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+
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+
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+ <meta charset="utf-8">
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+ <title>Furr Letter to Prof. Domenico Losurdo, December 2012</title>
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+ <p>Dear Professor Losurdo: </p>
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+
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+ <p>Here are my thoughts on your exchange with Nicolas Werth. </p>
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+
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+ <p>I'll begin with Werth. He is an inveterate anticommunist. I have caught him in one or
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+ two blatant lies, though not in this exchange with you. </p>
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+
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+ <p>In my opinion, Werth's intervention here rests on some misconceptions, no doubt
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+ deliberate ones:
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+
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+ </p><ul>
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+ <li>Werth refers to &quot;the archives&quot;, and especially to the 7-volume series on the
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+ &quot;Tragedy of the Soviet Countryside&quot;, as though their existence resolved
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+ anything. It doesn't. </li>
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+ </ul>
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+
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+ <p>I have possessed a copy of this 7-volume work since it was published. It is a useful
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+ compilation of primary documents. But documents, in themselves, prove nothing, and the
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+ same is true of this collection.
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+
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+ </p><ul>
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+ <li>Werth refers repeatedly to &quot;the peasants.&quot; There was no such group. The
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+ Russian (and Ukrainian, etc.) peasantry was sharply differentiated. For example, a huge
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+ number had no land at all. Another large number had very small parcels of land. They were
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+ called &quot;batraki&quot; (the landless) and &quot;bedniaki&quot; (the poor, either
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+ landless or with very little land). </li>
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+ </ul>
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+
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+ <p>These peasants lost nothing by entering kolkhozes or sovkhozes. So the notion that
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+ collectivization was a &quot;war against the peasantry&quot; is a smokescreen.
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+
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+ </p><ul>
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+ <li>Collectivization did not cause the famine of 1932-33. That was caused by bad weather
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+ conditions. Both Davies and Wheatcroft and Mark Tauger - the greatest scholars in the West
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+ on this subject - agree here. Tauger believes that Davies and Wheatcroft exaggerate the
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+ extent to which collectivization was one of several primary causes, and attributes the
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+ famine primarily to bad weather. </li>
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+ </ul>
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+
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+ <ul>
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+ <li>Collectivization was a great success in that it stopped the periodic famines that had
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+ plagued Russia (including Ukraine) every 3-4 years for a millennium. The famine of 1932-33
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+ was the very last such famine - except for that of 1946-47. Wheatcroft has recently argued
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+ that this was caused by catastrophic weather conditions and not by Soviet government
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+ mismanagement. </li>
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+ </ul>
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+
56
+ <p>Viewed in this light, collectivization in the USSR was one of the greatest feats of
57
+ social reform of the 20th century, alongside the industrialization of the USSR. It saved
58
+ millions of lives that would have been lost in future famines, which would have continued
59
+ to recur with regularity. </p>
60
+
61
+ <p>Of course, it also enabled industrialization and victory in WW2. That was no small
62
+ accomplishment. But even setting this aside, collectivization stopped the endless cycle of
63
+ famines, saving millions. </p>
64
+
65
+ <p>In addition, one must say this: those whom the famine of 1932-33 killed were from all
66
+ classes of the peasantry, the rich as well as the poor. In previous famines, rich peasants
67
+ had thrived, merchants had hoarded grain for higher prices, and only the poor had starved.
68
+ This, no doubt, is one of the reasons collectivization is so hated by Werth and
69
+ reactionaries generally: it removed the privilege of the rich and protected the poor. </p>
70
+
71
+ <p>Bukharin's plan could not possibly have permitted industrialization, and therefore
72
+ would have meant that the Nazis would have won the war. In addition, the capitalist
73
+ elements in the countryside were growing rapidly under the NEP. This would have continued.
74
+ Incidentally, Trotsky's plan was the same as Bukharin's here.
75
+
76
+ </p><ul>
77
+ <li>Werth refers to the &quot;massive importation of American grain&quot; in the '70s and
78
+ '80s. So what? Collectivization stopped periodic starvation, as it was supposed to do. See
79
+ the famous quotation from Stalin, as he talked to Winston Churchill. </li>
80
+ </ul>
81
+
82
+ <p>In a famous passage in his memoir of World War II, Hinge of Fate, Churchill quoted
83
+ Stalin as saying: </p>
84
+
85
+ <blockquote>
86
+ <blockquote>
87
+ <p>&quot;Ten million,&quot; he said, holding up his hands. &quot;It was fearful. Four
88
+ years it lasted. It was absolutely necessary for Russia, if we were to avoid periodic
89
+ famines, to plough the land with tractors.&quot; </p>
90
+ </blockquote>
91
+ </blockquote>
92
+
93
+ <p>I quote this passage in <a>a short article here.</a></p>
94
+
95
+ <p>Russia and the Ukraine are far more northerly than is the USA. The point is that,
96
+ having industrialized, the USSR could pay for the importation of grain when necessary.
97
+ Collectivization allowed for industrialization and stopped the cycle of famines.
98
+
99
+ </p><ul>
100
+ <li>Werth is completely wrong about the &quot;mass murders of 1937-1938.&quot; These were
101
+ not in the least a &quot;prophylactic cleansing&quot; - though this explanation is the one
102
+ being promoted now by anticommunists generally. </li>
103
+ </ul>
104
+
105
+ <p>I've done a lot of research on this and intend to write a book on it in the future. For
106
+ now, see my article here: </p>
107
+
108
+ <p><a>&quot;The
109
+ Moscow Trials and the &quot;Great Terror&quot; of 1937-1938: What the Evidence
110
+ Shows.&quot; </a></p>
111
+
112
+ <p>Here I have included links to all the interrogations of Ezhov that have been made
113
+ public, along with translations of them into English, as well as to some other
114
+ interrogations. They are very enlightening. </p>
115
+
116
+ <p>In a recent volume of documents on 1937-1938 (in Russian) Khaustov, an inveterate
117
+ anticommunist, concedes that Stalin believed the reports Ezhov was sending him about bands
118
+ of rebels and oppositionists. Arch Getty showed a decade ago that Ezhov murdered far more
119
+ people than the Politburo ever contemplated. It was Ezhov, not Stalin and the PB, that set
120
+ &quot;quotas&quot; for arrests and executions. Stalin and the PB had called for
121
+ &quot;limits.&quot;
122
+
123
+ </p><ul>
124
+ <li>The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact has been demonized by the anticommunists and crypto-Nazis in
125
+ Eastern Europe, aided by their allies elsewhere. But they have it completely wrong. <ul>
126
+ <li>Western Ukraine and Western Belorussia were colonial possessions of Poland, obtained by
127
+ conquest from Soviet Russia in 1921 and then &quot;settled&quot; by Polish
128
+ &quot;settlers&quot; (osadniki), largely former military officers, in order to
129
+ &quot;Polonize&quot; them. </li>
130
+ <li>Ukrainians and Belorussians were a majority in these areas but Poland progressively took
131
+ away their rights to use of their languages, to schooling in those languages, to
132
+ government employment, and in general discriminated against them in many ways. </li>
133
+ <li>The large Jewish population of these areas was similarly subject to official
134
+ discrimination. </li>
135
+ <li>Poland added to this imperialist conquest when it took the Teszczin area way from
136
+ Czechoslovakia at the time of the Munich sell-out in 1938. </li>
137
+ <li>Finally (for now): The Soviets did not send in the Red Army until September 17, 1939,
138
+ after the Germans had informed them that, in their view, Poland as a state no longer
139
+ existed. This meant that Germany would not abide by the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact division
140
+ of spheres of influence. The Germans officially warned the Soviets that &quot;new
141
+ states&quot; - i.e., a pro-Nazi Ukrainian Nationalist state - would arise in W. Ukraine
142
+ and W. Belorussia if the Red Army did not come in. </li>
143
+ <li>he Germans were, in fact, correct - Poland as a state had ceased to exist when its
144
+ government, along with its military leadership, interned itself in Rumania on September 17
145
+ 1939. </li>
146
+ </ul>
147
+ </li>
148
+ </ul>
149
+
150
+ <p>I have a long article, with 17 or 18 web pages of evidence, on this question at </p>
151
+
152
+ <p>http://www.tinyurl.com/furr-mlg09 </p>
153
+
154
+ <p>The article is the first link on the left. All the other pages are evidence. </p>
155
+
156
+ <p>Note that Winston Churchill agreed with the Soviet incursion into what had formerly
157
+ been Eastern Poland. </p>
158
+
159
+ <p>The Germans almost seized Moscow and Leningrad as it was! If the USSR had not entered
160
+ former Eastern Poland, the Wehrmacht would have started its invasion much closer to the
161
+ Soviet heartland than it did and most likely captured Leningrad and Moscow. </p>
162
+
163
+ <p>To sum up:
164
+
165
+ </p><ul>
166
+ <li>The &quot;Danilov volumes&quot; prove nothing, though they are useful as any collection
167
+ of documents is useful; </li>
168
+ </ul>
169
+
170
+ <ul>
171
+ <li>The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was not only salutary, but essential. Far from a crime or an
172
+ &quot;invasion&quot;, the USSR acted as any state would have done in entering Western
173
+ Poland to keep the Wehrmacht as far as possible from its pre-1939 borders. </li>
174
+ </ul>
175
+
176
+ <ul>
177
+ <li>Collectivization was a success in ending the endless cycle of famines and in permitting
178
+ industrialization. </li>
179
+ </ul>
180
+
181
+ <ul>
182
+ <li>Collectivization did not cause the famine. No doubt the famine would have been less
183
+ severe if it had not coincided with collectivization. But that was almost sure to happen
184
+ anyway. The main thing is: This famine was the LAST famine. </li>
185
+ </ul>
186
+
187
+ <ul>
188
+ <li>The &quot;Terror&quot; - really, the Ezhovshchina - of 1937-1938 was the result of
189
+ Ezhov's conspiracy, along with that of some of the First Secretaries. Of course it was
190
+ horrible. But Stalin and the PB did not undertake it. </li>
191
+ </ul>
192
+
193
+ <p>I should mention here that, in my Russian-only book (with my Moscow colleague Vladimir
194
+ Bobrov) I have an essay in which I show that Bukharin knew about Ezhov's conspiracy but
195
+ did not mention it in his interrogations or at trial. If Bukharin, Rykov, et al. had done
196
+ this, Ezhov could have been stopped and the mass murders either avoided or curtailed.
