colonial Administration: He highlights the substantial expenditure required to maintain British control over the colonies, arguing that the cost is excessive and that a more independent system of governance is both more efficient and more just.
The Size of the Ionian Population: He notes that the population of the Ionian Islands is only 250,000, highlighting the disproportionate amount of attention and resources that the British government has devoted to this small group of islands.
Points of view:
The Perspective of a Committed Christian: Gladstone’s religious faith profoundly shapes his political views. He sees the world through a moral lens and often expresses his beliefs in strong moral terms.
The Conservative-Liberal: While embracing traditional values and institutions, Gladstone is also a strong advocate for reform and social progress. This duality is evident in his support for free trade, his commitment to the Church, and his fierce opposition to tyranny.
The Advocate for Peace: Gladstone is deeply opposed to war and often expresses strong criticisms of military interventions. He sees the Crimean War as a tragic example of the folly of military adventurism.
Perspective:
The Historian’s Perspective: Morley, the author, presents a balanced and insightful perspective on Gladstone’s life and career, drawing on a wealth of sources and offering his own nuanced observations.
The Internal Struggle: The text provides a glimpse into Gladstone’s inner world, revealing his struggles with self-doubt, his wrestling with complex issues, and his ongoing efforts to reconcile his ideals with the realities of political life.
The Shifting Sands of Politics: The text highlights the volatility and instability of British politics, with parties constantly forming, breaking up, and reforming. We see how Gladstone navigates these shifting sands, struggling to find a place and a purpose in the midst of continuous turmoil.
Learn more
Jessmyn Solana
Jessmyn Solana is the Digital Marketing Manager of Interact, a place for creating beautiful and engaging quizzes that generate email leads. She is a marketing enthusiast and storyteller. Outside of Interact Jessmyn loves exploring new places, eating all the local foods, and spending time with her favorite people (especially her dog).
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] | null | [] | null | en | /assets/static/favicon-f54816fc15997bd42cd90e4c50b896a1fc098c0c32957d4e5effbfa9f9b35e53.ico | null | Gladstone was elected Tory MP for Newark in December 1832, aged 23, with ultra-conservative views.
In Parliament he spoke out against the abolition of slavery, because his family used slaves on their West Indian plantation. He also opposed the recent democratic electoral reforms.
Gladstone’s talent for public speaking caught the attention of Robert Peel, then Prime Minister, who made him a Junior Lord of the Treasury and later Under-Secretary at the Colonial Office. He followed Peel in resigning in 1835, and spent the following 6 years in Opposition.
In 1840 Gladstone began his ‘rescue and rehabilitation’ of London’s prostitutes. Even while serving as Prime Minister in later years, he would walk the streets, trying to convince prostitutes to change their ways. He spent a large amount of his own money on this work.
In 1845 he resigned over Peel’s decision to make a grant to a Roman Catholic theology school in Ireland. This caused some confusion, as he was known to favour the policy himself. He rejoined Peel’s government later that year as Colonial Secretary.
When the Tory party broke apart in 1846, Gladstone followed Peel in becoming a Liberal-Conservative, now believing strongly in free trade. In 1847 he returned to Parliament as MP for Oxford University, having lost his Newark seat.
In 1858, he turned down a position in the Earl of Derby’s Conservative government, because he no longer believed in protectionism and did not want to work with Disraeli. Instead he became Chancellor of the Exchequer in Aberdeen’s coalition of Whigs, Peelites and radicals in 1863, where he proved himself to be an outstanding minister.
He was Chancellor again under Palmerston between 1859 and 1865, though their relationship was an uncomfortable one, and yet again under Russell from 1865 to 1866. During these years he became persuaded of the case for a wider franchise, saying: “Every man who is not presumably incapacitated by some consideration of personal unfitness or of political danger is morally entitled to come within the pale of the Constitution.”
In 1867, Gladstone became leader of the Liberal party following Palmerston’s resignation, and became Prime Minister for the first time the following year. His policies were intended to improve individual liberty while loosening political and economic restraints.
Ireland was another area of Gladstone’s concern. He successfully passed an act to disestablish the Church of Ireland and an Irish Land Act to tackle unfair landlords, but was defeated on an Irish University Bill proposing a new university in Dublin open to Catholics and Protestants.
But in 1874 a heavy defeat at the general election led to his arch-rival Disraeli becoming Prime Minister. Gladstone retired as leader of the Liberal Party, but remained an intimidating opponent, attacking the government fiercely over their weak response to Turkish brutality in the Balkans, known as the Eastern Crisis.
In 1880 he became Prime Minister for a second time, much against Queen Victoria’s will. Her dislike of him was strong, complaining that he “addresses me as though I were a public meeting”. For 2 years he combined the offices of Prime Minister and Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Yet trouble overseas created problems. He failed to rescue General Gordon from Khartoum, leading to the loss of British control in Sudan, and a dent in Gladstone’s popularity. Critics reversed his ‘GOM’ nickname (for ‘Grand Old Man’) to ‘MOG’ (‘Murderer of Gordon’).
In 1885 the government’s Budget was defeated, prompting him to resign, with Lord Salisbury becoming Prime Minister. Gladstone declined an earldom offered by Queen Victoria, preferring to remain in office.
In February 1886, aged 76, he became Prime Minister for the third time. Working in alliance with the Irish Nationalists, he immediately introduced an Irish Home Rule Bill, proposing a parliament for Ireland. It was defeated, and he lost the General Election held in July 1886.
Gladstone devoted the next 6 years to convincing the British electorate to grant Home Rule. Campaigning on the issue, the Liberals won the 1892 election, and he returned for a fourth administration. He once more introduced the Irish Home Rule Bill, but it was rejected by the Lords. He resigned in March 1894, having failed to retain the support of his Cabinet.
Gladstone died on 19 May 1898 from cancer, which started behind the cheekbone and spread across his body. He was buried in Westminster Abbey. | ||||||
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] | 2012-10-11T16:36:06+00:00 | en | /static/favicon/wikisource.ico | https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography,_1901_supplement/Gladstone,_William_Ewart | GLADSTONE, WILLIAM EWART (1809–1898), statesman and author, born on 29 Dec. 1809, at 62 Rodney Street, Liverpool, was third son of (Sir) John Gladstone [q. v.], by his second wife Anne, daughter of Andrew Robertson of Stornoway. As he said, when he became member for Midlothian in later life, he had no drop of blood in his veins which was not Scottish. He was educated at Seaforth vicarage (four miles from Liverpool), at Eton, and at Oxford. His tutor at Seaforth was the Rev. William Rawson, the incumbent. His father was then living at Seaforth House. He went to Eton at the age of eleven, after the summer holidays of 1821, and boarded at a dame's (Mrs. Schurey's); Dr. Keate was then headmaster. His tutor was the Rev. Henry Hartopp Napp. He became fag to his eldest brother Thomas (afterwards Sir Thomas Gladstone of Fasque).
The range of studies at Eton was then almost confined to the Greek and Latin languages. Gladstone was accustomed to say in later years that, limited as the teaching was, its accuracy was 'simply splendid.' He was an industrious boy, and was distinguished for his high moral and religious character. His most intimate friend at Eton was Arthur Hallam [see under Hallam, Henry]. Of Gladstone's other contemporaries the most famous were Sir George Cornewall Lewis [q. v.] and Charles John (afterwards Earl) Canning [q.v.] Gladstone played cricket and football, but his favourite recreation was boating. He kept a 'lock-up' or private boat, and was, as he continued to be through life, a great walker. He made no particular mark in the school, though the few who knew him well always believed that he would rise to eminence.
In one respect Gladstone and his cleverest contemporaries at Eton were premature men. They were ardent politicians, studying parliamentary debates, writing about them to each other in the holidays, and even keeping such division lists as they could get hold of. Gladstone began early to use both his tongue and his pen. He spoke frequently in 'Pop,' the school debating society, where current politics were forbidden, although historical subjects and abstract questions afforded ample scope for eloquence. Gladstone's first speech was delivered on 15 Oct. 1825, when he supported the modest proposition that education was 'on the whole' good for the poor. He edited the 'Eton Miscellany.' which lasted from June to December 1827. After George Canning's death in August 1827, Gladstone wrote a fervent eulogy of him there, the first of his many tributes to that statesman. Gladstone, as he told the House of Commons in 1866, 'was brought up under the shadow of the great name of Mr. Canning.' His father had induced Canning to stand for Liverpool in 1812, and the crowd at that election was the first thing Gladstone could remember. When he went from Eton to Oxford he was a Canningite in politics, and a Canningite in foreign politics he always remained.
Gladstone left Eton at Christmas 1827, and read for six months with a private tutor, Mr. Turner (afterwards Bishop Turner of Calcutta). In October 1828 he went into residence at Christ Church, Oxford, of which he was nominated a student in 1829. Dr. Samuel Smith and afterwards Dr. Gaisford were deans in his undergraduate days. Among his fellow-students were Charles Canning, Lord Lincoln (afterwards fifth duke of Newcastle), Henry George Liddell (afterwards Dean), Sir Francis Doyle, and Sir Thomas Acland [q.v. Suppl.] For the greater part of his time Gladstone 'kept' in Peckwater near Canterbury Gate. He read hard, was abstemious in the use of wine, and maintained in every respect the high character he had gained at Eton. His college tutor was the Rev. Robert Brisco; but he read classics privately with Charles Wordsworth [q. v.] His only exercise was walking. At Oxford, as well as through life, he was extremely and, as men of the world thought, ostentatiously religious. He founded an essay society which was called after him the ' W. E. G.' He was secretary and then president of the Oxford Union in Michaelmas term 1830. Like a good Cauningite he defended catholic emancipation but denounced the reform bill. His speech against the bill excited the most enthusiastic admiration, and led Charles Wordsworth to predict with confidence that he would be prime minister. It obtained notoriety many years afterwards, when Disraeli quoted it in the debate on the second reading of the reform bill of 1866. Along with Charles Wordsworth and Lord Lincoln, Gladstone promoted a petition to the House of Commons against parliamentary reform, which was signed by more than seven hundred undergraduates. In December 1831 Gladstone took a double first in classics and mathematics.
In 1832 Gladstone spent six months in Italy, and acquired a familiarity with the Italian language which he never lost. He had some thoughts of taking holy orders (Russell, p. 24). But his father was bent upon making him a statesman, and had interest with Sir Robert Peel. Sir John Gladstone was not a man to be trifled with, and, in December 1832, his brilliant son was returned to the first reformed parliament as one of the members for Newark. Newark was a nomination borough which the Reform Act had spared, and the patron was the Duke of Newcastle, father of Gladstone's friend, Lord Lincoln. Gladstone was elected at the head of the poll, and the whig candidate, Thomas Wilde [q. v.] (afterwards Lord-chancellor Truro), was defeated. Except for the great session of 1846, when he was a secretary of state without a seat in parliament, and the first session of 1847, Gladstone sat continuously in the House of Commons from 1833 till his final retirement from parliament in 1895.
On 25 Jan. 1833 Gladstone was admitted a student of Lincoln's Inn; but, like Disraeli, who went through the same process, he was not called to the bar. On 6 March he was elected a member of the Carlton Club, from which he did not withdraw till March 1860, after he had definitely joined the liberal party and become chancellor of the exchequer in the second administration of Lord Palmerston. Except for a few sentences on a Liverpool petition (21 Feb.), which were most imperfectly reported, Gladstone's maiden speech was delivered on 3 June 1833. It was a defence of his father, who had a plantation in Demerara, where, according to Lord Howick (afterwards third earl Grey), there was undue mortality among the slaves. This Gladstone strenuously denied, declaring that his father's slaves were happy, healthy, and contented. He favoured 'gradual' emancipation, with full compensation to the owners. This speech was remembered, and used against Gladstone when, in 1862, he expressed sympathy with Jefferson Davis and the south. But he never supported the principle of slavery. The speech made a most favourable impression upon both sides of the house, and received a high compliment from Lord Stanley (afterwards fourteenth earl of Derby). A previous speech on the same subject (17 May), which has been erroneously attributed to Gladstone, was really made by his brother Thomas, then member for Portarlington (Robbins, p. 170).
Gladstone's speech on the Irish church temporalities bill (8 July 1833) is interesting, both as the first which he made on Ireland and as the beginning of his connection with the subject of ecclesiastical establishment. He denounced the appropriation clause, which diverted part of the revenues of the Irish church to secular purposes. The appropriation clause was withdrawn, and the bill thus lightened or weakened passed the House of Lords.
When, on William IV's dismissal of Melbourne, Peel was gazetted (29 Dec. 1834) first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer, Gladstone was included in the same commission as junior lord. He had refused to be under-secretary for war and the colonies because of his father's connection with the West Indies. Parliament was at once dissolved, and in his address to the electors of Newark Gladstone condemned the late whig ministers for rash, violent, and indefinite innovation, and for having promised to act on the principles of radicalism. He especially denounced the ballot, which, thirty-eight years later, he carried into law. He defended the king's dismissal of Melbourne, for which Peel had become constitutionally responsible, but which he himself deprecated when, in 1875, he reviewed Sir Theodore Martin's 'Life of the Prince Consort.' Gladstone was re-elected for Newark without opposition, his colleague being Serjeant Wilde. In the new parliament, which did not meet till February 1835, the conservatives were in a minority of 107. On 17 Jan. 1835 Gladstone for the first time met Disraeli, at a dinner given by Lord-chancellor Lyndhurst. In the same month the post of under-secretary for war and the colonies was again offered to Gladstone, who this time accepted it. The secretary of state was Lord Aberdeen, and this was Gladstone's first introduction to a statesman whom he thenceforth regarded with the highest reverence and esteem (cf. Lord Stanmore, Life of Lord Aberdeen). Of Gladstone, as under-secretary for the colonies, two judgments delivered within the office are recorded. Sir Henry Taylor wrote : 'I rather like Gladstone, but he is said to have more of the devil in him than appears in a virtuous way, that is only self-willed.' Sir James Stephen, on the other hand, pronounced that for success in political life he wanted pugnacity. His tenure of the under-secretaryship was, however, cut short by the resignation of Peel's government on 8 April.
At this time Gladstone lived in chambers in the Albany. He then began the practice of giving breakfast parties, which he continued when he was prime minister. He went a good deal into society, especially to musical parties, where he often sang ; and he rode regularly in the park. But he was a born student, and the amount of reading which he accomplished in those days was prodigious. Homer and Dante were his favourite authors, but it is recorded that at this period he read the whole of St. Augustine's works in twenty-two volumes octavo (Russell, p. 48).
At the dissolution of 1837, consequent upon the death of William IV, Gladstone and Wilde were again returned for Newark without a contest. Gladstone had declined to stand for Manchester, but the Manchester tories persisted in nominating him, and he was placed at the bottom of the poll. In December 1838 appeared Gladstone's once famous book, 'The State in its Relations with the Church' (1838; 2nd ed. 1839; 4th ed. enlarged, 2 vols. 1841). He was assisted in writing it by his friend, James Hope (afterwards Hope-Scott) [q. v.] The book is now chiefly known through the essay which Macaulay wrote upon it in the 'Edinburgh Review.' It was suggested by a series of lectures delivered by Dr. Chalmers in the Hanover Square Rooms. Gladstone affirms that the state has a conscience, that that conscience must be a religious one, and that it is impossible for the state, as for the individual, to have more than one religion. This is in fact a plea for a theocracy, for the exact opposite of Erastianism, for the subordination of the state to the church. On 10 April 1839 Gladstone wrote to Macaulay to thank him for 'the candour and single-mindedness ' of his review. Macaulay sent a cordial acknowledgment. Sir James Stephen described the book as one of 'great dignity, majesty, and strength.' But Wordsworth said that he could not distinguish its principles from Romanism; and Sir Robert Peel, who detested the Oxford movement, is said by Lord Houghton (Reid, Life, p. 316) to have exclaimed, as he turned over the pages, 'That young man will ruin his fine political career if he persists in writing trash like this.' The author obtained no real support from any quarter, and within ten years he himself perceived that his position, though it might be ideal, was untenable. As Gladstone says in his chapter of autobiography, written thirty years afterwards, his views were, even in 1838, hopelessly belated. The historical interest of the book is that its doctrines were inconsistent with the parliamentary grant to Maynooth College for training Roman catholic priests in Ireland.
