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Guatemala: Child Labor in the Sugar Cane Fields · Global Voices | Guatemala: Børnearbejde i sukkerrørsplantagerne (Alle links i dette indlæg er på spansk, medmindre andet er angivet). |
The recent investigation done by journalists of Plaza Publica in Guatemala has uncovered how government authorities, although legally having to prevent child labor, allow children under 14 years of age to work in their cane fields, which is a physically demanding and dangerous work. | De nylige undersøgelser lavet af journalister fra Plaza Publica i Guatemala, har afsløret hvordan regeringsinstanser, trods juridisk forpligtelse til at forhindre børnearbejde, tillader at børn under 14 år arbejder i deres sukkerrørsplantager - hvilket er både fysisk krævende og farligt arbejde at udføre. |
Sugar Cane Pieces by Chris McBrien CCBy | Stykker af sukkerrør af Chris McBrien CCBy |
In the article Child labor and exploitation in Guatemala's sugar Alberto Arce and Martín Rodríguez Pellecer explain how children work in the sugar fields where workers are paid by tonnage cut. | I artiklen Børnearbjede og udnyttelse i Guatemalas sukker forklarer Alberto Arce og Martín Rodríguez Pellecer, hvordan børn arbejder i sukkerplantager, hvor arbejderne bliver betalt efter antal høstede ton. |
While most adult workers cut two to three tons, that doesn't even add up to minimum wage, about 7.5 USD per day. | Mens de fleste voksne arbejdere høster to til tre tons, løber det ikke engang op i minimumslønnen på ca. 7,50 USD pr. dag. |
One of the families interviewed, where the father works with his two sons, one 12 and the other 13, don't even make minimum wage between the three of them. | I en af de interviewede familier arbejder faderen sammen med sine to sønner, den ene på 12 og den anden på 13. De tre kan ikke engang tilsammen optjene minumumslønnen. |
Black Women in European Politics: from Struggle to Success · Global Voices | Sorte kvinder i europæisk politik: Fra kamp til succes |
Nowadays, it is a common occcurence to witness African-born women having successful careers in Europe. | (Alle links i dette indlæg er på fransk, medmindre andet er angivet) Nu om dage hører det under almindelige begivenheder at se afrikanskfødte kvinder med succesfuld karriere i Europa. |
Despite the evident challenges, many of them have also distiguished themselves in politics. | Udover de indlysende udfordinger (som en sådan karriere indebærer) har mange af disse kvinder også udmærket sig inden for politik. |
Still, it was not so long ago that such success would have seemed impossible. | Det er dog ikke lang tid siden, at en sådan succes ville have været en umulighed. |
To achieve greatness, these women have often come a long way, both literally and figuratively. | Disse kvinder har ofte haft en lang vej foran sig, bogstaveligt talt såvel som symbolsk, for at nå dertil hvor de er i dag. |
In order to better appreciate the progress made, one needs to think back to the 19th century and consider the image of black women in Europe then. | For rigtigt at kunne sætte sig ind i hvor store fremskridt, de har gjort, er det nødvendigt at tænke tilbage til det 19.århundrede og på det image, som de sorte kvinder havde dengang. |
For the purpose of this article, we will only address the story of women from the African diaspora who have been elected to positions of leadership in countries other than the colonial powers that previously ruled their home countries. | Formålet med denne artikel er udelukkende at levere beretninger om kvinder med afrikansk oprindelse, der i dag fungerer som ledere i lande, som ikke tidligere har haft status som kolonimagt i deres hjemland. |
A history of racism | En historie om racisme |
Postcard depicting Sarah Baartman, Wikipedia (public domain) The story of the "Hottentot Venus" is symptomatic of the relationship between the West and African women in the last two centuries. | Historien om "Hottentot Venus" er symptomatisk for de sidste to århundreders forhold mellem Vesten og afrikanske kvinder. |
Sébastien Hervieu, an Africa correspondent for Le Monde newspaper in France, tells the story of Sarah Baartman from South Africa, better known as the "Hottentot Venus". | Sébastien Hervieu, korrespondent i Afrika for den franske nyhedsavis Le monde, fortæller historien om Sarah Baartman fra Sydafrika, bedre kendt som historien om "Hottentot Venus". |
In an article published in October 2010 in his blog afriquedusud.blog.lemonde.fr, he reviews Abdellatif Kechiche's film about her tragic story, Black Venus: | I en artikel udgivet i oktober 2010 på hans blog afriquedusud.blog.lemonde.fr anmelder han Abdellatif Kechiche's film Black Venus, en film om hendes tragiske historie: |
Cuba: Bloggers React to Death of Hunger Striker · Global Voices | Cuba: Bloggere reagerer på sultstrejkendes død |
Wilman Villar Mendoza | Wilman Villar Mendoza |
It has been a sad day for the Cuban blogosphere, as netizens received news of the death of political prisoner Wilman Villar Mendoza, who had been on a hunger strike since last November. | Det har været en trist dag for den cubanske blogosfære, idet internetbrugerne modtog nyheden om den politiske fange Wilman Villar Mendozas død . Mendoza havde været i sultestrejke siden sidste november. |
Many bloggers likened his situation to that of the late prisoner of conscience Orlando Zapata Tamayo, who died in 2010, the first Cuban political prisoner to die on hunger strike since 1972. | Mange bloggere sammenlignede hans situation med den afdøde samvittighedsfange Orlando Zapata Tamayo, som døde i 2010 - den første cubanske politiske fange der døde efter en sultestrejke siden 1972. |
That is the denouncement I wanted to make. | Diaspora-bloggeren Uncommon Sense understregede forbindelsen meget klart: |
Peru: Terrorism, Youth and Social Networks · Global Voices | Peru: Terrorisme, ungdom og sociale netværk |
One of the strongest repercussions of the case of MOVADEF's (Movement for Amnesty and Fundamental Rights) application to register as a political party, besides allegations of being a cover for the terrorist group Shining Path (SP), is the amount of young activists and supporters the group has attracted. | I sagen om MOVADEF — en angivelig fraktion af den kendte peruanske terroristgruppe Sendero Luminoso (Den Lysende Sti) — og deres anmodning om indskrivning som politisk parti, har et af de aspekter som har fået mest omtale været denne bevægelses høje antal af unge aktivister og sympatisører. |
It is widely believed that most of the 350,000 signatures that the movement presented for its inscription were gathered by means of deception or forgery . | Det påstås at mange af de 350.000 underskrifter, som bevægelsen har indsamlet som grundlag for deres indskrivning, er blevet anskaffet på bedragerisk vis eller er blevet forfalsket. |
Nonetheless, even if this is true, there is no way to deny MOVADEF counts with support among certain young groups. | Men selv hvis dette er sandt, så kan man ikke benægte, at der stadig er en gruppe af unge, som støtter MOVADEF. |
Most of the explanations are oriented towards the faults of the Peruvian education system that is said to have failed to teach kids and young people about the terrorist era, and to the attitude of some politicians who are against spreading the Final Report of the CVR (Commission for Truth and Reconciliation). | De fleste forklaringer på disse unges support fokuserer dels på det peruanske uddannelsessystems mangler, idet børn og unge ikke bliver undervist i landets terrorisme-epoke , og dels på en vis politisk sektors modvillige indstilling til at udbrede og støtte CVR's (Komission for Sandhed og Forsoning) Afgørende Rapport . |
There isn't much talk about the responsibility of the political parties for not confronting the propaganda of this or any other anti-democratic group in spaces like universities or urban and rural bases. | Der bliver stort set ikke snakket om de politiske partiers ansvar for at konfrontere den propaganda, som denne og andre anti-demokratiske grupper foretager på steder som universiteter eller det urbane eller landlige bagland. |
There hasn't been much talk either about the strategies that MOVADEF is using to gain support. | Der bliver heller ikke talt om de strategier, som MOVADEF benytter til hvervning af tilhængere. |
However, the alleged objective of at least one of them becomes evident as they increasingly use social networks to spread their message, given that these platforms are mainly used by the youth in Peru. | Dog forekommer det formodede mål med i hvert fald én af disse strategier ret så indlysende ud fra deres brug af sociale medier til udbredelse af deres budskab, da det primært er de unge i Peru, som benytter de sociale netværk. |
A simple search in Facebook throws several results of profiles and pages of the different MOVADEF cells. | En simpel søgning på Facebook giver adskillige resultater i form af profiler eller sider kreeret af MOVADEF's bagland. |
The same search results in some pages against MOVADEF, so things get even in a certain way. | Samme søgning viser også nogle sider, som er imod MOVADEF, hvilket i og for sig medfører en vis balance. |