197
+ Bukharin's, and the Right's, responsibility for Ezhov's mass murders has not been pointed
198
+ out elsewhere. </p>
199
+
200
+ <p>When you read the MS of my Kirov book you will note that we have much evidence that the
201
+ conspiracies alleged in the three public Moscow Trials, plus the Tukhachevsky trial, did
202
+ exist - they were not at all &quot;fabrications&quot; by Stalin or anyone else.</p>
203
+
204
+ <hr>
205
+
206
+ <p>As for your own contribution, I must be honest: I find it to be excellent! </p>
207
+
208
+ <p>You have certainly made arguments that I have not encountered elsewhere, and have not
209
+ thought of myself. </p>
210
+
211
+ <p>I would like to translate it into English and circulate it - that is, if you agree. </p>
212
+
213
+ <p>Also, do you have a version in Italian? I would like to send it to some friends in
214
+ Italy. </p>
215
+
216
+ <p>I like very much your response about the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact: &quot;s'il y a course
217
+ au<br>
218
+ compromis avec Hitler, Staline l'a perdue&quot;. Imagine anyone objecting to the Soviets
219
+ signing the M-R Pact in the face of Munich! </p>
220
+
221
+ <p>I would only add that the M-R Pact was not only defensible - it was essential, and
222
+ quite probably saved the USSR, and thereby all of us, from defeat in the war. </p>
223
+
224
+ <p>That said, there are a few points where I would disagree with you somewhat. They all
225
+ boil down to this: In my view, you cede too much to Werth, every single one of whose
226
+ claims is false. </p>
227
+
228
+ <p>Trotsky, for example. All the evidence we now possess points to Trotsky's having been
229
+ guilty of all the charges made against him in the Moscow Trials. This includes a good deal
230
+ of evidence from the Trotsky Archives at Harvard and at the Hoover Institution, as
231
+ discovered by Pierre Brou�, a famous Trotskyist. </p>
232
+
233
+ <p>I would disagree that collectivization was &quot;La p閞iode la plus horrible est celle
234
+ de la collectivisation de l'agriculture.&quot; As I stated above, in my view it was a
235
+ triumph. </p>
236
+
237
+ <p>Naturally the Bolsheviks made many errors in carrying it out. They were the first; it
238
+ had never been done. Pioneers always make errors; in fact it is impossible to be an
239
+ innovator without making errors. </p>
240
+
241
+ <p>The Chinese and North Vietnamese learned from these errors, and carried out
242
+ collectivization in different ways. The end result was, I think, fewer casualties. But
243
+ they had the Soviet example to learn from. </p>
244
+
245
+ <p>For &quot;most horrible&quot; I'd vote for the Ezhovshchina - which, as I have argued
246
+ above, Werth and all the other anticommunists falsify. Werth has absolutely no evidence
247
+ that it was an attempt at &quot;nettoyage prophylactique&quot; - this is just verbiage. It
248
+ was a disaster, of course, but a disaster for which Bukharin, so sacred to the
249
+ anticommunists and to Khrushchev in his day, bears significant responsibility. </p>
250
+
251
+ <p>I do not agree that &quot;the Stalin period&quot; was a &quot;horror&quot;. I think you
252
+ do not really agree either. </p>
253
+
254
+ <p>But of course it was tragic, in that errors were made that led to socialism being
255
+ sidetracked, and then betrayed altogether. It led to Khrushchev - and Khrushchev and his
256
+ ilk were nourished during the Stalin period. Therefore, obviously, reactionary
257
+ developments were taking place. We need to study to discover what they were. </p>
258
+
259
+ <p>But in sum, I think your essay is excellent! I know that Werth will not accept a word
260
+ of it. </p>
261
+
262
+ <p>So much the worse for him. His father, Alexander Werth, was an honest observer, in my
263
+ estimation, and his books are well worth reading today, all of them. Nicolas Werth's are
264
+ what I call &quot;propaganda with footnotes.&quot; </p>
265
+
266
+ <p>My apologies for writing at such length. </p>
267
+
268
+ <p>Warm regards, </p>
269
+
270
+ <p>Grover Furr </p>
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+
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+
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+ <h1 id="subject_tpc" class="fl">&nbsp;畅销书《反斯大林的卑劣行径》证明:赫鲁晓夫“秘密报告”“全部由谎言拼凑而成”</h1>
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+ <div class="tpc_content" id="read_tpc"><br>中国社会科学院世界<span id="rlt_1">社会主义</span>研究中心特邀研究员、俄欧亚所研究员 马维先 编译<br><br> <b></b><br><img> <br>Grover C.Furr III<br><br>  原编者按 在赫鲁晓夫二十大“秘密报告”发表50周年的时候,<span id="rlt_3">美国</span>学者格雷弗·弗出版了他的专著《反斯大林的卑劣行径》。作者是蒙特克莱尔州立大学教授、博士、历史学家。曾与俄罗斯学者合著《被诽谤的斯大林》、《1937年。斯大林依法审判。不容申诉!》等。《反斯大林的卑劣行径》一书彻底颠覆了西方某些历史学家和报刊对赫鲁晓夫“秘密报告”的高度评价,不仅推翻了他们关于 “秘密报告”是“二十世纪最有影响的演讲”之类的溢美之词,还得出了完全相反的结论:赫鲁晓夫整个“秘密报告”“全部由<span id="rlt_9">谎言</span>拼凑而成”,而他用于直接“揭露”斯大林或贝利亚的论据,没有一件与事实相符。现将作者的主要观点和论据介绍如下,供参考。<br>  一、重读“秘密报告”的新发现<br>  格雷弗·弗在《反斯大林的卑劣行径》一书的“代前言”中称,重读赫鲁晓夫“秘密报告”时,他注意到报告中的荒唐之说,比比皆是。<br>  这一发现并没有让格雷弗·弗感到愉快。他的“苦衷”可想而知:他要完成一项“前无古人”的任务,证明每一件赫鲁晓夫的“揭发”都是造假。格雷弗·弗预感到,人们会觉得这种想法荒谬绝伦:“20世纪最有影响力的演讲竟是欺骗之作?……谁愿意仅仅以我做出的结论为理由‘从零’开始改变已经成为过去的苏联、共产国际甚至是世界历史?对问题作出如下想象要容易得多:作者以粗制滥造作品冒充史实为生,隐瞒真实情况并试图以捏造方式指控赫鲁晓夫。”但这一担��并没有妨碍他对“秘密报告”进行全面、细致和深入的研究,并最终完成了揭露“秘密报告”谎言的400多页的专著。专著引发了不少读者的好奇心,成为畅销书之一。<br>  格雷弗·弗把“秘密报告”中赫鲁晓夫对斯大林“罪行”的 “揭发”归纳为61个大问题。格雷弗·弗先引用“秘密报告”中的看法,再通过历史证据进行分析和研究。这些证据多数引自第一手资料来源,少数是其他资料来源;他为自己提出的任务是从所有现有的证据中提供最好的证据;这些证据主要来源于俄罗斯档案。<br>  二、关于“个人崇拜”问题<br>  赫鲁晓夫在“秘密报告”中指责把斯大林“变成如同上帝那样具有神仙般品质的超人。这个人似乎无所不知,洞察一切,能代替所有人的思考,无所不能,他的行为万无一失”,于是“个人崇拜”“在一定阶段成为一系列规模极大和非常严重的歪曲党的原则、党的<span id="rlt_10">民主</span>制度和革命法制的根源”。<br>  鉴于赫鲁晓夫“秘密报告”以《关于个人崇拜及其后果》为标题,格雷弗·弗对这一问题论述得比较详细。他特别提到,虽然赫鲁晓夫“秘密报告”的基本思想是揭露斯大林“个人崇拜”问题,但在报告中,赫鲁晓夫有意回避了斯大林本人是否赞成搞“崇拜”问题。而在整个讲话中,报告人暗示,或准确地说是提前将他应予证明而最后也没有证明的论题视为无须争辩的事实:为了得到独裁者的无限权力,斯大林坚决主张搞对他的“崇拜”。事实上,在“秘密报告”中根本没有任何实例说明斯大林煽动了对他的“崇拜”,因为赫鲁晓夫未能发现一个这样的例子。<br>  真实情况是,斯大林不仅没有进行强加在他头上的犯罪活动,而且也远远谈不上树立对他个人的崇拜。相反,从目前所拥有的大量证据材料可以清楚地看出,斯大林激烈反对令人作呕的对他个人的歌颂。在该书第一章关于“个人崇拜”一节,作者用大量证据说明:斯大林去世后赫鲁晓夫如何坚决反对公开解决“个人崇拜”问题,甚至将贝利亚批评“个人崇拜”列为他的罪行之一;鼓吹“崇拜”斯大林最卖力的人中,有斯大林的反对派,他们企图以这种方式掩盖其反对派面目;赫鲁晓夫和米高扬“30年代是‘崇拜’的狂热鼓吹者”。<br>  在《反斯大林的卑劣行径》一书的最后一章,作者再次谈到了“个人崇拜”:也许,后斯大林领导人采取的唯一正确的措施是批评和部分地摒弃围绕斯大林的他们自己制造的“个人崇拜”。