| ==Phrack Classic== |
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| Volume Three, Issue 32, File #3 of 12 |
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| Concerning Hackers Who Break into Computer Systems |
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| Dorothy E. Denning |
| Digital Equipment Corp., Systems Research Center |
| 130 Lytton Ave., Palo Alto, CA 94301 |
| 415-853-2252, denning@src.dec.com |
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| Abstract |
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| A diffuse group of people, often called ``hackers,'' has been |
| characterized as unethical, irresponsible, and a serious danger to |
| society for actions related to breaking into computer systems. This |
| paper attempts to construct a picture of hackers, their concerns, |
| and the discourse in which hacking takes place. My initial findings |
| suggest that hackers are learners and explorers who want to help |
| rather than cause damage, and who often have very high standards |
| of behavior. My findings also suggest that the discourse surrounding |
| hacking belongs at the very least to the gray areas between larger |
| conflicts that we are experiencing at every level of society and |
| business in an information age where many are not computer literate. |
| These conflicts are between the idea that information cannot be owned |
| and the idea that it can, and between law enforcement and the First |
| and Fourth Amendments. Hackers have raised serious issues about |
| values and practices in an information society. Based on my findings, |
| I recommend that we work closely with hackers, and suggest several |
| actions that might be taken. |
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| 1. Introduction |
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| The world is crisscrossed with many different networks that are used |
| to deliver essential services and basic necessities -- electric power, |
| water, fuel, food, goods, to name a few. These networks are all |
| publicly accessible and hence vulnerable to attacks, and yet virtually |
| no attacks or disruptions actually occur. |
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| The world of computer networking seems to be an anomaly in the |
| firmament of networks. Stories about attacks, breakins, disruptions, |
| theft of information, modification of files, and the like appear |
| frequently in the newspapers. A diffuse group called ``hackers'' |
| is often the target of scorn and blame for these actions. Why are |
| computer networks any different from other vulnerable public networks? |
| Is the difference the result of growing pains in a young field? |
| Or is it the reflection of deeper tensions in our emerging information |
| society? |
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| There are no easy or immediate answers to these questions. Yet it |
| is important to our future in a networked, information-dependent |
| world that we come to grips with them. I am deeply interested in |
| them. This paper is my report of what I have discovered in the early |
| stages of what promises to be a longer investigation. I have |
| concentrated my attention in these early stages on the hackers |
| themselves. Who are they? What do they say? What motivates them? |
| What are their values? What do that have to say about public policies |
| regarding information and computers? What do they have to say about |
| computer security? |
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| >From such a profile I expect to be able to construct a picture of |
| the discourses in which hacking takes place. By a discourse I mean |
| the invisible background of assumptions that transcends individuals |
| and governs our ways of thinking, speaking, and acting. My initial |
| findings lead me to conclude that this discourse belongs at the very |
| least to the gray areas between larger conflicts that we are |
| experiencing at every level of society and business, the conflict |
| between the idea that information cannot be owned and the idea that |
| it can, and the conflict between law enforcement and the First and |
| Fourth Amendments. |
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| But, enough of the philosophy. On with the story! |
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| 2. Opening Moves |
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| In late fall of 1989, Frank Drake (not his real name), editor of |
| the now defunct cyberpunk magazine W.O.R.M., invited me to be |
| interviewed for the magazine. In accepting the invitation, I hoped |
| that something I might say would discourage hackers from breaking |
| into systems. I was also curious about the hacker culture. This |
| seemed like a good opportunity to learn about it. |
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| The interview was conducted electronically. I quickly discovered |
| that I had much more to learn from Drake's questions than to teach. |
| For example, he asked: ``Is providing computer security for large |
| databases that collect information on us a real service? How do |
| you balance the individual's privacy vs. the corporations?'' This |
| question surprised me. Nothing that I had read about hackers ever |
| suggested that they might care about privacy. He also asked: ``What |
| has (the DES) taught us about what the government's (especially NSA's) |
| role in cryptography should be?'' Again, I was surprised to discover |
| a concern for the role of the government in computer security. I |
| did not know at the time that I would later discover considerable |
| overlap in the issues discussed by hackers and those of other computer |
| professionals. |
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| I met with Drake to discuss his questions and views. After our |
| meeting, we continued our dialog electronically with me interviewing |
| him. This gave me the opportunity to explore his views in greater |
| depth. Both interviews appear in ``Computers Under Attack,'' |
| edited by Peter Denning (DenningP90). |
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| My dialog with Drake increased my curiosity about hackers. I read |
| articles and books by or about hackers. In addition, I had discussions |
| with nine hackers whom I will not mention by name. Their ages ranged |
| from 17 to 28. |
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| The word ``hacker'' has taken on many different meanings ranging |
| from 1) ``a person who enjoys learning the details of computer systems |
| and how to stretch their capabilities'' to 2) ``a malicious or |
| inquisitive meddler who tries to discover information by poking around |
| ... possibly by deceptive or illegal means ...'' (Steele83). The |
| hackers described in this paper are both learners and explorers who |
| sometimes perform illegal actions. However, all of the hackers I |
| spoke with said they did not engage in or approve of malicious acts |
| that damage systems or files. Thus, this paper is not about malicious |
| hackers. Indeed, my research so far suggests that there are very |
| few malicious hackers. Neither is this paper about career criminals |
| who, for example, defraud businesses, or about people who use stolen |
| credit cards to purchase goods. The characteristics of many of the |
| hackers I am writing about are summed up in the words of one of the |
| hackers: ``A hacker is someone who experiments with systems... |
| (Hacking) is playing with systems and making them do what they were |
| never intended to do. Breaking in and making free calls is just |
| a small part of that. Hacking is also about freedom of speech and |
| free access to information -- being able to find out anything. There |
| is also the David and Goliath side of it, the underdog vs. the system, |
| and the ethic of being a folk hero, albeit a minor one.'' |
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| Richard Stallman, founder of the Free Software Foundation who calls |
| himself a hacker according to the first sense of the word above, |
| recommends calling security-breaking hackers ``crackers'' |
| (Stallman84). While this description may be more accurate, I shall |
| use the term ``hacker'' since the people I am writing about call |
| themselves hackers and all are interested in learning about computer |
| and communication systems. However, there are many people like |
| Stallman who call themselves hackers and do not engage in illegal |
| or deceptive practices; this paper is also not about those hackers. |
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| In what follows I will report on what I have learned about hackers |
| from hackers. I will organize the discussion around the principal |
| domains of concerns I observed. I recommend Meyer's thesis (Meyer89) |
| for a more detailed treatment of the hackers' social culture and |
| networks, and Meyer and Thomas (MeyerThomas90) for an interesting |
| interpretation of the computer underground as a postmodernist rejection |
| of conventional culture that substitutes ``rational technological |
| control of the present for an anarchic and playful future.'' |
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| I do not pretend to know all the concerns that hackers have, nor |
| do I claim to have conducted a scientific study. Rather, I hope |
| that my own informal study motivates others to explore the area |
| further. It is essential that we as computer security professionals |
| take into account hackers' concerns in the design of our policies, |
| procedures, laws regulating computer and information access, and |
| educational programs. Although I speak about security-breaking hackers |
| as a group, their competencies, actions, and views are not all the |
| same. Thus, it is equally important that our policies and programs |
| take into account individual differences. |
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| In focusing on what hackers say and do, I do not mean for a moment |
| to set aside the concerns of the owners and users of systems that |
| hackers break into, the concerns of law enforcement personnel, or |
| our own concerns as computer security professionals. But I do |
| recommend that we work closely with hackers as well as these other |
| groups to design new approaches and programs for addressing the |
| concerns of all. Like ham radio operators, hackers exist, and it |
| is in our best interest that we learn to communicate and work with |
| them rather than against them. |
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| I will suggest some actions that we might consider taking, and I |
| invite others to reflect on these and suggest their own. Many of |
| these suggestions are from the hackers themselves; others came from |
| the recommendations of the ACM Panel on Hacking (Lee86) and from |
| colleagues. |
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| I grouped the hackers' concerns into five categories: access to |
| computers and information for learning; thrill, excitement and |
| challenge; ethics and avoiding damage; public image and treatment; |
| and privacy and first amendment rights. These are discussed in |
| the next five subsections. I have made an effort to present my |
| findings as uncritical observations. The reader should not infer |
| that I either approve or disapprove of actions hackers take. |
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| 3. Access to Computers and Information for Learning |
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| Although Levy's book ``Hackers'' (Levy84) is not about today's |
| security-breaking hackers, it articulates and interprets a ``hacker |
| ethic'' that is shared by many of these hackers. The ethic includes |
| two key principles that were formulated in the early days of the |
| AI Lab at MIT: ``Access to computers -- and anything which might |
| teach you something about the way the world works -- should be |
| unlimited and total,'' and ``All information should be free.'' In |
| the context in which these principles were formulated, the computers |
| of interest were research machines and the information was software |
| and systems information. |
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| Since Stallman is a leading advocate of open systems and freedom |
| of information, especially software, I asked him what he means by |
| this. He said: ``I believe that all generally useful information |
| should be free. By `free' I am not referring to price, but rather |
| to the freedom to copy the information and to adapt it to one's own |
| uses.'' By ``generally useful'' he does not include confidential |
| information about individuals or credit card information, for example. |
| He further writes: ``When information is generally useful, |
| redistributing it makes humanity wealthier no matter who is |
| distributing and no matter who is receiving.'' Stallman has argued |
| strongly against user interface copyright, claiming that it does |
| not serve the users or promote the evolutionary process (Stallman90). |
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| I asked hackers whether all systems should be accessible and all |
| information should be free. They said that it is OK if some systems |
| are closed and some information, mainly confidential information |
| about individuals, is not accessible. They make a distinction between |
| information about security technology, e.g., the DES, and confidential |
| information protected by that technology, arguing that it is the |
| former that should be accessible. They said that information hoarding |
| is inefficient and slows down evolution of technology. They also |
| said that more systems should be open so that idle resources are |
| not wasted. One hacker said that the high costs of communication |
| hurts the growth of the information economy. |
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| These views of information sharing seem to go back at least as far |
| as the 17th and 18th centuries. Samuelson (Samuelson89) notes that |
| ``The drafters of the Constitution, educated in the Enlightenment |
| tradition, shared that era's legacy of faith in the enabling powers |
| of knowledge for society as well as the individual.'' She writes |
| that our current copyright laws, which protect the expression of |
| information, but not the information itself, are based on the belief |
| that unfettered and widespread dissemination of information promotes |
| technological progress. (Similarly for patent laws which protect |
| devices and processes, not the information about them.) She cites |
| two recent court cases where courts reversed the historical trend |
| and treated information as ownable property. She raises questions |
| about whether in entering the Information Age where information is |
| the source of greatest wealth, we have outgrown the Enlightenment |
| tradition and are coming to treat information as property. |
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| In a society where knowledge is said to be power, Drake expressed |
| particular concern about what he sees as a growing information gap |
| between the rich and poor. He would like to see information that |
| is not about individuals be made public, although it could still |
| be owned. He likes to think that companies would actually find it |
| to their advantage to share information. He noted how IBM's disclosure |
| of the PC allowed developers to make more products for the computers, |
| and how Adobe's disclosure of their fonts helped them compete against |
| the Apple-Microsoft deal. He recognizes that in our current political |
| framework, it is difficult to make all information public, because |
| complicated structures have been built on top of an assumption that |
| certain information will be kept secret. He cites our defense policy, |
| which is founded on secrecy for military information, as an example. |
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| Hackers say they want access to information and computing and network |
| resources in order to learn. Both Levy (Levy84) and Landreth |
| (Landreth89) note that hackers have an intense, compelling interest |
| in computers and learning, and many go into computers as a profession. |
| Some hackers break into systems in order to learn more about how |
| the systems work. Landreth says these hackers want to remain |
| undiscovered so that they can stay on the system as long as possible. |
| Some of them devote most of their time to learning how to break the |
| locks and other security mechanisms on systems; their background |
| in systems and programming varies considerably. One hacker wrote |
| ``A hacker sees a security hole and takes advantage of it because |
| it is there, not to destroy information or steal. I think our |
| activities would be analogous to someone discovering methods of |
| acquiring information in a library and becoming excited and perhaps |
| engrossed.'' |
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| We should not underestimate the effectiveness of the networks in |
| which hackers learn their craft. They do research, learn about |
| systems, work in groups, write, and teach others. One hacker said |
| that he belongs to a study group with the mission of churning out |
| files of information and learning as much as possible. Within the |
| group, people specialize, collaborate on research projects, share |
| information and news, write articles, and teach others about their |
| areas of specialization. Hackers have set up a private system of |
| education that engages them, teaches them to think, and allows them |
| to apply their knowledge in purposeful, if not always legal, |
| activity. Ironically, many of our nation's classrooms have been |
| criticized for providing a poor learning environment that seems to |
| emphasize memorization rather than thinking and reasoning. One hacker |
| reported that through volunteer work with a local high school, he |
| was trying to get students turned on to learning. |
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| Many hackers say that the legitimate computer access they have through |
| their home and school computers do not meet their needs. One student |
| told me that his high school did not offer anything beyond elementary |
| courses in BASIC and PASCAL, and that he was bored by these. Hans |
| Huebner, a hacker in Germany who goes by the name Pengo, wrote in |
| a note to the RISKS Forum (Huebner89) : ``I was just interested in |
| computers, not in the data which has been kept on their disks. As |
| I was going to school at that time, I didn't even have the money |
| to buy my own computer. Since CP/M (which was the most sophisticated |
| OS I could use on machines which I had legal access to) didn't turn |
| me on anymore, I enjoyed the lax security of the systems I had access |
| to by using X.25 networks. You might point out that I should have |
| been patient and waited until I could go to the university and |
| use their machines. Some of you might understand that waiting was |
| just not the thing I was keen on in those days.'' |
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|
| Brian Harvey, in his position paper (Harvey86) for the ACM Panel on |
| Hacking, claims that the computer medium available to students, e.g., |
| BASIC and floppy disks, is inadequate for challenging intellectual |
| work. His recommendation is that students be given access to real |
| computing power, and that they be taught how to use that power |
| responsibly. He describes a program he created at a public high school |
| in Massachusetts during the period 1979-1982. They installed a |
| PDP-11/70 and let students and teachers carry out the administration |
| of the system. Harvey assessed that putting the burden of dealing |
| with the problems of malicious users on the students themselves was |
| a powerful educational force. He also noted that the students who |
| had the skill and interest to be password hackers were discouraged |
| from this activity because they also wanted to keep the trust of |
| their colleagues in order that they could acquire ``superuser'' status |
| on the system. |
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|
| Harvey also makes an interesting analogy between teaching computing |
| and teaching karate. In karate instruction, students are introduced |
| to the real, adult community. They are given access to a powerful, |
| deadly weapon, and at the same time are taught discipline and |
| responsibility. Harvey speculates that the reason that students |
| do not misuse their power is that they know they are being trusted |
| with something important, and they want to live up to that trust. |
| Harvey applied this principle when he set up the school system. |
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| The ACM panel endorsed Harvey's recommendation, proposing a |
| three-tiered computing environment with local, district-wide, and |
| nation-wide networks. They recommended that computer professionals |
| participate in this effort as mentors and role models. They also |
| recommended that government and industry be encouraged to establish |
| regional computing centers using donated or re-cycled equipment; |
| that students be apprenticed to local companies either part-time |
| on a continuing basis or on a periodic basis; and, following a |
| suggestion from Felsenstein (Felsenstein86) for a ``Hacker's League,'' |
| that a league analogous to the Amateur Radio Relay League be |
| established to make contributed resources available for educational |
| purposes. |
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| Drake said he liked these recommendations. He said that if hackers |
| were given access to powerful systems through a public account system, |
| they would supervise themselves. He also suggested that Computer |
| Resource Centers be established in low-income areas in order to help |
| the poor get access to information. Perhaps hackers could help run |
| the centers and teach the members of the community how to use the |
| facilities. One of my colleagues suggested cynically that the hackers |
| would only use this to teach the poor how to hack rich people's |
| systems. A hacker responded by saying this was ridiculous; hackers |
| would not teach people how to break into systems, but rather how |
| to use computers effectively and not be afraid of them. |
| In addition, the hackers I spoke with who had given up illegal |
| activities said they stopped doing so when they got engaged in other |
| work. |
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| Geoff Goodfellow and Richard Stallman have reported that they have |
| given hackers accounts on systems that they manage, and that the |
| hackers have not misused the trust granted to them. Perhaps |
| universities could consider providing accounts to pre-college students |
| on the basis of recommendations from their teachers or parents. |
| The students might be challenged to work on the same homework problems |
| assigned in courses or to explore their own interests. Students |
| who strongly dislike the inflexibility of classroom learning might |
| excel in an environment that allows them to learn on their own, in |
| much the way that hackers have done. |
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| 4. Thrill, Excitement, and Challenge |
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| One hacker wrote that ``Hackers understand something basic about |
| computers, and that is that they can be enjoyed. I know none who |
| hack for money, or hack to frighten the company, or hack for anything |
| but fun.'' |
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| In the words of another hacker, ``Hacking was the ultimate cerebral |
| buzz for me. I would come home from another dull day at school, |
| turn my computer on, and become a member of the hacker elite. It |
| was a whole different world where there were no condescending adults |
| and you were judged only by your talent. I would first check in |
| to the private Bulletin Boards where other people who were like me |
| would hang out, see what the news was in the community, and trade |
| some info with people across the country. Then I would start actually |
| hacking. My brain would be going a million miles an hour and I'd |
| basically completely forget about my body as I would jump from one |
| computer to another trying to find a path into my target. It was |
| the rush of working on a puzzle coupled with the high of discovery |
| many magnitudes intensified. To go along with the adrenaline rush |
| was the illicit thrill of doing something illegal. Every step I made |
| could be the one that would bring the authorities crashing down on |
| me. I was on the edge of technology and exploring past it, spelunking |
| into electronic caves where I wasn't supposed to be.'' |
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|
| The other hackers I spoke with made similar statements about the |
| fun and challenge of hacking. In SPIN magazine (Dibbel90), reporter |
| Julian Dibbell speculated that much of the thrill comes from the |
| dangers associated with the activity, writing that ``the technology |
| just lends itself to cloak-and-dagger drama,'' and that ``hackers |
| were already living in a world in which covert action was nothing |
| more than a game children played.'' |
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| Eric Corley (Corley89) characterizes hacking as an evolved form of |
| mountain climbing. In describing an effort to construct a list of |
| active mailboxes on a Voice Messaging System, he writes ``I suppose |
| the main reason I'm wasting my time pushing all these buttons is |
| simply so that I can make a list of something that I'm not supposed |
| to have and be the first person to accomplish this.'' He said that |
| he was not interested in obtaining an account of his own on the system. |
| Gordon Meyer says he found this to be a recurring theme: ``We aren't |
| supposed to be able to do this, but we can'' -- so they do. |
|
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| One hacker said he was now working on anti-viral programming. He |
| said it was almost as much fun as breaking into systems, and that |
| it was an intellectual battle against the virus author. |
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| 5. Ethics and Avoiding Damage |
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| All of the hackers I spoke with said that malicious hacking was morally |
| wrong. They said that most hackers are not intentionally malicious, |
| and that they themselves are concerned about causing accidental |
| damage. When I asked Drake about the responsibility of a person |
| with a PC and modem, his reply included not erasing or modifying |
| anyone else's data, and not causing a legitimate user on a system |
| any problems. Hackers say they are outraged when other hackers cause |
| damage or use resources that would be missed, even if the results |
| are unintentional and due to incompetence. One hacker wrote ``I |
| have ALWAYS strived to do NO damage, and to inconvenience as few people |
| as possible. I NEVER, EVER, EVER DELETE A FILE. One of the first |
| commands I do on a new system is disable the delete file command.'' |
| Some hackers say that it is unethical to give passwords and similar |
| security-related information to persons who might do damage. In |
| the recent incident where a hacker broke into Bell South and downloaded |
| a text file on the emergency 911 service, hackers say that there |
| was no intention to use this knowledge to break into or sabotage |
| the 911 system. According to Emmanuel Goldstein (Goldstein90), the |
| file did not even contain information about how to break into the |
| 911 system. |
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|
| The hackers also said that some break-ins were unethical, e.g., |
| breaking into hospital systems, and that it is wrong to read |
| confidential information about individuals or steal classified |
| information. All said it was wrong to commit fraud for personal |
| profit. |
|
|
| Although we as computer security professionals often disagree with |
| hackers about what constitutes damage, the ethical standards listed |
| here sound much like our own. Where the hackers' ethics differ from |
| the standards adopted by most in the computer security community |
| is that hackers say it is not unethical to break into many systems, |
| use idle computer and communications resources, and download system |
| files in order to learn. Goldstein says that hacking is not wrong: |
| it is not the same as stealing, and uncovers design flaws and security |
| deficiencies (Goldstein89). |
|
|
| Brian Reid, a colleague at Digital who has spoken with many hackers, |
| speculates that a hacker's ethics may come from not being raised |
| properly as a civilized member of society, and not appreciating the |
| rules of living in society. One hacker responded to this with ``What |
| does `being brought up properly' mean? Some would say that it is |
| `good' to keep to yourself, mind your own business. Others might |
| argue that it is healthy to explore, take risks, be curious and |
| discover.'' Brian Harvey (Harvey86) notes that many hackers are |
| adolescents, and that adolescents are at a less advanced stage of |
| moral development than adults, where they might not see how the effects |
| of their actions hurt others. Larry Martin (Martin89) claims that |
| parents, teachers, the press, and others in society are not aware |
| of their responsibility to contribute to instilling ethical values |
| associated with computer use. This could be the consequence of the |
| youth of the computing field; many people are still computer illiterate |
| and cultural norms may be lagging behind advances in technology and |
| the growing dependency on that technology by businesses and society. |
| Hollinger and Lanza-Kaduce (HollingerLanza-Kaduce88) speculate that |
| the cultural normative messages about the use and abuse of computer |
| technology have been driven by the adoption of criminal laws in the |
| last decade. They also speculate that hacking may be encouraged |
| during the process of becoming computer literate. Some of my |
| colleagues say that hackers are irresponsible. One hacker responded |
| ``I think it's a strong indication of the amount of responsibility |
| shown that so FEW actually DAMAGING incidents are known.'' |
|
|
| But we must not overlook that the differences in ethics also reflect |
| a difference in philosophy about information and information handling |
| resources; whereas hackers advocate sharing, we seem to be advocating |
| ownership as property. The differences also represent an opportunity |
| to examine our own ethical behavior and our practices for information |
| sharing and protection. For example, one hacker wrote ``I will accept |
| that it is morally wrong to copy some proprietary software, however, |
| I think that it is morally wrong to charge $6000 for a program that |
| is only around 25K long.'' Hence, I shall go into a few of the ethical |
| points raised by hackers more closely. It is not a simple case of |
| good or mature (us) against bad or immature (hackers), or of teaching |
| hackers a list of rules. |
|
|
| Many computer professionals such as Martin (Martin89) argue the moral |
| questions by analogy. The analogies are then used to justify their |
| judgment of a hacker's actions as unethical. Breaking into a system |
| is compared with breaking into a house, and downloading information |
| and using computer and telecommunications services is compared with |
| stealing tangible goods. But, say hackers, the situations are not |
| the same. When someone breaks into a house, the objective is to |
| steal goods, which are often irreplaceable, and property is often |
| damaged in the process. By contrast, when a hacker breaks into a |
| system, the objective is to learn and avoid causing damage. Downloaded |
| information is copied, not stolen, and still exists on the original |
| system. Moreover, as noted earlier, information has not been |
| traditionally regarded as property. Dibbel (Dibbel90) says that |
| when the software industries and phone companies claim losses of |
| billions of dollars to piracy, they are not talking about goods that |
| disappear from the shelves and could have been sold. |
|
|
| We often say that breaking into a system implies a lack of caring |
| for the system's owner and authorized users. But, one hacker says |
| that the ease of breaking into a system reveals a lack of caring |
| on the part of the system manager to protect user and company assets, |
| or failure on the part of vendors to warn managers about the |
| vulnerabilities of their systems. He estimated his success rate |
| of getting in at 10-15%, and that is without spending more than an |
| hour on any one target system. Another hacker says that he sees |
| messages from vendors notifying the managers, but that the managers |
| fail to take action. |
|
|
| Richard Pethia of CERT (Computer Emergency Response Team) reports |
| that they seldom see cases of malicious damage caused by hackers, |
| but that the break-ins are nevertheless disruptive because system |
| users and administrators want to be sure that nothing was damaged. |
| (CERT suggests that sites reload system software from secure backups |
| and change all user passwords in order to protect against possible |
| back doors and Trojan Horses that might have been planted by the |
| hacker. Pethia also noted that prosecutors are generally called |
| for government sites, and are being called for non-government sites |
| with increasing frequency.) Pethia says that break-ins also generate |
| a loss of trust in the computing environment, and may lead to adoption |
| of new policies that are formulated in a panic or management edicts |
| that severely restrict connectivity to outside systems. Brian Harvey |
| says that hackers cause damage by increasing the amount of paranoia, |
| which in turn leads to tighter security controls that diminish the |
| quality of life for the users. Hackers respond to these points by |
| saying they are the scapegoats for systems that are not adequately |
| protected. They say that the paranoia is generated by ill-founded |
| fears and media distortions (I will return to this point later), |
| and that security need not be oppressive to keep hackers out; it |
| is mainly making sure that passwords and system defaults are |
| well chosen. |
|
|
| Pethia says that some intruders seem to be disruptive to prove a |
| point, such as that the systems are vulnerable, the security personnel |
| are incompetent, or ``it's not nice to say bad things about hackers.'' |
| In the N.Y. Times, John Markoff (Markoff90) wrote that the hacker |
| who claimed to have broken into Cliff Stoll's system said he was |
| upset by Stoll's portrayal of hackers in ``The Cuckoo's Egg'' |
| (Stoll90). Markoff reported that the caller said: ``He (Stoll) |
| was going on about how he hates all hackers, and he gave pretty much |
| of a one-sided view of who hackers are.'' |
|
|
| ``The Cuckoo's Egg'' captures many of the popular stereotypes of |
| hackers. Criminologist Jim Thomas criticizes it for presenting a |
| simplified view of the world, one where everything springs from the |
| forces of light (us) or of darkness (hackers) (Thomas90). He claims |
| that Stoll fails to see the similarities between his own activities |
| (e.g., monitoring communications, ``borrowing'' monitors without |
| authorization, shutting off network access without warning, and lying |
| to get information he wants) and those of hackers. He points out |
| Stoll's use of pejorative words such as ``varmint'' to describe |
| hackers, and Stoll's quote of a colleague: ``They're technically |
| skilled but ethically bankrupt programmers without any respect for |
| others' work -- or privacy. They're not destroying one or two |
| programs. They're trying to wreck the cooperation that builds our |
| networks,'' (Stoll90, p. 159). Thomas writes ``at an intellectual |
| level, it (Stoll's book) provides a persuasive, but simplistic, moral |
| imagery of the nature of right and wrong, and provides what -- to |
| a lay reader -- would seem a compelling justification for more statutes |
| and severe penalties against the computer underground. This is |
| troublesome for two reasons. First, it leads to a mentality of social |
| control by law enforcement during a social phase when some would |
| argue we are already over-controlled. Second, it invokes a punishment |
| model that assumes we can stamp out behaviors to which we object |
| if only we apprehend and convict a sufficient number of violators. |
| ... There is little evidence that punishment will in the long run |
| reduce any given offense, and the research of Gordon Meyer and I |
| suggests that criminalization may, in fact, contribute to the growth |
| of the computer underground.'' |
|
|
|
|
| 6. Public Image and Treatment |
|
|
|
|
| Hackers express concern about their negative public image and |
| identity. As noted earlier, hackers are often portrayed as being |
| irresponsible and immoral. One hacker said that ``government |
| propaganda is spreading an image of our being at best, sub-human, |
| depraved, criminally inclined, morally corrupt, low life. We need |
| to prove that the activities that we are accused of (crashing systems, |
| interfering with life support equipment, robbing banks, and jamming |
| 911 lines) are as morally abhorrent to us as they are to the general |
| public.'' |
|
|
| The public identity of an individual or group is generated in part |
| by the actions of the group interacting with the standards of the |
| community observing those actions. What then accounts for the |
| difference between the hacker's public image and what they say about |
| themselves? One explanation may be the different standards. Outside |
| the hacking community, the simple act of breaking into systems is |
| regarded as unethical by many. The use of pejorative words like |
| ``vandal'' and ``varmint'' reflect this discrepency in ethics. Even |
| the word ``criminal'' carries with it connotations of someone evil; |
| hackers say they are not criminal in this sense. Katie Hafner notes |
| that Robert Morris Jr., who was convicted of launching the Internet |
| worm, was likened to a terrorist even though the worm did not destroy |
| data (Hafner90) |
|
|
| Distortions of events and references to potential threats also create |
| an image of persons who are dangerous. Regarding the 911 incident |
| where a hacker downloaded a file from Bell South, Goldstein reported |
| ``Quickly, headlines screamed that hackers had broken into the 911 |
| system and were interfering with emergency telephone calls to the |
| police. One newspaper report said there were no indications that |
| anyone had died or been injured as a result of the intrusions. What |
| a relief. Too bad it wasn't true,'' (Goldstein90). In fact, the |
| hackers involved with the 911 text file had not broken into the 911 |
| system. The dollar losses attributed to hacking incidents also are |
| often highly inflated. |
|
|
| Thomas and Meyer (ThomasMeyer90) say that the rhetoric depicting |
| hackers as a dangerous evil contributes to a ``witch hunt'' mentality, |
| wherein a group is first labeled as dangerous, and then enforcement |
| agents are mobilized to exorcise the alleged social evil. They see |
| the current sweeps against hackers as part of a reaction to a broader |
| fear of change, rather than to the actual crimes committed. |
|
|
| Hackers say they are particularly concerned that computer security |
| professionals and system managers do not appear to understand hackers |
| or be interested in their concerns. Hackers say that system managers |
| treat them like enemies and criminals, rather than as potential helpers |
| in their task of making their systems secure. This may reflect |
| managers' fears about hackers, as well as their responsibilities |
| to protect the information on their systems. Stallman says that |
| the strangers he encounters using his account are more likely to |
| have a chip on their shoulder than in the past; he attributes this |
| to a harsh enforcer mentality adopted by the establishment. He says |
| that network system managers start out with too little trust and |
| a hostile attitude toward strangers that few of the strangers deserve. |
| One hacker said that system managers show a lack of openness to those |
| who want to learn. |
|
|
| Stallman also says that the laws make the hacker scared to communicate |
| with anyone even slightly ``official,'' because that person might |
| try to track the hacker down and have him or her arrested. Drake |
| raised the issue of whether the laws could differentiate between |
| malicious and nonmalicious hacking, in support of a ``kinder, gentler'' |
| relationship between hackers and computer security people. In fact, |
| many states such as California initially passed computer crime laws |
| that excluded malicious hacking; it was only later that these laws |
| were amended to include nonmalicious actions (HollingerLanza-Kaduce88). |
| Hollinger and Lanza-Kaduce speculate that these amendments and other |
| new laws were catalyzed mainly by media events, especially the reports |
| on the ``414 hackers'' and the movie ``War Games,'' which created |
| a perception of hacking as extremely dangerous, even if that perception |
| was not based on facts. |
|
|
| Hackers say they want to help system managers make their systems |
| more secure. They would like managers to recognize and use their |
| knowledge about system vulnerabilities. Landreth (Landreth89) |
| suggests ways in which system managers can approach hackers in order |
| to turn them into colleagues, and Goodfellow also suggests befriending |
| hackers (Goodfellow83). John Draper (Cap'n Crunch) says it would |
| help if system managers and the operators of phone companies and |
| switches could cooperate in tracing a hacker without bringing in |
| law enforcement authorities. |
|
|
| Drake suggests giving hackers free access in exchange for helping |
| with security, a suggestion that I also heard from several hackers. |
| Drake says that the current attitude of treating hackers as enemies |
| is not very conducive to a solution, and by belittling them, we only |
| cause ourselves problems. |
|
|
| I asked some of the hackers whether they'd be interested in breaking |
| into systems if the rules of the ``game'' were changed so that instead |
| of being threatened by prosecution, they were invited to leave a |
| ``calling card'' giving their name, phone number, and method of |
| breaking in. In exchange, they would get recognition and points |
| for each vulnerability they discovered. Most were interested in |
| playing; one hacker said he would prefer monetary reward since he |
| was supporting himself. Any system manager interested in trying |
| this out could post a welcome message inviting hackers to leave their |
| cards. This approach could have the advantage of not only letting |
| the hackers contribute to the security of the system, but of allowing |
| the managers to quickly recognize the potentially malicious hackers, |
| since they are unlikely to leave their cards. Perhaps if hackers |
| are given the opportunity to make contributions outside the |
| underground, this will dampen their desire to pursue illegal activities. |
|
|
| Several hackers said that they would like to be able to pursue their |
| activities legally and for income. They like breaking into systems, |
| doing research on computer security, and figuring out how to protect |
| against vulnerabilities. They say they would like to be in a position |
| where they have permission to hack systems. Goodfellow suggests |
| hiring hackers to work on tiger teams that are commissioned to locate |
| vulnerabilities in systems through penetration testing. Baird |
| Info-Systems Safeguards, Inc., a security consulting firm, reports |
| that they have employed hackers on several assignments (Baird87). |
| They say the hackers did not violate their trust or the trust of |
| their clients, and performed in an outstanding manner. Baird believes |
| that system vulnerabilities can be better identified by employing |
| people who have exploited systems. |
|
|
| One hacker suggested setting up a clearinghouse that would match |
| hackers with companies that could use their expertise, while |
| maintaining anonymity of the hackers and ensuring confidentiality |
| of all records. Another hacker, in describing an incident where |
| he discovered a privileged account without a password, said ``What |
| I (and others) wish for is a way that hackers can give information |
| like this to a responsible source, AND HAVE HACKERS GIVEN CREDIT |
| FOR HELPING! As it is, if someone told them that `I'm a hacker, and |
| I REALLY think you should know...' they would freak out, and run |
| screaming to the SS (Secret Service) or the FBI. Eventually, the |
| person who found it would be caught, and hauled away on some crazy |
| charge. If they could only just ACCEPT that the hacker was trying |
| to help!'' The clearinghouse could also provide this type of service. |
|
|
| Hackers are also interested in security policy issues. Drake expressed |
| concern over how we handle information about computer security |
| vulnerabilities. He argues that it is better to make this information |
| public than cover it up and pretend that it does not exist, and cites |
| the CERT to illustrate how this approach can be workable. Other |
| hackers, however, argue for restricting initial dissemination of |
| flaws to customers and users. Drake also expressed concern about |
| the role of the government, particularly the military, in |
| cryptography. He argues that NSA's opinion on a cryptographic standard |
| should be taken with a large grain of salt because of their code |
| breaking role. |
|
|
| Some security specialists are opposed to hiring hackers for security |
| work, and Eugene Spafford has urged people not to do business with |
| any company that hires a convicted hacker to work in the security |
| area (ACM90). He says that ``This is like having a known arsonist |
| install a fire alarm.'' But, the laws are such that a person can |
| be convicted for having done nothing other than break into a system; |
| no serious damage (i.e., no ``computer arson'') is necessary. Many |
| of our colleagues, including Geoff Goodfellow (Goodfellow83) and |
| Brian Reid (Frenkel87), admit to having broken into systems in the |
| past. Reid is quoted as saying that because of the knowledge he gained |
| breaking into systems as a kid, he was frequently called in to help |
| catch people who break in. Spafford says that times have changed, |
| and that this method of entering the field is no longer socially |
| acceptable, and fails to provide adequate training in computer science |
| and computer engineering (Spafford89). However, from what I have |
| observed, many hackers do have considerable knowledge about |
| telecommunications, data security, operating systems, programming |
| languages, networks, and cryptography. But, I am not challenging |
| a policy to hire competent people of sound character. Rather, I |
| am challenging a strict policy that uses economic pressure to close |
| a field of activity to all persons convicted of breaking into |
| systems. It is enough that a company is responsible for the behavior |
| of its employees. Each hacker can be considered for employment based |
| on his or her own competency and character. |
|
|
| Some people have called for stricter penalties for hackers, including |
| prison terms, in order to send a strong deterrent message to hackers. |
| John Draper, who was incarcerated for his activities in the 1970's, |
| argues that in practice this will only make the problem worse. He |
| told me that he was forced under threat to teach other inmates his |
| knowledge of communications systems. He believes that prison sentences |
| will serve only to spread hacker's knowledge to career criminals. |
| He said he was never approached by criminals outside the prison, |
| but that inside the prison they had control over him. |
|
|
| One hacker said that by clamping down on the hobbyist underground, |
| we will only be left with the criminal underground. He said that |
| without hackers to uncover system vulnerabilities, the holes will |
| be left undiscovered, to be utilized by those likely to cause real |
| damage. |
|
|
| Goldstein argues that the existing penalties are already way out |
| of proportion to the acts committed, and that the reason is because |
| of computers (Goldstein89). He says that if Kevin Mitnick had |
| committed crimes similar to those he committed but without a computer, |
| he would have been classified as a mischief maker and maybe fined |
| $100 for trespassing; instead, he was put in jail without bail |
| (Goldstein89). Craig Neidorf, a publisher and editor of the electronic |
| newsletter ``Phrack,'' faces up to 31 years and a fine of $122,000 |
| for receiving, editing, and transmitting the downloaded text file |
| on the 911 system (Goldstein90). (Since the time I wrote this, a new |
| indictment was issued with penalties of up to 65 years in prison. |
| Neidorf went on trial beginning July 23. The trial ended July 27 |
| when the government dropped all charges. DED) |
|
|
| 7. Privacy and the First and Fourth Amendments |
|
|
| The hackers I spoke with advocated privacy protection for sensitive |
| information about individuals. They said they are not interested |
| in invading people's privacy, and that they limited their hacking |
| activities to acquiring information about computer systems or how |
| to break into them. There are, of course, hackers who break into |
| systems such as the TRW credit database. Emanuel Goldstein argues |
| that such invasions of privacy took place before the hacker arrived |
| (Harpers90). Referring to credit reports, government files, motor |
| vehicle records, and the ``megabytes of data piling up about each |
| of us,'' he says that thousands of people legally can see and use |
| this data, much of it erroneous. He claims that the public has been |
| misinformed about the databases, and that hackers have become |
| scapegoats for the holes in the systems. One hacker questioned the |
| practice of storing sensitive personal information on open systems |
| with dial-up access, the accrual of the information, the methods |
| used to acquire it, and the purposes to which it is put. Another |
| hacker questioned the inclusion of religion and race in credit records. |
| Drake told me that he was concerned about the increasing amount of |
| information about individuals that is stored in large data banks, |
| and the inability of the individual to have much control over the |
| use of that information. He suggests that the individual might be |
| co-owner of information collected about him or her, with control |
| over the use of that information. He also says that an individual |
| should be free to withhold personal information, of course paying |
| the consequences of doing so (e.g., not getting a drivers license |
| or credit card). In fact, all Federal Government forms are required |
| to contain a Privacy Act Statement that states how the information |
| being collected will be used and, in some cases, giving the option |
| of withholding the information. |
|
|
| Goldstein has also challenged the practices of law enforcement agencies |
| in their attempt to crack down on hackers (Goldstein90). He said |
| that all incoming and outgoing electronic mail used by ``Phrack'' |
| was monitored before the newsletter was shutdown by authorities. |
| ``Had a printed magazine been shut down in this fashion after having |
| all of their mail opened and read, even the most thick-headed |
| sensationalist media types would have caught on: hey, isn't that |
| a violation of the First Amendment?'' He also cites the shutdown |
| of several bulletin boards as part of Operation Sun Devil, and quotes |
| the administrator of the bulletin board Zygot as saying ``Should |
| I start reading my users' mail to make sure they aren't saying anything |
| naughty? Should I snoop through all the files to make sure everyone |
| is being good? This whole affair is rather chilling.'' The |
| administrator for the public system The Point wrote ``Today, there |
| is no law or precedent which affords me ... the same legal rights |
| that other common carriers have against prosecution should some other |
| party (you) use my property (The Point) for illegal activities. |
| That worries me ...'' |
|
|
| About 40 personal computer systems and 23,000 data disks were seized |
| under Operation Sun Devil, a two-year investigation involving the |
| FBI, Secret Service, and other federal and local law enforcement |
| officials. In addition, the Secret Service acknowledges that its |
| agents, acting as legitimate users, had secretly monitored computer |
| bulletin boards (Markoff90a). Markoff reports that California |
| Representative Don Edwards, industry leader Mitchell Kapor, and civil |
| liberties advocates are alarmed by these government actions, saying |
| that they challenge freedom of speech under the First Amendment and |
| protection against searches and seizures under the Fourth Amendment. |
| Markoff asks: ``Will fear of hackers bring oppression?'' |
|
|
| John Barlow writes ``The Secret Service may actually have done a |
| service for those of us who love liberty. They have provided us |
| with a devil. And devils, among their other galvanizing virtues, |
| are just great for clarifying the issues and putting iron in your |
| spine,'' (Barlow90). Some of the questions that Barlow says need |
| to be addressed include ``What are data and what is free speech? |
| How does one treat property which has no physical form and can be |
| infinitely reproduced? Is a computer the same as a printing press?'' |
| Barlow urges those of us who understand the technology to address |
| these questions, lest the answers be given to us by law makers and |
| law enforcers who do not. Barlow and Kapor are constituting a |
| foundation to ``raise and disburse funds for education, lobbying, |
| and litigation in the areas relating to digital speech and the |
| extension of the Constitution into Cyberspace.'' |
|
|
| 8. Conclusions |
|
|
|
|
| Hackers say that it is our social responsibility to share information, |
| and that it is information hoarding and disinformation that are the |
| crimes. This ethic of resource and information sharing contrasts |
| sharply with computer security policies that are based on authorization |
| and ``need to know.'' This discrepancy raises an interesting question: |
| Does the hacker ethic reflect a growing force in society that stands |
| for greater sharing of resources and information -- a reaffirmation |
| of basic values in our constitution and laws? It is important that |
| we examine the differences between the standards of hackers, systems |
| managers, users, and the public. These differences may represent |
| breakdowns in current practices, and may present new opportunities |
| to design better policies and mechanisms for making computer resources |
| and information more widely available. |
|
|
| The sentiment for greater information sharing is not restricted to |
| hackers. In the best seller, ``Thriving on Chaos,'' Tom Peters |
| (Peters87) writes about sharing within organizations: ``Information |
| hoarding, especially by politically motivated, power-seeking staffs, |
| has been commonplace throughout American industry, service and |
| manufacturing alike. It will be an impossible millstone around the |
| neck of tomorrow's organizations. Sharing is a must.'' Peters argues |
| that information flow and sharing is fundamental to innovation and |
| competitiveness. On a broader scale, Peter Drucker (Drucker89) says |
| that the ``control of information by government is no longer possible. |
| Indeed, information is now transnational. Like money, it has no |
| `fatherland.' '' |
|
|
| Nor is the sentiment restricted to people outside the computer security |
| field. Harry DeMaio (DeMaio89) says that our natural urge is to |
| share information, and that we are suspicious of organizations and |
| individuals who are secretive. He says that information is exchanged |
| out of ``want to know'' and mutual accommodation rather than ``need |
| to know.'' If this is so, then some of our security policies are |
| out of step with the way people work. Peter Denning (DenningP89) |
| says that information sharing will be widespread in the emerging |
| worldwide networks of computers and that we need to focus on ``immune |
| systems'' that protect against mistakes in our designs and recover |
| from damage. |
|
|
| I began my investigation of hackers with the question, who are they |
| and what is their culture and discourse? My investigation uncovered |
| some of their concerns, which provided the organizational structure |
| to this paper, and several suggestions for new actions that might |
| be taken. My investigation also opened up a broader question: What |
| conflict in society do hackers stand at the battle lines of? Is |
| it owning or restricting information vs. sharing information -- a |
| tension between an age-old tradition of controlling information as |
| property and the Englightenment tradition of sharing and disseminating |
| information? Is it controlling access based on ``need to know,'' |
| as determined by the information provider, vs. ``want to know,'' |
| as determined by the person desiring access? Is it law enforcement |
| vs. freedoms granted under the First and Fourth Amendments? The |
| answers to these questions, as well as those raised by Barlow on |
| the nature of information and free speech, are important because |
| they tell us whether our policies and practices serve us as well |
| as they might. The issue is not simply hackers vs. system managers |
| or law enforcers; it is a much larger question about values and |
| practices in an information society. |
|
|
|
|
| Acknowledgments |
|
|
| I am deeply grateful to Peter Denning, Frank Drake, Nathan Estey, |
| Katie Hafner, Brian Harvey, Steve Lipner, Teresa Lunt, Larry Martin, |
| Gordon Meyer, Donn Parker, Morgan Schweers, Richard Stallman, and |
| Alex for their comments on earlier versions of this paper and helpful |
| discussions; to Richard Stallman for putting me in contact with |
| hackers; John Draper, Geoff Goodfellow, Brian Reid, Eugene Spafford, |
| Dave, Marcel, Mike, RGB, and the hackers for helpful discussions; |
| and Richard Pethia for a summary of some of his experiences at CERT. |
| The opinions expressed here, however, are my own and do not necessarily |
| represent those of the people mentioned above or of Digital Equipment |
| Corporation. |
|
|
|
|
| References |
|
|
|
|
| ACM90 |
| ``Just say no,'' Comm. ACM, Vol. 33, No. 5, May 1990, p. 477. |
|
|
| Baird87 |
| Bruce J. Baird, Lindsay L. Baird, Jr., and Ronald P. Ranauro, ``The |
| Moral Cracker?,'' Computers and Security, Vol. 6, No. 6, Dec. 1987, |
| p. 471-478. |
|
|
| Barlow90 |
| John Barlow, ``Crime and Puzzlement,'' June 1990, to appear in Whole |
| Earth Review. |
|
|
| Corley89 |
| Eric Corley, ``The Hacking Fever,'' in Pamela Kane, V.I.R.U.S. |
| Protection, Bantam Books, New York, 1989, p. 67-72. |
|
|
| DeMaio89 |
| Harry B. DeMaio, ``Information Ethics, a Practical Approach,'' |
| Proc. of the 12th National Computer Security Conference, 1989, |
| p. 630-633. |
|
|
| DenningP89 |
| Peter J. Denning, ``Worldnet,'' American Scientist, Vol. 77, No. 5, |
| Sept.-Oct., 1989. |
|
|
| DenningP90 |
| Peter J. Denning, Computers Under Attack, ACM Press, 1990. |
|
|
| Dibbel90 |
| Julian Dibbel, ``Cyber Thrash,'' SPIN, Vol. 5, No. 12, March 1990. |
|
|
| Drucker89 |
| Peter F. Drucker, The New Realities, Harper and Row, New York, 1989. |
|
|
| