Input:
**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

# **4. Expectations, aspirations and the future**

The desires and aspirations of UASC often concern the sphere of opportunities that are denied or impeded by the economic and social context in the country of origin due, amongst other factors, to conflict or economic deprivation. While individual expectations relate to the possibility of realizing one's own desires in a relatively short time, family expectations relate to the capacity to respond to external expectations, which are often complex, such as being able to send economic remittances in a short time. [26] Desires and expectations, therefore, become indicators of adolescents’ ability to influence the present and to project themselves into the future (Bell, 1966). Their choices, like their desires and their potential for building their lives, vary in relation to their age and their ability to imagine themselves in the future, and in relation to their gender and the social and cultural expectations attributed to them.

**4.1 UASC aspirations and family expectations**

A plurality of desires and aspirations have emerged from the biographical interviews with UASC. Individual desires before departure can be thus identified, albeit mixed with their complex life experiences:

**••** **to find opportunities for a better life:** _“I would like to have a beautiful life, a better future, for me,_

_also for my future generation”_ (Congolese [27], male, 17 years old);

**••** **to pursue education:** _“For me, dreaming of going to school led to taking the boat from Egypt [...] I_

_had the chance, now I cannot give up”_ (Egyptian, male, 17 years old). This desire often clashes with the need for self-sufficiency at the time of leaving the reception system: _“I wanted more: to go to_ _school, finish my studies, but it will be a bit difficult to study with nothing in hand, without money,_ _because I want to go to university“_ (Congolese, male, 17 years old);

**••** **to make Italy only a leg of my journey:** _“I knew nothing, not even the language ... because I have_

_never studied Italian and therefore I wanted to go to England”_ (Eritrean, male 17 years old);

**••** **to escape from violence,** an aspiration that concerns those who flee from situations of conflict,

persecution and violence in their country of origin: _“It was also very hard for me to come; my family_ _is in Africa. You understand [...] my country is also at war_ ” (Somalian, male, 19 years old);

**••** **to flee from family abuse and the risk of early marriage,** in particular for girls: “ _When you are there_

_you are 17 years old, they find you a husband and you go”_ (Albanian, 16 years old, female);

**••** **to reunite with one's family**    - the dream is often to reach Northern European countries: _“When the_

_documents arrive I'll go to Holland, because my father is there”_ (Eritrean, female, 17 years old). This desire also emerged for the UASC ‘in transit’, who stay for some time in Rome or in border areas, as confirmed by the educators of some civil society organizations (CSOs):

**••** **to have a family of their own in the future:** _“first of all, my dreams, [...] have my own family, get_

_married, and have children”_ (Ivorian, male, 16 years old), mentioned by both males and females: _“to work, have a house and do something good, later a husband and a child who goes to school”_ 27

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**M., 17 years old, originally from the Gambia, sits by a pond in a park in Pozzallo, Sicily, Italy (May 2016)**

© UNICEF/UN020027/ Gilbertson VII Photo

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**Fondazione ISMU**

(Somalian, female, 17 years old). They often prefer Italy for this project: _“I would like to continue to_ _stay here and have a job, then I bring them and we live here in Italy together”_ (Gambian, male, 17 years old);

**••** **not having precise desires:** _“when I left my country I had no direction”_ (Gambian, male, 18 years old)

Both girls and boys highlighted the need to maintain a relationship with relatives of the country of origin and the desire to build a family in the future, often preferring Italy for this project. Studying, working, being self supporting and seeking stability underlie the emerging desire to bring a family member to Italy, the younger brother, the sister or the mother: _“[...] to be a nurse, bring my mother here, I would like to study and then work,_ _have a house, a husband, buy food”_ (Somalian, female, 17 years old).

The research also highlighted the need to pay particular attention to the influence of the family of origin on the formulation of expectations. Once in Italy, many children want to work for themselves and to send money home, often coming with previous work experience. Once they arrive, however, they discover that they have to wait to obtain a residence permit, to learn Italian, attend school and be trained through an internship, and that they actually have to wait until they turn 18 in order to work. Goals are thus adapted, and an awareness soon emerges of the need to complete an education and training pathway, and to undertake multiple activities to build one’s own path: _“They told me that it's early; there are no jobs; you still have to learn the language; at the_ _beginning I went crazy, because I have always earned money since I was a child”_ (Tunisian, male, 24 years old).

Finally, departure is not always voluntary or planned, especially for some girls and young women who arrived following a decision taken by their adult husband or family, while others were deceived by family members or trusted friends. In these cases, the migration project emerges later, once they have entered the reception and protection system.

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

**4.2 Desires and expectations in the transition to adulthood**

For those who have just turned 18, the prospect of a better quality of life, which takes the form of a satisfactory work activity, is a common objective. Their stories are striking for their acquired capacity to nurture their dreams and their capacity to have aspirations and to project themselves into the future (Appadurai, 2011), albeit with a certain flexibility in the choices of a desirable future (Masini, 2000), susceptible to changes and adaptations in relation to the place where they will live.

The desire that most frequently emerges is to build a future in Italy and specifically where they have experienced the most significant stages of their process of growth towards adulthood. Expectations and desires become a springboard for a pathway that starts in Catania, Palermo, Syracuse, Rome, Latina and Milan, and that will make them citizens of these cities: _“Certainly, I live in Italy because I’m comfortable here[...], my family has educated_ _me, but here I have been taught to grow”_ (Egyptian, male, 19 years old). In this change of mentality experienced by girls and boys, some positive role models of adults they met during their journey in Italy were crucial.

In most of the interviews with UASC, the expectations regarding work are focused, at this stage, on specific jobs: blacksmith, hairdresser, cook, mechanic, waiter, plumber and electrician. The girls dream of being a policewoman, an engineer, a doctor, a lawyer, but they adapt their expectations to any job opportunity, often oriented towards occupations having traditionally higher numbers of female workers (hairdresser, waitress, beautician), thus reproducing traditional roles that persist both in the culture of origin and in the culture of arrival: _“What kind of work? Cleaning, working in a restaurant, caring for the elderly, whatever there is”_ (Nigerian, female, 20 years old).

Everyone’s future is built step by step, from one experience to another, finding a way to satisfy, as close as possible, one’s aspirations and aware that these can change. Among UASC who turned 18, at times there is the desire to return to their country of origin, to put into practice the professional experience acquired or to start a business, at times because they feel a sense of responsibility towards their own country: _“I am Congolese and_ _I must return to my country to invest, build [...] if I have the ability to do so, I will do so “_ (Congolese, male, 17 years old).

The desire for a satisfactory housing solution is key, especially for former UASC, which often means having a room in an apartment on their own, where they can live together with other friends and/or fellow compatriots ‘chosen as roommates’. Similarly, to the desires expressed by UASC, those who turned 18, especially some girls and young women who already have a child to take care of, expressed the dream of building a family of their own, marrying and having children: _“I want to work a lot to help my family. He is here, he is small (referring_ _to the child)”_ (Gambian, female, 18 years old). This represents an important step towards the transition to adult life and the affirmation of one’s own achievement, proving to oneself and also to others in the country of origin and in Italy that one has ‘made it’.

31

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Input:
**Fondazione ISMU**

**Life history of M. – Albanian, 20 years old: Benefiting from continued care and protection until age 21**

**M. has been in Italy for four and a half years and, from the very beginning, has followed a positive**

**path of social inclusion in Italy. He arrived in Italy at the age of 15, pushed by his parents, although**

**he did not agree with his family’s decision. Upon his arrival in Milan, he was immediately placed**

**in a reception facility where the stay is structured in several steps that gradually guides them to**

**autonomy. M. has followed all the steps within the reception facility and is now in an apartment**

**under supervised independent living arrangements. After the first Italian courses and the middle**

**school exam, he was able to enrol in an evening school (chartered accountant and surveyor**

**specialization course), having expressed a clear desire to continue studying, even if he says he had to**

**‘fight’ to be able to continue doing so. Attending evening classes, he had the opportunity to obtain a**

**five-month work grant in a design studio, which he says was a very good experience, where he was**

**appreciated. When he turned 18, the social services granted him continued protection until age 21.**

**In addition, because of this internship, M. was ready to move into supervised independent living. He**

**then obtained a scholarship that allows him to continue attending an evening school for surveyors,**

**without having to work, because the scholarship is conditional on school results. M. is in his final**

**year of schooling and until then will enjoy the continued protection by social services, at the end**

**of which he feels ready to enter the job market. M. has been able to achieve what he wanted and is**

**following a pathway in which he is guided towards gradual independence, which will allow him to**

**have freedom and responsibility without feeling abandoned.**

32

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Input:
**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

# **5. The transition to adulthood:** **pathways and factors for success**

**5.1 Characteristics and factors that facilitate or constrain UASC’s transition**
**pathways**

**5.1.1 UASC's rights**

**Figure 2. UASC’s rights**

**UASC rights**

Non Non Right to have refoulment expulsability a guardian Unconditional accommodation (priority to family-foster care, when possible) Social rights recognized for all children (education, health, etc.) Procedural guarantees for asylum applications The principle of the best interests of the child and the importance of the inclusion of the child in a long-term project are at the core of the biographies collected. As shown in Figure 2, the rights granted to UASC protect their stay in Italy, their legal status and their social life. However, there is a gap between the rights and guarantees provided for by law and their actual implementation in accordance with the principle of the best interests of the child. Good practices of multidisciplinary, best interest assessment consistent with international standards are still limited due to inadequate and heterogenous regulations.

The legal status influences UASC pathways because it impacts on the choices available to them. This is even more significant following the abolition of the residence permit for humanitarian protection. Hence, looking at the precariousness linked to the legal status, prospects differ based on whether the UASC: a. have a form of international protection (refugee status or subsidiary protection, which is the most stable legal status enabling to develop a social inclusion pathway); b. hold a residence permit for special cases, which can be converted into another residence permit [28] and which can extend after the age of 18. This includes UASC who have been granted humanitarian protection under the previous legal framework; [29] 33

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Input:
**B., 18 yeasr old, a refugee from war-affected South Sudan in class at the United World College,**

**near Trieste, where he has won a full scholarship to complete the international baccalaureate,**

**October 2017.**

© UNHCR/Fabio Bucciarelli

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Input:
**Fondazione ISMU**

c. have a residence permit for UASC, which lasts until they turn 18 and can be converted into a residence permit for job seeking, or study or work purposes; d. are waiting for the outcome of their asylum application and live in the greatest precariousness, especially given that there is a risk that they will receive a negative decision when they turn 18.

In all cases, the legal status affects the process of social inclusion and labour insertion, consequently leading to frustration due to the feeling of not progressing and of precariousness. The legal status, therefore, is the first factor that positively or negatively affects the pathway of transition to adulthood.

**5.1.2 The first step: The pathways in the reception system**

Across all regions, common trends have been observed with regard to reception procedures and pathways, with positive and negative cases being equally distributed. There are many factors that affect reception pathways, that are both structural, such as local opportunities, and interpersonal, such as the people with whom UASC interact.

_**The role of the educator**_ The educator [30] plays a crucial role in the reception pathway and in guiding UASC’s choices. In particular, for girls, in particular, the need to build positive relationships with adult women is observed: _“She asks me what I_ _think is right for me [...] Yes, I get on well. She told me that when I want to talk, when I have a problem, ‘call me,_ _I can help you’. She is a good person”_ (Albanian, female, 16 years old). From the biographies, an ambivalence emerges regarding the role of the educator as someone who both builds a privileged relationship with the UASC but who is also the guarantor of the organizational rules of the reception facilities in which they operate.

_**The educational importance of the rules**_ The interviewees stated that the rules of the reception facility have to be respected and cannot not be waived, even if, in reality, some of them reluctantly tolerate a systematic limitation in the freedom they have to manage the time they spend in the facility, their free time, and their belongings. The quality of the services and the opportunities offered by the reception facility are crucial in the acceptance of this reduced freedom, whilst at the same time facilitating adaptation to the new context.

Three UASC profiles emerge that outline three types of actions and relationships based on the rules of the reception facility:

1. **Adaptive**    - recognizes the value of the rules for personal and common well-being: _“When something_

_is not right, okay I understand that I shouldn’t do it, and if I want to do again [laughs], they tell me_ _you cannot do this; sometimes I get angry, afterwards I understand that it was right and I say okay”_ (Albanian, female, 16 years old).

2. **Rebel** - misinterprets the rules and does not acknowledge their usefulness: _“If the carabinieri are_ 36

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Input:
**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

_called in, I tell you, they won’t not let me out, I swear [...] in Tunisia it never happened that I wasn’t_ _allowed out for months. Never, and I come to this community and they do this to me”_ (Tunisian, male, 13 years old).

3. **Resigned** - although not acknowledging the rules, opts for living peacefully: _“[...] so as to avoid_ _problems because I know how I am, so to avoid them I prefer to be on that side”_ (Ivorian, male, 16 years old).

UASC, therefore, often struggle to understand the educational value of the rules of the reception facilities in which they live, and at times, particular attention is not given by reception facility staff to their understanding of this value, but rather, the focus is on the need for them to adapt. In addition, there are specific situations, such as reception facilities for victims of trafficking, where the rules are even stricter for the protection of the girls hosted there; but even here, it is neither simple nor clear for them to understand and accept these rules, including from a psychological point of view, especially those regarding control and freedom of movement.

UASC also mentioned a particularly positive aspect regarding the services offered by the reception facilities, i.e. sports and recreational activities. In general, the boys and girls mentioned that there were opportunities to become involved in exciting and fun activities.

**5.1.3 UASC’s education and training pathways**

The public education and training system is uniform throughout the country and is compulsory for ten years for all children from the age of six to 16. The differences in the three observed regions are therefore attributable to the school and training courses available at the local level and to the choices of the actors involved in the development of the child's personal education plan (PEI). [31] With the increase in the number of UASC, the provision of Italian courses has expanded and is now divided into Italian language workshops within the reception facilities, courses offered by the CPIAs, [32] and Italian language schools run by CSOs and/or universities. In particular, the CPIAs are the main hub for UASC – and for migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers in general – for Italian courses and the attainment of the compulsory middle school certificate, as shown by the census carried out in the CPIAs of the three regions involved in the research. The data collected by the CPIAs shows that 84 per cent of students are citizens of a third country, of whom 10 per cent are UASC. [33] With regards to vocational training, there are two different types of training courses for UASC: short courses (from three to six months) provided by the accredited bodies of the Vocational Education and Training (VET) [34] regional system, and longer courses (from two years to five years) carried out by training institutions accredited by the regions or by the professional institutes and the CPIAs as part of their regular courses for the adult population.

The integration of UASC into the educational system is significantly difficult in the early stages, especially in early literacy, due to their disorientation upon arrival in Italy and in the early stages of their integration into the reception system (Augelli, Lombi and Triani 2018). Moreover, it is not uncommon for UASC to have low levels 37

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Input:
**Fondazione ISMU**

of schooling [35] upon arrival, even if they often have the advantage of knowing several languages and of being aware of the importance of learning Italian as a fundamental step in their path to inclusion (D’Agostino: 2018).

One of the main problems relates to access to the education system for UASC who are 15 years old and who can be admitted either exceptionally to the CPIA or to regular secondary schools. [36] Alongside language difficulties, UASC are often faced with the challenge of building trust and developing relationships with peers, teachers and other adults at school. The Personal Education Plan (PEI), therefore, becomes fundamental in the UASC’s transition towards their social inclusion, which can only be achieved together with the contribution of all the individuals involved in supporting them: educators, social workers and volunteer guardians. [37] Many interviewed UASC want to go to school because they believe that their future depends on the acquisition of educational and professional skills. Responses to the U-Report on the Move poll also confirm this trend, with 77 per cent of respondents reporting that they were very satisfied with their school experience. [38] School and vocational training courses are experienced as strongly geared towards job insertion or as an opportunity for emancipation and growth: _“The school inspires ideas. If you don't go to school, you can't know everything_ _that's going on in the world”_ (Nigerian, female, 21 years old).

From the analysis of the information gathered, three enabling factors have been identified in facilitating their school-training pathways: a. **the quality of the support** offered by the reception facility, in particular, the educators and the other staff who spend the day with the UASC. This support plays a central role in the choice of the educational path that best responds to the greatest interests of the child, assessed in a multidisciplinary way. In the specific cases of young women with children, the support of childcare organizations and services becomes crucial to enable them to continue their studies: _“In the morning I go to Civico Zero, and she_ _goes to the kindergarten at nine”_ (Eritrean, female, 17 years old); b. opportunities that are built in the school-training context through **the network of relationships** that are established; c. the type of **guidance and orientation in the choices** that UASC make to either continue training or access employment. Some interviewed educators and social workers confirm that most UASC are oriented towards professional pathways or quickly enrolled in job internships to support them in their job placement. In both cases, the importance of guiding the adolescent to understand his or her aspirations, abilities and possibilities has a decisive effect on the success of his or her pathway.

The positive trend of school experiences is confirmed by the U-Report on the Move poll, with 89 per cent of respondents stating that what they are learning is very useful. In addition, both boys and girls seem to be clear about what could be changed in their education paths in order to improve them, i.e. 30 per cent of U-Reporters stated they would like a more practical method to learn Italian, which was also confirmed by UASC and former UASC who participated in the FGDs.

38

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Input:
**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

**Life history of K. – Ivorian, 17 years old: Residence permit for UASC**

**K. says that he applied for international protection but that he then withdrew his application**

**because the “Commission in Italy became difficult”. He arrived in Milan with the initial intention**

**of going to France to join a friend, but he gave up this plan when he was placed in a facility in the**

**Milan area. He has negative memories of this place, because “there were no rules; you don't study**

**and you don't do anything.” After spending around five months there, he was transferred to a facility**

**for UASC in Milan, where he has been living for a year. He attended and obtained the middle school**

**certificate during his stay at the reception facility. Although he expressed the desire to continue**

**studying, his educators suggested that he set out on a path ensuring access to employment, so as**

**to become autonomous, since he was approaching the age of 18. K. says he is willing to take any**

**job. At the time of the interview, however, K. mentioned problems with his documents for reasons**

**he cannot understand. This situation – the impossibility of studying and working, the uncertainty**

**about the future, like the traumas he experienced during the journey (he mentions the painful loss**

**of a friend in the desert) – has thrown him into a state of distress, so he is assisted by a psychologist,**

**whom he sees once a week and with whom he talks about “his dream” that “is now ruined forever”.**

39

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**Fondazione ISMU**

**5.1.4 The role of the guardian in the transition to adulthood**

The system of guardianship for UASC takes three forms: public-institutional, voluntary and pro tempore. Law 47/2017 values in particular volunteer guardians (see box 3 in Annex), who appear as a key reference person in the UASC’s transition to adult life, as joint actors in the choices that the child makes. The importance of the volunteer guardian and his/her task to support in the UASC’s process of transition to adult life is also internationally recognized (see FRA and AGIA, 2018 [39] ). The guardian ensures the child’s overall well-being, safeguards the child’s best interests, exercises legal representation and complements the child’s limited legal capacity. [40] He or she facilitates the personal growth of UASC in the host society, supervises the protection of their rights, and supports them in understanding their duties.

As revealed by the interviews, volunteer guardians define their role in practice rather than on the basis of legal provisions, and in a significantly different way from the past and from institutional guardians. The mainstreaming of the new role of the volunteer guardian within the protection and reception system has also varied between locations and in its duration. Sicily represents a good practice, although there are differences across the different provinces involved in the research; Palermo and Syracuse offer positive experiences and successful cases due to the very active presence of support networks [41] and associations.

In general, the role of the volunteer guardian is positive and effective when he or she succeeds in forging and guiding the particular relationship that is established between the UASC and the surrounding social context.

Much depends on the skills and personal talent of the guardian, and his or her availability in terms of time and presence in the daily life of the UASC to identify, in a timely manner, signs of discomfort or calls for help in crucial moments of UASC’s pathways towards maturity nand relational and economic autonomy. A serious shortcoming of the current system, which is also not regulated by Law 47/2017, is the lack of permanent support mechanisms for volunteer guardians, in addition to training. [42] As the interviewees testify, the role they play is highly relational and involves the social and emotional dimension of protection: _“The guardian for me_ _here in Italy is like a parent, a big brother. I tell him, ‘This is my problem, can you help me?’ I also have his_ _WhatsApp number“_ (Albanian, male, 16 years old). Within this relationship, the expectations of the guardian as well as that of the child towards him or her also play an important role, which, if not mediated or if unrealistic, are at risk of leading to frustration.

**5.1.5 Becoming adults by building meaningful relationships**

In the transition to adulthood, UASC build formal and informal relationships to support their social inclusion in Italy. These relationships can be categorised as follows:

**••** **formal relationships,** which are mediated by the processes of institutionalization and inclusion;

**••** **informal relationships,** which are the spontaneous relationships that arise and develop through links

with the communities from home countries and friendships between peers groups;

**••** **relationships that are built in the formal sphere** (the school or the reception facility) but that go

beyond their formal function.

40

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Input:
**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

The first relationships of trust are established with the educators of the reception facilities, who contribute towards the definition of a positive model of support and guidance to adulthood. Building positive bonds with adults helps to build openness to society, attributing to adults a positive image, whereas previously these same adults may have been a source of exploitation, violence or deception: _“I was deceived by my cousin who told_ _me that I had to go with him to Lagos, and by chance, I found myself in Libya”_ (Nigerian, female, 17 years old).

Some interviewed UASC maintain significant relationships with the family of origin, or part of it. Some have even expressed the desire to be able to bring their relatives to Italy, often younger brothers or sisters: _“I still_ _do not know if I will live here in Italy or England, but I would like to take my family with me”_ (Eritrean, male, 17 years old), or join a part of their family in other European countries. This legitimate aspiration often becomes difficult to realize due to procedural difficulties and lack of harmonization among EU countries, particularly with regard to age assessment and family links: _“Yes, when my documents arrive I will go to the Netherlands,_ _because my father is there. I'm going there”_ (Eritrean, female, 17 years old).

Within the informal relations built by UASC, relations with peers are of particular importance. In the context of reception facilities, UASC are in close contact with other UASC on similar paths and in similar situations; although this helps mutual understanding, it may limit them to ghettoized relationships.

**5.2 Transition to adulthood: What changes when UASC become adults**

**5.2.1 The rights of former UASC**

**Figure 3. Changes in entitlements of former UASC upon turning 18**

**Changes to entitlements upon turning 18**

Loss of rights and guarantees linked to being a child (guardianship, procedural guarantees in asylum applications, etc.) Loss of the right of Loss of the right of non refoulement non explusability Loss of the right to unconditional accomodation Becoming an adult is a fundamental turning point for those who arrived in Italy alone and as UASC. The borderline is clearly defined from a legal and reception point of view. For children approaching the age of 18, different scenarios are envisaged according to their legal status: for those who hold international protection status, although they lose rights and safeguards granted to them as children, the moment of transition to adulthood has a relatively minor impact since the international protection status provides a broad protection of rights and reception facilities; those with a residence permit for UASC will be in a critical situation regarding 41

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Input:
**M. (left), 15 years old, from Côte d’Ivoire, M. L. B (centre, their volunteer guardianship) and K.,**

**16 years old, from Guinea-Bissau, pose for a photo in Palermo, Sicily, Italy (December 2018)**

© UN/0264460/Stefano De Luigi VII Photo

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**Fondazione ISMU**

both their residence permit and right to reception: they may apply for a permit for job seeking, study purposes or work purposes [43] but in all cases, they have to leave the reception facility in which they are living and become self-supporting unless they are granted continued protection by social services until age 21, which enables them to continue to benefit from reception services. [44] UASC who have obtained recognition of humanitarian protection before the entry into force of l.d. 113/2018 are in a transitional situation in which, for a limited period of time of two years, they can still enjoy a form of protection. After this period, their case is re-assessed by the competent Territorial Commission, with the possibility of being granted special protection or, in certain cases, international protection. If the necessary requirements are not met, they may not be granted any form of protection. As an alternative, they can proceed with the conversion to a residence permit for job seeking, or study or work purposes but accommodation in SIPROIMI facilities is not guaranteed. The prospects for those who are granted special protection (as defined by l.d.113/2018 and therefore not convertible into work permits) [45] is even more uncertain. Those who, at the age of 18, are asylum-seekers remain in a legal limbo where the guarantees of protection are still valid until the outcome of the Territorial Commission; however, it is more difficult for them to begin and build a pathway of transition to adulthood, because their condition could radically change with a negative outcome that would put them in an irregular situation in the event that even the appeal would end in a negative ruling.

**5.2.2 Access to employment pathways**

Job placement is a crucial phase of UASC and former UASC pathways. Achieving full economic independence is indeed their greatest challenge. There are many factors that affect former UASC’s entry into the job market: their legal status, as illustrated above; the availability of adequate professional training; the opportunities offered by the local job market; and finally, the possibility of having a social network supporting them with job opportunities and language skills.

While taking into account some regional differences in labour policies and forms of job seeking support, the analysis of interviews with former UASC and key informants shows that the pathways and phases in accessing the job market are similar in the three regions, [46] they are based on the capacity of the reception facility and the local network in which it operates to offer integrated services, and on the offer of the local job market.

The urgent need to enter the job market is a recurring theme in the stories of former UASC, who often find it difficult to fully understand the reasons for waiting and the importance of following the educational and training steps indicated by educators and/or guardians. Moreover, UASC and former UASC can rarely choose jobs according to their abilities and aspirations. [47] The path is often random and/or guided by need, which has been further exacerbated by the restrictions of Law 132/2018.

The research also revealed that many of the interviewees have already had work experience in their countries of origin (even at a very young age), or during the long journeys to reach Europe, as farmers, welders, carpenters, shop assistants or bricklayers: _“In my country I didn't go to school [...] I had to work and help my family, when I_ _was six, seven years old [...] because we arrive a little... let's say we’re poor [...]. I did a little bit of everything”_ (Egyptian, male, 16 years old), and a girl said: _“I worked as a hairdresser for three years, since I was 14 until I_ _arrived here”_ (Egyptian, female, 17 years old).

Among the types of employment pathways most frequently accessed by those who have just turned 18 is 44

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

the work grant, which combines economic support with temporary employment in ‘protected’ circumstances.

Similar evidence also emerges from statements by trainees participating in the Percorsi I and II projects funded by the MLSP and implemented by Anpal services. [48] Both Percorsi projects have implemented internship courses with a work grant for the recipient and a contribution to the employer for the tutoring and coaching activities. [49] Even outside this type of pathway, it is possible to find cases of UASC who have recently turned 18 who have successfully integrated into the job market as a result of the assistance and support of reception facilities and CSOs. The characteristics of a successful job insertion pathway are similar to the above-mentioned structural factors, but the availability of a social network is also crucial, as well as the ability of the former UASC to “draw from it and nurture it”, as well as a certain amount of proactivity and desire to learn: _“It was great because_ _there were many of us working together, all the girls [...] and they also helped me a lot [...], and before I did not_ _understand Italian”_ (Milan, Gambian, 19 years).

**Life history of N. – Senegalese, 18 years old: Job-seeking permit**

**N. arrived in Italy at the age of 16, in 2016. An application for a residence permit for UASC was**

**submitted and not an application for asylum. Immediately after landing in Sicily, he was transferred**

**to a reception centre for UASC in the Marche region, where he stayed for three months. N. found the**

**rules of this centre too strict, for example, regarding the use of a mobile phone, which was restricted**

**to a few hours a day, and going out. He did not want to wait for a transfer to another facility, so**

**he left. With the vague idea of moving to another country, he arrived in Milan, where the police**

**stopped him and identified him. N. was placed in a reception facility near Milan, where he remained**

**for a year attending Italian courses, starting the third grade of middle school (without being able to**

**finish it because he left the reception facility when he turned 18 years old), practising sports such**

**as boxing, and taking part in artistic activities such as theatre and training (e.g. vegetable gardening**

**and general gardening) organized by the reception facility. As his 18th birthday was approaching,**

**the reception facility could not ask for his continued protection by social services until the age of**

**21, since the municipality that had jurisdiction over him tended not to grant them at that particular**

**point in time. An application for conversion of the residence permit for UASC into a job seeking**

**permit was then sent on his behalf to the MLPS, which granted it. However, the application process**

**was rendered more complicated by the fact that N. had to apply for the issue of his passport at the**

**Senegalese consulate. Upon turning 18 years old, N. had to leave the reception facility, and the only**

**solution he found was a dormitory for the homeless and for people without fixed abode. Since then,**

**N. has obtained a one-year job-seeking residence permit. Although holding a job-seeking permit has**

**given him psychological peace of mind by “being okay with his papers” for at least some time, he is**

**constantly looking for job opportunities. He has already completed two work grant internships in**

**two metalworking companies (a sector in which he would like to work). Previously, he had a small**

**job as a gardener and obtained a licence to operate a forklift. In the meantime, he continues to attend**

**an evening Italian course to improve his skills. At the moment, his main concern is finding stable**

45

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**Fondazione ISMU**

**work and possibly, obtaining a work permit. N. is well aware of the real risk of falling into an illegal**

**situation should he not get a work permit, which he might have obtained more easily if he had had**

**a little more time available.**

**5.2.3 Housing independence**

UASC who have turned 18 and have concluded or are about to conclude their stay in a reception facility struggle to find physical and relational spaces that meet their need for freedom and independent living.

Underlying this is an ambivalence relating to the balance between independence and abandonment at the time of leaving the facility.

The renting of a house creates anxiety and concern among the young people interviewed, since they are aware that it is necessary to have an employment contract in order to be able to rent a house. The theme of the connection between employment and independent living emerges in many interviews: _“The first thing they say_ _is whether you work. If you work, yes, they tell you, here is a friend who has a room or a bed [...] if you do not_ _work, it is too difficult to find a house”_ (Senegalese, male, 21 years old).

For some, especially girls, although they are aware that renting a house with others can be an advantage for cost sharing reasons, they want to rent an independent accommodation to build an independent life or live with their partner: _“a house of my own, a job I can do, that I'm happy with my boyfriend, I think that in the future_ _I'm closer to him”_ (Gambian, female, 19 years old).

It is often difficult to rent a place to live due to owners’ lack of trust, in which case, mediation by social networks can assist. The search for a home is a team effort involving many actors, voluntary organizations, religious associations, informal networks or planned projects with the social services of the municipalities.

Another aspect that also emerged from the interviews with social and institutional key informants is the presence of networks of fellow compatriots who, at the moment of leaving the reception system, represent a form of support and the possibility of finding a shared housing solution with others, even if often with irregular rental contracts. In addition to these forms, there is also supervised independent accommodation, such as boarding houses or forms of ‘protected’ apartments managed by CSOs and assisted by the occasional presence of an educator. [50] Among the positive experiences family foster care remains a form of alternative care, [51] which goes far beyond the housing solution and can continue after former UASC turn 18, although its use is still limited in Italy: _“I have been living with my foster family for about five years; luckily, everything is fine and we_ _have grown fond of each other and we immediately understood each other [...] they simply thought of helping_ _this boy and welcoming him into their home, so I can say that I'm really lucky”_ (Egyptian, male, 19 years old).

The boys’ and girls’ satisfaction with regards to their successful pathways is common to all the positive experiences of housing independence; some study and work in the evening or during the weekend, and proudly emphasize being able to pay the rent and live with dignity, without being a burden on anyone.

46

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

**5.2.4 Friendly and supportive relations**

Formal and informal relationships play a key role in supporting social inclusion of former UASC in Italy. In this phase, those who have already turned 18 become more aware of the role that relationships can play and begin to make choices with regard to both the improvement of formal relationships and the selection of informal ones. The first points of reference are the formal relationships of trust (with the educators of the reception facilities, the guardians, with the foster families and, in some cases, with the teachers) established when they were still UASC. Those relationships have been ‘put to the test’ for a certain period and can represent the baggage that children who turn 18 can carry with them in their path as young adults: _“I have become very_ _fond of them, maybe even they [the educators] have, I have been to their home. We go out, we also went_ _on vacation together”_ (Albanian, male, 20 years old). The interviews make repeated mention of the network created in support to the young migrant’s or refugee’s growth pathway and of which, at a certain point, he or she becomes a conscious and active actor in the construction of his or her own social capital.

With regard to informal relations, in particular those developed with peers, the acquisition of greater autonomy is directly connected to increased capacity and opportunities of making choices which are in turn influenced by personal opportunities. The selection of friendships can go either in the direction of keeping away or coming closer to situations deemed unsuitable, _“Some people smoke hashish, a mess [...]. I've seen so many bad_ _things; I do not want them for me”_ (Somalian, male, 19 years old).

Both boys and girls talk about wanting to marry and build a family in the future when they will have achieved the goals they are pursuing today. In some cases, ongoing love relationships are highlighted as central. In other cases, affective and loving relationships are postponed to focus on more urgent matters. A decisive relationship that affects some girls and young women is the one with children, which modifies in many ways their relationships, including how they are perceived by other girls: _“I am everyone's mother”_ (Gambian, female, 18 years old).

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**M., 17 years old, from the Gambia, bumps fists with a local Italian man he had been chatting with**

**during an outing in Pozzallo, Sicily (May 2016)**

© UNICEF/UN020030/Ashley Gilbertson

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**Fondazione ISMU**

**Life history of H. – Afghan, 24 years old: A refugee**

**H. has been in Italy since 2012 after a long and difficult journey. H. left Afghanistan at the age of**

**13, without his family, together with other fellow compatriots on their way to Pakistan. He worked**

**there for a year in a carpet factory, but the money he earned was too little, just enough to eat and**

**sleep and buy clothing. He decided to continue his journey and moved to the mountains to work**

**in a mine. He worked there for a fairly long time, but the work was very difficult, so he decided**

**to leave again and move to the Islamic Republic of Iran. This crossing was also more difficult than**

**expected; he tried to cross the border three times but was sent back to Afghanistan. H. did not give**

**up; he decided to continue his journey, return to Pakistan and try to enter the Islamic Republic of**

**Iran again. He then worked in a slaughterhouse for the time needed to earn the money to pay the**

**traffickers. This way he could enter Europe from the Greek border when he was still an UASC and**

**then arrive in Italy. But his journey was not over. His dream was to go to Germany, where he arrived**

**shortly after, but he was sent back to Italy where he had already undergone the identification and**

**registration process.**

**In Italy, H. was recognized as a UASC and so granted a place in a reception facility. However, the first**

**facility where he was assigned to was very crowded, with few opportunities for training. But H.**

**wanted to study and asked his guardian to be moved to a smaller town. It is only here that he could**

**finally start school and learn Italian. And it is in this facility that he was helped to find a job. After a**

**few months of searching, he found a job in a restaurant, where he has been working for several years**

**on a permanent employment contract. Now H. is living in a house with a friend. He applied for Italian**

**citizenship. In the future he would like to join his brothers in Denmark and work together to help**

**their family in Afghanistan and the other brothers and sisters who are still living with their parents.**

50

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

# **6. Obstacles, risks and vulnerabilities** **in the transition to independence**

**6.1 Obstacles and vulnerabilities**

The biographies trace the obstacles that might hinder UASC's and former UASC’s pathways to social inclusion in the host society to three sets of interlinked factors. First, the complexity of the system for issuing residence permits makes the process for obtaining documents complex and tortuous. Second, the age of UASC upon their arrival in Italy (mostly 16–17 years old) affects the time available to complete a successful pathway to social inclusion and a full transition to independence. To this end, effective support through the different available pathways becomes crucial. Third, the effects of traumas and difficult experiences that UASC have brought from the country of origin or have lived through during the journey affects their ability to pursue a successful social inclusion pathway. A factor that influences, in a cross-cutting manner, all of the above-mentioned elements is the clear distinction in the legal framework between UASC under 18 and UASC over 18, resulting in little attention paid to specific vulnerabilities of this latter age group. As underlined with respect to the framing of the rights of UASC over 18, the category of “youth” often excludes them from humanitarian programmes as a social group recognized as having specific needs based on age, and their capacities are often ignored. [52]

**6.1.1 Timing and obstacles related to the legal status of UASC and former UASC**

The first and most important obstacle in the transition to adulthood relates to the difficulties in obtaining the necessary documents to be able to remain legally in Italy, and specifically, the very long waiting times and the numerous steps required to obtain a residence permit. This was common in the three regions and across different types of residence permits.

The difficulties are partially mitigated for UASC, because for both those who hold a residence permit for UASC and for those who apply for international protection, the start of the application procedure guarantees them access to a formal pathway to social inclusion, unless bureaucratic complications arise (e.g. in cases in which the child does not have a passport and it is therefore necessary to obtain it) or the system malfunctions (e.g.

in the case of poorly managed facilities that force UASC to wait even six months before starting a pathway to social inclusion).

For those who apply for international protection, difficulties arise when they are not recognized international protection status and, as children, they have little time to apply for a residence permit for UASC. This is because, in practice, the two legal processes do not start simultaneously. [53] This risk has been exacerbated, as already pointed out, by the entry into force of l.d.113/2018, which abolished the residence permit for ‘humanitarian protection’.

More generally, age assessment procedures are an obstacle that affects many UASC, regardless of the type of permit they are issued. The stories pointed out that, at times, these procedures are long and complex, and 51

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**Survivors of the Mediterranean boat crossings in the Lampedusa reception facility, Sicily, Italy**

© UNHCR/RF27969/Unknown

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

not always compliant with existing legislation. In some cases, reception in facilities remains ‘suspended’, causing a “loss of precious time” in the process of social inclusion into the Italian context and in the transition to autonomy. In general, the delay or, worse, an error in the prompt, appropriate and accurate identification of a child can lead to serious violations of their rights and expose them to irreversible damages.

The various factors that extend the administrative time required to obtain the necessary documentation are also a major obstacle. First, the ‘limbo’ condition in which UASC remain constitutes a significant and harmful loss of opportunities since they cannot work or access employment programmes such as internships or work grants: _“I started working on my internship, but when I had just finished my internship, the permit expired [sighs], and_ _in order to renew it, they asked me for my passport before renewing my residence permit. So that's what I'm_ _waiting for before I start the work grant”_ (Ivorian, male, 18 years old). One girl stated, _“I had many opportunities_ _to work with a contract, but I could not work because I had no documents”_ (Nigerian, female, 18 years).

As the interviews show, the impossibility of seeking and accessing employment due to slow and complex bureaucratic procedures generates anxiety, fear and frustration. The frustration caused by this ‘stalemate’ condition, as also pointed out by the interviewed educators, is a result of a difficult and tortuous administrative process and procedures, which UASC struggle to understand.

The research has also shown that there are social services that tend not to regularly apply for continued protection until age 21 due to a restrictive internal ‘policy’ or to lack of funds (the responsibility falls on the social services of the municipality that has jurisdiction over the child); this is the case of some municipalities in the Milan metropolitan area. For those who do not make this type of request, long waiting times have been recorded for converting of the residence permit into a permit for job seeking, or study or work purposes.

At the time of the transition to adulthood, the question of legal status is a problem that can be caused by the loss of rights when turning 18, and that can be exacerbated by long waiting times for the conversion of the permit into a permit for job seeking, or study or work purposes. These long periods are not so much caused by how quickly the MLSP processes applications, but rather, by the difficulty of acquiring UASC documents (such as passports) issued by their countries of origin and by the slow transmission of applications for conversion by the social services of the competent municipalities. Small Sicilian municipalities, in particular, complain about a low number of social workers compared to the high number of UASC, which puts them under particular pressure and often extends the length of time needed to convert the residence permits.

There are even greater difficulties among former UASC who hold other permits, in particular among those who hold or held a residence permit for humanitarian reasons. Since this is no longer renewable but only convertible into a residence permit for work purposes (whether self-employed or employees), the risks linked to becoming irregular on the Italian territory are even greater. It is therefore not surprising that papers appear to be at the top of the concerns of many of those interviewed.

53

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**Fondazione ISMU**

**6.1.2 Support when leaving the reception facilities**

A broader issue, which is linked to the problem of obtaining residence permits, is that of leaving the reception facilities. The research shows a lack of a fully structured support process for this sensitive exit phase.

The efforts of the reception facilities focus on learning Italian and on obtaining a middle school diploma as necessary first steps in the social inclusion process. However, the reception facilities and UASC must also deal with what services are available at a local level. For example, in Sicily, especially outside the main cities, “literacy courses are not continuously running, but only once or twice a year” (Catania, social key informant). [54 ] The basic need for education, therefore, risks paradoxically of becoming an obstacle that slows the transition to autonomy, if delayed or if it requires too much time. Literacy and numeracy skills assessment methods for the recognition of completed studies, at least for UASC who have completed higher education in their countries of origin, could accelerate the completion of compulsory schooling, thus facilitating job placement, but are not foreseen.

Obstacles also exist with regards to guidance and job orientation. With the exception of young people who have links with local networks of fellow nationals (such as those from North Africa or Eastern Europe) who can offer employment in their small businesses, many of them seem to depend completely on the reception facilities when looking for and choosing a job. In these cases, therefore, both UASC and former UASC do not have the means to orient themselves autonomously in the job market. Constraining factors include the lack of an information system for reception facility staff and guardians as well as for UASC and former UASC, the lack of guidance on available opportunities, the complex bureaucratic process (request for Declaration of Immediate Availability to Work, or DID) and the difficulty in meeting the requirements (e.g. A2 level Italian and middle school diploma). The lack of structured support becomes particularly evident in the case of children who leave the reception facility with a job seeking residence permit. Although the permit provides them with peace of mind to legally reside in the country, it does not protect them from a situation of imminent precariousness, given its short duration.

Among the most problematic aspects in the transition to adulthood is the abrupt transfer to reception facilities for adults with the related interruption of the support that was provided in reception facilities for UASC, as well as at times, the uprooting that occurs in the case of transfers to another location or region and the problems related independent living. It is difficult for the young people who leave the reception facility to enter the housing market, due to insufficient economic resources and the risk of being discriminated against by property owners, who are highly reluctant to rent their homes to foreigners. For former UASC, the support offered by informal reception facilities such as parishes or voluntary associations can play a fundamental role in the transition between leaving the reception facility and stabilizing their work and housing situations, as pointed out by key informants interviewed in Rome and a male former UASC interviewed in one of these informal centres in Como.

In this light, it is clear that the most protective legal form for former UASC who are not entitled to international protection is that of continued protection by social services (prosieguo amministrativo), so as to be able to 54

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

remain within a facility until the age of 21 and be able to equip themselves, in the meantime, with all the means they need for a successful transition to independence.

The level of organization, efficiency and specialization of the reception facility that hosts UASC plays a fundamental role in accompanying them towards autonomy. This is evident in two extreme cases: when the internal organization appears too restrictive or when it appears too lax. On the one hand, an organizational structure that is too rigid and, above all, does not pay much attention to the specific needs of each UASC could result in loss of opportunities that capitalize on the skills and abilities of the UASC. On the other hand, in facilities with poor organization or few proposed activities, there is the risk that the UASC stay idle, or fail to manage their time, expectations and skills. At times, some former UASC decided to leave and re-enter reception facilities elsewhere in Italy, where they thought they would access better services or have more opportunities, as had been recommended by various acquaintances.

**6.1.3 Trauma and psychological distress**

A particularly critical aspect liable to compromise the full transition to autonomy is linked to the traumatic experiences that UASC have often undergone. [55] The biographies reveal potential vulnerabilities linked to individual distressful events that range from experiences of torture, sexual violence and exploitation in Libya, to the dangerous journey along the Mediterranean route, to anger and disappointment at having been pushed by parents to migrate or deceived by known individuals, as often occurs to girls and young women who are victims of trafficking. In the case of UASC who have been pushed by parents to leave, the interviews reveal a true feeling of abandonment, even where there is still a relationship with the parents (this is the case of several Albanian interviewees). The violence suffered before leaving, during the journey and also in Italy, in some cases leaves serious consequences on the mental and physical health of young people, particularly adolescents.

The reception facilities, in some cases, can provide psychological support that helps young people process the experienced trauma, but educators point out that they sometimes refuse the service because they do not understand the type of help they can receive. In addition, the interviews revealed general inadequacy of service providers, due to insufficient material and human resources to address this type of need, with the result that only those children who show more worrisome and apparent forms of psychological distress are entrusted to the care of specialized staff, whereas other less obvious forms of psychological distress are likely to remain concealed.

In general, the lack of psychological support can pose a further constraint to the smooth transition to autonomy, since unaddressed traumas risk preventing UASC and former UASC from building and imagining their future.

As suggested by a key informant interviewed in Palermo, the entire pathway seems to rely too much on the resilience and capabilities of these young people.

55

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**Fondazione ISMU**

**6.2 Sexual and gender-based violence: Between vulnerability and resilience**

In recent years, a number of studies conducted on the conditions experienced by migrants along the central Mediterranean route have uncovered the level of widespread violence suffered by all those who undertake the journey to Europe and especially by those crossing through Libya (United Nations, 2018; UNHCR, 2018; Oxfam, 2017; UNICEF, 2017; IOM, 2017).

The biographies collected from female respondents show that the theme of GBV perpetrated by families or husbands in the country of origin is often one of the reasons for leaving. Some girls escaped from child marriages or abuse experienced therein: _“My husband [...] sometimes beat me on the belly and made me take_ _the medication [...] I went to the doctor [...] who told me that if I gave birth to him, he will be born sick because_ _I had already taken the medication”_ (Tunisian, female, 17 years old).

In the case of victims of trafficking, the journey itself is a core component of the violence, which often begins with a total loss of trust in a known person: _“With this woman, we also go to church to pray and all that,_ _so I trusted her, or I would not have left my country”_ (Nigerian, female, 21 years old). Sexual and physical violence persists throughout the journey: _“I too was raped before arriving in Libya”_ (Nigerian, female, 20 years old), before reaching its peak in Libya. Even when the young migrants have not been trafficked for sexual exploitation, as is the situation for most of the interviewees, they suffered similar forms of violence: _“Once I_ _was beaten because he wanted [to have sex]. When I said no, he beat me”_ (Gambian, female, 18 years old).

The biographies highlight that the girls who want to leave are often deceived, especially if they are forced to rely necessarily on someone else in order to face the long journey. Although the arrival in Italy seems to guarantee a minimum of security, the psychological consequences of violence persist. In this scenario, the investment in specialized services becomes even more crucial, and the reception facilities can offer either support or recovery, or represent an additional risk factor.

A common theme that emerged from the different biographies was young women’s desire to overcome violence and improve their condition or that of their family. This theme emerges both in cases in which young women were forced to escape from a family situation, and when the family relationship is strong and positive and their desire is to make their family proud: _“[...] a good person in the future, I wanted to go to school but_ _without money it is difficult. I think I'll work hard to make my mother proud”_ (Nigerian, female, 17 years old).

The biographies reveal young women’s determination to make it; they want to study, _“My point is that I want_ _to go to school [...] it's the only thing I want to do now. I want to learn the language quickly”_ (Albanian, female, 17 years old), and They want to work and be independent, even though, for many, it is the first time they can choose what to do: _“Either as a waitress or an assistant cook. These two things inspire me right now. I don't_ _know why in my country [...] when you finish middle school ... you only stay at home, so you could not think_ _that job to do, your parents do not allow you [...]”_ (Albanian, female, 17 years old).

The research confirms that the coercion and the violence that girls and women have experienced, although presenting significant challenges, do not hinder their resilience and agency [56] (Abbatecola, 2018). Recognizing 56

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

the full agency of girls in vulnerable conditions means starting a process of de-victimization that obviously does not diminish the gravity and the need for institutional and social condemnation of violence, but supports them in the pathway towards recognition of their abilities and potential: _“I lost two years. [...] but I like what I study,_ _when they practice it's easier, I'm the best there”_ (Albanian, female, 16 years old).

Moreover, as revealed from interviews with social key informants, the risk of representing the narratives of violence experienced by migrant and refugee women as ‘barbaric episodes’ belonging to other cultures (Bimbi, 2011) places them in a subordinate position, as sometimes occurs to victims of trafficking. This risk hindering their pathway towards transition to adult life.

**Life history of E. – Nigerian, 21 years old: A refugee victim of trafficking**

**E. arrived in Italy in 2015. After facing a long and difficult journey, particularly in Libya, where she**

**was beaten, tortured and raped, she arrived in Italy and was included in a protection programme for**

**‘victims of trafficking’. When she arrived in Catania, while still a child, she was initially entrusted**

**to an Italian family (although she continued to be assisted by the relevant services). Through these**

**services, she had the opportunity to gain language skills, learn the Italian culture and how to interact**

**with people in different contexts.**

**The programme in which E. was included had very strict rules, in particular, she was forbidden to**

**be in touch with relatives. It was only after about a year that she was able to contact her family**

**of origin. Once she had completed this programme and with support from her guardian, she was**

**granted international protection. She was thus able to build the foundations for her future.**

**Before embarking on her schooling, she began a formal literacy course to learn Italian. She is presently**

**attending a hotel management school and loves cooking and Italian cuisine, especially Sicilian cuisine.**

**Now she has become fully autonomous and lives in a rented house together with other Italian girls,**

**with whom, despite normal misunderstandings, she has established a good friendship. E. is an intern**

**with the Italian civil service, which enabled her to be sufficiently economically independent and**

**acquire housing independence. Today, she works as a cultural mediator for the CSO that welcomed**

**and helped her. She is very proud and happy about the person she has become and the people she**

**has met, but she still has a dream: to continue her studies, work as a coast guard or become a chef.**

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**S., from Nigeria, studying Italian at Figlie del Divino Zelo Giardini Naxos (The Daughters of Divine**

**Zeal) in Messina, Sicily, Italy, April 2018.**

© UNHCR/Jordi Matas

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

**6.3 The risks of exploitation and exclusion, and the importance of local**
**reception networks**

Existing research has shown that young migrants and refugees travelling along the central Mediterranean route are more likely to experience exploitation and abuse in transit countries, including labour and sexual exploitation, than migrants over 25 years of age (UNICEF and IOM, 2017; IOM, 2017; Women's Refugee Commission, 2019). These incidents, in addition to the urgent need to earn money for themselves and send remittances home to the family may have long-term psychological, emotional and social impacts on those arriving in Italy by sea, and can sometimes play a role in the way in which young migrants perceive and react to the risks of labour and/or sexual exploitation to which they may be exposed in Italy. This exposes young people to the risk of illegal work, or even of being pushed into illegal activities. The research reveals that young people may experience three different scenarios while in Italy: small jobs in legal activities that are also ‘off the books’; actual labour exploitation; and exploitation by criminal networks leading to illegal activities.

With regard to the first scenario, many of the young people interviewed stated that they had worked in some small jobs ‘off the books’, casual jobs as waiters, dishwashers, gardeners or as assistants of people they know in transport companies, and so on. Their experience reveals their ability to exercise agency through which they show that they know how to leverage networks of acquaintances and to transform opportunities that arise even by chance into small, positive opportunities, turning them into a small source of income and for learning the basics of a trade. Nevertheless, the young people are often aware of the consequences they may face working without a regular employment contract: _“As soon as I knew they didn't give me a contract and didn't regularize_ _me, I would run away from the restaurant or the place”_ (Egyptian, male, 18 years old).

With regard to the second scenario, the research reveals several incidents of widespread exploitation, especially in agriculture, construction and catering industries. In the Sicilian context, for example, the desire to earn some money can push young people to work in agriculture, which is often the first job they are offered, and where they are exploited: “I went to collect peaches, as well as apples and tomatoes from 5 a.m. in the morning until 2.30 p.m. in the afternoon [...] little, but if there is no money [...] I did not have a contract” (Gambian, male, 18 years old). For girls, these experiences are often linked to caretaking, which can turn into exploitation: _“I was in_ _a house where the elderly were staying, [...] we were promised a salary, but at the end of the month, we were_ _not paid”_ (Nigerian, female, 20 years old).

This can also lead to the third scenario, exploitation by criminal networks, with the risk of committing offences.

Educators interviewed confirm the risk that many young people, even if they are still hosted in reception facilities, begin to engage with drug-dealing networks: _“I worked in a restaurant and pizzeria, and then stopped_ _[...] after stealing and selling hash”_ (Egyptian, male, 18 years old). Although they do not always speak openly about it, most interviewed UASC show that they are aware of the existence of criminal networks and the possibility that they may be recruited (see also UNICEF and CNR, 2017). As previously mentioned, former UASC face the greatest danger of finding themselves excluded and without appropriate support to successfully become self-sufficient and may therefore adopt illegal survival strategies, such as the example of North African boys in Rome who are pushed into prostitution in some areas of the city after they leave reception facilities.

Girls and young women also face this risk, in particular for those who are less aware of it and who have not experienced sexual exploitation and violence in the past.

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**Fondazione ISMU**

In all three regions for this research, informal voluntary-based reception facilities, supported by private social actors and charitable organizations (such as parishes or associations to defend the rights of migrants) that do not receive public funding, help former UASC by offering them shelter. This is the case, for example, of a young male interviewed in Como, who cannot renew his residence permit because he does not have a passport, and when he turned 18, was almost ‘handed over’ by the reception facilities where he was living to a parish that welcomes young people in similar conditions in a completely informal way and at no cost. Similarly, the Association ‘Baobab’ in Rome and other private or religious entities in Rome and Sicily offer informal shelter to many former UASC.

**6.4 Risks associated with onward movements**

Onward movements refer to when migrants, refugees and asylum seeker move from the territory and/or the country of first arrival, often irregularly, to go elsewhere in search of better opportunities or to reunite with acquaintances or relatives. [57] In the case of the UASC and former UASC in this research, two types of secondary movements can be distinguished: the movement from southern regions to reach the Centre-North of Italy, with the hope of finding more job opportunities; and the movement to another European country, especially Germany, often to reunite with family members or to join acquaintances. The first of the two cases is common to most of the respondents who are now in Milan and Latium, coming from North Africa or sub-Saharan Africa, and who have reached the southern regions after travelling the Central Mediterranean route. It is important to note that the conditions of the reception facilities, in particular of the first line reception facilities, can drive onward movement. In the specific case of females, overcrowding and lack of separation between males and females are also contributing factors.

The second case was recorded during interviews with young absconders, or those who have left the protection system, who have tried to move abroad and, failing to do so, have been made to return or are re-entering the reception system. Due to the intrinsic difficulties in identifying these types of respondents, only three absconded former UASC were interviewed. In two cases, the former UASC left the reception system before obtaining the outcome of an asylum application due to reception facility conditions. The long waiting times and the lack of homogeneity in the reception conditions on the Italian territory and between different types of reception facilities affect the social inclusion of these young people. Long waiting times are also major obstacles for applicants awaiting family reunification, an option that would guarantee a safe and non-risky movement to other countries. However, they may give up and decide to leave for the desired destination, exposing themselves to the risks of an illegal journey. As reported by the stakeholders interviewed in Rome, the illegal networks for moving to other countries are very attractive for young people because they offer the possibility of travelling immediately and quickly.

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

**Life history of I. – Guinean, 19 years old: Humanitarian protection**

**I. arrived in Italy crossing the Mediterranean in 2016. After landing in Lampedusa, he was placed in**

**a reception facility for UASC in Calabria and started the asylum application procedure. I. denounced**

**the poor conditions in this reception facility: In his and his peers’ opinion, the managers of the centre**

**do not organize enough activities for the UASC, such as Italian courses or sports activities, but above**

**all, they do not adequately support or take care of the children (e.g. “When you say that you are sick,**

**they just give you paracetamol. You have a headache, you have a stomach ache ... only paracetamol”).**

**I. remained in the facility for eight months and then decided to leave it with other peers, even though**

**he had not yet known the outcome of his asylum application from the Territorial Commission, thus**

**absconding. I. and his friends wanted to go to Germany, crossing the border with Switzerland from**

**Como. However, while his friends managed to cross the border, I. was stopped by the police, who sent**

**him to the Red Cross Centre. During his stay in this centre, he was granted humanitarian protection**

**from the Commission where he had applied in Calabria. Following the closure of this centre, I., now**

**an adult over 18 years old, found hospitality in a parish-run informal centre.**

**Despite this critically precarious situation, I. showed a great desire and ability to attend training**

**courses as a waiter and welder (and obtaining the relevant certifications). He also obtained a licence**

**to operate a forklift using his previous skills gained in Algeria before coming to Italy. He is currently**

**working as an assistant cook, a position he obtained by presenting his curriculum vitae and passing**

**an interview without assistance, and by attending Italian courses, but he continues to be a guest of**

**the parish-run informal centre.**

**6.5 Experiences of discrimination affecting the lives of UASC**

Discrimination has been well-documented against children coming from sub-Saharan Africa along the migration routes towards and within Libya. These children continue to face discrimination, exclusion and racism even once in Italy. Well-rooted and recurring episodes risk undermining any efforts made by the UASC and by the social and institutional stakeholders who work to promote and achieve social inclusion in Italy.

Social inclusion takes place at the local level and involves different dimensions (cultural, social, economic, etc.) and therefore different places, including schools. Respondents pointed out that, despite widespread positive attitudes of peers, there is also evidence of discriminatory or racist behaviour: _“Sometimes they tell me this_ _[...] they say that I have not understood anything”_ (Malian, female, 18 years old). Migrants, for example, tend to be associated with certain types of work and therefore also with low-level training: _“They have never seen_ _a black man studying as a computer engineer here, in Catania, it can't be true; there are none”_ (Ivorian, male, 20 years old).

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**Fondazione ISMU**

There are many incidents characterized by this type of discriminatory or racist attitude: _“...colleagues who have_ _problems because they don't want you there; if you go to the boss, the boss doesn't want to hear anything. I_ _haven't felt well. They haven't treated me well until now”_ (Liberian, male, 22 years old). For some, the work is made harder because of the hostility against them, but discrimination and racism also characterize the housing market, from which migrants seem to be increasingly excluded (CIRDI, 2014). Economic aspects are the main concerns of property owners because they are convinced that the former UASC will not pay the rent, followed by cultural dimensions (different cuisine and lifestyles) and finally, the issue of security (i.e. migrants are seen as people who do not respect the rules and who are dangerous.

In addition to stereotypes, there is a tendency to generalize the behaviour and quality of a single person to a whole group. As can be seen from some of the biographies, such behaviours have a strong negative impact on the lives of these young people: acts of racism and discrimination undermine their trust in their surrounding context and compromise the possibility of their developing formal and informal supportive relationships, thus hindering, more generally, the process of social inclusion within Italian society. _“People outside refuse to rent_ _me a house because I am black”_ (FGDs, male, former UASC).

These experiences are exacerbated in the case of institutional discrimination, i.e. when discrimination is carried out by representatives of bodies that should play a protective role. Most of the interviewees expressed their positive relationship with the institutions, also as a result of the support offered by the adults of reference (educators, cultural mediators, guardians). However, incidents of discrimination do occur and need to be properly monitored: _“When they took me to the police station, ... they put me on a chair and they all slapped_ _me [...], then a nice girl came by and told them to stop”_ (Tunisian, male, 24 years old).

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**F., 17 years old, sets a table in the café where she works in Palermo, Sicily, Italy. The café is run**

**by migrants and refugees and is very popular, frequented by local Italians and foreigners alike**

**(December 2018)**

© UNICEF/UN0264430/Stefano De Luigi

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**Fondazione ISMU**

# **7. Promising practices**

A case study was carried out in each of the three regions object of the research to identify and analyse promising practices related to three crucial processes in UASC's transition to adult life and their potential for replication and scale-up: supervised independent living and housing solutions (Lombardy);formal and informal relationships (Latium); and structured support to volunteer guardians (Sicily).

**7.1 Lombardy: supervised independent living and housing solutions for UASC**
**and former UASC**

The case study in Milan addressed the issue of access to supervised independent living, which is crucial, not only for UASC. [58] In order to offer effective solutions, it is necessary that all those dealing with migrant, refugee and asylum-seeking children, including local authorities, take into account their specific characteristics and problems (Segatto, Di Masi and Surian, 2018).

The case study focused on three experiences for UASC and former UASC in supervised independent living arrangements which is characterized by a limited presence of educators and by an increased responsibility of the young guests compared to accommodation in reception facilities: the Social Cooperative ‘La Cordata’, the Social Cooperative ‘Comunità Progetto’ and ‘Pio Albergo Trivulzio’. In these cases, accommodation is offered in apartments located in various areas of Milan where continued protection is granted to UASC, together with a gradual acquisition of autonomy and responsibility. The examined experiences present the following promising practices that can be considered for replication in other contexts: a. **Size and location of the houses:** The choice of small apartments that accommodate a limited number of young people and that are placed in blocks of flats of different neighbourhoods not only in suburban/ disadvantaged areas, but also distributed throughout the municipality gives the possibility for young adults to learn to manage their autonomy by interacting with flatmates and other residents of the same building, avoiding ghettos that prevent social inclusion and favour conflict (Cesareo and Bichi, 2010).

b. **Limited presence of an adult:** The role of a reference person for the apartment is crucial even if limited in terms of hours of presence, tasks and responsibility towards the young guests. He or she creates a positive environment in the group and in the apartment by acting as a mediator if necessary, and by helping to manage conflicts among and between guests and neighbours.

c. **Flexibility of pathways:** Non-rigid rules for leaving the apartment and the possibility of using local support networks to increase the supply of both work and housing solutions. These help young people feel that they can pursue their own goals without facing additional obstacles, even if they decide to continue their education.

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