但甚至在这里,赫鲁晓夫也不值得人们信赖。正是赫鲁晓夫反对格奥尔基·马林科夫在斯大林逝世后不久采取的对“个人崇拜”批评的措施(马林科夫为人诚恳,他指责了包括他自己在内的斯大林亲密圈子中的人,而不是指责已经去世的斯大林;马批评他们缺乏勇气和决心结束“个人崇拜”;马认为,虽然斯大林最终容忍了“个人崇拜”,但他从来没有鼓励过“个人崇拜”,并总是对它抱有恶感)。正是赫鲁晓夫,没有多长时间就制造了对他个人的比斯大林有过之的更大“崇拜”,而他狂妄自大和自我宣扬的癖好是1964年中央主席团罢免他的最主要指控。<br>  三、关于“大规模镇压”问题<br>  斯大林30年代搞“大规模镇压”、“大恐怖”、“大清洗”和“杀害无辜”,在很多人看来似乎是无可争议的事实,但是这一印象第一资料来源是赫鲁晓夫的“秘密报告”。为了使自己的论证更有说服力,格雷弗·弗更多地是使用已经解密的苏联档案材料进行驳斥和回答。格雷弗·弗不否认上世纪30年代苏联存在“大规模镇压”的事实,但对于“大镇压”的发生、发展、斯大林的态度与作用及谁应对“大镇压”承担责任、赫鲁晓夫扮演的角色等,提出了许多独特的观点和看法。<br>  1.是谁要求搞“大镇压”?根据联共(布)1937年2~3月中央全会文件,斯大林曾在该全会上提出要求:每一个党的书记在参加四个月或六个月学习班培训期间,应为自己挑选能够承担领导责任的两名副手。而许多或大多数参加全会的人是联共(布)州、边疆区或共和国组织的第一书记。他们可能将斯大林的这一要求理解为对自己地位的一种威胁:竞争党的高层职务的“赛事”似乎为期不远;如果党的书记到学习班学习,谁也不能保证他还能重新回到自己的岗位。<br>  在之后举行的中央全会上,第一书记们以惊心动魄的讲述向斯大林诉说来自反革命分子和流放返回的富农们的威胁。书记们请求为他们提供判处极刑和将成千上万人发配到劳改��的特权。与反革命威胁相比,政治教育机关的学习班自然是次要问题,办学习班最终不了了之。<br>  有可靠证据证明,政治局候补委员埃赫为其他第一书记(开始只为自己)开辟了道路以获得对成千上万的人处决和把他们的多数发配到劳动改造营管理总局的镇压特权。依据文献资料,格雷弗·弗得出结论:镇压之风是内务<span id="rlt_2">人民</span>委员部领导人叶若夫、埃赫和一群第一书记,其中包括主要“镇压人”之一的赫鲁晓夫吹起来的。<br>  2.斯大林要求搞政治教育,而不是“大规模镇压”。虽然赫鲁晓夫指责斯大林在1937年2~3月全会的报告“企图为大规模镇压政策制造理论根据”,但从整个发言内容看,斯大林坚持认为,“充其量有几千党员可以说是托洛茨基分子的支持者”,与此同时,在谈到要提高警惕性时,他并没有要求对他们起诉,而是建议为所有党的领导人员开办特别的思想学习班。这表明,斯大林要求将托洛茨基主义问题视为布尔什维克政治觉悟水平低的后果之一。要求搞政治教育,而不是大规模镇压,才是斯大林这次讲话的真谛。与赫鲁晓夫关于“大规模镇压”的捏造说法相反,斯大林在其总结发言中,坚决反对不分青红皂白地惩罚所有在某个时间段动摇和向托洛茨基主义靠近的人,同时坚持在该问题上要严格地“根据不同情况区别对待”。<br>  格雷弗·弗引述了其他学者在这方面的研究成果:对联共(布)一月中央全会(1938年)进行了详尽分析的学者格蒂和纳乌莫夫得出的结论是,斯大林和中央党的领导人对失控的镇压极为关注。正是由于镇压无辜党员太多,古比雪夫州第一书记波斯特舍夫在该全会上被撤职。对该问题进行了详细研究的罗伯特·特斯顿的著作证实,斯大林试图控制第一书记、内务人民委员部以及镇压活动。在这次中央全会上,马林科夫作了附和斯大林意见的发言,他报告了古比雪夫州大规模和随心所欲地将党员开除出党的情况,并认定这些行为的主要责任应由波斯特舍夫负责。<br>  总体上,斯大林和没有参与阴谋活动的联共(布)中央领导试图缩小镇压规模和使镇压得到控制。最终,他们使那些有据可查的参与制造假案和消灭无辜人的人受到严厉的惩罚。<br>  3.谁应对“大规模镇压”承担责任?赫鲁晓夫在“秘密报告”中强调,没有斯大林的批准,“叶若夫什么也不可能做”。但格雷弗·弗在其《反斯大林的卑劣行径》一书中指出:应对“大规模镇压”承担责任的首先是内务人民委员部领导人叶若夫,其次是30年代曾任州委第一书记的赫鲁晓夫。应对“大规模镇压”承担责任的人中,叶若夫首当其冲,因为自1936年中至1938年底,叶若夫是内务人民委员部的首脑,毫无疑问,他杀人最多;2006年初出版的审讯叶若夫和弗里诺夫斯基的材料,完全证实了叶若夫是在恶意搞刑讯和杀害许多根本没有任何犯罪的人;叶若夫单独行动,并非如赫鲁晓夫所说,是受斯大林的“指使”。<br>  对“大规模镇压”,赫鲁晓夫难逃其咎。在1937年2~3月中央全会上,赫鲁晓夫发表了言词激烈的讲话,表示真诚地拥护镇压政策;1938年1月前,赫鲁晓夫曾是莫斯科州和莫斯科市委第一书记以及乌克兰共产党(布)中央第一书记,他写信给斯大林要求处决6500人,信件的日期是1937年7月10日,同样的日期还出现在莫斯科和莫斯科州的“处决名单”中;赫鲁晓夫曾请求将“第一类”人员(即可判极刑的人员)名单扩大到20000人,或要求将对两类人的惩罚数字扩大到41000人;赫鲁晓夫和叶若夫知道,相当大的一部分,甚至有可能是绝大部分在其参与下遭到镇压的人没有罪,或在没有进行细致侦查的情况下就决定了他们的命运。<br>  4.格雷弗·弗用大量事实证明,赫鲁晓夫报告提到的遭到镇压的相当大一部分党的高层成员有罪。作者认为,目前已发现不少证据证明,30年代苏联宣传部门的看法是正确的。根据这些证据,托洛茨基与苏联国内的其他反对派有联系,参与了目标为推翻斯大林政府的阴谋活动。证据还证实,党内外托洛茨基的秘密团体在苏联进行了暗中破坏和间谍活动,对不合他们心意的人散布了伪造的叛变指控。在该书中作者特别指出:尽管现有的证据仅仅是苏联当局30年代掌握的材料的一小部分,但已经令人信服地证实,布哈林是大规模反政府阴谋的参与者;利用哈佛大学托洛茨基档案馆1980年公开的资料,学者格蒂和著名学者、托洛茨基学家皮埃尔·布鲁埃发现了文件证据,该文件证明了托洛茨基<span id="rlt_7">��派</span>集团的存在。<br>  四、斯大林与战争<br>  在“秘密报告”中,赫鲁晓夫极力贬低斯大林在卫国战争中的作用,指责他“忽视战争预报”,在战争初期“意志消沉”,甚至斥责斯大林是 “毫无用处的”的统帅等。对所有这些观点,格雷弗·弗都一一进行了反驳。<br>  (一)关于斯大林“忽视战争预报”问题<br>  1.沃龙佐夫情报。赫鲁晓夫“揭露”斯大林“忽视战争预报”问题最主要的一个例证是对沃龙佐夫情报抱有“偏见”。他说:“关于苏联面临德国将入侵其领土威胁的迫在眉睫的情报,也从部队和外交途径得到了,但由于领导层业已形成的对这类情报的偏见,每一次发送这样的情报时总是胆战心惊,并加上不少说明。比如,1941年5月6日驻柏林海军武馆,海军上校沃龙佐夫报称,‘苏联籍人波泽尔……通报我海军副武官,一希特勒大本营德国军官说,德国人拟于5月14日通过芬兰、波罗的海沿岸和拉脱维亚进攻苏联……’”<br>  现在关于“沃龙佐夫情报”的有关文献已经解密。格雷弗·弗依据文件十分肯定地指出,赫鲁晓夫删除了海军上将Н.Г.库兹涅佐夫就“沃龙佐夫情报”向斯大林报告的关键内容:海军首长认为沃龙佐夫得到的是假情报,该情报目的是让苏联领导误入歧途。<br>  2.德国逃兵的预报。德国逃兵事件也成为赫鲁晓夫攻击斯大林的证据:“已知有这样的一个事实,在德国军队侵入苏联领土前夕,一个德国人逃越我们的边界并报告,德国军队得到指示,6月22日深夜三点钟开始对苏联发动进攻。这一情况立刻报告了斯大林,但这一信号没有引起注意。”但格雷弗·弗从文件查明的真实情况是:从德国军队逃跑的利斯科夫是1941年6月21日21点被拘留的,而关于拘留他的报告是通过电话于6月22日深夜3点10分转告的,即在进攻苏联前不到一个小时。之后,利斯科夫很快被送到莫斯科。1941年6月27日《真理报》以他的讲述刊载了一篇文章,附有照片和号召德国士兵向苏方投诚的传单。所以,赫鲁晓夫的两个论据,“立刻报告了斯大林”和“信号没有引起注意”都与事实不符。赫鲁晓夫本人知道自己的说法是编造的,60年代他所写的回忆录中没有再重复关于从德国兵那里得到预告和似乎斯大林没有重视的看法。<br>  3.澄清“解冻”时期一个伪造文件。格雷弗·弗还为感兴趣的读者澄清了另一个苏联国内外流传很广,但“秘密报告”没有提及的“预报”,即苏联最著名的谍报人员里哈德·佐尔格从德国驻日本使馆发回的情报。事实证明,佐尔格关于1941年6月22日德国发动进攻的情报是赫鲁晓夫“解冻”时期伪造的文件。<br>  (二)战争初期斯大林“意志消沉”问题<br>  “秘密报告”中,赫鲁晓夫把斯大林描绘成一个“意志消沉”的人:“在前线遭受首次最沉重的挫折和失败后,斯大林认为末日已经来临。”格雷弗·弗称,赫鲁晓夫的这种说法不符合真实情况。在战争开始的前几个星期(许多人则是晚些时候),与斯大林肩并肩工作的多数人当时都还健在和担任国家高级职务,但他们从来没有讲到过类似情况。赫鲁晓夫本人在战争初期一直在乌克兰,他无论如何也不可能证明,斯大林说了或做了什么。斯大林在克里姆林宫办公室接待来访者的记事簿令人信服地证明:自战争开始第一刻起,甚至更早一些,斯大林活动能力极强。1941年6月21日~28日的来访者记事薄记录已在《历史档案》杂志发表,它以文件形式证实了斯大林在这些日子不间断的积极活动。<br>  朱可夫元帅对斯大林从来没有特别的好感,但在他的回忆录中非常尊敬地写了斯大林,驳斥了赫鲁晓夫的许多臆造,包括卫国战争初期的一些臆造。共产国际执行委员会总书记Г.季米特洛夫也有相应的证明:应邀到克里姆林宫后,他见到了斯大林、波斯克列贝舍夫、铁木辛哥元帅、库兹涅佐夫海军上将、工农红军总政治部主任梅利斯和内务人民委员贝利亚。之后,他在日记中有这样的记录:“斯大林和其他所有人出奇的平静,坚定不移,充满信心。”此外,两个相互独立,但都对斯大林怀着敌意的将军——沃尔科戈诺夫和苏多普拉托夫,在90年代撰写的著作中谈及斯大林在战争初期的表现时都得出结论:赫鲁晓夫撒谎了。<br>  鉴于某些历史学家抓住斯大林办公室来访者记事薄没有6月29日和6月 30日记录的事实大做文章(他们企图让人们相信,所描绘的斯大林意志消沉,正是那两天),格雷弗·弗引用了持不同政见历史学家、反斯大林分子麦德维杰夫的说法:斯大林自6月22日和之后,包括6月29日和30日,依然是一位有完全工作能力的人。6月29日,发生了铁木辛哥和朱可夫参与的争论。米高扬向库马涅夫描述了争论情况。同一天斯大林起草和签署了关于进行游击战的命令。6月30日,苏联最高苏维埃、苏联人民委员会和联共(布)通过决议成立国防委员会。<br>  (三)关于斯大林“贬低”朱可夫元帅的功勋问题<br>  在《反斯大林的卑劣行径》一书中,格雷弗·弗多次提到,赫鲁晓夫“揭发”斯大林的一些证据,只有他一个人知道,这不可能不让人产生疑问。所谓斯大林“贬低”朱可夫元帅的功勋也是典型例子之一。<br>  在“秘密报告”中赫鲁晓夫称:“战后,斯大林开始散布关于朱可夫的各种无稽之谈,他听说在前线某个战役前,他要抓起一把土闻一闻,然后说,可以开始进攻,或相反,说什么不能进行已经确定的战役。我当时回答说:‘斯大林同志,我不知道这是谁杜撰的,但这不是事实。’看来是斯大林杜撰了这些东西,以便贬低朱可夫元帅的作用和军事才能。”对此,格雷弗·弗在《反斯大林的卑劣行径》中愤怒地指出,除了赫鲁晓夫外,再也没有任何人听到斯大林讲过类似的话。根据朱可夫回忆录,斯大林从来没有凌辱过他。斯大林的确让朱可夫担任不太重要的职务,因为当时已清楚,元帅并没有将从德国得到的战利品上交国家,以补偿在战争中德国对苏联造成的骇人听闻的损失,相反,他参与了将这些财产窃为己有的活动。战后对朱可夫降职人所共知,但知道真正原因的人只是少数。在这里,赫鲁晓夫实则为了得到元帅的支持(1957年在与马林科夫、莫洛托夫和卡冈诺维奇“反党集团”的<span id="rlt_4">斗争</span>中,朱可夫站在了赫鲁晓夫一边)。<br>  五、关于“践踏列宁民族政策原则”问题<br>  二战中大规模民族搬迁是赫鲁晓夫“秘密报告”中大肆攻击斯大林践踏列宁民族政策的重要论据之一,搬迁中 “大量死亡”数字成为斯大林“血腥统治”的罪状之一。“秘密报告”称:“这是一次由斯大林倡议的粗暴践踏基本的列宁主义民族政策原则的令人发指的行动。这里所指的是,将整个民族无一例外地从他们的家园外迁,包括共产党员和共青团员。而且这种搬迁与军事考虑没有任何关系……不仅在马克斯列宁主义者,而且在任何一个思维健全的人的意识中都不会容忍这样的观点:即由整个民族,包括妇女、儿童、老人、共产党员和共青团员,承担个别人或个别团伙敌对行动的罪责,对他们进行大规模镇压,使他们遭受困苦和煎熬。”<br>  针对赫鲁晓夫的所谓“新发现”:(1)搬迁“没有任何例外”;(2)搬迁“与军事考虑没有任何关系”;(3)“整个民族”“因个别人或个别团伙的敌对行动” 受到了惩罚等,格雷弗·弗利用俄罗斯学者公布的档案文件指出,存在不少搬迁人员“例外”的例子。第二,从军事角度看,搬迁保障了红军后方的安全。从每一个被迁移的民族看,其大部分或积极或消极,但都支持了德国,参与了反苏联政府的起义行动。虽然著名学者Н.Ф.布加伊和А.М.戈诺夫对搬迁公开表示不赞成,但他们还是指出,“总的说,苏联政府选择了正确的轻重次序,在确定轻重缓急次序时,利用了其保持前线秩序,特别是北高加索秩序的权力……” 而关于赫鲁晓夫的第三个“发现”,作者提供了详细的档案材料来驳斥。<br>  1.克里米亚鞑靼人。有关克里米亚鞑靼人被大规模迁移的相当多的文件现已公开。作者利用这些数据,提出了非常有说服力的观点,即当时采取搬迁措施是正确的。1939年克里米亚鞑靼族共218000人,这意味着大约有22000人或10%的鞑靼族居民是到了应征入伍年龄的公民。根据苏联文献资料的数据,20000名应征入伍的鞑靼人是苏联武装力量的逃兵;1944年之前,同样数量的克里米亚鞑靼人民兵持武器转入德国纳粹方并进行反对红军的活动。可以把20000逃兵处决,也可以把所有到应征入伍年龄的男性关进监狱。但两种方式都意味着消灭克里米亚鞑靼民族。与此不同,苏联政府将所有鞑靼人整体迁移到中亚,在那里为他们分了土地并在几年内免除他们的税务。这是在1944年实施的。克里米亚鞑靼民族保存了下来,1950年末还出现了人口的增长。<br>  2.车臣人和印古什人。