Input:
_Sustainability_ **2019**, _11_, 4395 12 of 21

_5.3._ _Fiscal Impacts_

Because the government account should balance, and government expenditures are treated as
fixed in the analysis, the government recycles the entire change in revenues in each of the five policy
scenarios. To assess the amount of revenue raised through carbon pricing in each scenario, we first
calculate the amount of fuel imported each year. We then multiply the fuel import by the emission
factor (i.e., emission per unit of fuel) to arrive at a figure for total emissions, and then use the assumed
carbon tax rate to calculate total carbon tax revenue.
The revenue generated in 2030 ranges from $786 million under the direct tax scenario to $798
million under the sales tax reduction scenario (Figure 10). The differences in revenue among scenarios
are due to the differences in economic growth which, in turn, affect the demand for fuel.

Government revenue from carbon tax

900

800

700

600

500

400

300

200

100

0

2018 2022 2026 2030

DTAX STAX SAVINGS CORPOR TRANS

**Figure 10.** Government revenue from carbon tax.

_5.4._ _Distributional Impacts_

Although the impact of the carbon tax on overall economic growth is one indication of the
economic consequences of the policy, a much clearer understanding of the full implications for
economic well-being comes from looking at the impacts across heterogeneous households based on
factors such as their location (urban, rural) and their abilities (skilled, unskilled). Households receive
income from wages (employment), returns on land for which they have the right of use, returns on
capital they own, and income transfers. The implication of a carbon tax on a household’s welfare,
therefore, depends on how it affects each of these sources of household income.
In this subsection, we highlight the heterogeneous impacts on labor demand (employment) and
household consumption. Figures 11 and 12 provide the difference in employment trend of low-skilled
individuals located in the urban and rural sector. The carbon tax on fuels increases the price of
goods reliant on fuel-using transport. As a result, it shifts demand away from those goods towards
others. Sectors that are transport and thus fuel dependent include the service and manufacturing
sectors. Both sectors are overwhelmingly concentrated in urban areas. As a result, there will be a
decrease in urban unemployment (Figure 11) among low-education workers. Because we assume full
employment for high-skill individuals, they adjust to the carbon tax through a wage decrease rather
than an employment decrease.

A dataset, survey, database, index, census, registry, or information system with a specific proper name that can be cited, queried, or downloaded as a data source

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Input:
_Sustainability_ **2019**, _11_, 4395 13 of 21

Change in labor supply/demand (as % change from base case)- for
(Uneducated)-Urban

2018 2022 2026
~~(5.0 USD/ton)~~ ~~(13.3 USD/ton)~~ ~~(21.7 USD/ton)~~

2030
~~(30.0 USD/ton)~~

0.0%

-0.2%

-0.4%

-0.6%

-0.8%

-1.0%

-1.2%

-1.4%

-1.6%

0.1%

0.0%

-0.1%

DTAX STAX SAVING CORPORATE TRANS

**Figure 11.** Changes in labor supply/demand for urban uneducated.

Change in labor supply/demand (as % change from base case)- for
(Uneducated)-Rural

~~2018~~ ~~2022~~ ~~2026~~
(5.0 USD/ton) (13.3 USD/ton) (21.7 USD/ton)

~~2030~~
(30.0 USD/ton)

-0.1%

-0.2%

-0.2%

-0.3%

-0.3%

-0.4%

-0.4%

-0.5%

DTAX STAX SAVING CORPORATE TRANS

**Figure 12.** Changes in labor supply/demand for rural uneducated.

The agriculture sector, on the other hand, does not rely as heavily on transportation. Therefore,
it benefits from an increase in demand relative to other goods. This, in turn, increases the employment
potential of rural unskilled labor compared to their urban counterparts. Figure 12 indicates that there
is almost no effect on employment across scenarios in rural areas compared to the base case scenario.

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Input:
_Sustainability_ **2019**, _11_, 4395 14 of 21

(Note that in the base case scenario, employment of low-skilled individuals in urban areas is assumed
to be 4,186,322 in 2018 and 6,290,527 in 2030. Similarly, employment of low-skilled individuals in rural
areas is assumed to be 38,516,966 in 2018 and 54,301,218 in 2030.)
The tax has differing impacts on the consumption of the lowest quintile households in urban and
rural areas. In urban areas (Figure 13), the main source of income for poor households is employment
income (wages). As the sectors that poor households work in (services and industry) are affected
more by the carbon tax, their income decreases due to either increased unemployment or a decrease in
wage. The implication for economic welfare depends on the scenario: revenue recycling under STAX
and CORPOR leads to smaller decline in consumption than others because there is less impact on the
economy. TRANS, on the other hand, limits the decline in consumption by transferring resources to
poorer households.

Change in Urban-HH consumption (as % change from base
case) for poorest quintile (Q1)

2018 2022 2026
(5.0 USD/ton) (13.3 USD/ton) (21.7 USD/ton)

2030
(30.0 USD/ton)

0.0 ~~%~~

-0.5%

-1.0%

-1.5%

-2.0%

-2.5%

-3.0%

-3.5%

-4.0%

DTAX STAX SAVING CORPORATE TRANS

**Figure 13.** Urban household consumption (poorest quintile Q1).

In rural areas, the ‘almost non-existent’ effect of the carbon tax on agriculture means that
employment is not really affected (Figure 14). In addition, the tax slightly increases the return to land
owned by rural households. The combination of these two effects implies that the impact of the carbon
tax on the consumption of poor rural households is minimal. It is worth noting that, ex ante, one would
expect that the poor will fare better under the transfer scenario. However, the result shows the opposite.
There are a couple of reasons for this. First, the transfer scenario does not restrict transfers to poor
households. Since a large share of transfers are made to urban/richer households, it limits the extent to
which the aggregate transfer can reduce poverty and inequality. Second, the slowdown in economic
activity under the transfer scenario introduces unemployment/wage reduction that affects welfare
directly. Another way to understand the result under the transfer scenario is that one needs to restrict
the transfer to poor households in order to achieve a meaningful reduction in poverty and inequality.

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Input:
_Sustainability_ **2019**, _11_, 4395 15 of 21

Change in Rural-HH consumption (as % change from base case)
for poorest quintile (Q1)

2018 2022 2026
(5.0 USD/ton) (13.3 USD/ton) (21.7 USD/ton)

2030
(30.0 USD/ton)

0.3%

0.2%

0.1%

0.0%

-0.1%

-0.2%

-0.3%

-0.4%

-0.5%

-0.6%

-0.7%

STAX DTAX SAVING CORPORATE TRANS

**Figure 14.** Rural household consumption (poorest quintile Q1).

**6.** **Concluding Remarks**

Over 90 percent of Ethiopia’s GHG emissions comes from sources other than fossil fuels. This is
because (a) energy use in general is relatively low, including in transport, although it is expected to grow
as the economy expands; (b) most of Ethiopia’s electricity comes from hydro; and (c) biomass remains
the overwhelming choice of energy source for cooking. Consequently, application of carbon pricing to
fossil fuels use in Ethiopia necessarily will have a somewhat limited effect on total GHG emissions.
Nevertheless, since motorization increases as incomes rise, the carbon price on fuels can contribute
to mitigating a “lock-in” of high levels of individual vehicle use and high demand for road expansion
by limiting vehicle use and creating support for expanding well-performing public transit and smaller,
efficient cars in more densely populated areas. The carbon price on fossil fuels limits fuel use and
associated GHG emissions cost effectively compared to what might result from a patchwork of different
regulatory standards on various emissions sources. It creates incentives for increasing energy efficiency
including in transport choices. By moving away from carbon, Ethiopia may benefit in the long run from
energy efficiency and relatively cheaper sources of energy, providing a competitive advantage over
those countries that did not make the transition and have locked-in inefficient technologies. In addition,
revenue-neutral reductions in other taxes can be made to spur investment and productivity gains.
Regarding economic impacts, GDP continues to grow substantially, albeit at a modestly lower rate.
The direct effect of the carbon price is likely to be felt more by higher-income households since they
are more intensive consumers of fossil fuels. Indirect effects through adjustments in the economy to
higher fuel prices can lead to modestly slower growth for the urban poor, but the size of that effect will
depend on how carbon revenues are recycled. Because the rural poor are not intensive users of fossil
fuels, and the economic adjustments to carbon pricing may have limited impact on the agriculture
sector, the rural poor are likely to face little impact from it. As we have shown, some portion of carbon
tax revenues can be used to soften impacts on the poor.

A dataset, survey, database, index, census, registry, or information system with a specific proper name that can be cited, queried, or downloaded as a data source

A data source described by its characteristics or producer rather than a proper name, containing a data noun and at least one identifying descriptor

A general reference to data, information, or statistics that contains a data noun but lacks enough specificity to identify the exact source


Input:
**CIVILIAN IMPACT MONITORING PROJECT**
**THEMATIC REPORT: THE AL-HUDAYDAH CEASEFIRE, ONE YEAR ON**

**DATE OF PUBLICATION: JANUARY 2020**

The Al-Hudaydah Agreement was signed in Stockholm on 13 December 2018. Shortly after, on 18 December, a ceasefire in Al-Hudaydah entered into force.