We haven't found an official Twitter account for MOVADEF, but there is a user named @noalmovadef ("no to MOVADEF"). | På Twitter er vi ikke stødt på officiel deltagelse fra MOVADEF's side, men derimod kun fra en modstander, nemlig brugeren @noalmovadef (nej til movadef). |
Guatemala: Former Dictator Efraín Rios Montt Questioned for Genocide · Global Voices | Guatemala: Tidligere diktator Efraín Rios Montt udspurgt om folkedrab Alle links i dette indlæg er på engelsk, medmindre andet er angivet |
Human rights activists feared that the presidential victory of former general Otto Perez Molina would mean a step backwards in transitional justice in Guatemala. | Menneskerettighedsforkæmpere frygtede, at den tidligere general Otto Perez Molinas valgsejr ved præsidentvalget ville have negative konsekvenser for retsopgøret i Guatemala. |
However, this week, two landmark events have given clear signs that Guatemala's fragile democracy is maturing. | Dog udspillede der sig i sidste uge to skelsættende begivenheder som tydeligt viser, at Guatemalas skrøbelige demokrati er blevet stærkere. |
On January 26, the Guatemalan Congress ratified the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, allowing the international tribunal to prosecute any human rights abusers if Guatemala fails to do so; the same day, after years of being shielded by parliamentary immunity, former de facto President Efraín Rios Montt was questioned for his involvement in the genocide of 1,700 Mayan indigenous people in 1982–1983, during Guatemala's thirty-six-year civil war (1960-1996). | Den 26. januar godkendte Guatemalas kongres Den Internationale Strafferetsdomstols Rom-statut, som giver den internationale domstol mulighed for at retsforfølge enhver der ikke overholder menneskerettighederne i tilfælde af, at Guatemala undlader at gøre det; samme dag, efter års beskyttelse af parlamentarisk immunitet, blev tidligere regerende præsident Efraín Rios Montt udspurgt om hans medvirken i folkedrabet på 1,700 Maya indianere i perioden 1982-1983 under Guatemalas 36 år lange borgerkrig (1960-1996). |
Boy stands in front of the names of the victims of genocide. | Dreng står foran navnene på ofrene fra folkemordet. |
Photo by Renata Avila under an Attribution 2.0 Generic (CC BY 2.0) Creative Commons license. | Billede af Renata Avila under Attribution 2.0 Generic (CC BY 2.0) Creative Commons license |
In the blog SALTLaw, in a post titled "A good dawn for justice in Guatemala," Raquel Aldana writes about the significance of Rios Montt facing trial for genocide and crimes against humanity: | På bloggen SALTLaw i et indlæg der kaldes "A good dawn for justice in Guatemala" , skriver Raquel Aldana om betydningen af, at Rios Montt står over for en retssag anklaget for folkedrab og forbrydelser mod menneskeheden: |
Today was a historic day for Guatemala. | I dag var en historisk dag for Guatemala. |
A few hours ago, after a long day of heady hearings, a Guatemalan court opened a criminal case for genocide against Retired Military General Efraín Ríos Montt and ordered him detained under house arrest. | For få timer siden, efter en lang dag med hektiske høringer, åbnede en Guatemalansk domstol en kriminalsag for folkedrab mod den nu pensionerede militærgeneral Efraín Ríos Montt og krævede ham sat i husarrest. |
Now 85, the retired general must face trial accused of being responsible for one hundred massacres, which produced a death toll of one thousand, seven hundred and seventy one victims. | Den nu 85-årige pensionerede general står derved over for en retssag anklaget for, at være ansvarlig for et hundrede massakrer, som kostede et tusinde syv hundrede og en og halvfjers mennesker livet. |
Ríos Montt, who until recently enjoyed immunity after serving nearly two decades as Congressman in Guatemala, had been de facto president during the most brutal 17 months of the 36 year-long civil war, between 1982 and 1983. | Ríos Montt, som indtil for nylig nød immunitet efter at have tilbragt næsten to årtier som kongresmedlem i Guatemala, var siddende præsident under de mest brutale 17 måneder af den 36 år lange borgerkrig, mellem 1982 og 1983. |
She continues reporting on Rios Montt's appearance in court: | Hun fortsætter sin rapportering fra Ríos Montts fremtræden i retten: |
When asked in court today if he understood the charges he faced, Ríos Montt said into the microphone “I understand perfectly.” | Da han blev spurgt i retten i dag, om han forstod anklagerne som han stod overfor, svarede Ríos Montt ind i mikrofonen "jeg forstår udmærket". |