1943年车臣—印古什自治苏维埃社会主义共和国大约居住着450000车臣人和印古什人。这意味着他们之中的40000~50000人是应征年龄的公民。1942年,即纳粹德国在战场的突破达到鼎盛之时,有14567车臣和印古什人应征入伍,这些入伍者中有13560人或93%的人成为逃兵或躲藏起来,有的加入在山区活动的起义队伍或匪帮团伙。车臣和印古什居民与德国武装力量的大规模合作是无可置疑的。2000年2月23日的《自由》无线电台转播了对车臣民族主义分子的访谈录,在访谈中他们以1943年2月开始发动的亲德反苏武装起义感到自豪,而这正是在德国向高加索纵深追击最严重的时刻。<br>  针对俄罗斯国内外发表的搬迁中发生的所谓“大规模死亡”数字,作者引用了权威学者的一些数字,即被迁移的人员死亡数字不大,只占总数的0.25%:“内务人民委员会工作报告证实,共发出180次军列,运送车臣人和印古什人以及当时在押的民族的代表493269人。在这次行动中50人被击毙,1272人途中死亡。” 鉴于搬迁是在冬季进行的,而且正在进行着欧洲史上、可能也是世界史上最残酷的战争,这样的损失数字不算太高。<br>  六、赫鲁晓夫为什么批判斯大林<br>  在《反斯大林的卑劣行径》一书的最后一章,格雷弗·弗提出了引人深思的问题:赫鲁晓夫为什么要批判斯大林?为什么他要花费这么大的力量(假造、销毁和隐匿文件)和利用如此众多的政治牺牲品?根据格雷弗·弗的分析,某些情况推动赫鲁晓夫这样做,而赫鲁晓夫在苏共二十大讲话时恰恰回避了这些情况。这些刻意回避的问题,被格雷弗·弗称之为没有发表的第二个“秘密报告”。很清楚:赫鲁晓夫极力想抢在他30年代大镇压中的作用被揭发之前发动“平反”运动和将罪责转嫁到斯大林身上。毫无疑问,这可以缓和居民的不满情绪。对这一问题,格雷弗·弗提供了可供读者思考的三种答案。<br>  第一个是中国共产党提出的答案:赫鲁晓夫和他的支持者是要对苏联的政治方针即斯大林时期的方针作出根本的改变。中国认为,一系列赫鲁晓夫时代的经济和政治<span id="rlt_5">改革</span>,背离了马克思列宁主义基础。这样的解释有真理的成分。<br>  第二个答案是,赫鲁晓夫的目的是以批判斯大林为武器,与其他苏共中央主席团成员,特别是马林科夫、莫洛托夫和卡冈诺维奇进行斗争。采取这样的路线与已知的风险有关:赫鲁晓夫不可能提前知道,他的反对派是否对他进行指控和采取更残酷的措施。也许这正是为什么他找到诸如像波斯佩洛夫那样无原则的人作自己的支柱——他们在“销毁”揭露赫鲁晓夫在组织大规模镇压中作用的档案文件发挥了相当大的作用。赫鲁晓夫销毁了比任何人都多的文件。<br>  第三种答案是历史学家尤里·茹科夫提出的:赫鲁晓夫的目的是,结束与斯大林及其中央主席团亲密战友推行的民主改革,特别是与格奥尔基·马林科夫名字联系在一起的改革。马林科夫曾在斯大林去世后一定时期内进行了民主改革:其实质是取消党不应承担的政治、经济、<span id="rlt_8">文化</span>管理职能,并将它们转交给选举产生的苏维埃;在社会主义体制的框架内对国家管理进行“变革”或“重组”。茹科夫详细描述了力图使党摆脱政府权力职能的斯大林及其支持者一方,与另一方即坚决反对改革的其他政治局委员之间的针锋相对的斗争。<br>  1953年5月,斯大林逝世后不久,执行权力最高机构——苏联部长<span id="rlt_6">会议</span>通过决议案,取消了对党的高层领导人员的额外货币补贴,即所谓“信封”(“红包”),使他们的实际工资收入与国家机关同级别职员相比下降了大约两级。茹科夫指出,正是马林科夫赞成有必要通过这样的决议案。就其精神而言,决议符合党脱离国家管理并将权力转给政府机关的精神。值得注意的是,在对贝利亚(支持改革的人之一)实施违法的惩罚措施之前不久,该决议案取得了法律效力。<br>  1953年6月末,贝利亚突然被捕和被关进牢房,或根据另一个说法是被厚颜无耻地就地处决。当年8月份,赫鲁晓夫得以为高层党的官员恢复了“信封”(“红包”),增加了奖金幅度和补发了3个月停发的“信封”(“红包”)。三个星期后,举行了中央全会,几乎是在全会的最后时刻恢复了第一书记职务,这一职务当然非赫鲁晓夫莫属。党的官僚犒赏了“自己人”。茹科夫表示,他“坚定不移地深信,二十次代表大会的真正目的在于让党的机构重掌大权。但必须转移对这一目的的注意力,于是,借助于秘密报告,将注意力集中到过去”。<br>  比较以上三种答案,格雷弗·弗的意见是:真理既包含在对所发生的一切以“权力斗争”解释的尝��,也包含在中国的(反修的)说法之中。但茹科夫的答案,涵盖了所有已知的事实并与“秘密报告”本身的内容和他提供的关于赫鲁晓夫的所有“揭露”均系伪造的证据一致。<br>  七、俄罗斯当局对解密某些有助于澄清真相的档案讳莫如深<br>  尽管苏联解体后,大批档案解密,但格雷弗·弗认为,这对研究斯大林时期的历史远远不够,特别是上世纪30年代的历史。已经解密的档案,很多是当局认为可以说明斯大林“犯罪”的材料,格雷弗·弗特别提到,这些材料与波斯佩洛夫报告和其他文献资料一起由国际“民主”基金会(А.Н.雅科夫列夫基金会)印刷和出版,该基金会预定的目标是揭露所谓斯大林和共产党的犯罪活动。而与揭露所谓斯大林和共产党的犯罪活动精神不一致的档案,只解密了一小部分,甚至还出现了解密后又重新加密的情况。<br>  在《反斯大林的卑劣行径》一书中,格雷弗·弗通常是在涉及某被镇压高级官员的具体案件时提出档案解密问题的。俄罗斯政府对以下文献的解密讳莫如深:证明30年代被镇压的高级官员确实犯罪的档案;证明波斯佩洛夫委员会报告和赫鲁晓夫“秘密报告”所引用的文件是断章取义的档案;证明赫鲁晓夫时期伪造平反证明的档案材料;证明叶若夫应对30年代大规模镇压承担责任的档案;证明斯大林为首的领导人采取了正确的方针,特别是试图控制镇压规模的档案材料;证明赫鲁晓夫捏造了对贝利亚的指控材料等。<br>  格雷弗·弗认为,无论在苏联时期,还是在1991年之后,都没有开始让研究人员接触有关侦查档案材料,那些年代事件的真实情况依然不为人知;对此合乎情理的解释是:这其中存在着某种关联,仔细地研究这一关联,可能会做出斯大林和贝利亚都无罪的结论,虽然赫鲁晓夫使尽浑身解数,将所有罪状都加在他们头上。</div>
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+ <meta charset="utf-8">
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+ <title>&quot;Katyn Memorial Day&quot; is an anticommunist fraud</title>
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+
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+
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+
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+
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+ <h2>&quot;Katyn Memorial Day&quot;, April 13, Is An Anticommunist Fraud!</h2>
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+
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+ <p>Dear friends: <br>
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+ <br>
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+ Today, April 13, is &quot;Katyn Memorial Day.&quot; This is the day that Polish
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+ nationalists, and anticommunists everywhere, commemorate the murder by the Soviets --
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+ &quot;Stalin&quot; -- of 22,000 Polish prisoners of war in April - May 1940. <br>
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+ <br>
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+ And IT DID NOT HAPPEN! <br>
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+ <br>
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+ This is an anticommunist lie. It was invented by the Nazis in 1943, and taken up by all
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+ the capitalist powers during the Cold War. <br>
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+ <br>
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+ In 1990-1992 two fanatic anticommunists, Gorbachev and Eltsin &quot;admitted&quot; Soviet
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+ guilt. <br>
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+ <br>
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+ I believed it myself for a few years. Then for a longer time I was agnostic, believing
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+ that &quot;We just can't know -- there's too much conflicting evidence.&quot; <br>
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+ <br>
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+ But now we know that this story simply cannot possibly be true. I published the reasons
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+ why in <span class="moz-txt-underscore"><span class="moz-txt-tag">_</span>Socialism and
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+ Democracy<span class="moz-txt-tag">_</span></span> last August: <br>
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+ <br>
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+ &quot;The 'Official' Version of the Katyn Massacre Disproven? Discoveries at a German Mass
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+ Murder Site in Ukraine.&quot; <br>
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+ <br>
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+ A preprint version is here: <br>
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+ <br>
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+ <a class="moz-txt-link-freetext">http://msuweb.montclair.edu/~furrg/research/furr_katyn_preprint_0813.pdf</a>
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+ <br>
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+ <br>
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+ It wasn't me who made the discoveries that utterly disprove the &quot;Katyn&quot; story. <br>
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+ <br>
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+ Polish and Ukrainian archeologists did that. They found things they never expected to
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+ find, and certainly hoped no one would ever find. <br>
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+ <br>
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+ And now they are keeping quiet about it. <br>
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+ <br>
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+ Yes, the Poles, the Ukrainians, and the Russians too, are keeping this secret. This, the
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+ biggest World War 2-related discovery of the past several years, is simply hushed up, a
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+ real &quot;conspiracy of silence.&quot; <br>
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+ <br>
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+ &quot;Katyn Memorial Day&quot;, April 13, is a good day to tell the world: <br>
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+ <br>
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+ &quot;Stalin Is Inocent! The Soviets Are Not Guilty of Killing The 22,000 Polish
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+ POWs!&quot; <br>
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+ <br>
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+ This isn't going to stop the anticommunists. Of course not! <br>
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+ <br>
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+ Since when have anticommunists cared about the truth? <br>
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+ <br>
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+ Capitalist Poland has spent at least $500 miillion on hundreds of memorials all over
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+ Poland, and three of them in Russia. <br>
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+ <br>
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+ They aren't going to allow a little thing like historical truth spoil their wonderful
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+ anticommunist orgy! <br>
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+ <br>
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+ So we should do our best to spoil it for them. Today is a good day to tell the world: <br>
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+ <br>
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+ &quot;The 'Katyn Massacre' Is An Anticommunist Fraud!&quot; <br>
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+ <br>
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+ Spread the word! <br>
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+ <br>
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+ Sincerely, <br>
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+ <br>
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+ Grover Furr </p>
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+
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+ <li id="menu-item-15971" class="menu-item menu-item-type-taxonomy menu-item-object-category menu-item-15971"><a>Women&#8217;s Rights</a></li>
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+ <li id="menu-item-18104" class="menu-item menu-item-type-taxonomy menu-item-object-category menu-item-18104"><a>LGBTQ Rights</a></li>
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+ <li id="menu-item-7732" class="menu-item menu-item-type-taxonomy menu-item-object-category current-post-ancestor current-menu-parent current-post-parent menu-item-7732"><a>Books</a></li>
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+ <li id="menu-item-7805" class="menu-item menu-item-type-taxonomy menu-item-object-category menu-item-7805"><a>TV</a></li>
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+ <li id="menu-item-7806" class="menu-item menu-item-type-taxonomy menu-item-object-category menu-item-7806"><a>Video Games</a></li>
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+ <li id="menu-item-7812" class="menu-item menu-item-type-taxonomy menu-item-object-category menu-item-7812"><a>Videos</a></li>
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+ </ul>
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+ </li>
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+ <li id="menu-item-7752" class="menu-item menu-item-type-taxonomy menu-item-object-category menu-item-7752"><a>Cold War Killer File</a></li>
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+ </li>
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+ <li id="menu-item-7721" class="menu-item menu-item-type-taxonomy menu-item-object-category current-post-ancestor menu-item-7721"><a>International</a></li>
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+ <li id="menu-item-15976" class="menu-item menu-item-type-post_type menu-item-object-page menu-item-has-children menu-item-15976"><a>2012</a>
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+ <li id="menu-item-15990" class="menu-item menu-item-type-post_type menu-item-object-page menu-item-15990"><a>January</a></li>
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+ <li id="menu-item-15988" class="menu-item menu-item-type-post_type menu-item-object-page menu-item-15988"><a>March</a></li>
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+ </li>
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+ <li id="menu-item-15974" class="menu-item menu-item-type-post_type menu-item-object-page menu-item-15974"><a>2008 &#8211; 2010</a></li>
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+ <p class="breadcrumbs postmetadata"><a class="breadcrumbLevel_1">Home</a> <b>&rsaquo;</b> <a class="breadcrumbLevel_2">Media &amp; Culture</a> <b>&rsaquo;</b> <a class="breadcrumbLevel_3">Books</a> <b>&rsaquo;</b> <strong class="breadcrumbLevel_4">Review of Grover Furr&#8217;s &#8220;Khrushchev Lied&#8221;</strong></p><article id="post-19984" class="post-19984 post type-post status-publish format-standard hentry category-books category-history category-media-culture category-myths-about-socialism category-soviet-union-ussr category-theory category-world-history odd">