One of the instant achievements of the agreement was a halt to an offensive that threatened to engulf the critical port city of Al-Hudaydah, fixing the warring sides to their respective positions, while also leading to a significant reduction in airstrikes across the governorate. However, Al-Hudaydah did not see an absolute ceasefire.

Along all main frontlines, on the outskirts of the city and in southern districts, hostilities continued between the opposing forces, as other elements of the Al Hudaydah Agreement stalled into a political stalemate. Although the frontlines remained static over the past year, the number of civilian impact incidents actually increased, and while the total number of civilian casualties was reduced, casualty rates in the governorate were still the highest in the country. The post-agreement period has also seen a shift in the nature of the impact of armed violence on civilians, with an uptick in direct fire on residential areas, resulting in more incidents directly impacting on civilian households than before the ceasefire.

**OVERALL FIGURES: 12 MONTHS BEFORE THE CEASEFIRE, COMPARED TO 12 MONTHS AFTER**

The total number of civilian casualties fell 62% in the 12 months after the ceasefire compared to the previous 12-month period, from 2,115, from 18 December 2017 to 17 December 2018, to 811, from 18 December 2018 to 17 December 2019. The rate of civilian casualties per month as a direct result of armed violence fell from an average of 176 in the 12 months prior to the start of the ceasefire, driven largely by high casualties from airstrikes, to 68 civilian casualties per month in 2019. The rate of civilian fatalities also decreased, from 47% in the 12 months before the ceasefire to 25% in the past year.

Civilian casualty rates steadily decreased throughout 2019. The final quarter of the year saw the lowest civilian casualty toll since CIMP began monitoring at the start of 2018. This is likely caused in large part by the deployment of joint observation posts on frontlines around Al-Hudaydah city in October 2019, which resulted in a significant reduction in hostilities in the city, as discussed below. However, despite significant decreases in civilian casualty rates, the number of incidents of armed violence reported with a direct civilian impact increased, from 686 in the 12 months prior to 978 in the 12 months since.

**Number of incidents**

l **250** Civilian fatalities Civilian injuries 2000 1500 1000 500 0 1122 993 Civilian impact incidents 607 686 204 978

**Number of incidents** **Civilian casualties**

12 months before 12 months after

**500**

**400**

**300**

**200**

**100**

**0**

**250**

**200**

**150**

**100**

**50**

**0**

**INCIDENTS IN AL-HUDAYDAH CITY IN 2019 COMPARED TO SOUTHERN AL-HUDAYDAH DISTRICTS**

Despite a slow start to the ceasefire, a particularly notable reduction in hostilities was recorded in Al-Hudaydah city from October 2019, when joint observation posts were deployed across the main frontlines around the city. Accompanying this, the downward trend in civilian casualties that started in August continued in the city through October and November. However, while the city saw a reduction in hostilities, which drove an overall decrease in the governorate, incident and casualty rates remained high in the southern districts.

The graph to the right compares civilian impact incidents by district, showing those in the two city districts of Al-Hali and Al-Hawak compared to the four main hotspot southern districts of Al-Tuhayat, Al-Durayhimi, Bayt Al-Faqih, and Hays.
While both showed a decrease in incident rates from mid-2019, after the five joint observation posts were established in October, incident rates in AlHudaydah city continued to fall, but those in the southern districts increased, as it appeared combat efforts re-focussed to the governorate's southern frontlines.

**70**

**60**

**50**

**40**

**30**

**20**

**10**

**0**

**Southern frontline districts** **City frontline districts**

_**17 OCT: JOINT OBSERVATION POSTS DEPLOYED**_

**1**

A dataset, survey, database, index, census, registry, or information system with a specific proper name that can be cited, queried, or downloaded as a data source

A data source described by its characteristics or producer rather than a proper name, containing a data noun and at least one identifying descriptor

A general reference to data, information, or statistics that contains a data noun but lacks enough specificity to identify the exact source


Input:
**CIVILIAN CASUALTIES FROM ARMED VIOLENCE BEFORE AND AFTER THE CEASEFIRE**

**12 months before** **12 months after**

**12 months after** There has been an overall decrease in civilian

casualties since the start of the ceasefire. This was

**- 99%** most notable in the number of civilian casualties

caused by airstrikes, which fell 99% in 2019 compared to the 12 months prior to the ceasefire. Casualties from

**- 47%** shelling and explosive ordnance also decreased.

However, civilian casualties caused by fire from small arms and light weapons, including sniper fire,

**+**

**450%** increased more than 400% as direct clashes

continued in close proximity to residential areas.

**- 39%** Casualties as a result of sniper fire at civilians

increased from 10 to 58, of whom 19 were children, up from 4 during the 12 months prior to the ceasefire.

**GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION OF AIRSTRIKE INCIDENTS**

**AIRSTRIKES**

**EXPLOSIVE ORDNANCE**

**SMALL ARMS AND LIGHT**

**WEAPONS**

**SHELLING**

**1035**

**15**

**195**

**108**

**30**

**165**

**855**

**523**

**- 99%**

**- 47%**

**+**

**450%**

**- 39%**

The maps show the distribution and density of airstrike incidents reported to have directly impacted on civilians in AlHudaydah in the 12 months before the ceasefire compared to the 12 months since.

In the 12 months before the ceasefire, 363 airstrike incidents were reported to have had a direct civilian impact, resulting in 1,035 civilian casualties. Since 18 December 2019, just 9 airstrike incidents were reported to have impacted on civilians in the governorate, resulting in 15 civilian casualties, just 1% of those seen in the year prior.

**THE PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN HARMED HAS INCREASED SINCE THE CEASEFIRE COMMENCED**

While the overall rates of civilian casualties decreased in the 12 months since the start of the ceasefire, a greater proportion of civilian casualties have been women and children. Before the ceasefire, 25% of civilian casualties was a woman or a child, in the 12 months since this has doubled to almost half (49%). Of the 2,115 civilian casualties in the 12 months prior to the ceasefire, 334 were children and 186 were women, a quarter of the total.
In the 12 months after the ceasefire entered into force, almost half (49%) of the 811 civilian casualties were children (259) and women (140).
0 Women and children casualties Unspeci�ed casualties 0 0 Before **520** **1595** 0 0 0 After **399** **412** 0 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 0 0 Despite overall decreases, the number of casualties among women and children as a result of fire from small arms and light weapons increased from 17 before the ceasefire to 87 in the 12 months after. There has also been a slight increase in women and children casualties as a result of explosive ordnance (EO). Furthermore, increasing incidents impacting directly on houses correlated with an increase in injuries among women and children.

Before After Women and children casualties Unspeci�ed casualties In 2018, 220 incidents of armed violence impacted on homes and/or farmsteads in Al-Hudaydah, resulting in 666 civilian casualties, of whom 268 (40%) were women and children. In 2019, this rose to 578 incidents impacting on homes and/or farmsteads, a 62% increase, resulting in 383 civilian casualties, of whom 206 (54%) were women and children. Due to the repeated encroachment of armed violence on domestic civilian spaces, the effects of psychosocial trauma are likely to be made more acute, while women and children, who are increasingly reported to be household heads, especially among displaced families, are likely to be particularly vulnerable when residential spaces are impacted.

700 Before

**520** **1595**

After

**399** **412**

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 ~~**398**~~

**268**

**177**

**206**

Incidents impacting on civilian houses and/or farmsteads Women and children harmed as a result of houses being impacted Unspeci�ed civilian casualties as a result of houses being impacted

**2**

A dataset, survey, database, index, census, registry, or information system with a specific proper name that can be cited, queried, or downloaded as a data source

A data source described by its characteristics or producer rather than a proper name, containing a data noun and at least one identifying descriptor

A general reference to data, information, or statistics that contains a data noun but lacks enough specificity to identify the exact source


Input:
**AL-HUDAYDAH CONTINUES TO SEE THE MOST CIVILIAN IMPACT INCIDENTS AND CASUALTIES COUNTRY-WIDECORRELATION BETWEEN IMPACT FROM REMNANT ORDNANCE AND OTHER TYPES OF ARMED VIOLENCE**

**AL-HUDAYDAH CONTINUES TO SEE THE MOST CIVILIAN IMPACT INCIDENTS AND CASUALTIES COUNTRY-WIDECORRELATION BETWEEN IMPACT FROM REMNANT ORDNANCE AND OTHER TYPES OF ARMED VIOLENCE**

Despite the cease�re, Al-Hudaydah continued to be the governorate with the highest number of incidents of armed violence with a direct civilian impact in 2019. With 951 civilian impacts reported, this was 43% of the country-wide total; a signi�cantly higher proportion than during 2018, when 705 civilian impact incidents in the governorate accounted for 30% of the country-wide total. By comparison, Sa’ada governorate saw the second-highest civilian impact incident total in 2019, 484 incidents, half the number in Al-Hudaydah.