Then, instead of making a formal declaration of guilt or not guilt, he stated a preference for silence. | Derefter, i stedet for formelt at erklære sig skyldig eller ikke skyldig, foretrak han ikke at udtale sig. |
Outside the courthouse today, indigenous Guatemalans laid red rose petals spelling impunity no more. | Udenfor retsbygningen skrev guatemalanske indianere ikke mere straffrihed med røde rosenblade. |
Meanwhile, the Guatemalan Congress ratified the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. | Samtidig, godkendte Guatemalas kongress den Internationale Strafferetsdomstols Rom-Statut. |
On the Council of Foreign Affairs Blog, Natalie Kitroeff lays out Rios Montt's defense. | På bloggen for Rådet for Udenrigsanliggender udligger Natalie Kitroeff Ríos Montt´s forsvar. |
Ríos Montt has made his defense quite clear. | Ríos Montt har gjort sit forsvar ganske klart. |
Over the past month, he has repeatedly said that he can’t be tried for any human rights violations because he wasn’t in charge of the military’s on-the-ground operations as the country’s political leader. | Gennem den seneste måned har han gentagende gange udtalt, at han ikke kan anklages for krænkelser af menneskerettighederne, da han som landets politiske leder ikke havde ansvaret for militærets operationer på landjorden. |
His lawyer has echoed these claims, telling the press recently, “We are sure that there is no responsibility, since he was never on the battlefield.” | Hans advokat har gentaget disse påstande og udtalte for nyligt til pressen, "Vi er sikre på at der ikke kan pålægges noget ansvar, da han aldrig var på slagmarken." |
She goes on to explain: | Hun forklarer videre: |
This strategy is a radical new approach in the Guatemalan context. | Denne strategi er en radikal ny tilgang i Guatemalansk kontekst. |
Until now, the military has consistently denied that genocide was ever a part of the civil war. | Indtil nu, har militæret konsekvent benægtet at folkemordet var en del af borgerkrigen. |
Even the current president, Otto Pérez Molina, said that he doesn’t believe the findings of the UN truth commission, and that he could “prove that did not occur,” during the conflict. | Selv den siddende præsident Otto Pérez Molina har udtalt, at han ikke tror på resultaterne af FN´s sandhedskommission , og at han kan "bevise at et ikke fandt sted," under konflikten. |
But Ríos Montt is now arguing not that the atrocities didn’t happen, but that he is not culpable. | Ríos Montt derimod, argumenterer ikke imod at disse grusomheder fandt sted, men for at han ikke er skyldig i dem. |
While this doesn’t yet amount to an open acknowledgement of genocide, it does suggest that things have changed (if slightly) since the Association for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR) first brought charges against Ríos Montt in 1999. | Imens dette endnu ikke leder til en åben anerkendelse af folkedrabet, så tyder det på, at tingene har ændret sig (om end en lille smule) siden Foreningen for Retfærdighed og Forsoning (Association for Justice and Reconciliation, ARJ) første gang tiltalte Ríos Montt i 1999. |
The discovery of mass graves by the Forensic Anthropology Foundation of Guatemala (FAFG) and the tireless work of victims groups in pushing for trials – finally winning convictions for four ex-soldiers this year – has made it untenable for the military to negate the genocide outright, at least in a court of law. | Fundet af massegrave af den Guatemalanske Stiftelse for Retmedicinsk Antropologi (the Forensic Anthropology Foundation of Guatemala (FAFG) og ofrenes utrættelige arbejde i et forsøg på at fremtvinge en retssag - som endelig betød at fire ex-soldater blev kendt skyldige i år - har gjort det uholdbart for militæret at benægte folkedrabet direkte, i det mindste i en retsal. |
"Wanted. | "Eftersøgt. |
Mejia Victores and Rios Mont for genocide." Graffiti in Guatemala City. | Mejia Victores og Rios Mont for folkemord." Graffiti i Guatemala City. |
Photo by The Advocacy Project under an Attribution-NoDerivs 2.0 Generic (CC BY-ND 2.0) Creative Commons license | Billede af The Advocacy Project under Attribution-NoDerivs 2.0 Generic (CC BY-ND 2.0) Creative Commons license |
In the blog Lawyers, Guns and Money, Erik Loomis looks at what Rios Montt's trial means for Guatemala today: | På bloggen Lawyers, Guns and Money, ser Erik Loomis på, hvad retsagen mod Ríos Montt vil betyde for dagens Guatemala |
Today, Guatemala faces a new period of instability due to the expansion of drug gangs from Mexico and El Salvador into their country and its unfortunately convenient stop on the drug highway to the United States. | Guatemala ser i dag frem mod en ny periode med ustabilitet grundet at narkobander fra Mexico og El Salvador har udvidet deres territorium til Guatemala, da det er et praktisk stop på stoffernes vej mod USA. |