In 1840 Gladstone published a second book, called 'Church Principles considered in their Results.' This is an ecclesiastical treatise, stating the views of a strong high churchman on the apostolical succession, the authority of the church in matters of faith, and the nature of the Sacrament. It had a very small circulation, and is chiefly interesting as a curious example of the way in which an active young member of parliament employed his leisure. On 20 June, when Lord John Russell proposed an increase of the meagre grant then made by the state for education, raising it from 26,300l. to 30,000l., Gladstone delivered an elaborate speech on a subject which he pronounced to be connected with the deep and abstruse principles of religion. He condemned the ministerial plan because it recognised the equality of all religions, arguing that it led to latitudinarianism and atheism. His own opinion was in favour of denominational teaching, and this opinion it may be doubted whether he ever changed.
On 25 July 1839 Gladstone was married at Hawarden to Catherine, elder daughter of Sir Stephen Glynne, and sister of Sir Stephen Richard Glynne [q. v.] On the same day and at the same place Sir Stephen's younger daughter, Mary, was married to George William, fourth baron Lyttelton [q. v.] ; and it was in memory of this occasion that Gladstone and Lyttelton, more than twenty years afterwards (1863), published a joint volume of poetical translations. In April 1840 they examined together at Eton for the Newcastle scholarship, which had been lately founded at Eton by Gladstone's political patron, the Duke of Newcastle.
In the summer of 1840 Gladstone took part with James Hope and Dean Ramsay in founding Trinity College, Glenalmond [see Wordsworth, Charles]. On 27 April 1841 he helped to establish the Colonial Bishoprics Fund. Gladstone, who was always one of its treasurers, spoke at the jubilee meeting on 29 May 1891.
In the session of 1840 Gladstone took a prominent part in opposition to the first opium war with China. In doing so he separated himself from many members of his party ; to the policy he then avowed he always adhered. He denounced in the strongest language what he called the infamous contraband traffic in opium, and he asserted the right of the Chinese government to resist the importation of the drug by force. He drew upon himself serious obloquy by the use of words which were held to imply a justification of the Chinese for poisoning the wells. He explained that he had not made himself responsible for the charge of well-poisoning, but had merely referred to it as the allegation of the government. But the whigs did not let the matter drop, and Palmerston in particular stigmatised him as defending a barbarous method of warfare.
On 22 June 1841, after the defeat of Melbourne's government, parliament was dissolved. In his address to the electors of Newark Gladstone said : 'I regard the protection of native agriculture as an object of the first national and economical importance.' He accordingly favoured a graduated scale of duties upon foreign corn. He was returned with Lord John Manners (afterwards duke of Rutland). On 20 Aug. Melbourne was defeated in the House of Commons by a majority of ninety-one, and finally retired from office. Gladstone used to say that there was no man he more regretted not to have known than Lord Melbourne.
Peel succeeded Melbourne as prime minister on 31 Aug. 1841, and Gladstone became vice-president of the board of trade and master of the mint. He was sworn of the privy council, but not admitted to the cabinet. He was disappointed with his office, for he had no practical knowledge of commerce, and he had hoped to be chief secretary for Ireland. But it was the making of his career. Peel at once set himself to reform the tariff, and Gladstone was his chief assistant in the task. The president of the board was Frederick John Robinson, first earl of Ripon [q. v.] ; but Gladstone soon mastered the business and became the real head of the department. Peel's second and great administration was, in Gladstone's opinion, a model one. Peel, who superintended every department of the ministry, himself introduced as first lord of the treasury two great budgets. In 1842 he met a deficit of two millions and three quarters by an income tax hitherto only levied in time of war at sevenpence in the pound for three years on all incomes exceeding 150/. The rest of the money thus raised he devoted to abolishing or reducing the duties on no less than 750 imported articles. This rearrangement of customs called forth all Gladstone's financial aptitude. The labour of preparing the new tariff was enormous, and it fell almost entirely upon Gladstone's shoulders. He was in charge of the customs bill, and in the course of the session spoke 129 times. The main principles of this great financial reform were that there should be no prohibition of any foreign goods ; that the duties on raw materials of manufacture should be nominal, and that where the process of manufacture was not on importation complete, they should be as small as possible. No work of Gladstone's life, except perhaps the settlement of the succession duty in 1853, was more arduous than this, and for a time it impaired his eyesight. The budget also comprised a very considerable reduction of the duties on foreign corn, although the principle of protection, and even the method of the sliding scale, were retained. Lord John Russell moved an amendment in favour of a fixed duty, but was defeated by a majority of 123.
Throughout 1842 industrial distress was acute, and at the opening of the session in 1843 Lord Howick moved for a committee to inquire into the causes of it. He attacked Peel's new settlement of the corn laws as inadequate. Gladstone in reply stated that the government were not prepared to abandon the principle of the corn law while protection was applied to other articles of commerce. When Charles Pelham Villiers, on 16 May, moved that the corn laws should be repealed, Gladstone confined himself to the plea that it was too soon to alter the elaborate provisions of the year before. On 11 May Lord Fitzgerald, president of the board of control, died, and was succeeded by Lord Ripon. On 19 May 1843 Gladstone assumed Ripon's office of president of the board of trade, and took his seat in the cabinet for the first time. On 13 June Lord John Russell again moved to substitute a fixed duty for the sliding scale. This time Gladstone energetically protested against the unsettling effect of these constant proposals for change, and Lord John's motion was defeated by a majority of ninety-nine.
The government was steadily going in the direction of free trade. Before the end of the session Gladstone took another step towards it by carrying a bill to remove the restrictions which had hitherto impeded the export of machinery. In 1844, as president of the board of trade, he introduced and carried the first general railway bill, which was a measure of great importance. It provided what were known as parliamentary trains for the accommodation of the poorer classes. The fares charged for third-class passengers by these trains were not to exceed a penny a mile, the trains were to stop at every station, and the speed was not to be less than twelve miles an hour.
On 28 Jan. 1845, a few days before the meeting of parliament, Gladstone resigned office on the ground that the government proposed to increase from 9,000 to 39,000l. a year the grant to Maynooth College in Ireland for the education of Roman catholic priests ; to make the grant permanent instead of annual ; and to make the board of works in Ireland liable for the execution of repairs in the college. Gladstone felt that this policy was inconsistent with the principles of his book on 'Church and State,' because it recognised the right and duty of the government to support more religions than one. Most politicians regarded his reasons for resignation as inadequate, and Peel did all he could to keep him at the board of trade ; but Gladstone was not to be moved, believing that his public character was at stake. Having resigned, however, he felt himself at liberty to support Peel's proposal, arguing that, as grants were made by parliament for other religious purposes not connected with the church of England, it was unjust to exclude the church of the majority in Ireland. The grant to Maynooth was part of Peel's general scheme for improving university education in Ireland. He also proposed the foundation of unsectarian institutions, which Sir Robert Inglis called the 'godless colleges.' These also Gladstone defended, on the grounds of justice to Ireland and the interests of higher education. Before he resigned Gladstone had prepared another tariff, still further reducing the number of taxable articles imported from abroad. After his resignation e employed his leisure in writing a very important pamphlet, which he called 'Remarks upon recent Commercial Legislation' (London, 1845, 8vo ; 3rd edit, same year). This tract is in truth a free-trade manifesto and is historically connected with the great change of the succeeding year. Gladstone argues that it should be the first duty of a sound financier to encourage the growth of commerce by removing all burdens from the materials of industry. In the winter of this year (1845) Gladstone, while out shooting, injured the first finger of his left hand so seriously that it had to be amputated. In December 1845 Peel decided upon the total and immediate repeal of the corn laws. His colleague, Lord Stanley, withdrew from the government on learning this decision. Peel thereupon resigned ; but Lord John Russell, who was now wholly committed to free trade, was unable to form a government, and Peel resumed office on 20 Dec. At the same time Gladstone succeeded Lord Stanley as secretary of state for the colonies. His appointment vacated his seat for Newark, but he did not offer himself for reelection. The Duke of Newcastle was a staunch protectionist, and the electors of Newark were known to be of the same opinion as the duke. Throughout the famous and stirring session of 1846 Gladstone was a secretary of state and a cabinet minister without a seat in parliament. He did not re-enter the House of Commons till after the general election of 1847. On 25 June 1846 the bill for the repeal of the corn laws was read a third time in the House of Lords and passed. On the same night the second reading of the Irish coercion bill was rejected in the House of Commons by an alliance of whigs, radicals, and protectionists. Sir Robert Peel resigned, and Lord John Russell became prime minister. Gladstone retired with his chief. Thenceforth Peel's followers, of whom Gladstone was one, called themselves, and were called, Peelites ; but they were not, in the proper sense of the term, a party. They were a group of able and high-minded men united in devotion to Peel, but agreeing only, or chiefly, in hostility to protection.
On 23 July 1847 parliament was dissolved, and Gladstone was brought forward as a candidate for the university of Oxford. His opponent was James Round, an extreme tory and protestant. Gladstone's address was mainly a defence of his vote for Maynooth. Sir Robert Inglis, an opponent of the grant, who had sat for the university since he defeated Peel in 1829, was returned at the head of the poll with 1,700 votes. Gladstone came second with 997, and Round, the defeated candidate, polled 824. The whigs obtained a majority and remained in office. One of Gladstone's first acts in the new parliament was to support Lord John Russell's resolution that the prime minister's colleague in the representation of London, Baron Rothschild, who, though not legally ineligible, was unable, as a Jew, to take the parliamentary oath ' on the true faith of a Christian,' might omit these words. Alluding to a previous vote which he had given against the admission of Jews to municipal office, Gladstone repeated his previous argument that if they were admitted to corporations, as they had since been, it was illogical to exclude them from parliament [see Rothschild, Lionel Nathan]. In 1848, on the eve of the chartist rising,Gladstone was sworn in a special constable. The most memorable debate of the parliament (of 1847-52) began on 24 June 1850. It was memorable not only for the brilliancy of the speeches delivered in it, of which not the least brilliant was Gladstone's, but also for the fact that it was the last in which Peel took part before his fatal accident of 29 June. The subject was Lord Palmerston's quarrel with the Greek government, who had failed to protect Don Pacifico [q. v.] from the violence of an Athenian mob. Lord Palmerston defended himself in a speech five hours long, in which he employed the celebrated phrase ' Civis Romanus sum.' Gladstone, taking a less popular line, pointed out the dangers of Palmerston's policy, and defined a Roman citizen as 'the member of a privileged class,' enjoying, by the exercise of force, rights denied to the rest of the world. Roebuck's motion of confidence in the government was, however, carried by a majority of forty-six.
Peel died on 2 July 1850. Next day Gladstone seconded the proposal to adjourn the House of Commons as a mark of respect, in a brief speech, full of deep feeling, in which he quoted the noble lines from 'Marmion' on the death of Pitt. Peel, he said, at the close of his own life, was upon the whole the greatest man he ever knew. After Peel's death he called no one master ; but the statesman to whom he most attached himself was Lord Aberdeen. The death of their chief did not dissolve the Peelites, who continued to act and vote together on most questions, if not on all, until they coalesced with the whigs in Lord Aberdeen's administration.
The winter of 1850-1 was spent by Gladstone at Naples, and momentous consequences followed. He discovered that Ferdinand II, king of the Two Sicilies, had not only dissolved the constitution, but had confined some twenty thousand persons as political prisoners. Nearly the whole of the late opposition, and an actual majority of the late chamber, were in gaol. One statesman in particular, Poerio, was seen by Gladstone himself, chained to a murderer, and suffering terrible privations, although, as Gladstone said, his character stood as high as that of Lord John Russell or Lord Lansdowne. Moved by these discoveries, Gladstone addressed a very eloquent and extremely indignant letter to Lord Aberdeen, in which he told the story of King Ferdinand's cruelty and atrocities from the beginning. He had not selected the most sympathetic correspondent, for Lord Aberdeen, in his foreign policy, had more in common with Metternich than with Cavour. The letter was dated 7 April 1851, but it did not actually appear till July. The delay was due to Lord Aberdeen, who earnestly entreated Gladstone to abstain from publication on the ground that it would render more difficult the task of procuring release for these Italian patriots. Lord Aberdeen's good faith cannot be doubted, and even his judgment should not be lightly impugned; but Gladstone's moral indignation was not to be restrained, and the letter was published. It was followed by two others, in the second of which Gladstone replied exhaustively and conclusively to the official defence put forward by the Neapolitan government; they went through eleven editions in 1851, reached a fourteenth edition in 1859, and were translated into French and Italian. Lord Palmerston, who on this point, and perhaps on this point only, entirely agreed with Gladstone, sent a copy of the first letter to the British representative at every court in Europe. Gladstone's letters undoubtedly contributed to the ultimate independence and union of Italy. But Lord Aberdeen was so far justified that they did not immediately procure the liberation of the captives, and it was Lord Derby's government who obtained the freedom of Poerio in 1852. At this time Gladstone took the trouble to translate the whole of Farini's 'Roman State from 1815 to 1850' (London, 4 vols. 1851-4).
Gladstone returned home towards the end of February 1851, in the middle of a political crisis. On 20 Feb. Locke King's proposal to reduce the county franchise to 10l., at which it stood in boroughs, was carried against the ministry by a majority of nearly two to one. Lord John Russell thereupon resigned. Lord Stanley, for whom the queen sent,declined to take office until Lord John had attempted a conjunction with the Peelites. The Peelites refused to join him because they disapproved of the ecclesiastical titles bill, which Lord John had already introduced. Lord Stanley then tried to obey the queen's commands, and approached Gladstone and Lord Canning, another Peelite. They, however, would not serve under a protectionist, and Lord Stanley gave up the task in despair. Lord John returned to Downing Street on 3 March, and proceeded with the ecclesiastical titles bill in a modified form. On 14 March Gladstone made a powerful speech against the bill, urging that it was a violation of religious freedom, and that the act of the pope, being purely spiritual, was one with which parliament had no concern. Public opinion, however, was strongly the other way, and the second reading was carried by 438 votes against 95. The bill, strengthened in committee by tory amendments, passed both houses and became law. But it was disregarded, and, twenty years afterwards, it was repealed at the instance of Gladstone himself (Russell, p. 113).
On 20 Feb. 1852 Lord John was again defeated, and this time Lord Stanley, who had become Lord Derby, succeeded in forming a conservative administration without recourse either to whigs or to Peelites. Disraeli became chancellor of the exchequer and leader of the House of Commons. At the end of the session, in July, parliament was dissolved. The result of the general election was the return of 315 liberals (counting the Irish), 299 conservatives, and forty Peelites. Gladstone was re-elected for Oxford, though he was opposed by Dr. Marsham, warden of Merton. The conservative cabinet was saved from the defeat with which it was threatened on Villiers's free trade-resolutions by Palmerston's intervention with a colourless amendment. Gladstone strongly supported the amendment (which was carried by a majority of eighty), on the ground that it was in accordance with the well-known magnanimity of Sir Robert Peel, and that it would give protection decent burial. Disraeli's first budget was, however, unfortunate. He proposed to relieve the agricultural depression by taking off half the duty on malt, and, to supply the deficiency, by doubling the duty on inhabited houses. Disraeli's speech at the close of the debate proved the beginning of the long oratorical duel between him and Gladstone that only ended in Disraeli's removal to the House of Lords, nearly a quarter of a century later. Gladstone replied for the opposition. The bulk of his argument was entirely financial, and he condemned the budget because, as he said, it 'consecrated the principle of a deficiency.' He proved that the small surplus for which the chancellor of the exchequer estimated was not a real one, and that therefore his whole scheme was without solid foundation. On a division, which was taken in the early morning of 17 Dec. 1852, the government were left in a mino- rity of nineteen. The same day Lord Derby resigned.
'England,' Disraeli had said in his speech, 'does not love coalitions.' She was now to try one. Lord Aberdeen became prime minister, and constructed a mixed cabinet of whigs and Peelites, with one radical, Sir William Molesworth [q. v.] Gladstone became chancellor of the exchequer. His acceptance of office of course vacated his seat, and there was a fierce contest at Oxford, which lasted for fifteen days. Gladstone had excited the animosity of a clerical faction, led by Archdeacon Denison [q.v. Suppl.], who, five years before, had been one of his strongest supporters. Their candidate was Dudley Perceval, son of the murdered prime minister, and Gladstone's majority was considerably educed. At the close of the poll
the numbers were — for Gladstone, 1,034; for Perceval, 885.
On 18 April 1853 Gladstone introduced his first, and in some respects his greatest, budget. But before he did so he had provided in a separate measure for reducing the national debt by eleven millions and a half every year. This memorable budget was universally admitted to be a masterpiece of financial genius, worthy of Peel or Pitt. In introducing it Gladstone spoke for five hours, and for felicity of phrase, lucidity of arrangement, historical interest, and logical cogency of argument, his statement has never been surpassed. The leading principles of his budget were the progressive reduction of the income tax, and the extension of the legacy duty, under the name of succession duty, to real property. It was estimated to produce an annual sum of 2,000,000l. The income tax was to remain at sevenpence in the pound from April 1853 to April 1855. From April 1855 to April 1857 it was to stand at sixpence; from April 1857 to April 1860 it was to be fivepence, after which it was to be entirely extinguished. It was extended to incomes between 100l. and 150l., but on them it was at once to be calculated at fivepence in the pound. It was also, for the first time, to be imposed in Ireland. On the other hand, and as a set-off, the debt incurred by Ireland at the time of the great famine, six years before, was wiped out. But Ireland was a loser by the transaction; for while the interest on the debt was 245,000l., the Irish income tax brought in about twice as much. Gladstone's triumph was so complete that no effective resistance could be offered to his main proposals in the House of Commons. Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton (afterwards Lord Lytton) divided the committee against the continuance of the income tax, but he was beaten by a majority of seventy-one. Among the other provisions of this budget it repealed the soap tax, reduced the tea duty by gradual stages to a shilling in the pound, and took off the tax on more than a hundred minor articles of food. As originally framed, it lowered the advertisement duty, which had been a heavy burden on newspapers, and a great check to their multiplication, from eighteenpence to sixpence. But in the month of July, mainly at the instance of Thomas Milner-Gibson [q. v.], the duty was abolished altogether, in spite of opposition from the government, by 70 votes against 61.
This budget promised to be the beginning of a new financial era, which would carry out and carry further the principle of free trade. But Gladstone's plans were seriously delayed, though not ultimately defeated, by the outbreak of the Crimean war. On 4 Oct. 1853 Turkey declared war against Russia. On the 12th Gladstone went to Manchester to unveil a statue of Peel. In an eloquent and earnest speech he described Russia as 'a power which threatened to override all the rest.' He added, in language which, though conciliatory in form, was in substance ominous, that the government was still anxious to maintain the peace of Europe. That was true of himself, of the prime minister, and of perhaps half the cabinet; but the government was a divided one. Lord Palmerston, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, British ambassador at Constantinople, and Lord Clarendon treated war as inevitable. In December Palmerston resigned. The nominal cause was Lord John Russell's persistence in attempting to introduce a reform bill. But when he returned to office a few days afterwards the British fleet was ordered to the Black Sea. On 28 March 1854 England and France declared war against Russia. Gladstone, who as a cabinet minister was, of course, jointly responsible for the war, always maintained that it was not undertaken on behalf of Turkey, but to preserve the balance of power, to vindicate the public law of Europe, and to restrain the ambition of an overweening autocrat.
Meanwhile, on 6 March, when war was known to be imminent, though it had not actually begun, Gladstone introduced his second budget. It was very different from the first. He had to provide for an expenditure of which he had no idea in the spring of 1853. But he declined to borrow. He made an animated protest against carrying on war by means of loans, which he said had nearly ruined the country at the close of the last century. His proposal was to double the income tax for half the year, thus raising it from sevenpence to fourteenpence, and to collect the whole of the increase within the first six months. On 8 May, however, he was obliged to introduce a supplementary budget, and to double the tax for the second half-year too. He also raised the duty on spirits, increased the malt tax, much to the disgust of the agriculturists, and made a small addition to the duty on sugar. He courageously defended these proposals, on the double ground that the year's expenditure should be met within the year, and that all classes of the nation should contribute to the cost of a national war. Although there was a good deal of grumbling, this budget also passed without serious difficulty.
The winter of 1854-5 was one of unusual and almost unprecedented severity throughout Europe. The sufferings of the troops in the Crimea were terrible, and public feeling rose high against the government. Roebuck's motion for a committee of inquiry, although Gladstone attacked it with great energy, was carried by the enormous majority of 157 on 29 Jan. 1855, and Aberdeen's ministry resigned.
The queen sent for Lord Derby : Palmerston, Gladstone, and Sidney Herbert were invited, but refused to join him. Eventually the old government was reconstructed, with Lord Palmerston as premier in place of Lord Aberdeen. Gladstone remained for a few weeks in office. On 22 Feb., however, he resigned, together with Sir James Graham, Herbert, and Cardwell. Their reason was that Palmerston had agreed to accept Roebuck's committee, although he was himself opposed to it, and had given them an assurance that he would resist it. They also took the line that the committee, which included no member of the government, was unconstitutional, inasmuch as it tended to relieve the executive of a responsibility which belonged only to ministers of the crown.
Lord Palmerston, immediately after the formation of his government, sent Lord John Russell on a special mission to Vienna, to negotiate terms of peace. The effort failed; but from that time Gladstone ceased to defend the war, and contended that its ultimate objects had been secured. The unfair pretensions of Russia were abated, and the destruction of her preponderant power in the Black Sea was not a sufficient ground for continuing the struggle. On 30 March 1856 the treaty of Paris, which terminated the war, was signed, and on 5 May Gladstone joined in the general congratulations of the government upon the establishment of an honourable peace. But he pointed out that the neutralisation of the Black Sea involved a 'series of pitfalls,' and no one acquainted with this speech can have been surprised at his acquiescence in the removal of that article from the treaty when he was himself prime minister fifteen years afterwards.
In the autumn of 1856 Palmerston deemed it necessary to punish China for an alleged insult to the British flag, and he sanctioned the bombardment of Canton. Two days after the opening of parliament (on 24 Feb. 1857) Cobden moved a resolution condemning the bombardment [see Temple, Henry John, Viscount Palmerston]. He was supported by Gladstone, who, true to the principles he had laid down in 1840, severely denounced Palmerston's high-handed treatment of a weak nation. The government were defeated by a majority of sixteen (3 March). Palmerston at once dissolved, and his Chinese policy was emphatically endorsed by the nation. His principal opponents, including Cobden, Bright, Milner-Gibson, and W. J. Fox, lost their seats. Gladstone was more fortunate; the university of Oxford did not put him to the trouble of a contest.
In the first session of the new parliament of 1857 Gladstone's main effort was in resistance to the bill for establishing the divorce court. He opposed it with greater vigour and pertinacity than he displayed in resisting any other measure before or afterwards. In his speech upon the second reading he took the high line that marriage is absolutely indissoluble, and that no human authority could set aside a union of which the sanction was divine; divorce was inconsistent with the character of a Christian country. The bill, however, was carried by large majorities. While it was in committee Gladstone came into frequent collision with the attorney-general, Sir Richard Bethell [q. v.] (afterwards Lord Westbury), who had charge of it. Intellectually the combatants were well matched. Gladstone supported Drummond's amendment, which would have given to a woman the right to divorce on the same terms as a man. But this proposition was rejected by nearly two to one. The only concession which Gladstone extorted from the government was that no clergyman should be compelled to celebrate the marriage of a divorced person. Gladstone and the high church party always maintained that the measure was wrong in principle and pernicious in its consequences; but he felt that to repeal it was out of the question.
In February 1858 Gladstone supported a hostile amendment to Palmerston's bill introduced after the Orsini plot to make conspiracy to murder felony, punishable with penal servitude, instead of a misdemeanour, punishable only with a short term of imprisonment. He maintained that to pass such a measure, at such a time, involved moral complicity with the repressive acts of despotic monarchies. The amendment was carried by a majority of nineteen, and on 22 Feb. Palmerston announced his resignation. The queen sent for Lord Derby, who again applied to Gladstone. Gladstone, however, refused the invitation, and a purely conservative government was again formed. But when in May Lord Ellenborough, the president of the board of control, resigned, Lord Derby pressed the office upon Gladstone, and Disraeli entreated him to accept it. If he had complied with this invitation he would have been the last president of the board and the first secretary of state for India. He declined it, however, and this was the last offer he received from the tories.
Gladstone had now been more than three years out of office, and the fruits of his comparative leisure appeared in his 'Studies on Homer and the Homeric age' (Oxford, 3 vols. 1858). Although Gladstone never attained, nor deserved, the same celebrity as a writer which he enjoyed as an orator, he was indefatigable with his pen, and had been for some years a pretty regular contributor to the 'Quarterly Review,' as he became long afterwards to the 'Contemporary Review,' the 'Nineteenth Century,' and other periodicals. It was in the 'Quarterly' that he first wrote on the subject of Homer, being induced to do so by the destructive criticisms of Lachmann upon the integrity of Homer's text. The book on Homer is one of the most extraordinary that have ever been composed by a man of affairs. It is a monument of erudition, of eloquence, of literary criticism, of poetic taste, and of speculations the most fantastic in which a student could indulge. Gladstone was a thorough scholar in the old-fashioned sense of the term. He knew the Greek and Latin classics as well as they could be known by any one who had not devoted his life to their study — as well as Pitt, or Fox, or Peel, or Macaulay, or Lord Derby. In his accurate and minute acquaintance with Homer he was unsurpassed. He was not, however, content with expounding the Homeric poems. He made a whole series of assumptions, and from them he deduced inferences subtle and unsubstantial. He assumed that Homer was an actual person, that he was the sole author both of the 'Iliad ' and of the 'Odyssey,' and that the whole text of those poems is equally genuine. He put into Homer's mind, or into the minds of the ballad-mongers who, as some think, are called by that collective name, ideas which were utterly alien to the Greek mind. He saw in Zeus, Poseidon, and Hades an analogue of the Trinity. He connected the Homeric Ate with the devil, and he regarded Apollo as a 'representative of the Messianic tradition that the seed of the woman should crush the serpent's head.' To the comparative philologist, to the scientific mythologist, and to the merely secular scholar, these ideas are meaningless. But the work remains a marvellous example of deep and even sublime meditation upon all that is contained or is suggested by the greatest epic poems of the world.
It was said to be partly in consequence of this book, and of the enthusiasm for modern Greece expressed in it, that, in November 1858, Sir Edward Lytton, secretary for the colonies, entrusted Gladstone with a special mission to the Ionian Islands. These seven islands, of which Corfu is the chief, had been under a British protectorate since the peace of 1815. That they were well administered was not denied; but they had a strong desire for union with Greece, and their discontent became so serious that the government felt it necessary to make inquiry into its origin. Gladstone visited the islands, and did his best to discourage the agitation by promising them a larger measure of self-government under English rule. But there was only one thing they wanted, and a proposal for incorporation with the Greek kingdom was carried unanimously by the legislative assembly at Corfu. Gladstone left Corfu on 19 Feb. 1859 and duly reported what he had seen. But it was not till 1864, when King Otho abdicated and was succeeded by King George, that the islands finally became Greek.
On 28 Feb. 1859 Disraeli, now for the second time chancellor of the exchequer and leader of the House of Commons, brought in his first reform bill, which was of the mildest possible character. It extended the 10l. franchise from boroughs to counties, and it introduced the first form of the lodger vote. But it ignored the working classes, while it proposed some new and fancy franchises. On the second reading of the bill (20 March) Lord John Russell proposed a hostile amendment, against which Gladstone spoke. He did not approve of the bill, which he considered totally inadequate. But he defended with unexpected vigour the maintenance of pocket boroughs, and he expressly declined to give a vote which might have the effect of turning out Lord Derby's administration. His advocacy of the government was, however, unsuccessful. On 1 April the house divided, and the second reading of the bill was rejected by a majority of thirty-nine. On 20 April Lord Derby and Disraeli announced the dissolution of parliament. The policy of this dissolution was severely criticised, and Gladstone was among the critics. But though he himself was again returned without opposition for Oxford, the government gained a considerable number of seats. They did not, however, gain enough. The liberal party, after the election, had a small but a sufficient majority, and they all agreed to act together. The new parliament met on 31 May, the queen's speech was read on 7 June, and a vote of no confidence in the government, moved as an amendment to the address by Lord Hartington (afterwards duke of Devonshire), was carried by the narrow majority of thirteen. Gladstone voted silently with the government.
Thereupon Palmerston formed an administration. He offered the chancellorship of the exchequer to Gladstone, who accepted it. This was one of the strangest incidents in Gladstone's career, and he felt the necessity of an explanation. Having twice voted in favour of Lord Derby's government, he had immediately taken service with Lord Derby's rival and successor. Not being able, as a university member, to address his constituents, he wrote a long letter on the subject to Dr. Hawkins, the provost of Oriel. No one could accuse him of being an office seeker; he had three times refused office and twice resigned it. There can be little doubt that he felt himself to be the man best capable of managing the national finances, which were by no means in a satisfactory state. To Dr. Hawkins he pointed out that most of the new cabinet, which contained only one radical, Milner-Gibson, were the men with whom he had acted in the government of Lord Aberdeen. But feeling at Oxford was much excited by what appeared to be his permanent enlistment in the liberal ranks, and his seat, vacated by his appointment, was keenly contested. The tory candidate was Lord Chandos (afterwards duke of Buckingham), but he only polled 859 against 1,050 for Gladstone.
Gladstone's first official duty in 1859 was to introduce the budget, which had been unduly delayed by the general election. He had to provide for a deficit of nearly 5,000,000l. He did so mainly by raising the income tax from fivepence to ninepence, the whole of the increase to be paid in the first half of the financial year.
Gladstone's budget next year (1860) was one of his greatest and most memorable achievements. It had been preceded by the commercial treaty with France, which Cobden, holding no official position, had, under Gladstone's superintendence, concluded in the autumn with the emperor of the French. By this treaty, which was to last for ten years, England agreed to abolish all duties on manufactured goods and to reduce the duties on brandy and wine. France agreed to lower her tariff on English goods and to treat England on the footing of the most favoured nation. In his budget speech of 1860, which was a brilliant success, and revived the memories of 1853, Gladstone met the arguments of those who said that a commercial treaty was an abandonment of free trade. He showed that the duties abolished were essentially protective, so that his scheme was in effect the completion of what Peel had begun in 1842, and continued in 1846. The reductions, he said, would have been advantageous to this country even if France had done nothing, and the concessions made by France rendered them doubly profitable. Before closing that part of his great speech which dealt with the treaty, he paid an eloquent tribute to Cobden. The budget also made further reductions in the taxes upon articles of food. It imposed a registration duty of a penny a packet upon imported and exported goods, and a duty of six shillings upon chicory, which was largely used in the adulteration of coffee. An excise license was granted to the keepers of eating-houses, enabling them, for the first time, to sell beer and wine on the premises, and thus affording an alternative to the public-house. The paper duty was repealed. The income tax was raised to tenpence upon all incomes above 150l., and to sevenpence below that amount. To illustrate the effect of his proposals in promoting the freedom of commerce, Gladstone explained that while in 1845 the number of articles subject to customs duties was 1,163, and in 1853 460, it was now brought down to 48. The first opposition to this historical budget was raised on 20 Feb., when Disraeli moved that the assent of the house should be obtained for the treaty before they discussed the items of the budget. Gladstone's reply was chiefly founded on precedent, especially the precedent set by Pitt in 1798. The majority for the government was sixty-three. The next day Charles Du Cane moved an amendment hostile to the whole principle of the financial scheme. But this was defeated by 116, and with one exception the proposals of the budget were now safe. To the bill providing for the repeal of the paper duty a much more serious resistance was offered. It came partly from the manufacturers of paper and partly from the proprietors of the more expensive journals, who were afraid of the competition which it would encourage. But the second reading was carried by a majority of fifty-three, and the House rose for the Easter recess.