Al-Hudaydah also saw the highest number of civilian casualties in the country, 767, 24% out of a countrywide total of 3,200 in 2019. Unlike with civilian impact incidents, this was a smaller proportion than in 2018, when Al-Hudaydah saw 41% of the country’s civilian casualties as a direct result of armed violence. This did, however, start to change towards the end of 2019, as civilian casualty �gures continued to fall. For the �rst time since the �rst quarter of 2018, during the �nal quarter of 2019 the civilian casualty rate in Al-Hudaydah was superseded by Sa’ada, where several mass casualty incidents were reported in November and December 2019.

1,662 70% 2,894 59%

# ■ AL-HUDAYDAH

**41%**

# ■ REST OF COUNTRY

2018 2019 1,251 57%

**951**

**43%**

**767**

**705**

**30%**

**24%**
**2,040**

2,433 76%

**CIVILIAN IMPACT INCIDENTS IN 2019 IN AL-HUDAYDAH COMPARED TO OTHER GOVERNORATES**

120 100 80 60 40 20 0

# ■ AL-HUDAYDAH ■ OTHER GOVERNORATES

January February March April May June July August September October November December

**CIVILIAN CASUALTIES IN 2019 IN AL-HUDAYDAH COMPARED TO OTHER GOVERNORATES**

200 150 100 50 0

# ■ AL-HUDAYDAH ■ OTHER GOVERNORATES

January February March April May June July August September October November December

**THE IMPACT OF ARMED VIOLENCE ON CIVILIAN INFRASTRUCTURE IN AL-HUDAYDAH HAS REDUCED**

**Case study 1: Restricted access to food and education**

There was an increased impact on education and food infrastructure in the past 12 months. 7 incidents reportedly impacted food infrastructure, all of which were repeat instances of shellfire hitting the Red Sea Flour Mills, in one of the main contested areas on the outskirts of Al-Hudaydah city. The incidents potentially pose continued restricted access to crucial food supplies for as many as 500,000 households. Similarly, 16 incidents were reported to have impacted on education facilities in the past year. 5 of these were schools, while 11 were incidents impacting on Al-Hudaydah University medical and engineering faculties, which have been commandeered by military forces as defensive and firing positions.

**Case study 2: Fishing communities in Al-Hudaydah**

Al-Hudaydah’s fishing community saw a significantly reduced impact from incidents of armed violence since the ceasefire commenced. In 2018, 77 fishermen were reportedly killed, 37 injured, and another 17 reported missing as a result of incidents of armed violence, the majority of which were as a result of airstrikes, along with three instances of naval shelling and three seamine incidents. Over 25 boats were reportedly destroyed.

Fishing ports in Al-Hawak and Al-Tuhayat, fishing huts on Kamaran island, and the Ministry of Fisheries in Al-Luheyah were also reportedly hit by airstrikes last year. The Al-Hawak fish market was also hit by shellfire on 2 August 2018 which, together with a follow-up attack outside the Al-Thawra hospital gates, was reported to have resulted in 55 civilian fatalities and 170 civilian injuries. Since the ceasefire entered into force, airstrikes are reported to have hit 5 fishing boats, killing 9 fishermen and injuring 6.

On the whole, the introduction of the cease�re resulted in a decrease in incidents impacting on civilian infrastructure in Al-Hudaydah. In the 12 months prior to the cease�re, 139 incidents impacted on civilian infrastructure, while in the 12 months after, this almost halved, dropping to 73. The most frequently impacted types of infrastructure are shown in the chart below by number of incidents. The 2 infrastructure types to have seen an increase in the past 12 months were education and food, explained in case study 1, to the left.

The Civilian Impact Monitoring Project is a service under the United Nations Protection Cluster for the collection, analysis and dissemination of open source data on the civilian impact from armed violence in Yemen, to inform and complement protection programming.

For further information, please visit www.civilianimpactmonitoring.org.

**3**

50 40 30 20 10 0

# ■ 12 MONTHS PRIOR ■ 12 MONTHS AFTER

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A data source described by its characteristics or producer rather than a proper name, containing a data noun and at least one identifying descriptor

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Input:
# **At a crossroads** **Unaccompanied and separated** **children in their transition** **to adulthood in Italy**

## **November 2019**

A dataset, survey, database, index, census, registry, or information system with a specific proper name that can be cited, queried, or downloaded as a data source

A data source described by its characteristics or producer rather than a proper name, containing a data noun and at least one identifying descriptor

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Input:
# **At a crossroads** **Unaccompanied and separated** **children in their transition** **to adulthood in italy**

## **Novembre 2019**

A dataset, survey, database, index, census, registry, or information system with a specific proper name that can be cited, queried, or downloaded as a data source

A data source described by its characteristics or producer rather than a proper name, containing a data noun and at least one identifying descriptor

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Input:
**Fondazione ISMU**

### Disclaimer

The opinions expressed in the report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) or the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout the report do not imply expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNICEF, UNHCR and IOM concerning legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries. This joint report reflects the activities of individual agencies around an issue of common concern.

The principles and policies of each agency are governed by the relevant decisions of its governing body. Each agency implements the interventions described in this document in accordance with these principles and policies and within the scope of its mandate. This publication was made possible through the support provided by UNICEF and UNHCR in collaboration with IOM. The text has not been edited or fact checked to official publications standards and UNICEF, UNHCR and IOM accept no responsibility for errors.

Cover photo: E., 18 years old, cames from South Sudan, stands on the cliffs overlooking the sea of Duino, Italy, where he likes to do his homework (October 2017) © UNHCR/Fabio Bucciarelli © 2019 UNICEF, UNHCR and IOM Suggested citation: ISMU Foundation (2019), _At a Crossroad._ _Unaccompanied and Separated Children in their Transition to_ _Adulthood in Italy._ UNICEF, UNHCR e IOM, Roma.

ISBN: 9788894432473

### Research partners

This research was designed and coordinated by ISMU Foundation - Initiatives and Studies on Multiethnicity and carried out in collaboration with the University of Roma Tre and the University of Catania.

**Scientific Committee of the research:**

Rita Bichi (Coordination, ISMU Foundation), Carmelina Canta (University of Roma Tre), Ennio Codini (ISMU Foundation), Liana Daher (University of Catania), Mariagrazia Santagati (ISMU Foundation), Giulio Valtolina (ISMU Foundation), Laura Zanfrini (ISMU Foundation).

**Research coordination:**

Rita Bichi (ISMU Foundation), Emanuela Bonini (ISMU Foundation).

**Local research team managers:**

Emanuela Bonini, Carmelina Canta, Liana Daher.

**Research Team:**

Alessandra Barzaghi, Lavinia Bianchi, Chiara Carbone, Andrea Casavecchia, Claudia D'Antoni, Marina D’Odorico, Augusto Gamuzza, Anna Maria Leonora, Giorgia Mavica, Giulia Mezzetti, Davide Nicolosi, Danilo Palmisano, Giorgia Papavero, Alessandra Scieri.

**Research support:**

Roberta Davino, Martina Lippolis, Viola Lavinia Malingri Di Bagnolo, Sara Vitale.

**Interviewers:**

Ossama Ramadan Karim Amin, Bassirou Dembele, Nouha Diallo, Ibrahima Diallo, Muslim Din, Benjamin Halilaj, Rimon Karam Mahfouz Wisily Hanin, Ibrahim Jalloh, Khaleghi Morteza, Mohamed Keita.

A dataset, survey, database, index, census, registry, or information system with a specific proper name that can be cited, queried, or downloaded as a data source

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Input:
**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

### Acknowledgements

The authors would like to express their thanks to the representatives of the Ministries for their contribution to this research, and in particular for their indications on the research protocol and for their comments on the preliminary findings. The Ministries involved are the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Labor and Social Policies, the SIPROIMI - System of Protection for the Holders of International Protection and foreign unaccompanied minors, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Education, Research and University, the AGIA – National Ombudsperson for Children and Adolescents.

We also wish to thank all the local authorities involved in the research in the three regions for their cooperation: Prefettura – Ufficio Territoriale del Governo di Milano; Dipartimento Politiche Sociali – Prefettura di Roma; Prefettura – Ufficio Territoriale del Governo di Catania; AGIA – Regione Lombardia; AGIA – Regione Lazio; AGIA – Regione Sicilia; Consiglio Regionale – Regione Lazio; Tribunale per i minorenni di Palermo; Tribunale minorenni di Catania; Direzione politiche Sociali – Comune di Milano; Direzione Famiglia e Politiche sociali – Comune di Catania; Comune Di Latina – UO Minori; USR – Ufficio Scolastico Regionale Lazio; USR – Lombardia; USR – Sicilia; all the CPIA of Lombardy, Latium and Sicily.