Whereas thirty years ago, people wanted to dismantle the police force because of its horrifying repression, today people are putting hope in the police as the one thing that could stand in the way of a new generation of shocking violence. | Mens folk for 30 år siden ønskede politiet opløst på grund af dets skræmmende undertrykkelse, så sætter folk i dag deres lid til, at politiet er hvad der skal til for at stoppe en ny bølge af ekstrem vold. |
Forcing Ríos Montt to face trial for his crimes is not going to solve any of Guatemala’s enormous problems, but it might at least force the defenders of violence in that nation to think twice about their actions. | At tvinge Ríos Montt for retten for hans forbrydelser vil ikke løse nogen af Guatemalas enorme problemer, men i det mindste er der en chance for, at det tvinger forsvarere af vold til at tænke en ekstra gang over deres handlinger. |
Mike, in Central American Politics, reports that Rios Montt was granted bail and will remain under domiciliary arrest during the trial. | Mike, i Central American Politics, rapporterer at Rios Montt blev ydet kaution og vil forblive i husarrest under retsagen. |
Mike adds his opinion: | Mike tilføjer: |
A tremendous victory for the people of Guatemala and a continuation of what I believe has been a pretty remarkable year-plus of human rights advancement in the region. | En kæmpe sejr for folket i Guatemala og en fortsættelse af, hvad jeg tror er et temmelig bemærkelsesværdigt år for menneskerettigheders fremgang i regionen. |
These two events show that, without turning a blind eye to the past and the terrible atrocities that were committed during the country's civil war, Guatemala seeks to become a country where international human rights standards are respected and enforced. | Disse to begivenheder viser, at ved ikke at vende det blinde øje til fortiden og de forfærdelige grusomheder der blev begået under landets borgerkrig, gør Guatemala sit for at blive et land, hvor internationale menneskerettighedsstandarder bliver respekteret og håndhævet. |
This is how Anna describes the life of the village with World War II looming on the horizon: | Ukraine: Historien om Anna Boikos liv |
Romania: "I, the Citizen" · Global Voices | Rumænien: "Jeg, borgeren" |
Street protests in Romania have been going on for over a week now. | Der har nu i over en uge været protester på gaderne i Rumænien. |
People are demanding early elections, and the talk continues in the Romanian online space on who the protesters are, what they want and what the aftermath of the protests will be. | Folk kræver, at valget bliver rykket frem, og på rumænske internetfora fortsætter snakken om, hvem demonstranterne er, hvad de vil, og hvilke konsekvenser protesterne vil få. |
People in the streets do not yet have a leader, but they nevertheless have a powerful voice - and change seems to start happening. | Folk på gaden har endnu ikke en leder, men ikke desto mindre har de en kraftfuld stemme - og det ser ud til, at forandringerne er begyndt at ske. |
On Monday, January 23, 2012, Prime Minister Emil Boc fired the Foreign Affairs Minister Teodor Baconschi – a week after the latter posted this on his personal blog : | Mandag den 23. januar 2012 fyrede premierminister Emil Boc udenrigsminister Teodor Baconschi – en uge senere skrev Baconschi dette på sin personlige blog : |
One thing is becoming ever more clear for Romanians with common sense. | En ting bliver stadig mere klar for rumænere med sund fornuft. |
A life-and-death fight has started between the forces of the past and the project of a new Romania. | En kamp på liv og død er begyndt mellem fortidens kræfter og projektet om et nyt Rumænien. |
The opposition has finally activated the entire arsenal inherited from the communists: armed punks, misinformation, hate propaganda. | Oppositionen har endelig taget det arsenal, vi har arvet fra kommunisterne, i brug: bevæbnede bøller, fejlinformation, hadefuld propaganda. |
This year will be crucial for Romania. | Dette år vil være afgørende for Rumænien. |
The choice is simple: reform, responsibility and safety - or involution, populism and the rule of a club. | Valget er enkelt: reform, ansvar og sikkerhed - eller tilbagegang, populisme og elitestyre. |
But the choice will be made by the earnest Romania, the hard-working Romania, the forward-looking Romania, and not by the violent and inept slums lined up, just like the miners of the past, behind the heirs of the former communist . | Men valget vil blive truffet af det oprigtige Rumænien, det hårdtarbejdende Rumænien, det fremadskuende Rumænien, og ikke af det voldelige og uduelige udskud som står i kø som fortidens minearbejdere bag arvingerne til det tidligere kommunistiske . |
Journalist Bogdan Ciuclaru writes about citizen responsibility, which Romanians, tired of being listened to only during election campaigns, are starting to exercise: | Journalisten Bogdan Ciuclaru skriver om medborgeransvar, som rumænerne, der er trætte af kun at blive hørt under valgkampen, er begyndt at udøve: |
I too am disappointed by Traian Basescu and I am not willing to allow the couple to do the same thing to me. | Jeg er også skuffet over Traian Basescu, og jeg vil ikke lade makkerparret og Crin Antonescu de to mest fremstående oppositionsledere fra USL/Social Liberal Union ] gøre det samme mod mig. |
Traian Basescu was the last representative of the National Salvation Front generation that I trusted and even liked. | Traian Basescu var den sidste repræsentant fra National Salvation Front-generationen ], som jeg stolede på og endda kunne lide. |
In 2004, he was a phenomenon, a skillful political figure, an alternative to a gang, a sort of a chili pepper… I do not think he cheated me - rather, he disappointed me because he turned exactly into what he seemed to want to condemn or fix. | I 2004 var han et fænomen, en talentfuld politisk figur, et alternativ til en bande, en slags chilipeber… Jeg tror ikke, han snød mig, det var snarere det, at han skuffede mig, fordi han selv blev til det, han virkede til at fordømme og ville ændre. |
After trying out Traian Basescu, I think we have run out of reasonable options, and the only person I can trust now is myself - I, the citizen… I am not allowed to disappoint at home, in my car or in the street. | Efter at have oplevet Traian Basescu tror jeg, vi er løbet tør for fornuftige alternativer, og den eneste person jeg kan stole på, er mig selv - jeg, borgeren… Jeg har ikke ret til at skuffe hjemme, i min bil eller på gaden. |
I am not allowed to disappoint the bank, either, if I think about it. | Hvis jeg tænker over det, har jeg heller ikke ret til at skuffe banken. |
For citizens, the rule of disappointment is stricter. | Der er strengere regler for borgerne, når det gælder skuffelse. |
If you want to feel good about yourself, you’ll continue playing according to this rule and be careful not to disappoint your parents, family, colleagues, bosses and so on. | Hvis du ønsker at have det godt med dig selv, skal du fortsætte med at følge disse regler og sørge for ikke at skuffe dine forældre, din familie, dine kolleger, chefer osv. |
Politics seems the easiest way of practising disappointment 100 times more intensely. | Politik synes at være den nemmeste måde at skuffe hundrede gange mere intensivt. |
When you are exposed to such a disappointment, you are left with few alternative options: voting and protesting. | Når du møder sådan en skuffelse, har du kun få alternativer: at stemme eller protestere. |
Traian Basescu’s evolution and that of other figures he proposed or supported makes me doubt my first option and pay closer attention to the second. | Traian Basescus udvikling, og udviklingen hos andre politiske figurer som han har støttet, får mig til at tvivle på den første mulighed og hælde mest til den anden. |
For me it’s not enough to be listened to once every four years. | For mig er det ikke nok at blive hørt hvert fjerde år. |
That is the reason I took to the streets… If I did nothing, I would feel I’m disappointing. | Derfor gik jeg på gaden… Hvis jeg ingenting gjorde, ville jeg føle, at jeg skuffede. |
I believe it’s a good thing people are protesting and expressing their discontent with a louder voice. | Jeg synes, det er en god ting, at folk protesterer og hæver stemmen for at udtrykke deres utilfredshed. |
This is just about the only way the authorities can still take us seriously. | Det er den eneste måde, hvorpå myndighederne stadig kan tage os alvorligt. |
There’s no point in having wireless and central heating and buses if we are constantly followed by this frustration of not being listened to by those who we elected to lead us… | Der er ingen mening med at have trådløst internet, fjernvarme og busser, hvis vi konstant er frustrerede over ikke at blive hørt af de ledere, vi har valgt… |
Protesters gather in Bucharest to protest austerity measures. | Demonstranter samles i Bukarest for at protestere mod økonomiske stramninger. |
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