On 16 April Gladstone, who had been elected lord rector of the university of Edinburgh, delivered an address on the function of universities, now chiefly interesting as being the first of the kind which he was called upon to give. When parliament met again after the recess a very formidable campaign was opened against the paper bill, and the third reading was carried only by a majority of nine. In a letter to the queen, for which it would be difficult to find a precedent, Lord Palmerston, who was, of course, as much responsible for the bill as Gladstone himself, intimated that this division would probably encourage the House of Lords to throw it out; that if they did so they would perform a public service, and that the government might well submit to so welcome a defeat. Throughout Lord Palmerston's second administration a feeling of more or less active hostility prevailed between himself and his chancellor of the exchequer. But, though Gladstone frequently threatened to resign, he remained in office for the rest of Lord Palmerston's life.
On 21 May Lord Granville moved the second reading of the paper bill in the House of Lords. After a learned argument from Lord Lyndhurst, to prove that the lords might reject though they could not amend a money bill, and a personal attack on Gladstone by Lord Derby, combined with effusive compliments to Lord Palmerston, the bill was thrown out by a majority of eighty-nine. On 25 May Palmerston moved for a committee to inquire into the privileges of the House of Commons and the rights of the House of Lords in matters of taxation. The committee having sat and drawn up a purely historical report, Palmerston moved, on 5 July, a series of resolutions, carefully framed and of great political value, which set out in effect that the grant of supply was in the commons alone. His speech, as might have been expected, was a mild one, and advanced liberals complained that he had practically given up the case. But Gladstone made amends in their eyes for the deficiencies of his chief. In the most radical speech that he had yet made, he affirmed that for two hundred years the lords had never ventured to retain a tax which the commons had remitted, and, answering Lord Lyndhurst by implication, he pointed out that it was not in the lords' power to reject money bills, and the representatives of the people were bound to combat their claim to interfere with taxation. In significant language he reserved to himself the right of enforcing the commons' privileges not by words but by action. The vote of the lords was, however, decisive for the year. In the month of July it became necessary for the chancellor of the exchequer to provide for the cost of the Chinese expedition jointly carried out by England and France. He found the money by increasing the spirit duties one shilling a gallon.
Gladstone's budgets were the greatest and most popular events of Palmerston's second and longer administration. They excited unparalleled interest in the country, and the House of Commons was always crowded from floor to roof when they came on. Disraeli, who, though he was three times chancellor of the exchequer, never became an expert financier, could make no head against them, albeit his parliamentary genius was never more fully displayed than as leader of the opposition in the parliament of 1859. But before the budget of 1861 Gladstone introduced a social and economic reform which has proved immensely advantageous to the lower and middle classes of society. This was the post office savings bank bill, which he brought in on 8 Feb., and which became law without serious difficulty. Hitherto small savings could only be invested on the security of government through the savings banks, which were six hundred in number, and open for but a few hours in the day. The bill enabled them to be invested through the postal and money order offices, of which there were then between two and three thousand, and which were open from morning till night. The rate of interest was two and a half per cent., which was quite sufficient for the purpose; and the success of the measure was immediate and complete.
On 15 April 1861 Gladstone introduced his budget for the year in a speech which was pronounced by some impartial critics to be the finest he had yet delivered. He took off the penny which he had put on the income tax the year before. He again proposed the repeal of the paper duty. As for the income tax, he declared that it depended entirely upon the national expenditure. If the country would be content to be governed at the cost of 60,000,000l., they might get rid of the tax. If they persisted in spending 70,000,000l., it was impossible for them to dispense with it. The repeal of the paper duty was once more vigorously opposed, and Thomas Berry Horsfall, supported by the whole of the conservative party, moved that the tea duty should be abolished instead. The motion was defeated by a majority of eighteen; but the conservatives made a good deal of play with the cry of tea before paper. Gladstone had been subjected to some ridicule for his defeat by the House of Lords in the previous year. But it now became apparent that he knew well what he was about when he reserved to himself in 1860 the right of asserting by action the privileges of the commons. By a bold and practical innovation, which has since been the rule of parliament, he included all the taxes in one bill. This bill, being a money bill, could not be amended by the lords, who were therefore reduced to the alternative either of accepting it as it stood, or of refusing to concur in any provision for the public service of the year. This masterly stroke succeeded. Although the removal of the tax was finally carried in the House of Commons by the small majority of fifteen, the lords did not venture to interfere, and on 7 June they adopted without a division the customs and inland revenue bill, which included the abolition of the paper duty. From this time date the cheap press and the publication of penny or halfpenny papers.
The excessive expenditure of which Gladstone complained was mainly due to the large sums which Lord Palmerston demanded for the fortification of the coasts and of the seaports. Against these heavy grants Gladstone more than once protested, and his protests went to the verge of resignation. He agreed rather with Cobden than with his chief; and when the subject was under discussion his absence from the house was observed.
The budget of 1862, introduced on 3 April, was comparatively prosaic. The civil war in America and a succession of bad harvests had interfered with the growth of the revenue, and no great remission of taxation was possible. Gladstone, however, repealed the hop duty, a very unpopular impost, and substituted for it a readjustment of brewers' licenses, which made the larger brewers pay more, and the smaller brewers pay less. He also modified the scale of the wine duties, giving a further advantage to the light as against the strong sorts of wine. It is to this budget and to the budget of 1860 that is due the name of 'Gladstone claret.' To this budget there was little opposition.
An unfortunate utterance, in some respects the most unfortunate of Gladstone's life, was made in a speech at Newcastle on 7 Oct. He then said that Jefferson Davis, leader of the confederate rebellion, had made an army, had made a navy, and, what was more, had made a nation. He also expressed his opinion that the reunion of the north and the south, as a result of the war, was impossible. These views were held at the time by the vast majority of the upper and middle classes in England, though the working classes, who suffered most by the war, never subscribed to them. The prophecy, however mistaken, was repeated in even stronger terms by both Lord Russell and Lord Derby in the following year. It has to be remembered that the war was not ostensibly begun for the extinction of slavery, but for the maintenance of the union, and that even Lincoln declared himself at the outset to be no abolitionist. But it was really against slavery that the troops of the north fought; and in 1867 Gladstone had the manliness to avow that he had entirely misunderstood the real nature of the struggle.
On 15 April 1863 Gladstone, for the first time, supported the burials bill, then in the hands of Sir Morton Peto [q. v.], which proposed to give dissenters the right of being buried with their own ceremonies in the parish churchyards [see Morgan, Sir George Osborne, Suppl.] The next day, 16 April, Gladstone brought in his annual budget. There was a large surplus, and Gladstone was enabled to take twopence off the income tax, reducing it to sevenpence in the pound; he also raised the limit of partial exemption from incomes of 150l. to incomes of 200l. a year, and he abolished the penny a packet duty on registration, which he had himself imposed in 1860, but which had proved a failure; he also lowered the tea duty from seventeenpence to a shilling. So far the budget encountered no opposition, though a proposal to license clubs was withdrawn. But another proposal, to remove the exemption from income tax enjoyed by charitable endowments, excited a furious controversy. On 4 May Gladstone received the largest deputation which had ever waited on a minister. It was headed by the Duke of Cambridge, and attended by both the archbishops as well as by many bishops, clergymen, and philanthropic laymen. Gladstone declined to argue the matter with them, and reserved what he had to say for the House of Commons the same evening. Upon that occasion he delivered what has been described by competent judges as the most convincing piece of abstract argument ever addressed to a legislative assembly. He pointed out that the exemption was not really given to charities, but to charitable bequests, which, as they did not take effect till after the death of the testator, were not really charity at all. Every penny given by a man to charitable objects in his lifetime, though it might involve not only generosity but privation, was taxed to the uttermost. He asked whether it was right and just that parliament should specially favour wills which might endow a charitable institution and leave the testator's family destitute; he asserted that an exemption from a tax was a grant of public money, and he denied the moral right of parliament to grant money without retaining control of it. No serious attempt was made to answer this speech. But it had no effect upon the house; no independent member on either side supported the chancellor of the exchequer, the government declined to make it a question of confidence, and the proposal was withdrawn. On 2 July, Gladstone, speaking this time with the full authority of the government and supported by Disraeli, suffered an overwhelming defeat. His proposal to purchase the buildings used for the exhibition of 1862 for 105,000l. was rejected by 287 votes against 121. It was apparently regarded as a court job.
In the course of this year (1863) Gladstone brought out, with Lord Lyttelton, a joint volume of 'Translations' (new edit. 1863). Gladstone's were from Greek, Latin, Italian, and German, into English, as well as from English into Greek and Latin. The best of his classical translations is from the battle piece in the fourth book of the 'Iliad.' But the best in the whole book is his spirited rendering into English of Manzoni's ode on the death of Napoleon. The most popular, however, is his version, in rhyming Latin, of Toplady's famous hymn, 'Rock of Ages.'
The budget of 1864 was introduced on 7 April; the surplus was two millions and a half. With this Gladstone reduced the sugar duties by a sum of 1,700,000l., and further lowered the income tax from sevenpence to sixpence. He also made a small concession to the agricultural interest, exempting from duty malt employed in feeding cattle. The principal measure of the year, besides the budget, was a bill for providing government annuities and government insurance through the post office savings banks. The bill was severely criticised; but Gladstone saved it by consenting to lay it before a select committee, which reported favourably upon it, and it passed into law.
When on 11 May (Sir) Edward Baines [q. v. Suppl.] moved the second reading of his reform bill, which lowered the franchise from 10l to 6l., Gladstone gave the bill his powerful support. This was the most frankly democratic speech he had yet made. He pointed out that only one fiftieth of the working classes had votes. He claimed the right of every man, not disqualified, to come within the pale of the constitution, and he stated that the burden of proof rested with those who denied any man's right to vote. He implored the house not to wait for agitation before they widened the suffrage, and he appealed to the fortitude of the operatives in the Lancashire famine as a proof that they were eminently qualified to discharge ail the duties of citizens. The ultimate effect of this spirited declaration was immense; but at the moment the house refused, by 272 votes against 56, to read the bill a second time.
On 28 March 1865 Gladstone declined on behalf of the cabinet to accept L. L. Dillwyn's motion declaring that the position of the Irish church was unsatisfactory, on the ground that it was inopportune. He fully admitted that the Irish church was what Dillwyn described it. Establishments, he said, were meant for the whole nation, but barely one eighth of the Irish people belonged to the established church. But the great difficulty was the disposal of the endowments, which the Roman catholics had no desire to share. The motion came to nothing; the debate was adjourned and not resumed.
On 27 April 1865 Gladstone introduced his budget, and triumphantly pointed to a considerable decrease in the national expenditure. Reviewing the commercial legislation of that long parliament, he paid once more an eloquent tribute to the public services of Cobden, who had died a few weeks before. He announced a surplus of four millions, with which he lowered the duty on tea from a shilling to sixpence in the pound, and the income tax from sixpence to four-pence, which he declared to be its proper rate in time of peace. The question whether it should be retained at all he left to the new parliament. He reduced the tax on fire insurance by one half. On the other hand he refused, in spite of a subsequent defeat, to abolish the duty on the certificates of attorneys and solicitors.
On 14 June Mr. (now Viscount) Goschen moved the second reading of a bill removing theological tests for university degrees. Gladstone opposed the bill in a speech which offended many of his liberal admirers. He said that he would be no party to separating education from religion, and he praised the wisdom of the denominational system. The academic liberals complained that their leader had turned round and fired in their faces.
In July 1865 parliament was dissolved. The result of the general election, which excited little interest, was the return of 367 liberals and 290 conservatives. This was a liberal gain of forty-eight votes on a division. The chief event of the elections was Gladstone's defeat at Oxford. The nomination took place on 13 July, and the poll, under an act passed the year before, lasted for five days. The same act also allowed, for the first time, the use of voting papers, which could be sent by post, and thus, by increasing the practical power of the non-residents, contributed to Gladstone's defeat. His tory colleague, Sir William Heathcote, was virtually unopposed. But the tories ran a second candidate, Mr. Gathorne-Hardy (afterwards Lord Cranbrook). On 18 July the numbers were declared as follows: Heathcote, 3,236; Hardy, 1,904; Gladstone, 1,724; being a majority for Hardy over Gladstone of 180. Gladstone had a majority among the resident members of the university, and even among the heads of houses. Of the professors, twenty-four voted for him, and only ten against him. Bishop Wilberforce used all his influence in support of his old friend, who received the suffrages not only of Jowett and Pattison but of Keble and Pusey. On 17 July, the day before the declaration of the poll at Oxford, Gladstone had been nominated for South Lancashire. On the 18th he wrote a dignified farewell to the university, and on the same day arrived at Manchester, where he addressed a crowded meeting in the Free Trade Hall. He described himself as 'unmuzzled,' and intimated that a serious check to his liberal developments had been taken away. There was, however, another which was soon to follow it. On 18 Oct. Palmerston died. Gladstone, who had on 29 July been returned for South Lancashire below two conservatives, at once wrote to Lord Russell, and offered, in the event of the queen sending for him, to continue in office as chancellor of the exchequer, with or without the lead of the House of Commons, now vacant by Palmerston's death. The queen sent for Lord Russell, who became prime minister, and requested Gladstone to lead the house in his present office. The relations between Gladstone and Russell were extremely cordial, whereas Palmerston had more than once written to the queen about his chancellor of the exchequer in terms of sarcastic censure, which would have been unusually strong if applied to a political opponent.
The first duty of the new parliament, after suspending the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland to provide against the first appearance of fenianism, and passing a bill to authorise the compulsory slaughter of cattle as a protection against the rinderpest, was to deal with reform. On 12 March 1866 Gladstone introduced the government's reform bill in the House of Commons. The bill reduced the franchise in counties from a property qualification of 50l. to one of 19l., and the borough franchise from 10l. to 7l. It gave votes to compound householders, whose rates were nominally paid by the landlords, and to every man who, for two years, had had 50l. in a savings bank. A vehement opposition to the bill was at once declared from the liberal as well as the conservative side of the house. The most
eloquent and powerful of its liberal opponents was Robert Lowe (afterwards Lord Sherbrooke) [q.v.] The second reading was postponed till after Easter, and during the recess, on 6 April, Gladstone made an important speech at a liberal dinner in Liverpool, declaring that in no circumstances would the bill be withdrawn. On 12 April he moved the second reading, and took occasion to point out that the working classes, who had less share in the representation than they had before the great Reform Act, paid five twelfths of the taxes. He ridiculed the idea that they would all vote together as a class, a prediction which was amply fulfilled. The debate lasted for eight nights, and closed with a reply from Gladstone. Rising at one in the morning, he reviewed the whole course of the debate, directing himself more especially to Lowe's arguments. His speech was a masterpiece of classical eloquence, freely adorned and illustrated by those rich Virgilian hexameters with which, like Lowe, he delighted to season his parliamentary oratory. Contrasting himself with Lord Russell, a lifelong reformer, he admitted the tardiness of his own conversion, and thanked the liberal party for accepting him as leader. His speech was, in fact, far too great for the bill. But he concluded with a prophecy, fulfilled more speedily than even he could have anticipated, that time was on his side; that the great social forces, which the tumult of debate could neither impede nor disturb, were fighting for him, and would end in a certain if not distant victory. As soon as he sat down the house divided. The government secured a bare majority of five.
Before the house went into committee on the bill, and amidst a fever of public excitement, Gladstone on 3 May produced his budget. The surplus was nearly a million and a half. With it he repealed the duty on timber and the pepper duty, and reduced the duty on bottled wine to the same level as that on wine in casks. He also lowered the tax on cabs and omnibuses from a penny to a farthing a mile. He announced that commercial treaties, on the model of the treaty with France, had been concluded with Belgium, with the German Zollverein, and with Austria. He then turned to the subject of the national debt, and pleaded earnestly for the importance of making a more serious effort towards paying it off. He warned the country that the supply of coal would probably be exhausted in a hundred years, and that the consequent diminution of productive power would be enormous. This prediction, though supported in debate by John Stuart Mill, was generally regarded as fantastic. But it was revived some years afterwards by W. S. Jevons, its real originator, and it cannot be said to have been refuted. He then propounded a scheme by which, beginning with a sum of half a million a year, debt to the amount of fifty millions would have been extinguished by 1805. But he did not remain in office long enough to carry this plan into effect. On 7 May Gladstone fulfilled his promise to the house by bringing in a redistribution bill. By grouping the small boroughs and taking away one member each from several of them, he obtained forty-nine seats, which, without altering the number of the house, he distributed among the larger towns, the more populous divisions of counties, Scotland, and the university of London. On 14 May the bill was unanimously read a second time. On the 28th, which had been fixed for the committee of the reform bill, the serious troubles of the government began. Sir Rainald Knightley (afterwards Lord Knightley) carried against ministers, by a majority of ten, an instruction to include in the bill provisions for dealing with bribery. (Sir) Arthur Hayter then moved an amendment against the system of grouping in the redistribution bill; but Gladstone, after a protest against obstruction, declared that he did not regard the principle of grouping as vital, and the amendment was not pressed. Then came the tug of war. Lord Dunkellin moved to substitute rating for rental as a qualification for the franchise. Gladstone opposed this on the double ground that it would give the assessors of rates control over the suffrage, and that it would much diminish the number of new voters. But on 18 June the amendment was carried by a majority of eleven, and on the 19th Lord Russell's government resigned. The queen was unwilling to accept their resignation. Ministers, however, succeeded in overcoming her majesty's scruples, and on 26 June Gladstone defended in the House of Commons the course which they had taken. His reasons were mainly two. He said that the only alternative to resignation was the frank acceptance of the amendment, and that the cabinet had entirely failed to find any practicable means of carrying it out. He further stated that the present reform bill, as originally drawn, was smaller than the bill of 1860, and that the government could not consent to any further diminution of it.
The queen sent for Lord Derby, who became for the third time prime minister, with Disraeli once more chancellor of the exchequer and leader of the House of Commons. Meanwhile the popular enthusiasm for reform had become intense. On 27 June ten thousand Londoners assembled in Trafalgar Square and marched in procession to Gladstone's house. Gladstone himself was not at home; but Mrs. Gladstone, in response to calls, appeared on the balcony, and there was tumultuous cheering. On 23 July a great procession of reformers marched to Hyde Park. The police, by direction from the home office, closed the gates [see Walpole, Spencer Horatio]. But the crowd broke down the railings and entered the park in triumph. Both Lord Derby and Disraeli, having taken office, calmly declared that they had never been opposed to the principle of reform, and that they had just as good a right to deal with it as their political opponents. Gladstone replied, at Salisbury, by saying that he would give an impartial consideration to any plan they might propose. Little surprise was therefore felt when a paragraph in the queen's speech for 1867 announced another reform bill. Before introducing their bill the government proposed colourless resolutions, which did not satisfy the public curiosity.
On the 18th Disraeli introduced the bill, which went much further than the resolutions. Every ratepaying householder was now to have a vote. Gladstone at once protested against the principle of dual voting, which formed part of the bill, and insisted upon votes being given to lodgers as well as to compound householders. On 25 March Disraeli moved the second reading of the bill, and after Gladstone had obtained from Disraeli an assurance which was understood to mean that he would be flexible, the bill was read a second time without a division.
On 5 April there was another meeting at Gladstone's house, when it was arranged that John Duke Coleridge (afterwards Lord Coleridge) [q. v. Suppl.] should move an instruction to the committee, which would have the effect of enlarging the number of householders enfranchised. But, in consequence of a protest made at what was called the 'tea-room meeting,' part of this instruction was dropped, and Coleridge only moved that the committee should have power to deal with rating. This Disraeli accepted, and Gladstone thereupon moved in the committee that all householders should have votes, whether their rates were paid for them or not. This amendment was rejected by a majority of twenty-one. The blow to Gladstone's authority, as leader of the opposition, was rather serious, and in reply to a letter from one of his supporters, Robert Wigram Crawford, one of the members for the city of London, he intimated that he should not move his other amendments. But during the Easter recess a number of meetings were held to demand a thorough-going reform, and on 2 May the process of enlarging the bill was begun. Under Gladstone's guidance this was successfully accomplished. Lord Cranborne (afterwards Lord Salisbury), in an incisive speech, pointed out that the bill, as it left the House of Commons, was not Disraeli's but Gladstone's – Gladstone, he said, had demanded and obtained, first, the lodger franchise; secondly, the abolition of distinction between compounders and non-compounders; thirdly, a provision to prevent traffic in votes; fourthly, the omission of the taxing franchise; fifthly, the omission of the dual vote; sixthly, the enlargement of the distribution of seats; seventhly, the reduction of the county franchise; eighthly, the omission of voting papers; ninthly and tenthly, the omission of the educational and savings bank franchises.
On 19 Nov. 1867 parliament met for an autumn session to vote supplies for the Abyssinian expedition. Gladstone admitted that there was a good cause for war, but protested against territorial aggrandisement and the assumption of new political responsibilities. At Christmas Lord Russell retired from the leadership of the liberal party, and was succeeded by Gladstone. On 19 Feb. 1868 he moved the second reading of a bill to abolish compulsory church rates. This was read a second time without a division, and soon became law, thus putting an end to a very long and very obstinate dispute. On 26 Feb. Lord Derby resigned, from failing health, and Disraeli became prime minister. He had to govern with a minority, and was constantly defeated in the House of Commons.
On 16 March, during a four nights' debate on the state of Ireland [see Maguire, John Francis], Gladstone expressed the opinion that the Irish church as a state church must cease to exist. On the 23rd he gave notice of three resolutions, declaring that the church of Ireland should be disestablished and disendowed, and the exercise of public patronage in it at once suspended to avoid the creation of new vested interests. Instead of meeting these resolutions with a direct negative, or with the previous question, Lord Stanley, on behalf of ministers, proposed an amendment that the subject should be left for the new parliament to deal with. On 30 March Gladstone moved that the house should go into committee on his resolutions, and in his speech explained his own personal attitude. He had never, he said, since 1845, adhered to the principle of the Irish establishment. His policy was to pass only a suspensory bill in that parliament, leaving the whole question of disestablishment and disendowment to be decided by the next. After a long debate the house, by a majority of fifty-six, determined to go into committee on the resolutions. There was by this time a great deal of interest out of doors, and meetings on both sides were held during the Easter recess. At one of them, in St. James's Hall, Lord Russell presided, and spoke strongly in favour of Irish disestablishment, adding an eloquent eulogy of Gladstone as his successor. On 27 April Gladstone moved his first resolution in favour of disestablishment, and argued that, so far as the church of England was concerned, a bad establishment did not strengthen, but weakened, a good one. After three nights' debate the resolution was carried by a majority of sixty-five, and Disraeli asked for time to reconsider the position of the government. On 4 May he made a rather obscure statement in the House of Commons, which was understood to mean that he had offered the queen the alternative of dissolving parliament in the autumn, or of accepting his resignation. Her majesty had refused the resignation, but had given her assent to an autumn dissolution. Strong protests were made against bringing in the queen's name. Gladstone strenuously objected to the holding of a dissolution over the house as a menace. His remaining resolutions were adopted without a division, and, in reply to the third, her majesty assented to placing her own patronage in the Irish church at the disposal of parliament.
On 23 May Gladstone moved the second reading of the suspensory bill, explaining that with disestablishment the Maynooth grant to the catholics and the regium donum to the presbyterians would cease. The second reading was carried by a majority of fifty-four. But, in the House of Lords, where Lord Carnarvon supported it, and Lord Salisbury, who had recently succeeded his father, opposed it, it was rejected by ninety-five.
Parliament was prorogued on 31 July 1868, and was dissolved on 11 Nov., the registration having been accelerated by statute so as to enable the new electors to vote. The great question before the country was the disestablishment of the Irish church, and the popular verdict, the first taken under household suffrage, was decisive, the liberal majority being 115. Disraeli, making a sensible precedent, resigned without meeting the new parliament. On 4 Dec. Gladstone was summoned to Windsor and bidden to form his first ministry. He had been defeated in south-west Lancashire by Mr. (afterwards Viscount) Cross, but elected at the same time for Greenwich. By 9 Dec. his government was complete. Robert Lowe (afterwards Viscount Sherbrooke) [q. v.] became chancellor of the exchequer despite his opposition to the reform bill. John Bright [q. v. Suppl.] entered a cabinet and a government for the first time as president of the board of trade. Lord Russell refused a seat in the cabinet without office, and Sir George Grey [q. v.] declined to join the new administration. Sir Roundell Palmer (afterwards Earl of Selborne) refused the woolsack because he objected to the disendowment, though not to the disestablishment, of the church in Ireland. The new chancellor was Sir William Page Wood (now created Lord Hatherley) [q.v.] The government was, on the whole, a strong one, and Gladstone was especially fortunate in securing for the war office the services of Edward (afterwards Lord) Cardwell [q. v.], who was, with the exception of Sir James Graham and himself, the ablest of all the administrators trained under Sir Robert Peel.
The chief business of the session of 1869—the disestablishment of the Irish church—was emphatically Gladstone's work. Parliament met on 16 Feb., and on 1 March he introduced the Irish church bill in a speech which, by the admission of Disraeli, did not contain a superfluous word. The bill provided for the immediate disendowment of the church, and for its disestablishment as from 1 Jan. 1871. The church was hereafter to govern itself, and the governing body was to be incorporated. There was to be full compensation for vested interests, but the Irish bishops were to lose at once the few seats which they held by rotation in the House of Lords. The church was to retain all private endowments bestowed since 1660. The Maynooth grant to catholics and the regium donum to presbyterians were to be commuted. The tenants of church lands were to have the right of preemption. This clause, due to Bright and known by his name, was the origin of the many Land Purchase Acts which have since been passed for Ireland, The funds of the church were not to be used for any ecclesiastical purpose, but for the relief of unavoidable calamity and suffering. This was the only part of the bill which underwent serious alteration in parliament. The second reading of the bill was fixed for 18 March, when Disraeli moved its rejection. It was carried by a majority of 118, and passed easily through committee. On 31 May the bill was read a third time, by a majority of 114, and sent to the House of Lords. The conservative majority of that house were divided in opinion. After a long and eloquent debate the second reading was carried by thirty-three votes. Great changes were, however, made in committee; with almost all of these the House of Commons, by large majorities, refused to agree. For some time there was serious danger that the bill would be lost. But Lord Cairns, having done his best to defeat the bill and having failed, set himself with great ability to obtain the most favourable terms he could get from a government too strong to be resisted. The queen intervened as a peacemaker through Archbishop Tait. The result was that the bill passed substantially as it left the commons, with one most important exception. By an amendment, which Lord Cairns moved, and which the government ultimately accepted, the funds of the church were applied, not to the exclusive relief of suffering, but mainly to such purposes and in such manner as parliament might direct. As a matter of fact, they have scarcely ever been employed in the relief of suffering at all; but they have played a most valuable part in the development of Irish agriculture and industry. Thus altered, the bill received the royal assent on 26 July.
In the autumn of this year Gladstone excited the bitter resentment of orthodox churchmen, with whom he was himself in complete doctrinal agreement, by appointing Dr. Temple, head-master of Rugby, who was reputed to have freethinking tendencies, bishop of Exeter. The protests were exceedingly violent, and some members of the chapter braved the penalties of præmunire by voting against the nominee of the crown. But Gladstone's best justification is that neither in 1885, when he himself nominated Dr. Temple to the bishopric of London, nor in 1896, when Lord Salisbury nominated him to the archbishopric of Canterbury, was the faintest objection raised from any quarter. Although Gladstone afterwards made Dr. James Fraser [q. v.] bishop of Manchester, and Dr. Bradley dean of Westminster, he gave the high church party at least their share of the dignities and emoluments of the church. In 1869 appeared 'Juventus Mundi,' prematurely called by Lowe 'Senectus Gladstoni,' which partly summarised and partly developed Gladstone's larger treatise on Homer, published eleven years before. The session of 1870 was partially, as the session of 1869 had been wholly, an Irish one. On 15 Feb. Gladstone introduced his first Irish land bill, a mild and moderate measure, founded on the report of the Devon commission, which had been issued five-and-twenty years before. The bill gave legal effect to the Ulster custom, i.e. tenant right in the northern counties of Ireland, and, under conditions, to other similar customs elsewhere. It gave the tenant compensation for disturbance, if he had been evicted for any other reason than not paying his rent. It also gave him compensation for improvements, and reversed in his favour the old presumption that they had been made by the landlord. It authorised the issue of loans from the treasury for enabling the tenants to purchase their holdings, thus carrying a step further the policy of the Bright clauses. Only eleven members voted against the second reading. The lords altered it a good deal in committee; but they abandoned most of their amendments on report, and the bill passed substantially as it was brought in. Gladstone had little to do with the great education bill of this year, which established school boards and compulsory attendance throughout the country. He left it almost entirely to William Edward Forster [q. v.], though he occasionally made concessions to the church which seriously offended dissenters. He was, in truth, a denominationalist, and had no sympathy with the unsectarian teaching of religion given in board schools.
The great event of 1870 was the war between Prussia and France. The British government preserved a strict neutrality. But when the draft treaty between Count Bismarck and Monsieur Benedetti was published in the 'Times' on 25 July, ten days after the outbreak of the war, Gladstone and Lord Granville, who had just succeeded Lord Clarendon as foreign secretary, entered into negotiations with both the belligerent powers for maintaining the independence of Belgium. The draft treaty, a scandalous document, communicated to 'The Times' by Bismarck himself, purported to assure France of Prussia's aid in the conquest of Belgium, whose neutrality had been under a joint European guarantee since 1839. On 9 and 11 Aug. respectively, Prussia and France both pledged themselves to England that this neutrality should be respected, as, in the result, it was. But the only step which the government asked the House of Commons to take was an increase of the army estimate by two millions sterling and 20,000 men. In October of this year Gladstone took what was for a prime minister the singular course of contributing to the 'Edinburgh Review' an article on England, France, and Germany. In it he freely criticised the conduct of both foreign powers, defended his own government, and congratulated the country on being divided from the complication of continental politics by 'the streak of silver sea which travellers so often and so justly execrate.' We know, on Gladstone's own authority, that this was the only article written by him which he intended to be, in fact as well as in form, anonymous. But anonymity is difficult for prime mini- sters. The authorship was disclosed by the 'Daily News' on 5 Nov.
The administrative history of 1870 is important. On 31 Aug. all the public departments, except the foreign office and the education office, were opened to competition. At the same time the dual control of the army by the war office and the horse guards was abolished, the commander-in-chief being for the first time placed under the secretary of state. Just before the end of the year Gladstone announced the release of all the Fenian prisoners in English gaols on the condition that they remained for the rest of their lives outside the United Kingdom. The condition was severely criticised, and it may be doubted whether the discharged convicts would not have been less dangerous to England in Ireland than they became in the United States.
The year 1871 opened with the Black Sea conference, which met in London on 17 Jan. It was called to consider the clause in the treaty of Paris which provided for the neutralisation of the Black Sea. This the Czar announced his intention of repudiating. Gladstone was accused of allowing Russia to tear up the treaty, but, as a matter of fact, Lord Granville refused to recognise the right claimed by Russia, and it was the conference which put an end to a restriction which could not have been permanently enforced against a great power.