We would also like to thank Civil society organizations based in the areas of Milan and Como, Rome and Latina, Catania, Palermo, Messina and Syracuse who supported research: La Cordata, Impresa e Valore Sociale – Case Saltatempo (Milano); Comunità Il Sicomoro (Milano); Comunità per Minori La Soglia di Casa (Milano); Associazione Villa Amantea (Milano); La Fanciullezza Onlus (Milano); Cooperativa Comunità Progetto (Milano); Fondazione Casa del Giovane la Madonnina (Milano); Caritas Ambrosiana (Milano); Associazione Sheb Sheb (Milano); Istituto Milanese Martinitt e Stelline e Pio Albergo Trivulzio (Milano); Associazione Fermata San Leonardo – Comunità e Famiglia (Milano); CivicoZero Onlus – Save the Children Italia (Milano); Parrocchia S.Martino, Rebbio (Como) CPIA 4 – Roma; CivicoZero Onlus – Save the Children Italia (Roma); Associazione Virtus Italia – Consorzio Solidarietà Sociale (Roma); MaTeMù – CIES onlus (Roma); Associazione No Working (Roma); Associazione Baobab Experience (Roma); Organizzazione Umanitaria Intersos (Roma); Il Tetto

- Casal Fattoria – Onlus (Roma); Associazione Borgo Amigò (Roma); ALI – Accoglienza Libera Integrata Onlus (Roma); Comunità

di Accoglienza Valmontone Onlus (Roma); Cooperativa Centro minori "Cooperativa La Pergola" (Cisterna di Latina); Cooperativa Casa Margherita, casa famiglia per Msna (Latina Scalo); Cooperativa Casa Gardenia, casa di accoglienza per donne e bambini (Latina Scalo); Associazione Casa dell’adolescente - Casa famiglia Rosetta (Caltanissetta); Associazione Penolope (Roma); Centro d'accoglienza a bassa soglia "Casa Najma Catania" Salesiani di Sicilia, Progetto "M'interesso di Te" (Catania); Cooperativa Futura 89' (Catania); Cooperativa Prospettiva (Catania); Consorzio Il Nodo (Catania); Cooperativa San Francesco (Caltagirone); Cooperativa San Francesco (Mirabella Imbaccari); Cooperativa San Francesco (San Michele di Ganzaria); CPIA 1 – Catania; Fondazione Cirino la Rosa (Catania); Ufficio supporto e monitoraggio tutori Unicef (Catania); Associazione "Padre Don Luigi Monti" (Siracusa); Associazione “l’Albero della vita” (Pachino); Associazione Onlus “La Pineta” (Canicattini Bagni); Comunità Fatebenefratelli (Siracusa); Comunità Oreb Augusta (Siracusa); Cooperativa Sociale “San Giovanni Don Bosco” (Noto); Cooperativa Sociale Onlus “Si può fare” (Noto); La Casa di Sarah (Avola); Associazione "A braccia aperte" (Palermo); Associazione Asante-Cas Azad (Palermo); Associazione Asante Cas Elom (Palermo); Comunità "Arcobaleno" (Palermo); Comunità "Casa dei Mirti" (Palermo); Comunità "La Mimosa" (Palermo); Comunità "La Violetta" (Palermo); Sprar Msna di Via Roma (Palermo); Sprar Adulti Granatiere (Palermo); Sprar Adulti di Via Chopin, 16 (Palermo); UNICEF (Palermo); Casa Noemi (Faro Superiore Messina); Comunità Ismaele (Messina); Cooperativa Medihospes Casa Michelle (Messina); Sprar Adulti Milazzo (Messina); Sprar Adulti Pace del Mela (Messina); Sprar AironeTorre Faro (Messina).

The warmest, most sincere and important thank you goes to all the boys and girls who accepted to share their life histories and experiences, pains, joys and hopes.

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**Fondazione ISMU**

# **Contents**

Acronyms and abbreviations 7 Executive Summary 8

**1. Introduction** **12**

**2. Research methodology and tools** **14**

2.1 Research questions 14 2.2 Methodological approach and research tools 14 2.3 Description of the sample 16 2.4 Data analysis and validation of draft findings 16 2.5 Selection of research sites 17 2.6 The research team: Working with peer researchers 17 2.7 Ethical considerations 18 2.8 Limitations 18

**3. Context** **19**

3.1 Considerations on, and approaches to, migration and the transition to adulthood 19 3.2 The normative framework and the reception system for UASC in Italy: Opportunities and protection 22 3.3 UASC in Italy 24

**4. Expectations, aspirations and the future** **27**

4.1 UASC aspirations and family expectations 27 4.2 Desires and expectations in the transition to adulthood 31

**5. The transition to adulthood: Pathways and factors for success** **33**

5.1 Characteristics and factors that facilitate or constrain UASC’s transition pathways 33 5.1.1 UASC's rights 33 5.1.2 The first step: The pathways in the reception system 36 5.1.3 UASC’s education and training pathways 37 5.1.4 The role of the guardian in the transition to adulthood 40 5.1.5 Becoming adults by building meaningful relationships 40 5.2 Transition to adulthood: What changes when UASC become adults 41 5.2.1 The rights of former UASC 41 5.2.2 Access to employment pathways 44 5.2.3 Housing independence 46 5.2.4 Friendly and supportive relations 47 4

A dataset, survey, database, index, census, registry, or information system with a specific proper name that can be cited, queried, or downloaded as a data source

A data source described by its characteristics or producer rather than a proper name, containing a data noun and at least one identifying descriptor

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Input:
**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

**6. Obstacles, risks and vulnerabilities in the transition to independence** **51**

6.1 Obstacles and vulnerabilities **51** 6.1.1 Timing and obstacles related to the legal status of UASC and former UASC 51 6.1.2 Support when leaving the reception facilities 54 6.1.3 Trauma and psychological distress 55 6.2 Sexual and gender-based violence: Between vulnerability and resilience 56 6.3 The risks of exploitation and exclusion, and the importance of local reception networks 59 6.4 Risks associated with onward movements 60 6.5 Experiences of discrimination affecting the lives of UASC 61

**7. Promising practices** **64**

7.1 Lombardy: supervised independent living and housing solutions for UASC and former UASC 64 7.2 Latium: Experiences of formal and informal relations in support of UASC and former UASC 65 7.3 Sicily: A structured support to volunteer guardians 68

**8. Conclusions** **71**

8.1 Factors that favour a good transition 71 8.2 Obstacles to a good transition 72 8.3 Constraints and gaps of the system 73 8.3.1 Normative framework and its application 73 8.3.2 Governance and reception 73 8.3.3 Social inclusion 74 8.3.4 Data availability 74

**9. Recommendations** **75**

**References** **82**

**Glossary** **84**

**Annexes** **86**

**Endnotes** **90**

**List of figures and tables**

**Figure 1** . UASC registered in the reception system as at 30 June 2019 by main nationality, gender and age   25

**Figure 2.** UASC’s rights 33

**Figure 3.** Changes in entitlements of former UASC upon turning 18 41

**Table 1.** UASC present and registered in the reception system in Italy, by gender, December 2013–2018 24

**Table 2.** UASC asylum seekers: First instance decision, by gender and age group,

and total no. of adults, 2018. 26 5

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**R., 16 years old, is an unaccompanied and separated child from Afghanistan. He is living in Genova**

**(Liguria, Italy) as he waits to be reunited with his siblings who already live in the UK (May 2019)**

© UNHCR/Dario Bosio

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

# **Acronyms and abbreviations**

AGIA National Ombudsperson for Children and Adolescents ALI Accoglienza Libera e Integrata (Networked grassroot solidarity) AMIF European Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund ANCI National Association of Italian Municipalities CPIA Adult Learning Centre CSO Civil society organization DID Declaration of Immediate Availability to Work D.Lgs Legislative Decree EU European Union FGDs Focus group discussions GBV Gender-based violence IOM International Organization for Migration ISMU Iniziative e Studi sulla Multietnicità (Initiatives and Studies on Multiethnicity) L.D. Law Decree MDM Médecins du Monde MFAEA Movimento Famiglie Affidatarie e Accoglienti (Host and foster families network) MoE Ministry of Education MLSP Ministry of Labour and Social Policies MoI Ministry of the Interior MoJ Ministry of Justice NGO Non-governmental organization PEI Piano Educativo Individualizzato (Personal Education Plan) SGBV Sexual and gender-based violence SIM Sistema Informativo minori (Information System for UASC) SIPROIMI Protection system for holders of international protection and UASC SPRAR Protection System for Asylum Seekers and Refugees UASC Unaccompanied and separated children UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund USMT Unità di Supporto e Monitoraggio dei Tutori (Guardian Support and Monitoring Unit) 7

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**Fondazione ISMU**

# **Executive Summary**

Between 2014 and 2018, more than 70,000 unaccompanied and separated children (UASC) arrived in Italy by sea, 90 per cent of whom were between 15 and 17 years old. The significant presence of UASC (7,272 in June 2019) and the growing number of UASC who have turned 18 (around 60,000 over the last five years) have highlighted the need to better understand the measures and opportunities for the protection and social inclusion of this specific population group in their transition to adulthood.

This research, commissioned by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), provides an overview of trends and possible pathways of transition to adult life of UASC in Italy. The main objective of the research, which has focused on the three regions hosting the highest number of UASC (Sicily, Lombardy and Latium), is to provide evidence on the factors that are facilitating or constraining this transition, both at the individual and structural level. To understand these multiple factors, the research has examined seven areas that are influenced by the legal status and residence permits of UASC and UASC who have turned 18: (i) access to education, vocational and on-the-job training, (ii) access to the job market and the risks related to informal labour and exploitation, (iii) access to adequate housing solutions, (iv) experiences with volunteer guardians; (v) the role of formal and informal relationships; (vi) relationships with families of origin and the possibilities of family reunification; and (vii) the risk of onward movements.

The research is framed around the concept of ‘triple transition’: the transition from adolescence to adulthood, with its biological-physical, socio-emotional and cognitive changes that are common to all human beings; the transition related to migration that leads to detachment from one's context of origin and the need to build a new life in a different cultural and social environment; and the transition related to overcoming traumas experienced during or after the journey. Adopting this ‘triple transition’ approach allows to shed some light on the limits of an artificial age-based distinction between ‘children’ (UASC) and ‘adults’ (UASC who turned 18, henceforth ‘former UASC’), because it does not take due account of the transitional process of becoming adults, the cultural and social differences of this process, and the specific vulnerabilities of this category of migrants and refugees.

The process of personal growth and development of these young people is thus affected by the concept of chronological age and its implications in Italian legislation, which in the application of the best interests of the child, [1] focuses on the differences in legal status and especially on the recognition of the rights of children (under 18 years) compared to those of adults (over 18 years).

The research has shown that the formulation of aspirations and expectations plays a crucial role in this triple transition, from a pre-departure phase characterized by personal circumstances and desires (e.g. finding better opportunities, studying, fleeing violence), and by one's own expectations and those of the family of origin to work and contribute to the family economy, to a renegotiation once settled in the country of arrival.

Factors that positively or negatively influence the transition to adulthood include the contextual, subjective 8

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

and relational variables related to the personal resources, agency and resilience of the adolescents, as well as the networks of formal and informal relationships that they are able to initiate once they arrive in Italy.

The presence or absence of such conditions determines the range of perspectives and opportunities that open up for UASC, both when they arrive and start the inclusion process, and once they have become adults.

The innovative aspect of this research also lies in the adoption of a participatory biographical approach, based on the recognition of the right of children and adolescents to express their opinion on and to be heard concerning decisions that affect their lives. This approach has put UASC and former UASC who turned 18 firmly in control as they narrate their life histories, each with their different pathways, profiles, legal status and backgrounds. The aim is to reveal the complex situations that children face, tell their stories, explore the structural bottlenecks and identify the factors that can help them in their transition to adulthood. In line with this approach and to ensure the protection of the best interests of UASC and promote a comfortable peer-to-peer interview setting, a group of former UASC were assigned the role of interviewers.

The methodological framework is based on a mixed-methods approach, which integrates qualitative and quantitative approaches. Together with the literature review, primary and secondary data were collected from national or regional official sources on the socio-demographic characteristics of UASC and former UASC and their presence in the Adult Learning Centres (CPIAs). These data were also based on online polls (U-Report on the Move) on the opinions UASC and former UASC on education and training courses received in Italy. Qualitative data draw from interviews and Focus group discussions (FGDs) with 185 UASC and former UASC, 46 interviews with key social and institutional informants (educators, social workers, teachers, volunteer guardians, and local institutional representatives), nine interviews with representatives of the relevant Ministries and United Nations agencies. In addition, three case studies were used, one for each region: supervised independent living and housing solutions in Lombardy; experiences of formal and informal relationships in Latium; structured support to volunteer guardians in Sicily.

### **Key Findings**

FACTORS THAT **FACILITATE** UASC'S TRANSITION TO ADULTHOOD

**••** **Legislation:** with the Law 47/2017, Italy has an advanced legal framework with regard to the recognition

of UASC's rights and their protection;

**••** **Reception:** the possibility of social inclusion, transition and of overcoming past traumas and problems,

is closely linked to the reception experience, which when it works plays a positive role although strongly influenced by the local context;

**••** **Relations:** formal and informal relationships, both with adults and between peers, represent an

important support for UASC's and former UASC's pathways. In particular the educator's role in the reception facility and the role of the volunteer guardians is recognized by UASC as crucial;

**••** **Education:** school and vocational training are recognized by UASC and former UASC as fundamental

9

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Input:
**Fondazione ISMU**

milestones of their inclusion pathway;

**••** **Home:** in the achievement of independent living, the importance of transitory solutions emerges, such

as family-related hosting or of supervised semi-independent living.

FACTORS THAT **HINDER** UASC'S TRANSITION TO ADULTHOOD

**••** **Legislation:** the slow and complex procedures for obtaining documents (and additional bureaucratic

bottlenecks) are real obstacles to the lives of UASC;

**••** **Time-frame:** the very short time most UASC have because of their age (16–17 years old) at arrival is

very limited to equip themselves with the necessary tools for autonomy and inclusion;

**••** **Access to information:** some limitations emerge with respect to information and guidance provided

to UASC on the opportunities and on the potential pathways concering both the normative framework and training and labour insertion;

**••** **Work:** the difficulty in obtaining a regular work contract is an obstacle that affects every other aspect

of the transition (residence permits, access to housing, etc);

**••** **Discrimination:** forms of discrimination and racism in accessing the job and housing markets represent

an additional obstacle in autonomy and social inclusion pathways and affect the personal well-being of UASC and former UASC;

**••** **Trauma:** traumatic or particularly complex experiences in the country of origin or during the journey

are difficult to overcome making social inclusion more difficult;

**••** **Violence:** the dynamics of violence, including gender-based violence, experienced in particular by girls

even when they are not victims of trafficking, has a strong impact on their transition to adulthood.

BOTTLENECKS AND GAPS IN THE SYSTEM

**••** **Lack of the implementation decrees of Law 47/2017** two years after its approval, which, together

with the lack of budgetary allocation, significantly limits its impact;

**••** **Slowness and complexity of the current family reunification system** pursuant to the Dublin III

Regulation, which drives many UASC or former UASC to prefer to transit through Italy and to try and cross the Northern borders, taking great risks;

**••** **Abolition of humanitarian protection** (l.d.113/2018 then converted into Law 132/2018), a form of

protection previously existing in Italian law, which was granted to many UASC seeking asylum in Italy who did not satisfy the criteria for international protection;

**••** **Fragmentation of the procedures for age assessment;**

**••** **Fragmentation of the reception system,** both in terms of organization and type of facilities, and the

quality of the services provided, where the local context has a significant impact in this regard; 10

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

**••** **Lack of homogeneity and adequacy of training and skills of the reception system** staff linked to

the fragmentation of the reception system, particulary in the identification and timely protection and care of children with specific vulnerabilities;

**••** **Disparities of treatment and uncertainty of being hosted in reception facilities after turning**

**18,** which depends on the combination of three factors: legal status and having a residence permit;

reception in SIPROIMI centres before they turned 18, benefiting or not from continued protection by the social services until the age of 21 pursuant to Article 13 of Law 47/2017 (Prosieguo Amministrativo);

**••** **Lack of assessment** of literacy and numeracy skills and/or of the recognition of the schooling completed

and of professional skills acquired in the country of origin or during the journey.

LACK OF DATA

**•**    - Data on **work permits for UASC** issued by the police stations and data on the conversion of these

permits when they turn 18;

**•**    - Data on **other types of residence permits issued** to UASC (e.g. for special cases or for medical

treatment);

**•**    - Data on **the number of UASC enrolled in the Adult Learning Centres (CPIAs)**

**•**    - Data on **Volunteer Guardians;**

**•**    - Data on **UASC benefiting from foster care;**

**•**    - Data on **the number of UASC in reception facilities;**

**••** **Absence of an administrative body responsible for the collection of data on former UASC**
as regards the reception system, their socio-economic inclusion, the continuity of their education pathways when they turn 18 and on those who are granted continued protection by social services until age 21 pursuant to Article 13 of Law 47/2017;

**••** **Difficulties in comparing available data from different authorities** due to, inter alia, different

definitions applied, levels of disaggregation, and frequency in collection and dissemination.

11

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**Fondazione ISMU**

# **1. Introduction**

Large numbers of migrant and refugee children have arrived in Europe in recent years via the Mediterranean route, many of whom were Unaccompanied and Separated Children (UASC). Since 2014, around 70,000 UASC have arrived in Italy, the majority of whom (93%) are boys. Almost all of them (83.4%) are aged 16 to 17.

Driven from their homes by conflict, poverty or disaster or simply in search of opportunities, on their journeys many faced danger and experienced detention, violence, exploitation and abuse.

The increase in UASC arrivals in Italy over the past few years has prompted the implementation of a response by the Italian Government, United Nations agencies, international humanitarian organizations and civil society organizations (CSOs) focused on supporting their reception and social inclusion and on the processing of international protection and resident permit requests. Among the encouraging developments and commitments made was the adoption of a new law (Law n.47, 7 April 2017), to date considered one of the most progressive pieces of legislation on migrant and refugee children’s rights and their protection.

Yet in transit and at destination, UASC continue to face many challenges and many gaps remain in the realisation of their rights. The significant presence in Italy of UASC (7,272 in June 2019, Ministry of Labour and Social Policies) and the growing number of former UASC who have turned 18 (around 60,000 since 2014) are a growing cause for concern and call for a broader and more comprehensive understanding of the challenges and opportunities for their protection and social inclusion.