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+ <h1 class="posttitle">
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+ Review of Grover Furr&#8217;s &#8220;Khrushchev Lied&#8221; </h1>
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+ <p class="postmetadata">
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+ <span class="byline">By <span class="author vcard"><a class="url fn n" title="View all posts by The Red Phoenix">The Red Phoenix</a></span></span> <em>on</em> <a title="4:33 pm"><time class="entry-date" datetime="2014-01-12T16:33:32+00:00">January 12, 2014</time></a> &bull; <span class="commentcount">( <a class="comments_link" title="Comment on Review of Grover Furr&#8217;s &#8220;Khrushchev Lied&#8221;">2</a> )</span>
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+ </p> <section class="entry">
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+ <p><a><img class="aligncenter wp-image-19985" alt="large" width="345" height="504"></a></p>
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+ <p><span><strong>by Alfonso Casal</strong></span></p>
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+ <p><span>There are certain assumptions one can make, with a high degree of certainty, regarding Grover Furr’s <em>Khrushchev Lied</em>. The first is that, had Furr written a similar book in any area of historical specialization other than Soviet-era studies, <em>Khrushchev Lied</em> would be immediately hailed as a work of major significance. Had Furr succeeded in proving that Thomas More’s biography of Richard III was pure invention and that, far from being Shakespeare’s resentful deformed villain, Richard was a kindly and benevolent monarch; or had Furr demonstrated that Tacitus consciously twisted his account of the Julio-Claudians in order to willfully defame the first Roman emperors; had Furr, in short, managed to definitively prove that a major historical source, one on which the interpretation of an entire epoch is often based, was fraudulent, Furr and his book would have been catapulted to the center of scholarly debate. There would have been workshops and symposia; indeed, a special issue of the American Historical Review would have likely been printed, featuring essays arguing pro and con Furr’s findings. Needless to say, that has not been the case, for the simple reason that Furr’s book deals with Soviet history, specifically with the history of the Stalin period; and here different rules apply.</span></p>
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+ <p><span>Despite the advance praise for <em>Khrushchev Lied</em> offered by Soviet-era specialists such as Robert Thurston and Lars Lih, one searches in vain for any scholarly journal reviewing the book. Indeed, aside from comments posted on online political blogs, of both Left and Right, it would appear that the historical profession has chosen to ignore <em>Khrushchev Lied</em>. This is the second assumption one could have safely made. <em>Khrushchev Lied</em> directly challenges the anti-communist, Cold War paradigm still dominant in academia. Not only that, Furr manages to demonstrate that one of the essential documents on which that paradigm rests is a tissue of lies. Not only historical interpretations are at risk here, but academic reputations, and entire careers as well. Thus, a conspiracy of silence has descended on a book that merits the widest possible readership and discussion.</span></p>
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+ <p><span>Again, in and of itself, this is nothing new. Baldly put, any book that presents a positive interpretation of the Stalin period or that disputes the conventional wisdom that the Soviet head of state was a blood-soaked megalomaniac will have a difficult time finding a publisher. This is not to say that there have not been a number of non-paradigmatic studies of the Stain era published. Books by Getty and Kirkpatrick, to cite just two authors, have put a dent in the dominant view of Stalin and his government held in academia. However, there is a question of balance and accessibility. For example, in the years since the collapse of the USSR, there has been a tidal wave of studies of the Stalin years published in Russia. Some of these studies are critical of Soviet policy during that period, others praise those same policies. Interestingly, none of the those supportive of the Stalin regime are translated into English; while a number of Russian works hostile to Stalin or the Soviet experience of the 1930s, ‘40s, and ‘50s have been issued by major American publishers.</span></p>
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+ <p><span>Of all the recent reassessments of Soviet history, Grover Furr’s <em>Khrushchev Lied</em> strikes at the very heart of Cold War history, Nikita Khrushchev’s famed “Secret Speech” to the 20th Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Presented to a closed session of the Party Congress on 25 February, 1956, Khrushchev’s speech, putatively, denounced Stalin’s many “crimes” and lay bare the former Soviet leader’s reign of error and terror. Khrushchev’s denunciations of Stalin caused a crisis in the world communist movement, providing, as it seemed to, an &#8220;insider’s&#8221; confirmation of all the worst accusations raised by anti-communists for decades. An immediate result of Khrushchev’s efforts was the political isolation of his opponents within the Soviet Communist Party, Molotov, Malenkov, Kaganovich, etc., who still upheld Stalin’s legacy. A longer-term consequence was a split within international communism, with those who seemingly defended Stalin, led by Albania and China, breaking with the Soviet Union and those parties worldwide which hewed to the new Soviet line. Furthermore, the “Secret Speech” became a cornerstone of modern history, and the main documentary buttress for anti-Stalin interpretations of Soviet history and politics.</span></p>