The first and chief business of the session was the army regulation bill, which, among other things, abolished the purchase of commissions in the army. The bill was strenuously resisted by the military members of the house, and 'the Colonels,' as they were called, initiated the system of obstruction, which was afterwards more artistically developed by the Irish members. In the House of Lords the bill was met by a dilatory motion demanding a more complete scheme of army reform. This, after a strong speech from Lord Salisbury, was carried by a majority of twenty-five. Two days afterwards Gladstone announced in the House of Commons that purchase had been abolished by royal warrant, and would be illegal after 1 Nov. Thus the only result of the lords' refusal to proceed with the bill would be that officers could not get the compensation which it provided. In these circumstances the bill passed. The lords consoled themselves with passing a vote of censure on the government. Some radicals, however, represented by Fawcett, denounced the use of the prerogative, even for purposes of which they approved, while so moderate a liberal as Sir Roundell Palmer, not then a member of the government, supported it as the only practicable course. As a matter of strict law, the queen did not act on this occasion by virtue of her prerogative as the head of the army, but under the powers of a statute passed in 1779.
This year Gladstone succeeded in passing the university test bill, which had long been before parliament, and which opened the prizes of the universities to men of all creeds. Speaking on the women's suffrage bill of Jacob Bright, Gladstone made the admission that he would not object to women voting if the ballot were introduced, but to this isolated expression of opinion he gave no practical effect. On the other hand, he made an uncompromising speech against Miall's motion for the disestablishment of the church of England.
In May of this year the treaty of Washington between England and the United States was signed. The purport of it was to submit to arbitration the claims of the American government for damages caused by the depredations of the Alabama and other cruisers fitted out at British ports during the civil war. The commission, which was appointed by Gladstone to discuss the terms of the treaty with the United States government, was headed by Earl de Grey, created for his services Marquis of Ripon, and included Gladstone's political opponent, though personal friend, Sir Stafford Northcote. The commissioners agreed upon three rules which practically decided the case against England, so far as the Alabama was concerned, and which had not previously been an undisputed part of international law. But the treaty, though open to technical criticism, was substantially just, and put an end to a dangerous state of feeling between the two nations. The arbitrators met at Geneva in the following year to determine the Alabama claims. This was the first international arbitration of serious importance. Its value as a precedent was inestimable, and it will always be associated with Gladstone's name [see Cockburn, Sir Alexander; and Palmer, Roundell]. The United States demanded a sum exceeding nine millions sterling. The majority of the arbitrators awarded them three millions and a quarter, in respect of losses inflicted by the Alabama, the Florida, and the Shenandoah.
Meanwhile Gladstone delivered, in 1871, at Aberdeen, a speech which was often used against him in future years. Referring to the Irish demand for home rule, which then came from only a small section of the Irish people, he said that if given to Ireland it must be given also to Scotland, and asked if they were prepared to make themselves ridiculous by disintegrating the great capital institutions of the country. In October he met his constituents at Greenwich, who were dissatisfied partly with his neglect of their interests, and partly with the discharge by the government of labourers from the dockyards. He spoke for two hours in the open air to an audience estimated at twenty thousand. At first there were so much noise and so hostile a demonstration that he could not be heard. But in a few minutes he put the interrupters to silence, and, at the close of his speech, he received a practically unanimous vote of confidence. Both physically and intellectually this was one of his greatest achievements.
When parliament met, in 1872, there was brought before both houses the case of Sir Robert Collier, Gladstone's attorney-general, who had been appointed a paid member of the judicial committee of the privy council, practically in defiance of the statute providing that only judges or ex-judges were eligible [see Collier, Robert Porrett, Baron Monkswell]. Votes of censure were moved. The motion was rejected in the House of Commons by twenty-seven, and in the House of Lords by two votes. The result was damaging to the ministry and especially to Gladstone himself. The bad effect was increased by his appointment of William Wigan Harvey [q. v.] to the rectory of Ewelme, a crown benefice where it was anecessary qualification of the incumbent that he should be a graduate of Oxford. Harvey was a graduate of Cambridge, and was admitted ad eundem at Oxford for the purpose of enabling him to take the living. Gladstone denied responsibility for the action of Oxford University. But the two transactions, taken together, produced the impression that the prime minister was too much inclined to evade the law. The chief measure of this session was the ballot bill, which the lords had rejected the previous year, and which they now passed with an amendment limiting its operation to 1880. Since that date it has been annually included without objection in the expiring laws continuance bill.
In the autumn of this year the government received a great accession of strength by the appointment of Sir Roundell Palmer to be lord chancellor, with the title of Lord Selborne, in the room of Lord Hatherley. Gladstone's principal utterance outside parliament was a powerful and eloquent address to the students of Liverpool College, in which he combated the sceptical theories of the time as embodied in Dr. Strauss's recent volume, 'The Old Faith and the New.'
In 1873 Gladstone proceeded to deal with the third branch of the Irish question, and on 13 Feb., in an exhaustive speech of three hours, produced his Irish university bill. The difficulty was that the Irish catholics, with few exceptions, refused to let their sons matriculate at the protestant university of Dublin. The bill proposed to meet their scruples by forming a new university, of which Trinity College should be the centre, but which would contain also other affiliated colleges. The expenses of this university would be defrayed by annual grants of 12,000l. from Trinity College, and 10,000l. from the consolidated fund. The first council or governing body was to be appointed by parliament, but vacancies in it were to be filled by the crown. There were to be no religious tests, but, on the other hand, there were to be no chairs of the | ||||
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"Geoff Dickinson"
] | 2014-10-09T00:00:00+00:00 | Born in 1878 at Stratton, Wiltshire. | en | https://www.myprimitivemethodists.org.uk/favicon.ico | My Primitive Methodists | https://www.myprimitivemethodists.org.uk/content/people-2/lay-people/surnames-beginning-with-m/william_ewart_gladstone_morse_jp | Early years
William was born in 1878 at Stratton, Wiltshire, to parents Levi Lapper Morse and Winifred Elizabeth Humphries.
Business Life
In 1926, William had taken control of the company built up by his father. It had a staff of over two hundred. The business was run on the most approved ‘modern lines’, where the note is service, and where it was believed that efficiency was best achieved by the most cordial relations between employer and staff. No elderly employee retired without a pension, and every member of the staff partook in the annual profit sharing.
Contribution to the Connexion
William was associated with Regent Street Church, Swindon for most of his life. An example of his help to other churches in the circuit was evidenced when the Rodbourne Road Church was having difficulties. William undertook to bear the cost of the Church Anniversary, and continued to do so by securing the services of the Vice-President of Conference each year, with the Mayor of Swindon and the President of the Chamber of Commerce to preside at the annual meeting and concert respectively.
William became circuit steward of the Swindon II Circuit. For several years he served as leader of the Young men’s Bible Class.
William served on the Methodist Union Committee from its formation. He was also a member of the Bookroom Committee and treasurer of the General Chapel and Chapel Loan Funds.
William was Vice-President of Conference in 1925 at Scarborough.
Contribution to the Community
By 1926, William had been a member of Swindon Borough Council for seventeen and a member of Wiltshire County Council for two years. He served as Mayor of Swindon and was awarded the title Alderman. He chaired many committees in the Borough and County Councils.
William was a Liberal MP in the period 1923-4 for the Bridgewater constituency.
Family
William married Alma Constance Gladys Thornton (1887-1971) on 19 July 1910 at St John, Northfields, Ealing, Middlesex. Records identify three children.
Lionel Lapper (1911-1990)
Stanley Carlton (1913-1941) – died in WW2 during a bombing raid on Ruhr
Audrey Patricia (1915-1955) – married Gilbert Tait Kennedy in 1952
William died on 18 December 1952 at Swindon. He left an estate valued in excess of £185,000.
Primitive Methodist Magazine 1926/43
Census Returns and Births, Marriages & Deaths Registers | ||||
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"William Gladstone genealogy"
] | null | [] | 1809-12-29T00:00:00 | Is this your ancestor? Explore genealogy for William Gladstone FRS FSS born 1809 Liverpool, Lancashire, England, United Kingdom died 1898 Flintshire, Wales, United Kingdom including ancestors + descendants + 5 photos + 2 genealogist comments + more in the free family tree community. | en | /favicon.ico | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Gladstone-68 | Ancestors Descendants
Profile last modified 20 Mar 2024 | Created 21 Mar 2012
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Biography
William Gladstone FRS FSS is Notable.
WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE, the son of Sir John Gladstone and Ann Robertson, was born on the 29th of December 1809 at Rodney Street in Liverpool, Lancashire, England and was baptised there on the 7th of Feb 1810 at St Peter's Church. [1]. William was educated at Eton and Christ Church College, Oxford. [2] He first entered Parliament in 1832 as Tory member for Newark. [3]
William Gladstone married Catherine Glynne at Hawarden in Flintshire, in a 'double' wedding ceremony with her sister Mary, on the 25th of July 1839,[4] [5] [6] and they were blessed with eight children.
Gladstone, who was a Liberal, served as British Prime Minister on 4 separate occasions:
1868 to 1874
1880 to 1885
1886 to 1886
1892 to 1894
Queen Victoria described him as a "half-mad firebrand" while to a large part of the British working classes he was the "Grand Old Man". He declined an earldom in 1885.
After he retired he founded a library in Hawarden. This was the first and, so far, the only library set up by a British Prime Minister. He gave over £40,000 in 1895 for the building and, together with his daughter he wheeled 32,000 books from Hawarden Castle over to the new Library. He put them all onto shelves himself using his own cataloguing system. Gladstone's Library was known until 2010 as St Deiniol's Library. [1]
The Right Honourable William Ewart Gladstone passed away on the 19th of May 1898, at Hawarden Castle in Harwarden, Flintshire, Wales, aged 88, from cancer, which started behind the cheekbone and spread across his body. [7] and was buried in Westminster Abbey. Probate on his Will was granted to his three sons on 2 September 1899[8]
Footnote
William Gladstone's views on slavery and the slave trade have received little attention from historians, although he spent much of his early years in parliament dealing with issues related to that subject. His stance on slavery echoed that of his father, who was one of the largest slave owners in the British West Indies, and on whom he was dependent for financial support. [9]
He supported compensation for slave-owners, the system of apprenticeship for ex-slaves, and the defence of the West India interest over such matters as sugar duties. For a detailed examination of his views on slavery, see Roland Quinault, ‘Gladstone and Slavery’, The Historical Journal, 52 (2) (2009), pp. 363–83.[10]
Michael Thompson notes that The International Slavery Museum has good information on this subject.
Sources
↑ Citing this Record "England Births and Christenings, 1538-1975," database, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:J9MH-SBW : 11 February 2018, William Ewart Gladstone, 29 Dec 1809); citing , index based upon data collected by the Genealogical Society of Utah, Salt Lake City; FHL microfilm 0093872, 0093873, PLUS.
↑ Joseph Foster. Oxford Men and Their Colleges, 1880-1892, 2 Volumes. Oxford, England: James Parker and Co, 1893.
↑ https://www.britannica.com/biography/William-Ewart-Gladstone
↑ Citing this Record "Wales, Flintshire, Parish Registers, 1538-1912," database, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:KCRD-5NL : 11 February 2018), William Ewart Gladstone and Catherine Glynne, 25 Jul 1839, Marriage; from "Parish Records Collection 1538-2005," database and images, findmypast (http://www.findmypast.com : 2012); citing Hawarden, Flintshire, Wales, The National Archives, Kew, Surrey.
↑ Linen Hall Library; Belfast, Northern Ireland; Periodicals & Newspapers, Irish & Reference
↑ England & Wales Marriage Registrations: Sep 1839, Gladstone, William Ewart District: Gt. Boughton Vol 19 Page 61. Accessed at FreeBMD (http://www.freebmd.org.uk/cgi/search.pl)
↑ FreeBMD. England & Wales, Civil Registration Death Index, 1837-1915 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006.
↑ Ancestry.com. England & Wales, National Probate Calendar (Index of Wills and Administrations), 1858-1995 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2010.
↑ Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 May 2009
↑ Roland Quinault, ‘Gladstone and Slavery’, The Historical Journal, 52 (2) (2009), pp. 363–83
See Also:
Find A Grave, database and images : accessed 12 February 2020), memorial page for William Ewart Gladstone (29 Dec 1809–19 May 1898), Find A Grave: Memorial #8706, citing Westminster Abbey, Westminster, City of Westminster, Greater London, England ; Maintained by Find A Grave .
William Ewart Gladstone
Centre for the Study of the Legacies of British Slavery: William Ewart Gladstone
Push to rename blogspot
'Michael Faraday - a Sandemanian and Scientist' by Geoffrey Cantor
Space Page: Prime Ministers of England and Great Britain. (https://www.wikitree.com/index.php?title=Space:List_of_Prime_Ministers_of_England_and_United_Kingdom.&public=1)
'Virginia Woolf' a biography by her nephew Quentin Bell, published by The Hogarth Press, Pimlico, London in 1996. ISBN 0 7126 7450 0, includes extensive family trees. Hundreds of friends, professional connections and people in the 'Bloomsbury set' are also mentioned in the text.'Virginia Woolf' a biography by her nephew Quentin Bell | |||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 2 | 22 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gladstone_Memorial,_London | en | Gladstone Memorial, London | [
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Gladstone Memorial, LondonArtistHamo ThornycroftCompletion date1905TypeStatueMediumBronzeSubjectWilliam Ewart GladstoneDimensions3.4 m (11 ft)LocationCoordinates
Listed Building – Grade II
Official nameStatue of W E Gladstone on island in road, Strand, WC2Designated24 February 1958Reference no.1237098
The Gladstone Memorial on the Strand, London is a bronze sculpture of the British statesman, created by Hamo Thornycroft between 1899-1905. The statue was erected as the national memorial to Gladstone and shows him in the robes of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The figure stands on a plinth surrounded by allegorical figures depicting four of the Virtues, Courage, Brotherhood, Education and Aspiration. The memorial is a Grade II listed structure.
William Ewart Gladstone (1809-1898) served four terms as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom between 1868 and 1894.[1] One of outstanding political figures of Victorian England, he sought to reform the electoral franchise through the Representation of the People Act 1884 and the introduction of secret ballots;[2] pursued free trade[3] and attempted to "pacify Ireland" through Home Rule.[4] Although personally opposed to imperial expansion, his terms of office saw major foreign engagements including the death of General Gordon at Khartoum,[5] the Mahdist War and the outbreak of the First Boer War.[6]
Following Gladstone’s death in 1898, a committee was established to raise funds for a national memorial. The commission was given to Hamo Thornycroft. Born into a family of sculptors, by the 1880s Thornycroft had established his own reputation as a distinguished artist.[9] He had already received commissions for commemorative sculptures around Westminster, including statues of Oliver Cromwell, outside the House of Commons, and General Gordon in Trafalgar Square.[a] The commission took Thornycroft six years and the statue was not finally unveiled until 1906. The unveiling ceremony was conducted by John Morley, a member of Gladstone's Cabinets and his biographer. The cost was £8,000.
The critic Edmund Gosse wrote to congratulate Thornycroft after the memorial's completion; "It is so dignified, so solid and the head so magnificent,; you have got that look of frenzy in the eye that all his best portraits have".[b] Simon Bradley, in the 2003 revised version London 6: Westminster of the Pevsner Buildings of England series, describes the statue as a "fine, robed figure". The sculpture is a Grade II listed structure.[15]
The statue is executed in bronze[16] and is 3.35 metres (11.0 ft) high. It stands on a plinth of Portland stone by John Lee. Gladstone is depicted in the robes of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.[c] An inscription on the front of the plinth reads "GLADSTONE 1809-1898". Allegorical statues of women, mostly with children,[18] surround the base, representing four of the Virtues, Courage, Brotherhood, Education and Aspiration.
The memorial stands at the east end of the Strand, in front of the Church of St Clement Danes. It was originally encircled by the roadway, but is now in a pedestrianised plaza. The plaza also has late-20th century sculptures of Air Chief Marshal Hugh Dowding, and Marshall of the Royal Air Force Arthur Harris, St Clement's being the Royal Air Force church.
Blackwood, John (1989). London's Immortals: The Complete Outdoor Commemorative Statues. London: Savoy Press. ISBN 0-9514296-0-4. OCLC 21328602.
Bradley, Simon; Pevsner, Nikolaus (2003). London 6: Westminster. Pevsner Buildings of England. New Haven, US and London: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-09595-1. OCLC 888638928.
Darke, Jo (1991). The Monument Guide to England and Wales: A National Portrait in Bronze and Stone. London: MacDonald and Co. ISBN 978-0-356-17609-3. OCLC 24698831. | ||||||
wrong_mix_range_birth_00099 | FactBench | 1 | 20 | https://victorianweb.org/history/wegchron.html | en | Timeline of William Ewart Gladstone's Life | [
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1809 Born on 29 December in Liverpool, the fourth son (and fifth child of six) of Sir John Gladstone and his second wife, Anne Mackenzie Robertson.
1821 Having completed his primary education, Gladstone went to Eton.
1828 Gladstone went to Christ Church College, Oxford.
1831 Gladstone made a speech at the Oxford Union against the Reform Bill arguing that electoral reform would mean revolution.
He gained a double First Degree in Mathematics and Classics.
1832 Gladstone was elected as a Tory for the borough of Newark-on-Trent under the patronage of the Duke of Newcastle.
1833 Gladstone made his maiden speech in Parliament during the Committee stage of the Emancipation Bill. He defended his father against accusations about the treatment of slaves on his plantations in the West Indies.
1834 [December] He was appointed as a Junior Lord of the Treasury in Sir Robert Peel's first administration.
1835 [January] He was appointed Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies.
1835 [April] Peel resigned as Prime Minister and Gladstone left office.
1839 [July] Gladstone married Catherine Glynne at Hawarden. Catherine's father Sir Stephen Glynne owned the house; he was a baronet and the local squire. Hawarden became the Gladstone home after the marriage.
1840 [January] Gladstone began his work of rescuing and rehabilitating prostitutes in London.
1841 [September] Gladstone accepted the post of Vice-President of the Board of Trade in Peel's second ministry.
1843 [May] Peel appointed Gladstone as President of the Board of Trade. Gladstone became a member of the Cabinet.
1844 [August] The first general Railway Act was steered through Parliament by Gladstone. The legislation became known as the "Parliamentary Train Act".
1845 [February] Gladstone resigned from the Cabinet because he disagreed with the increase in the grant to Maynooth Seminary in Dublin.
1845 [December] Peel invited Gladstone to join the government as Colonial Secretary. Gladstone had to stand for re-election but failed to gain a seat until July 1847. Nevertheless, he remained a member of Peel's Cabinet.
1848 Gladstone enrolled as a Special Constable and was called out during the Chartist rallies.
He founded the Church Penitentiary Association for the Reclamation of Fallen Women, along with Bishops Wilberforce and Bloomfield.
1852 The Earl of Aberdeen formed a coalition government.
Gladstone was appointed as Chancellor of the Exchequer and presented his first budget in April 1853.
1854-6 The Crimean War. Gladstone increased Income Tax from 7d to 10½d in the � in anticipation of increased government expenditure.
1855 Aberdeen was forced to resign because of the inept handling of the Crimean War.
Palmerston became Prime Minister and Gladstone resigned because he disagreed with Palmerston's decision to accept J.A. Roebuck's proposed Committee of Inquiry into the conduct of the war.
1858 Gladstone became Lord High Commissioner Extraordinary to the Ionian Islands until March 1859. The islands were a British Protectorate until they were united with Greece.
1859 [June] Palmerston formed his second ministry and Gladstone became Chancellor of the Exchequer again.
1860 The Cobden Treaty was signed with France.
In his second budget, Gladstone reduced considerably the number of articles subject to customs duty. The budget reduced the cost of living and his reputation as a financier grew.
1861 The Post Office Savings Bank was established. This enabled people with small savings to open a bank account.
1862 Gladstone and his wife provided relief work on the Hawarden estate for Lancashire cotton workers who had been thrown out of work because of the blockade of Confederate ports, preventing the export of cotton.
1864 Gladstone committed himself to supporting a Bill to lower the franchise qualification. This pleased the Radicals but horrified both Queen Victoria and Palmerston.
1865 Because of his support of an extension of the franchise, Gladstone lost his Oxford University seat in the General Election. He was returned as MP for Lancashire at a later poll in the same election.
1865 Lord John Russell became Prime Minister (for the second time) following the death of Palmerston. Gladstone continued as Chancellor of the Exchequer.
1866 Gladstone introduced the Representation of the People Bill which proposed to lower the franchise qualification. The Bill was opposed by the Conservatives and also by some Liberals.
Russell's government resigned.
1868 Gladstone was elected as MP for Greenwich following his defeat in Lancashire in the General Election.
He became Prime Minister for the first time in December. He announced that his "mission was to pacify Ireland".
1868-74 Gladstone's first ministry.
1869 Disestablishment of the Irish Church Act.
1870 Forster's Education Act
first Irish Land Act
1871 Army Regulation Act
University Test Act
abolition of the purchase of commissions in the Army
1872 Ballot Act
Licensing Act
1874 The Tories won the General Election and Disraeli became Prime Minister. Gladstone resigned.
1875 Gladstone resigned as Leader of the Liberal Party but continued to sit on the Opposition Front Bench.
1876 Gladstone's book The Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East was published. In it, Gladstone attacked Disraeli's foreign policy.
1879 Gladstone's Midlothian Campaign. He made a two-week tour of the country prior to the General Election and was received enthusiastically by the people.
1880 Gladstone was returned as MP for both Leeds and Edinburghshire at the General Election. He chose to sit for Edinburghshire; his son Herbert was elected for Leeds and his son William was elected for Worcestershire East.
Disraeli resigned without waiting for parliament to meet.
Queen Victoria asked Lord Hartington to form a ministry but he persuaded her to send for Gladstone.
Gladstone formed his second ministry and decided also to take on the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer.
1881 The Irish Coercion Act was passed, giving the Viceroy the power to detain people for as "long as was thought necessary".
The second Land Act was passed.
Disraeli died. Gladstone did not attend the funeral.
1882 Lord Frederick Cavendish (the Chief Secretary for Ireland) and T.H. Burke (the Undersecretary) were murdered in Phoenix Park, Dublin. An even more severe Coercion Bill was introduced as a result of the murders.
Gladstone resigned as Chancellor of the Exchequer.
1884 General Gordon reached Khartoum from whence he was supposed to evacuate the people. He decided to defeat the Mahdi instead. Gladstone was forced by "jingoism" to send help to Gordon.
The third Reform Act was passed
The Redistribution of Seats Act was passed.
1885 The fall of Khartoum. Gordon and his forces were massacred two days before Lord Wolseley's relief expedition arrived. Gladstone was held to be responsible for Gordon's death and he was given the nickname "Gordon's Own Murderer" to replace the "Grand Old Man".
The government was defeated on the budget by an alliance of Conservatives and Irish Nationalists. Gladstone resigned and Lord Salisbury became Prime Minister.
Queen Victoria offered Gladstone an earldom, which he declined.
1885 [December] The "Hawarden Kite": Herbert Gladstone leaked to the press that his father was in favour of a policy of Home Rule in Ireland.
1886 The Conservatives vowed to maintain the union of Great Britain and Ireland. Gladstone and the Irish Nationalists joined forces to defeat the government. Salisbury resigned.
Gladstone became Prime Minister for the third time, combining the office with that of Lord Privy Seal.
Gladstone introduced a Home Rule Bill for Ireland which was defeated. Gladstone resigned following the Conservative victory in the General Election.
1890 The Irish-Liberal alliance ended after the O'Shea divorce case in which Charles Stuart Parnell was cited as co-respondent.
1891 Gladstone announced the "Newcastle programme" of Home Rule for Ireland, the disestablishment of the Church in Scotland and Wales, universal manhood suffrage and triennial parliaments.
1892 The Liberals won a majority in the General Election and Gladstone became Prime Minister for the fourth time, again combining the office with that of Lord Privy Seal.
1893 The second Home Rule Bill was introduced to parliament and was defeated by the House of Lords.
1894 Gladstone resigned as Prime Minister but continued to sit as an MP until the General Election when he finally retired from parliament.
1896 In his last public speech, in Liverpool, Gladstone protested against the massacres of Armenians in Turkey.
1898 [19 May] Gladstone died at Hawarden. He was buried in Westminster Abbey.
Victorian
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1222 | dbpedia | 1 | 58 | https://tracxn.com/d/companies/britannia/__6hRT_d_bKkVTpnweNSYzkRbT4Tg4mCQypKFpDjxkZFo/competitors | en | 67 Competitors and alternatives in Aug 2024 | [
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"Tracxn"
] | 2023-01-17T05:14:11+00:00 | Britannia has 67 active competitors. Competitors include CookieMan India, Bisk Farm. | en | https://cdn.tracxn.com/images/static/favicon.ico | https://tracxn.com/d/companies/britannia/__6hRT_d_bKkVTpnweNSYzkRbT4Tg4mCQypKFpDjxkZFo/competitors | Manufactures and markets cookies
Founded Year
2000
Funding
$1.25M
Location
Chennai (India)
Stage
Acquired
Tracxn Score
46 /100 What is this?
Provider of multi-category snacks for consumers
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Stage
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34 /100 What is this?
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2015
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34 /100 What is this?
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Founded Year
2018
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$2.62M
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31 /100 What is this?
Internet first brand of packaged biscuits and cakes
Founded Year
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Get competitors list of Britannia , delivered to your inbox!
Manufacturer, distributor and exporter of bakery goods
Founded Year
2011
Funding
$2.35M
Location
Mumbai (India)
Investors
Stage
Series A
Tracxn Score
29 /100 What is this?
Manufacturer of packaged confectionery products.
Founded Year
1985
Stage
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Hyderabad (India)
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1809
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27 /100 What is this?
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Founded Year
1993
Funding
$1.36M
Location
Noida (India)
Stage
Early Stage
Tracxn Score
27 /100 What is this? | |||||
1222 | dbpedia | 0 | 14 | https://www.fundsindia.com/blog/equities/britannia-industries-ltd/7586 | en | Britannia Industries Ltd. | [
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1222 | dbpedia | 0 | 43 | https://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/article/has-biscuit-manufacturer-britannia-industries-found-a-fresh-recipe-for-growth/ | en | Has Biscuit Manufacturer Britannia Industries Found a Fresh Recipe for Growth? | [
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"Knowledge at Wharton Staff"
] | 2009-01-09T12:02:37+00:00 | For more than a decade, biscuit manufacturer Britannia Industries has called on consumers to "Eat Healthy, Think Better." Now, emerging from a period of internal crisis and looking to obtain a larger slice of India's growing food space, the 90-year-old Bangalore-based company is increasing its visibility as a "healthy alternative" with a range of fortified snack foods. So far, the move has paid off in terms of public relations, and in the second quarter of this fiscal year, Britannia saw 27.3% growth. But industry analysts warn that a lack of new product innovation could cool things off for Britannia just as the company is heating up.…Read More | en | https://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/wp-content/themes/knowledge-wharton/images/icons/favicon.ico | Knowledge at Wharton | https://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/article/has-biscuit-manufacturer-britannia-industries-found-a-fresh-recipe-for-growth/ | For more than a decade, biscuit manufacturer Britannia Industries has called on consumers to “Eat Healthy, Think Better.” Now, emerging from a period of internal crisis and preparing to address a larger slice of India’s growing food space, the 90-year-old Bangalore-based company is taking on a new slogan: Zindagi mein Life.
Translated literally from Hindi, the new slogan means “adding life to life” — or, as managing director Vinita Bali puts it, “adding enjoyable vitality to life.”
According to Bali, who has been at Britannia’s helm since 2005, “Over the past few years, as we looked at what we stand for and what we could stand for, we felt that if our promise to consumers [is to] make products that are not just enjoyable but also good for them, then we need to make that promise come alive through our products.”
This is perhaps best exemplified by Britannia’s decision to remove 8,500 tons of trans fat from its biscuits in the last year, making them completely trans fat-free. The company was under no regulatory compulsion to do so; in fact, it is the only biscuit manufacturer in India to have taken such a step. Over the last few years, Britannia has also fortified many of its products with vitamins and micronutrients such as iron. Currently, 50% of its products are fortified.
Positioning the Britannia brand as both enjoyable and healthy is core to Bali’s growth strategy. She stresses that Britannia is not in the “health food” business, but rather “in the business of delight and enjoyment,” competing not only with other biscuits but also with savories, chocolates and other snacks.
By marketing itself as a healthier alternative, however, Britannia seeks to sharply differentiate itself from other brands — and that move has paid off. Last September, Microsoft founder and philanthropist Bill Gates included Britannia’s fortified snacks in a list of eight examples of ‘creative capitalism’ published in Time magazine. The company was also recently recruited to participate in former U.S. President Bill Clinton’s campaign against childhood malnutrition through the high-profile Clinton Global Initiative.
Hungry for More
The new positioning is also intended to strengthen the mother brand itself. With the introduction of the “Eat Healthy, Think Better” campaign in 1997, Britannia focused on building its individual brands, such as Tiger glucose biscuits, Good Day cookies and Treat cream biscuits. That was fine, as biscuits accounted for the bulk of the company’s revenues. (For the year ended March 2008, biscuits brought in about 90% of Britannia’s net sales of $650 million.)
But now Britannia wants to broaden its menu. In addition to growing its core biscuit business, it wants to significantly expand its small businesses including dairy, bread, cake and rusk (known as zwieback in the U.S.). The dairy business, which Britannia entered in 1997 and spun off as a joint venture with New Zealand’s Fonterra Group in 2002, has revenues of barely $36 million and has yet to become profitable. Britannia has dabbled with bread and cake for more than two decades and entered the rusk market a few years ago. These three businesses together take in just $68 million.
More important, Britannia looks to explore other opportunities within the growing food space. According to a November 2008 report by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry and management consulting firm Technopak Advisors, the Indian food industry is estimated to have been at $200 billion in 2006-07 and is expected to grow to $300 billion by 2015. The report considers the food industry to include fruits and vegetables, dairy products, marine and fish, meat and poultry, breads and bakery, confectionary and packaged foods, and alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverages.
“Our vision is to become a larger player in the food space, and as we get into newer products and newer categories, their strength will be derived from the Britannia mother brand,” says Durgesh Mehta, who was Britannia’s chief financial officer when he was interviewed for this article. He has since moved on to become CFO of Bombay Dyeing, which, like Britannia, is a Wadia Group company.
What new areas might Britannia enter? Company officials aren’t saying, though speculation includes breakfast items and ready-to-cook and ready-to-eat products. Bali says that Britannia will not look at staples such as rice, wheat flour and sugar. “We will pursue profitable growth opportunities where we can create propositions that are relevant and differentiated from a consumer point of view,” she notes.
Adds Neeraj Chandra, Britannia’s vice president and chief operating officer: “We are looking at categories that gel with our principles of enjoyable and healthy food. We want to participate in as many consumption moments as possible in the food space through both leveraging our current products better and through different kinds of products.”
Industry players and analysts see Britannia’s move as both smart and inevitable. “Britannia certainly has the capability to be a larger player in food,” says Harish Bijoor, chief executive officer of Harish Bijoor Consults and a visiting professor at the Hyderabad-based Indian School of Business. “The brand equity of Britannia can be as elastic or as inelastic as its vision is for the Indian market.”
Nikhil Sen, who was with Britannia for more than 25 years, including a brief stint as chief operating officer, adds: “Redefining its boundaries to become a larger player in food is a great strategy for Britannia, and it certainly has the capability to do so.” Sen is currently managing director of Unibic Biscuits India, the Indian arm of the Australian biscuit company.
Both Sen and Bijoor add a note of caution. “Britannia has been very good at developing its current business, but it has not come out with any innovations in recent years,” Sen says. “There has not been a single new product in the past few years which has been pioneering for the category. There has been no new energy, no ‘wow’ factor. Britannia needs to innovate.”
Adds Bijoor: “Dairy and biscuits is still a wide-open arena, and there is [a lot of growth] in this space itself. Britannia is in an enviable position to leverage [these] opportunities, but it needs to be far more aggressive.” Bijoor is also not convinced about Britannia’s positioning as health-cum-enjoyment: According to his research, taste and health are mutually exclusive in the Indian context.
B. P. Agarwal, managing director of Surya Food & Agro, which makes the Priya Gold regional brand of biscuits, says that while Britannia undoubtedly remains a market leader, much of its strength is derived from past glory and its strong consumer equity. “The new products that Britannia has been introducing in recent times have been more by way of tweaking the existing portfolio. It has been launching variants with new packaging, but there is nothing dramatically new,” Agarwal says. Recent launches including Chutkule, a snack product, and Fruit Rollz — both of which Britannia has discontinued — failed to excite consumers, he says.
A Period of Turmoil
Any lack of innovation — and Britannia insists that it is constantly innovating — can be traced to the company’s internal turmoil a few years ago. Sunil Alagh, who led Britannia as managing director and chief executive officer for more than 10 years, was fired in 2003 amid allegations of financial mismanagement. A number of senior executives also left. Sen was given the reins, and then in January 2005 Bali was brought in. She put an almost entirely new management team in place.
The last few years have also been marked by battles between Britannia’s two major stakeholders, the Wadia Group and French Group Danone, over issues including alleged infringement by Danone of Britannia’s Tiger brand. With Danone having sold its biscuits business to U.S.-based Kraft Foods last year, it is expected to exit from Britannia.
Even as Britannia was caught up in its internal crisis, the external landscape was fast changing. For a long time, only Parle Products was a strong competitor to Britannia in the national biscuit market. Other competitors were small regional players. While Parle focused primarily on the low-end glucose biscuit segment — its Parle G brand is one of the world’s best-selling biscuits — Britannia focused on the premium segment. With nearly equal shares of a total greater than 80% of market value, they coexisted peacefully.
In 2003, however, tobacco giant ITC entered their turf as part of its diversification strategy. Using its financial muscle — ITC’s 2007-08 revenues were $5.5 billion — and massive distribution network, it quickly succeeded in emerging as a strong third player. While privately held Parle claims that it has a 40% market share, market research firm ACNielsen says Britannia and Parle both have around 33% of the market, while ITC has close to 9%.
“Britannia’s story is one of change of management and change of management styles,” says Bijoor. “In the bargain, what suffered was the back-end research and development and the potential for massive growth at a time when India’s economy was booming. Britannia was also completely unprepared internally for the irrational competition from ITC.” Bijoor adds that it is only now, with Bali at the helm for the last four years, that a certain amount of stability has taken hold and that Britannia’s momentum is building again.
Praveen Kulkarni, general manager of marketing for Parle Products, agrees. “Britannia is definitely getting more aggressive in the market and seems to be getting back into the game now.”
Britannia’s financials bear this out. In the last two years, Britannia has been among the three fastest-growing fast-moving consumable goods (FMCG) companies in India. In the second quarter of this fiscal year, Britannia topped the list with 27.3% growth.
Ingredients for Growth
So what are Bali’s main ingredients for growth? Investments in people, brands and infrastructure, improved efficiencies and cost reduction, and new choices for consumers.
For instance, the company has been investing significantly in higher and better quality of human resources both at the front end and at the back end. It has sharply segmented its go-to-market strategy and, unlike an earlier focus on simply increasing the number of outlets it covered, Britannia now has separate teams for general sales, modern trade, institutions, and semi-urban and rural markets. It is building strong capabilities in each of these segments.
Britannia has also been working with an international consulting agency for building capabilities in shopper understanding as opposed to consumer understanding. Says Chandra: “These are some finer distinctions we would not even have thought of three years ago.”
In 2008, Britannia divided its product portfolio into two distinct categories: “health and wellness” and “delight and lifestyle.” Products such as Tiger glucose and NutriChoice biscuits fall under the former category, while Good Day and Treat fall under the latter. Each category is headed by a senior executive responsible for outlining distinct growth strategies.
Other initiatives include introducing personal consumption packs to attract youth and people on the move, adding transit points such as bus stops and small roadside shops to its distribution network, and addressing workers in the business process outsourcing industry as a potential new market.
Meanwhile, Britannia has doubled its ad spending in the last three years. It is also working to increase trade marketing visibility and, for the first time ever, has signed on with a trade marketing agency. According to Mehta, Britannia plans to increase advertising and marketing spending to 10% to 12% of sales over the next few years from a current 7%.
On the infrastructure front, Britannia has added 200,000 tons of annual capacity, an increase of about 60%. It has also devised a long-term distributed manufacturing strategy, put in place a continuous replenishment supply efficiency system, and strengthened its supply chain management significantly. According to Rajesh Lal, vice president and chief technology officer: “The stocks at our distributors are now replenished within 24 hours, and in the past three years we have increased the availability of our [stock-keeping units] from 60% to 90% across the country.” Lal adds that cost reductions over the last three years have saved the company $30 million.
Bali is looking to leverage all these new pieces for maximum competitive advantage. Sources inside Britannia say revenue targets are $1.25 billion by 2010 and $3 billion by 2015. While Bali won’t commit to any numbers, her hunger clearly is to be the best. “There is a huge opportunity out there in the market and it is up for grabs,” she says. “What we make of it depends on our ability to commercialize the opportunity. We want to be among the three fastest-growing FMCG companies in the country and to grow profitably.” | ||||
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"Knowledge at Wharton Staff"
] | 2009-01-09T12:02:37+00:00 | For more than a decade, biscuit manufacturer Britannia Industries has called on consumers to "Eat Healthy, Think Better." Now, emerging from a period of internal crisis and looking to obtain a larger slice of India's growing food space, the 90-year-old Bangalore-based company is increasing its visibility as a "healthy alternative" with a range of fortified snack foods. So far, the move has paid off in terms of public relations, and in the second quarter of this fiscal year, Britannia saw 27.3% growth. But industry analysts warn that a lack of new product innovation could cool things off for Britannia just as the company is heating up.…Read More | en | https://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/wp-content/themes/knowledge-wharton/images/icons/favicon.ico | Knowledge at Wharton | https://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/article/has-biscuit-manufacturer-britannia-industries-found-a-fresh-recipe-for-growth/ | For more than a decade, biscuit manufacturer Britannia Industries has called on consumers to “Eat Healthy, Think Better.” Now, emerging from a period of internal crisis and preparing to address a larger slice of India’s growing food space, the 90-year-old Bangalore-based company is taking on a new slogan: Zindagi mein Life.
Translated literally from Hindi, the new slogan means “adding life to life” — or, as managing director Vinita Bali puts it, “adding enjoyable vitality to life.”
According to Bali, who has been at Britannia’s helm since 2005, “Over the past few years, as we looked at what we stand for and what we could stand for, we felt that if our promise to consumers [is to] make products that are not just enjoyable but also good for them, then we need to make that promise come alive through our products.”
This is perhaps best exemplified by Britannia’s decision to remove 8,500 tons of trans fat from its biscuits in the last year, making them completely trans fat-free. The company was under no regulatory compulsion to do so; in fact, it is the only biscuit manufacturer in India to have taken such a step. Over the last few years, Britannia has also fortified many of its products with vitamins and micronutrients such as iron. Currently, 50% of its products are fortified.
Positioning the Britannia brand as both enjoyable and healthy is core to Bali’s growth strategy. She stresses that Britannia is not in the “health food” business, but rather “in the business of delight and enjoyment,” competing not only with other biscuits but also with savories, chocolates and other snacks.
By marketing itself as a healthier alternative, however, Britannia seeks to sharply differentiate itself from other brands — and that move has paid off. Last September, Microsoft founder and philanthropist Bill Gates included Britannia’s fortified snacks in a list of eight examples of ‘creative capitalism’ published in Time magazine. The company was also recently recruited to participate in former U.S. President Bill Clinton’s campaign against childhood malnutrition through the high-profile Clinton Global Initiative.
Hungry for More
The new positioning is also intended to strengthen the mother brand itself. With the introduction of the “Eat Healthy, Think Better” campaign in 1997, Britannia focused on building its individual brands, such as Tiger glucose biscuits, Good Day cookies and Treat cream biscuits. That was fine, as biscuits accounted for the bulk of the company’s revenues. (For the year ended March 2008, biscuits brought in about 90% of Britannia’s net sales of $650 million.)
But now Britannia wants to broaden its menu. In addition to growing its core biscuit business, it wants to significantly expand its small businesses including dairy, bread, cake and rusk (known as zwieback in the U.S.). The dairy business, which Britannia entered in 1997 and spun off as a joint venture with New Zealand’s Fonterra Group in 2002, has revenues of barely $36 million and has yet to become profitable. Britannia has dabbled with bread and cake for more than two decades and entered the rusk market a few years ago. These three businesses together take in just $68 million.
More important, Britannia looks to explore other opportunities within the growing food space. According to a November 2008 report by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry and management consulting firm Technopak Advisors, the Indian food industry is estimated to have been at $200 billion in 2006-07 and is expected to grow to $300 billion by 2015. The report considers the food industry to include fruits and vegetables, dairy products, marine and fish, meat and poultry, breads and bakery, confectionary and packaged foods, and alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverages.
“Our vision is to become a larger player in the food space, and as we get into newer products and newer categories, their strength will be derived from the Britannia mother brand,” says Durgesh Mehta, who was Britannia’s chief financial officer when he was interviewed for this article. He has since moved on to become CFO of Bombay Dyeing, which, like Britannia, is a Wadia Group company.
What new areas might Britannia enter? Company officials aren’t saying, though speculation includes breakfast items and ready-to-cook and ready-to-eat products. Bali says that Britannia will not look at staples such as rice, wheat flour and sugar. “We will pursue profitable growth opportunities where we can create propositions that are relevant and differentiated from a consumer point of view,” she notes.
Adds Neeraj Chandra, Britannia’s vice president and chief operating officer: “We are looking at categories that gel with our principles of enjoyable and healthy food. We want to participate in as many consumption moments as possible in the food space through both leveraging our current products better and through different kinds of products.”
Industry players and analysts see Britannia’s move as both smart and inevitable. “Britannia certainly has the capability to be a larger player in food,” says Harish Bijoor, chief executive officer of Harish Bijoor Consults and a visiting professor at the Hyderabad-based Indian School of Business. “The brand equity of Britannia can be as elastic or as inelastic as its vision is for the Indian market.”
Nikhil Sen, who was with Britannia for more than 25 years, including a brief stint as chief operating officer, adds: “Redefining its boundaries to become a larger player in food is a great strategy for Britannia, and it certainly has the capability to do so.” Sen is currently managing director of Unibic Biscuits India, the Indian arm of the Australian biscuit company.
Both Sen and Bijoor add a note of caution. “Britannia has been very good at developing its current business, but it has not come out with any innovations in recent years,” Sen says. “There has not been a single new product in the past few years which has been pioneering for the category. There has been no new energy, no ‘wow’ factor. Britannia needs to innovate.”
Adds Bijoor: “Dairy and biscuits is still a wide-open arena, and there is [a lot of growth] in this space itself. Britannia is in an enviable position to leverage [these] opportunities, but it needs to be far more aggressive.” Bijoor is also not convinced about Britannia’s positioning as health-cum-enjoyment: According to his research, taste and health are mutually exclusive in the Indian context.
B. P. Agarwal, managing director of Surya Food & Agro, which makes the Priya Gold regional brand of biscuits, says that while Britannia undoubtedly remains a market leader, much of its strength is derived from past glory and its strong consumer equity. “The new products that Britannia has been introducing in recent times have been more by way of tweaking the existing portfolio. It has been launching variants with new packaging, but there is nothing dramatically new,” Agarwal says. Recent launches including Chutkule, a snack product, and Fruit Rollz — both of which Britannia has discontinued — failed to excite consumers, he says.
A Period of Turmoil
Any lack of innovation — and Britannia insists that it is constantly innovating — can be traced to the company’s internal turmoil a few years ago. Sunil Alagh, who led Britannia as managing director and chief executive officer for more than 10 years, was fired in 2003 amid allegations of financial mismanagement. A number of senior executives also left. Sen was given the reins, and then in January 2005 Bali was brought in. She put an almost entirely new management team in place.
The last few years have also been marked by battles between Britannia’s two major stakeholders, the Wadia Group and French Group Danone, over issues including alleged infringement by Danone of Britannia’s Tiger brand. With Danone having sold its biscuits business to U.S.-based Kraft Foods last year, it is expected to exit from Britannia.
Even as Britannia was caught up in its internal crisis, the external landscape was fast changing. For a long time, only Parle Products was a strong competitor to Britannia in the national biscuit market. Other competitors were small regional players. While Parle focused primarily on the low-end glucose biscuit segment — its Parle G brand is one of the world’s best-selling biscuits — Britannia focused on the premium segment. With nearly equal shares of a total greater than 80% of market value, they coexisted peacefully.
In 2003, however, tobacco giant ITC entered their turf as part of its diversification strategy. Using its financial muscle — ITC’s 2007-08 revenues were $5.5 billion — and massive distribution network, it quickly succeeded in emerging as a strong third player. While privately held Parle claims that it has a 40% market share, market research firm ACNielsen says Britannia and Parle both have around 33% of the market, while ITC has close to 9%.
“Britannia’s story is one of change of management and change of management styles,” says Bijoor. “In the bargain, what suffered was the back-end research and development and the potential for massive growth at a time when India’s economy was booming. Britannia was also completely unprepared internally for the irrational competition from ITC.” Bijoor adds that it is only now, with Bali at the helm for the last four years, that a certain amount of stability has taken hold and that Britannia’s momentum is building again.
Praveen Kulkarni, general manager of marketing for Parle Products, agrees. “Britannia is definitely getting more aggressive in the market and seems to be getting back into the game now.”
Britannia’s financials bear this out. In the last two years, Britannia has been among the three fastest-growing fast-moving consumable goods (FMCG) companies in India. In the second quarter of this fiscal year, Britannia topped the list with 27.3% growth.
Ingredients for Growth
So what are Bali’s main ingredients for growth? Investments in people, brands and infrastructure, improved efficiencies and cost reduction, and new choices for consumers.
For instance, the company has been investing significantly in higher and better quality of human resources both at the front end and at the back end. It has sharply segmented its go-to-market strategy and, unlike an earlier focus on simply increasing the number of outlets it covered, Britannia now has separate teams for general sales, modern trade, institutions, and semi-urban and rural markets. It is building strong capabilities in each of these segments.
Britannia has also been working with an international consulting agency for building capabilities in shopper understanding as opposed to consumer understanding. Says Chandra: “These are some finer distinctions we would not even have thought of three years ago.”
In 2008, Britannia divided its product portfolio into two distinct categories: “health and wellness” and “delight and lifestyle.” Products such as Tiger glucose and NutriChoice biscuits fall under the former category, while Good Day and Treat fall under the latter. Each category is headed by a senior executive responsible for outlining distinct growth strategies.
Other initiatives include introducing personal consumption packs to attract youth and people on the move, adding transit points such as bus stops and small roadside shops to its distribution network, and addressing workers in the business process outsourcing industry as a potential new market.
Meanwhile, Britannia has doubled its ad spending in the last three years. It is also working to increase trade marketing visibility and, for the first time ever, has signed on with a trade marketing agency. According to Mehta, Britannia plans to increase advertising and marketing spending to 10% to 12% of sales over the next few years from a current 7%.
On the infrastructure front, Britannia has added 200,000 tons of annual capacity, an increase of about 60%. It has also devised a long-term distributed manufacturing strategy, put in place a continuous replenishment supply efficiency system, and strengthened its supply chain management significantly. According to Rajesh Lal, vice president and chief technology officer: “The stocks at our distributors are now replenished within 24 hours, and in the past three years we have increased the availability of our [stock-keeping units] from 60% to 90% across the country.” Lal adds that cost reductions over the last three years have saved the company $30 million.
Bali is looking to leverage all these new pieces for maximum competitive advantage. Sources inside Britannia say revenue targets are $1.25 billion by 2010 and $3 billion by 2015. While Bali won’t commit to any numbers, her hunger clearly is to be the best. “There is a huge opportunity out there in the market and it is up for grabs,” she says. “What we make of it depends on our ability to commercialize the opportunity. We want to be among the three fastest-growing FMCG companies in the country and to grow profitably.” |