The aim of this research, which was commissioned by three United Nations agencies – UNICEF, UNHCR and IOM – is to provide an overview of trends and possible pathways to adult life for UASC in Italy. Specifically, the research aims to provide evidence on the factors that affect the transition to adulthood of UASC, and that either facilitate or constrain a successful transition, both individually and structurally.

The research examines seven areas: (i) access to education, vocational and on-the-job training; (ii) access to the job market and the risks related to informal labour and exploitation; (iii) access to adequate housing solutions; (iv) experiences with volunteer guardians; (v) the role of formal and informal relationships; (vi) relationships with families of origin and the possibilities of family reunification; and (vii) the risk of onward movements. Each of these seven areas is explored taking into consideration the influence of the legal status and residence permits of UASC and UASC who have turned 18.

Recognizing the right of children to express their opinion on decisions that affect them personally, [2] this report presents the findings of the first comprehensive participatory research on children and young people on the move in Italy. It is based on the stories of 185 boys and girls who followed different migration pathways, with different profiles, legal statuses and backgrounds. This approach has enabled the reconstruction of a broader and more comprehensive understanding of the multiplicity of situations, subjective difficulties, structural bottlenecks and support factors that determine and have determined their transition to adulthood.

More specifically, the report starts by presenting the methodological approach of the research (Chapter 2) and by providing an overview of the conceptual framework related to the ‘triple transition’ of UASC to adulthood, 12

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**Y., 17 years old, migrated to Italy from Côte d’Ivoire, at the reception centre where he stays in Naro,**

**in Sicily, Italy. Y. was transferred without a choice, to this very small village (December 2018)**

© UNICEF/UN0264443/Stefano De Luigi VII Photo

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Input:
**Fondazione ISMU**

demographic trends and normative framework (Chapter 3). The fourth chapter describes the expectations, desires and aspirations related to the migration project; the fifth and sixth chapters highlight the factors that favour or constrain the process of transition to adulthood, starting from the conditions related to the legal status and residence permit of UASC and former UASC. Chapter 7 analyses some good or promising practices related to the role of volunteer guardians, to independent living and to formal and informal relationships with potential for replication and scale-up. The final part of the report summarizes the main results of the research (Chapter 8) and concludes with recommendations.

The present report is part of a broad ongoing inter-agency efforts by UNICEF, UNHCR and IOM to strengthen collaboration around evidence generation on the situation of refugee and migrant children and young people towards more informed policy and decision making to fulfil refugee and migrant children’s rights, improve their protection and support their social inclusion into host communities. The findings presented here thus aim to inform and recommend strategic and operational choices for consideration by UN agencies, Italian and European institutions and civil society organizations (CSOs) in order to maximize the chances for UASC and former UASC of a smooth transition to adulthood, reaching autonomy and integrating effectively into their communities.

# **2. Research methodology and tools**

**2.1 Research questions**

The main objective of the research was to analyse the transition to adulthood of UASC in Italy and to provide empirical evidence of the factors that facilitate or constrain this transition. The key questions are:

**•**    - What are the trends in UASC's transition to adulthood?

**•**    - How do transition pathways to adulthood meet their expectations and aspirations?

**•**    - What are the factors that make UASC more vulnerable, and at risk of exclusion, abuse and exploitation?

**•**    - Which good practices or positive experiences can be replicated to facilitate their transition to adulthood

in Italy and promote their social inclusion?

**2.2 Methodological approach and research tools**

The methodological framework is based on a mixed-methods approach, which enables qualitative and quantitative approaches to be combined and integrated (Amaturo and Punziano, 2016) in order to more thoroughly investigate the research topics than each approach can do individually (Creswell and Plano Clark, 2011). The literature review has enabled the phenomenon of the transition to adulthood of UASC in Italy to be 14

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

framed within the conceptual framework of the ‘triple transition’. For each thematic focus of the research, the literature review also provided key information on the normative framework and on the consequent current pathways of UASC in Italy to better frame both qualitative and quantitative methods.

The quantitative approach is based on the collection of primary and secondary data from official national or regional sources on specific issues:

**•**    - the demographic characteristics of UASC, the condition linked to their legal status and their geographical

presence in the three regions where the research was carried out;

**•**    - a questionnaire addressed to the 39 Adult Learning Centres (CPIAs) (19 in Lombardy, ten in Latium and

ten in Sicily), with questions on the number of UASC students divided by age, gender and nationality;

**•**    - the opinions of UASC on their education and training pathways and internship experiences through

two U-Report on the Move polls. [3] The qualitative approach [4] is based on: (i) interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) with UASC and former UASC (166 males and 19 females); (ii) 46 interviews with key social and institutional informants at the regional and national levels (educators, social workers, teachers, volunteer guardians, institutional representatives); and (iii) nine interviews with representatives of ministries [5] and of the United Nations agencies that commissioned the research. In order to investigate UASC pathways, the biographical interview was identified as the most suitable among several alternatives in order to record the experiences, perceptions, time scale of the processes and the life experiences of boys and girls, leaving the interviewees ample scope to express themselves freely (Bichi, 2002; O’Leary, 2004). Three specific themes (see below) were then examined through FGDs, which enabled the analysis of the scenarios both from individual and group viewpoints, with a focus on the opportunities and the choices that have been made (Morgan and Kruger, 1998).

In addition to the interviews, a case study was carried out in each of the three regions with the aim of identifying promising practices in the following: (i) supervised independent living and housing solutions in support of UASC in Lombardy; (ii) formal and informal relationships supporting the transition to adulthood of UASC in Latium; and (iii) monitoring and support to volunteer guardians in Sicily. The three case studies identified experiences with a positive impact on the life pathways of UASC and former UASC, i.e. those that facilitate their transition to adult life. The qualitative tools used for the collection of data in the case studies were chosen on the basis of each case study: semi-structured interview with the Coordinator of the UASC Social Service of the Municipality of Milan for the Lombardy case study; semi-structured interviews with stakeholders for the Palermo and Lombardy case studies; FGDs with stakeholders for the Latium case study; and biographical interviews with UASC and former UASC (in all regions).

The research protocol was reviewed externally by Health Media labs and presented to key stakeholders in March 2019 – Ministry of the Interior (MoI), Ministry of Labour and Social Policies (MLSP), Ministry of Education (MoE), Ministry of Justice (MoJ), the Protection system for holders of international protection and foreign unaccompanied minors (SIPROIMI) and the National Ombudsperson for Children and Adolescents.

15

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**Fondazione ISMU**

**2.3 Description of the sample**

The sampling of UASC and former UASC was carried out according to a purposive sampling technique and stratified by gender, age, legal status and absconded status, and using a snowball [6] method. The research collected a total of 185 interviews (78 in Sicily, 55 in Lombardy and 52 in Latium), 147 of which were biographical interviews and 38 contributions from UASC and former UASC who participated in thematic FGDs. The interviewed young people were composed of 85 UASC and 100 former UASC, of which three were ‘absconded UASC’ and 19 were females (of which nine were UASC), in line with their numbers in Italy. [7] Most interviewees were 17 years old (39 cases), and 18 years old (one out of five, 31 young people), while one-third of interviewees were between 19 and 25 years old. The main nationalities were Gambian (28 cases), Egyptian (24) and Albanian (17).

Guinean, Malian and Nigerian followed, with between 12 and 15 interviews each. A quarter of interviewees had a residence permit for UASC, and nine had turned 18 but were still benefiting from continued protection of social services (Prosieguo Amministrativo). There were 17 holders of international protection (ten refugees and seven with subsidiary protection), 28 holders of humanitarian protection, 17 holders of a permit for special cases and 22 had applied for asylum.

UASC interviewees were contacted firstly through the reception facilities that hosted them, and some former UASC were contacted through key informants with whom they were still in touch. In particular, for the organization of FGDs, participants were contacted through the facilities where they were involved in activities (such as Italian classes or training workshops of various kinds) and not from the reception facilities in which they lived, in order to ensure a greater variety in the composition of the group – i.e. to take into consideration different inclusion pathways. Interviews with key informants (46 in total) were divided between those who perform institutional roles (13 cases) and those with social functions (33 cases). [8] Among the institutional representatives there are four representatives of the National Ombudsperson for Children and Adolescence (AGIA) at regional or municipal levels, two presidents of the Juvenile Courts, three representatives of the regions, two social workers of the municipalities and two representatives of the prefectures. Key actors with social roles included educators and social workers (14 cases), volunteer guardians (seven cases), psychologists (three cases) and teachers (two cases). In addition, interviews were carried out (nine in total) with the representatives of the relevant Ministries and of the National Ombudsperson for Children and Adolescence and with the representatives of the United Nations agencies that commissioned the research.

**2.4 Data analysis and validation of preliminary findings**

Data analysis was carried out through the following procedure (for all types of data): data coding; management, input and organization of primary data; data processing; and analysis of results. For the analysis of biographical interviews with the target group of the research and of semi-structured interviews with key informants, the NVivo software was used, which allows to create a qualitative database, even a large one, as in this specific case, and to share it with other research teams. The interpretative analysis of the FGDs followed a thematic approach comparing the three concerned regions, aimed at highlighting the specificities of the analysed cases and good practices.