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+ <p><span>Furr set for himself the task of examining each and every one of the accusations Khrushchev leveled at Stalin (and Beria as well) and examining, point by point, their veracity or falsity. The conclusion he came to is evident in the title of the book. Furr divides Khrushchev’s charges into nine general categories, ranging from “Lenin’s Testament” to Stalin’s supposed complicity in the Kirov assassination, to Stalin’s supposed mismanagement of the Soviet war effort in World War II to Stalin’s last years when he, according to Khrushchev, was planning a major purge of his oldest associates and collaborators. In determining his findings, Furr based himself exclusively on primary sources and archival materials, many of which he has scanned and uploaded for public review at</span> <span><a>http://chss.montclair.edu/english/furr/research/kl/bibliography.html</a></span><span>.</span></p>
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+ <p><span>The essence of Furr’s investigation is the claim that not one accusation leveled by Khrushchev against Stalin and Beria is true. <em>Not one</em>. Indeed, Furr becomes the accuser, in turn, and charges Khrushchev with consciously and maliciously warping the truth about Stalin for political gain. Furr provides a mountain of documentation refuting Khrushchev. So much so, that, in fact, this becomes the book’s main shortcoming. Furr is so painstaking and meticulous in marshalling his evidence that the reader is often numbed by the sheer volume of documents, quotes, and citations he provides. This is not a book for the casual reader or for anyone not versed in Soviet history. However, despite its non-reception in professional historical circles, <em>Khrushchev Lied</em> is an essential work of Soviet history. Moreover, it is a work that not merely solidly proves its premise; but one that stands out as a courageous effort to restore historical truth and balance.</span></p>
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+ <p><span><em>Khrushchev Lied</em> is solid in its research, thorough in its method and scope, sound in its judgments and conclusions, and deserving of the highest praise. It is a book every serious student of Soviet history and politics must read and grapple with. It is, in a word, a major contribution to historical science.</span></p>
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+ <p><span>Highly recommended.</span></p>
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+ <cite class="fn"><a class="url">Freedom Now!</a></cite> <div class="comment-date">
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+ January 17, 2014 &bull; 8:13 am </a>
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+ <p>This is a good review.</p>
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+ January 18, 2014 &bull; 1:28 pm </a>
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+ <p>Reblogged this on <a>Proletarian Center for Research, Education and Culture</a>.</p>
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+ jQuery( document ).on( 'inview', 'div.jetpack-likes-widget-unloaded', function() {
1092
+ jetpackLikesWidgetQueue.push( this.id );
1093
+ });
1094
+ });
1095
+ }
1096
+
1097
+ if ( 'showLikeWidget' == event.event ) {
1098
+ jQuery( '#' + event.id + ' .post-likes-widget-placeholder' ).fadeOut( 'fast', function() {
1099
+ jQuery( '#' + event.id + ' .post-likes-widget' ).fadeIn( 'fast', function() {
1100
+ JetpackLikespostMessage( { event: 'likeWidgetDisplayed', blog_id: event.blog_id, post_id: event.post_id, obj_id: event.obj_id }, window.frames['likes-master'] );
1101
+ });
1102
+ });
1103
+ }
1104
+
1105
+ if ( 'clickReblogFlair' == event.event ) {
1106
+ wpcom_reblog.toggle_reblog_box_flair( event.obj_id );
1107
+ }
1108
+
1109
+ if ( 'showOtherGravatars' == event.event ) {
1110
+ var $container = jQuery( '#likes-other-gravatars' );
1111
+ var $list = $container.find( 'ul' );
1112
+
1113
+ $container.hide();
1114
+ $list.html( '' );
1115
+
1116
+ $container.find( '.likes-text span' ).text( event.total );
1117
+
1118
+ jQuery.each( event.likers, function( i, liker ) {
1119
+ $list.append( '<li class="' + liker.css_class + '"><a class="wpl-liker"><img alt="' + liker.name + '" width="30" height="30"></a></li>');
1120
+ } );
1121
+
1122
+ var offset = jQuery( "[name='" + event.parent + "']" ).offset();
1123
+
1124
+ $container.css( 'left', offset.left + event.position.left - 10 + 'px' );
1125
+ $container.css( 'top', offset.top + event.position.top - 33 + 'px' );
1126
+
1127
+ var rowLength = Math.floor( event.width / 37 );
1128
+ var height = ( Math.ceil( event.likers.length / rowLength ) * 37 ) + 13;
1129
+ if ( height &gt; 204 ) {
1130
+ height = 204;
1131
+ }
1132
+
1133
+ $container.css( 'height', height + 'px' );
1134
+ $container.css( 'width', rowLength * 37 - 7 + 'px' );
1135
+
1136
+ $list.css( 'width', rowLength * 37 + 'px' );
1137
+
1138
+ $container.fadeIn( 'slow' );
1139
+
1140
+ var scrollbarWidth = $list[0].offsetWidth - $list[0].clientWidth;
1141
+ if ( scrollbarWidth &gt; 0 ) {
1142
+ $container.width( $container.width() + scrollbarWidth );
1143
+ $list.width( $list.width() + scrollbarWidth );
1144
+ }
1145
+ }
1146
+ }
1147
+
1148
+ pm.bind( 'likesMessage', function(e) { JetpackLikesMessageListener(e); } );
1149
+
1150
+ jQuery( document ).click( function( e ) {
1151
+ var $container = jQuery( '#likes-other-gravatars' );
1152
+
1153
+ if ( $container.has( e.target ).length === 0 ) {
1154
+ $container.fadeOut( 'slow' );
1155
+ }
1156
+ });
1157
+
1158
+ function JetpackLikesWidgetQueueHandler() {
1159
+ var wrapperID;
1160
+ if ( ! jetpackLikesMasterReady ) {
1161
+ setTimeout( JetpackLikesWidgetQueueHandler, 500 );
1162
+ return;
1163
+ }
1164
+
1165
+ if ( jetpackLikesWidgetQueue.length &gt; 0 ) {
1166
+ // We may have a widget that needs creating now
1167
+ var found = false;
1168
+ while( jetpackLikesWidgetQueue.length &gt; 0 ) {
1169
+ // Grab the first member of the queue that isn't already loading.
1170
+ wrapperID = jetpackLikesWidgetQueue.splice( 0, 1 )[0];
1171
+ if ( jQuery( '#' + wrapperID ).hasClass( 'jetpack-likes-widget-unloaded' ) ) {
1172
+ found = true;
1173
+ break;
1174
+ }
1175
+ }
1176
+ if ( ! found ) {
1177
+ setTimeout( JetpackLikesWidgetQueueHandler, 500 );
1178
+ return;
1179
+ }
1180
+ } else if ( jQuery( 'div.jetpack-likes-widget-unloaded' ).length &gt; 0 ) {
1181
+ // Grab any unloaded widgets for a batch request
1182
+ JetpackLikesBatchHandler();
1183
+
1184
+ // Get the next unloaded widget
1185
+ wrapperID = jQuery( 'div.jetpack-likes-widget-unloaded' ).first()[0].id;
1186
+ if ( ! wrapperID ) {
1187
+ // Everything is currently loaded
1188
+ setTimeout( JetpackLikesWidgetQueueHandler, 500 );
1189
+ return;
1190
+ }
1191
+ }
1192
+
1193
+ if ( 'undefined' === typeof wrapperID ) {
1194
+ setTimeout( JetpackLikesWidgetQueueHandler, 500 );
1195
+ return;
1196
+ }
1197
+
1198
+ var $wrapper = jQuery( '#' + wrapperID );
1199
+ $wrapper.find( 'iframe' ).remove();
1200
+
1201
+ if ( $wrapper.hasClass( 'slim-likes-widget' ) ) {
1202
+ $wrapper.find( '.post-likes-widget-placeholder' ).after( "" );
1203
+ } else {
1204
+ $wrapper.find( '.post-likes-widget-placeholder' ).after( "" );
1205
+ }
1206
+
1207
+ $wrapper.removeClass( 'jetpack-likes-widget-unloaded' ).addClass( 'jetpack-likes-widget-loading' );
1208
+
1209
+ $wrapper.find( 'iframe' ).load( function( e ) {
1210
+ var $iframe = jQuery( e.target );
1211
+ $wrapper.removeClass( 'jetpack-likes-widget-loading' ).addClass( 'jetpack-likes-widget-loaded' );
1212
+
1213
+ JetpackLikespostMessage( { event: 'loadLikeWidget', name: $iframe.attr( 'name' ), width: $iframe.width() }, window.frames[ 'likes-master' ] );
1214
+
1215
+ if ( $wrapper.hasClass( 'slim-likes-widget' ) ) {
1216
+ $wrapper.find( 'iframe' ).Jetpack( 'resizeable' );
1217
+ }
1218
+ });
1219
+ setTimeout( JetpackLikesWidgetQueueHandler, 250 );
1220
+ }
1221
+ JetpackLikesWidgetQueueHandler();
1222
+ //]]&gt;
1223
+
1224
+
1225
+ /* */
1226
+
1227
+
1228
+
1229
+ //
1230
+
1231
+
1232
+ st_go({'blog':'5175915','v':'wpcom','tz':'-4','user_id':'0','post':'19984','subd':'theredphoenix'});
1233
+ ex_go({'crypt':'UE40eW5QN0p8M2Y/RE1hV3xrb2xUT3JBbjREZWgvK29XZW1Bbl82dys4Zj9tVXI0M0drUj1wLTgsNzdteT9DUTdrMjVlLV9zaTllS3pzTHZORm9+NF9sW3RyTnVMTE18M3hUMkhTVkcxNWh4Jml3dS1sTDIwR1h0dDdvbDNQb3xwOH5oc2puaV9ZNVh6NnpGemZBX2l8VHpLRTIlUkk9Q2xYS1ElflZLNzgmenx2c1Nxc3hiK1JbK1JYP2JnYWdfQyYscEs5XyY2Ym5ObVJ4cmNDMj9BczUtUnEsRzJIdWVvMC9xUVJqdm9XaDQmYlM4W0xFTTJKWEFBLU50JlVxOTJhM0pxd3V6ZVBsVVouTHkuN1dXbmFGKz9uM1RiRDV+MiZ3MUpaOUpNN0N2LCZKTSsvfldWJUQvR3AubjFPLS1tZ25bVXw4V0NEPVRBdnVYei1lL1svTl9kSytdJi1IV0c4LiY5fDVsazFpZWg5SituLGsyRVIwayV1c2VEeWpRRXZFLlRDZlB6N2xuJUR5JV1tL2x0c2tXMUNhejdtLVA9Wl0lWzBPYW9y'});
1234
+ addLoadEvent(function(){linktracker_init('5175915',19984);});
1235
+
1236
+ <img alt="">
1237
+
1238
+ if ( 'object' === typeof wpcom_mobile_user_agent_info ) {
1239
+
1240
+ wpcom_mobile_user_agent_info.init();
1241
+ var mobileStatsQueryString = "";
1242
+
1243
+ if( false !== wpcom_mobile_user_agent_info.matchedPlatformName )
1244
+ mobileStatsQueryString += "&amp;x_" + 'mobile_platforms' + '=' + wpcom_mobile_user_agent_info.matchedPlatformName;
1245
+
1246
+ if( false !== wpcom_mobile_user_agent_info.matchedUserAgentName )
1247
+ mobileStatsQueryString += "&amp;x_" + 'mobile_devices' + '=' + wpcom_mobile_user_agent_info.matchedUserAgentName;
1248
+
1249
+ if( wpcom_mobile_user_agent_info.isIPad() )
1250
+ mobileStatsQueryString += "&amp;x_" + 'ipad_views' + '=' + 'views';
1251
+
1252
+ if( "" != mobileStatsQueryString ) {
1253
+ new Image().src = document.location.protocol + '//stats.wordpress.com/g.gif?v=wpcom-no-pv' + mobileStatsQueryString + '&amp;baba=' + Math.random();
1254
+ }
1255
+
1256
+ }
1257
+
reader_assets.json.gz CHANGED
@@ -1,3 +1,3 @@
1
  version https://git-lfs.github.com/spec/v1
2
- oid sha256:72e4d939a26a5c0522e14951d3af31c6ecfb1f9a8a5c7da022f05cbaaabba531
3
- size 607312
 
1
  version https://git-lfs.github.com/spec/v1
2
+ oid sha256:53fcacb2f0486ea9def575429ccf1a683a2b120e5072b68a45f4bada488e5d2d
3
+ size 607315