In June 2019, research findings were presented and discussed with key institutional stakeholders – Ministry 16

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

of the Interior (MoI), Ministry of Labour and Social Policies (MLSP), Ministry of Education (MoE), Ministry of Justice (MoJ) and the Protection system for holders of international protection and foreign unaccompanied minors (SIPROIMI). Draft recommendations were shared with each line ministry, and bilateral consultations were held for further inputs and validation purposes.

**2.5 Selection of research sites**

The research areas were identified as being the three Italian regions with the highest number of UASC hosted in recent years and for their geographical diversity: Sicily, Lombardy and Latium. Within these three regions, the criteria for selecting the research sites took into account the distribution of UASC in the regions and the possibility of having access to the reception facilities. The following research sites were identified:

**••** **Lombardy:** province of Milan (52 interviews) and province of Como (three interviews);

**••** **Latium:** province of Rome (44 interviews) and province of Latina (eight interviews);

**••** **Sicily:** province of Catania (22 interviews), Messina (18 interviews), Syracuse (18 interviews)

and Palermo (20 interviews).

**2.6 The research team: Working with peer researchers**

In order to ensure the protection of the best interests of UASC and to promote a comfortable interviewing context through peer-to-peer relationships, especially during the biographical interviews with UASC with particularly sensitive and traumatic stories, the research teams included former UASC among the interviewers.

The experience of the research conducted together with the interviewers as active subjects and “go-betweens” was an innovation of great methodological interest. Indeed, the use of the peer research approach minimizes the negative effects and related limitations of research involving children and young people, such as low motivation to participate and the power disparity with the adult researcher (Lushey and Munro, 2014).Excerpts of their reflections are presented in the boxes below.

**"It was the first time I asked direct questions**
**about another person's private life, I'm**
**not used to it, it was a challenge for me, I**
**learned so many things. Actually it was a**
**very important and enriching experience,**
**I think it made me much more attentive to**
**the details of a person's history and taught**
**me not to judge people by their origin and**

**social status. "**

**(M.)**

**"These people also told you about their**
**personal** **secrets** **and** **emotions,** **so** **the**
**interview became a private and delicate place**
**to be protected. It helped me to grow more**
**and compare myself with other people who**
**have experienced migration like myself. I**
**have understood other points of view, I have**
**collected many different stories, but all united**
**by two strong feelings: the pain and the desire**
**to start again. "**

**(I.)**

17

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**Fondazione ISMU**

**2.7 Ethical considerations**

For the purpose of the research, an ethical protocol was defined for the protection of UASC, consisting in policy documents for the protection of UASC and documentation for collecting informed consent and assent of the research participants. Policy documents adopted by ISMU Foundation include: the Code of Conduct for researchers; the Child Protection Policy; and the ISMU Guidelines for researchers, which comprise the procedures and Code of Conduct at each stage of the research, both with respect to contact with UASC and to the processing of their data on the basis of current legislation. Consent and assent documentation include formal and legal consent forms of interviewed adults and of the guardians of UASC and assent forms of UASC in order to ensure that they freely accepted to be interviewed.

**2.8 Limitations**

There are a number of limitations related to the research, as summarized below:

**••** **‘Absconded’ UASC:** The number of absconded UASC interviewed was lower than what had been

planned prior to the definition of the research protocol. This was due to the difficulty in identifying the guardian in order for them to sign the consent form, as well as the legal obligation to refer identified absconded UASC to the authorities, which contradicted the research ethical protocol with regard to confidentiality and anonymity. As a result, research participants for this specific category were limited to former UASC who had absconded prior to turning 18 and who had subsequently re-entered the reception system, thereby limiting to three the number of former UASC who met these criteria and who were interviewed as part of the research.

**•**    - **Language skills:** in order to facilitate and ensure the timely collection of data, i.e. to enable the

interview to be carried out without the need for a translator, interviewees were selected on the basis of their knowledge of the Italian language. Therefore, with the exception of a few cases, interviewees who did not speak Italian were excluded from the research.

**••** **Holders of international protection:** Some difficulties were experienced in identifying UASC and

former UASC with international protection (asylum or subsidiary protection).

18

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

# **3. Context**

**3.1 Considerations on, and approaches to, migration and the transition to adulthood**

The reflection on UASC and former UASC pathways to adulthood can only start from the concept of the ‘triple transition’ that these girls and boys undergo: the transition from adolescence to adulthood that characterizes every human being; the transition from countries of origin to countries of arrival; and finally, the transition regarding overcoming trauma experienced prior to, during or after the journey (UNICEF and MDM, 2018).

The transition to adulthood, for all adolescents including UASC, is a complex period from a biological, psychological and social point of view. Moreover, it is widely recognized that the experience and the concept of adolescence may differ between and within cultures, with significant variations in the age at which one is still considered a child or treated as an adolescent rather than a young adult. In addition to these differences, there is the weight of factors related to the socio-economic context and to differences in gender, class and status, and to their cross-cutting nature (Demaria, 2016).

According to many studies, growing up in adversity is associated with an early transition to adult roles and behaviours (PAHO, 2005: 267). Indeed, migration is experienced by these boys and girls as an undertaking that establishes the full entry into adult life and the journey as a rite of passage. In addition, there are the different aspects of the migration project that they must incorporate in the process of building their own identity (Terres des Hommes, 2017; UNICEF and MDM, 2018), such as redeeming the economic and social fate of their family or community. The person who has left his or her country is soon characterized by a ‘double absence’ (Sayad, 2002) by not belonging to either of the two contexts, the country of origin and the country of destination. This situation is likely to be devastating for the child, because he or she defines his or her identity in the transition to adulthood (Erickson, 1998). Finally, there is the difficult transition from a traumatic experience to the activation of their resilience capacities, traumas that can result from situations that occurred prior to departure, to the violence suffered during the journey (UNICEF and IOM, 2017), or from culture shock upon arrival (UNICEF and MDM, 2018).

On the basis of these considerations, the artificiality of a distinction between ‘UASC’ and ‘adults’ is evident, as it does not take due account of the process of becoming an adult, of the cultural and social differences that concern this process, and of the vulnerabilities to which this category of migrants is exposed.

Considering the difficulties inherent in the triple transition that UASC experience, the complexity and sensitivity of the assessment of the best interests of the child emerge, the best interest of the child being the cornerstone of all measures to protect boys and girls. Therefore, addressing them must entail the difficult search for a balance between infantilizing and abandoning them and providing them with the necessary tools for full autonomy in the host society. It then seems more appropriate to consider UASC as ‘young people’ [9] and to understand, by this term, the process and cultural differences in the various stages of growth. This qualitative leap implies 19

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**O. (left) with his housemate Y., both 17 years old, migrated from Senegal and has been in Italy for about**

**a year. Here they play football at a piazza in the small village of Naro in Sicily, Italy (December 2018)**

© UNICEF/UN0264441/Stefano De Luigi VII Photo

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**Fondazione ISMU**

a concept of enhanced participation, which not only foresees their involvement but real empowerment, as reiterated in the United Nations by its Youth Strategy 2030. [10] In particular, there are some key areas where this triple transition – and the consequent caretaking, together with listening and understanding what the UASC or former UASC have to say – are particularly crucial: the legal status attributed to the adolescent and the possibility of accessing educational and training opportunities; accessing the job market; achieving housing independence; and of establishing or maintaining formal and informal relationships.

**3.2 The normative framework and the reception system for UASC in Italy:**
**Opportunities and protection**

The principle of the best interest of the child, established in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, [11] is the basis for the adoption of any decision concerning children, including determining which Member State of the European Union (EU) is responsible for examining applications for international protection or verifying the possibility of family reunification within the Dublin system, [12] which has been strengthened in the Italian legal system by the recent legislation for the protection of UASC (Law 47/2017).

In addition, Law 47/2017 introduced a number of new elements, including:

**•**    - a unique procedure for the identification of UASC: this identification, which must be completed

within ten days, requires that the qualified staff of the first-level reception facility, with the help of an intercultural mediator, conducts an interview with the child aimed at examining his or her personal and family history, and at drawing out any other element that could be useful for his or her protection;

**•**    - an age assessment procedure to be followed when, during identification there is a well-founded doubt

concerning the age declared by the UASC or whoever is assumed to be an UASC. If it is not possible to ascertain the identity with personal documents, a multidisciplinary approach will be adopted by conducting socio-medical tests that respect the principle of gradual invasiveness for UASC [13] (this method of ascertaining age aims to prevent the risk that UASC approaching the age of 18 are identified as adults);

**•**    - the role of the guardian, whose added value has been recognized by law and whose role has been

standardized at the national level, [14] regulating the scheduling and the competent authority for his/her appointment, the scope of his/her legal responsibilities and the number of UASC per guardian; [15]

**•**    - the compilation of the cartella sociale (social file), drawn up by the reception facility staff. This is a key

tool in assessing the best interests of the child.

UASC in Italy have access to two types of residence permits: a permit for UASC (granted on the grounds of the child being unaccompanied and/or separated) and a permit for family [16] reasons. At the age of 18, a residence permit for UASC may be converted into a residence permit for study, work or job seeking. The application for conversion, depending on the situation in which the person concerned finds himself or herself, is conditional 22

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

on obtaining the approval of the Directorate-General for Immigration and Integration Policies of the Ministry of Labour and Social Policies (MLSP). [17] Also, a child may apply at the same time for both international protection and for a residence permit for UASC or have access to other residence permits governed by the law under the same conditions as other third country nationals. [18] When applying for international protection, UASC are granted certain procedural guarantees, including the right to a priority examination of their application, to be heard and to legal assistance.

Moreover, the legislation provides that the conditions of being a child applying for international protection and holding a permit for UASC or for family reasons may coexist.

Law Decree 113/2018, converted into Law 132/2018 (hereinafter l.d. 113/2018), introduced an important change with the repeal of the residence permit for humanitarian reasons [19] (see Glossary) as this measure was widely used by the Territorial Commissions [20] to protect UASC or former UASC asylum seekers who did not meet the conditions for the recognition of international protection in the form of asylum or subsidiary protection. With the same law, the Territorial Commission now has the possibility of recognizing a new residence permit for special protection of one year – renewable in case of continued eligibility, but not convertible on expiry – for cases in which the foreigner cannot be rejected, expelled or extradited.

With reference to the right to reception, Law 47/2017 (the Zampa Law) has set the principle of non-differentiation among UASC by virtue of their legal status. This legislation requires local authorities to give priority to family foster care over placement in a reception facility (Article 7). In October 2017, the National Integration Plan for holders of international protection also highlighted the measures needed to increase the reception system capacity and improve socio-economic integration through the full application of existing legislative instruments.

To date, the reception system therefore includes:

1. governmental first-level reception facilities for the needs of rescue and immediate protection of all

UASC (known as AMIF or FAMI) [21], in which UASC are received for the time strictly necessary (30 days) for identification, age assessment, the provision of information on his or her rights, including that of applying for international protection; 2. SIPROIMI second-level reception facilities, where all UASC regardless of their legal status are entitled to stay. UASC who have applied for international protection can remain until the conclusion of the procedure on status determination, even after turning 18. UASC who benefit from continued protection until the age of 21 can also remain within the SIPROIMI system; [22] 3. other types of reception facilities managed by the municipal authorities or the Prefectures where the child is located, when the former two types are unavailable. Depending on where the research was carried out, these forms of reception have a different name (e.g. educational communities, community housing, CAS), but they all meet the accreditation criteria defined at the regional or municipal levels.

Additionally, for UASC who have been identified as victims of trafficking, the Zampa law establishes that special protection must be guaranteed to them and provides a specific programme of assistance that ensures 23

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**Fondazione ISMU**

adequate reception conditions and psychosocial, health and legal assistance, providing for their continued protection even after they turn 18. [23] On living conditions in Italy and recognized rights, the new law has further consolidated the recognition of the right to health and education to UASC (Article 14).

**3.3 UASC in Italy**

Between 2014 and 2018, 625,009 refugees and migrants arrived in Italy by sea, of whom 70,547 were UASC.

Although the trend of arrivals by sea is declining, in 2018, a total of 3,536 UASC arrived in Italy. In the first half of 2019, the proportion of UASC alone was still significant: 365 out of 2,779 UASC, or 13 per cent, arrived by sea. The data on arrivals by sea must be compared with those of UASC present and registered in the reception system by the MLSP. Table 2 shows the overall reduction between 2017 and 2018, with a stable gender distribution.

**Table 1. UASC present and registered in the reception system in Italy, by gender, December 2013–2018**

**Year** **Males (%)** **Females (%)** **Total (absolute values)**

31/12/2013 93.8 6.2 6 319 31/12/2014 94.5 5.5 10 536 31/12/2015 95.4 4.6 11 921 31/12/2016 93.3 6.7 17 373 31/12/2017 93.2 6.8 18 303 31/12/2018 92.7 7.3 10 787 Source: ISMU calculations based on data from the Ministry of Labour and Social Policies.

Since 2015 most children arriving are 17 (54% and 60.2% of the total), followed by 16-year-olds (between 23.4% and 28.7% of the total). Most UASC who came between 2013 and 2015 were Egyptians, yet in recent years their number has decreased, while simultaneously there has been an increased trend (20%) of children arriving from West African countries reaching 41% of the total presence of UASC in 2018. Albania, the Gambia and Eritrea present steady trends, with a maximum fluctuation of Albanian children of 5 percentage points in these years (1,677 at the end of 2017; 1,550 at the end of 2018), while UASC from the Gambia and Eritrea since 2014 register numbers varying between 7% and 13%.

As of June 2019, 4,700 children were registered as absconded [24] since they have left formal reception facilities or care arrangements; it is not possible to know if they are still present in Italy. The trend of absconded UASC shows an overall decrease that is due to, at least in part, to them turning 18 and thus ceasing to be registered as UASC in the reception system.

24

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

The aforementioned drop in arrivals from the central Mediterranean route and the consequent reduction of UASC with African origins further highlights the consistent and substantially stable presence of Albanian UASC, who have been among the first nationalities in percentage terms in recent years (22% in June 2019). Overall (figure 1), there is confirmation of the main countries of origin of UASC compared with the trend of previous years (Egypt, the Gambia, Côte d’Ivoire and Guinea), with the exception of Eritrean UASC, for whom the numbers have halved and – concerning age - a slight increase in the number of children aged 17. Females represent 6.8%, with 31.8% coming from Nigeria, followed by Albania (13.4%) and Eritrea (11.6%). To a lesser extent than their male counterparts, females are also mostly 17 (44.7%) and 16 (22.7%) years old.

**Figure 1. UASC registered in the reception system as at 30 June 2019 by main nationality, gender and age**

First 5 UASC nationalities Gender Females 7% 0-6 years old 1% Age 7-14 years old 6% 15 years old 7% Guinea Gambia Côte d'Ivoire Egypt Albania Other origin 5,2% 6,5% 6,7% 8,7% 22,9% 50% 16 years old 17 years old 23% 63% Males 93% Source: MLSP data (UASC Monthly Report in Italy, updated on 30 June 2019).

Despite the aim of the Italian authorities to achieve a more equitable geographical distribution of reception facilities for UASC across the country, to date, Sicily continues to host the largest number of UASC. At the end of 2018, it hosted 38 per cent of the total number of UASC registered, mostly from the Gambia and Eritrea, which decreased to 28.4 per cent in June 2019 as a result of the decline in arrivals. Lombardy, Emilia-Romagna and Lazio follow with Egyptian and Albanian nationalities (the number of young Egyptians is particularly significant in Lazio, equal to 39 per cent at the end of 2018).

Between 2013 and 2017, [25] there was a steady increase in the issuance of residence permits for UASC, followed by a slight drop in 2017, at 30 per cent of those present that year. In addition to the residence permits for UASC, there are also permits for foster care, family reasons and the integration of UASC, which have not been, however, consistently recorded over the years and therefore do not allow to determine the trends. After the progressive increase in asylum applications from 2014, with a peak in 2017 of 9,782 applications, there was a sudden decline in 2018. With the decrease in applications, there was also a 62.4 per cent decrease in 2017 in absolute terms of UASC asylum seekers, (from more than 9,700 in 2017 to 3,676 in 2018). The 377 UASC who applied for asylum in January and June 2019 make up only 2 per cent of the total number of applicants. During 2018, 8,554 UASC asylum applications were examined, of which 5.8 per cent obtained refugee status; 2.6 per 25

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**Fondazione ISMU**

cent, subsidiary protection; and 61 per cent, humanitarian protection, a reduction of 10 per cent compared to 2017 (Ministry of the Interior, 2018), but three times higher than the 20.9 per cent of foreign adults to whom it was granted (Table 2). In 2018, more than a third of the examined paperwork concerned young Gambians and Nigerians, with the recognition of refugee status for 2 per cent and 17 per cent of applications, respectively, and humanitarian protection for 67 per cent and 52 per cent (Ministry of the Interior, National Commission for Asylum).

**Table 2. UASC asylum seekers: First instance decision, by gender and age group, and total no. of adults, 2018.**

**Gender/age** **Refugee** **Humanitari-** **Another** **Total no.**
**Subsidiary** **Not granted** **Absconded**
**group** **status** **an protection** **outcome** **examined****

protection 280 209 5.088 2 184 198 94 8 053 Female 215 10 162 73 22 19 501

**Total** **495** **219** **5 250** **2 257** **220** **113** **8 554**

0–13 years old 6 1 5 4 1 5 22 14–17 years old 145 63 986 417 56 67 1 734 18+ years old (*) 344 155 4 259 1 836 163 41 6 798

**Total** **495** **219** **5 250** **2 257** **220** **113** **8 554**

**Total % UASC** **5.8** **2.6** **61.4** **26.4** **2.6** **1 .3** **100.0**

% total adults 7.4 4.5 20.9 58.6 8.1 0.4 100.0 Not recognized = e.g. negative reply, absent/not-eligible, etc (*) at the time of the decision.

(**) examined during the year irrespective of the date of application for asylum.

Fonte: ISMU calculations based on data from the Ministry of the Interior, National Commission for Asylum.

26

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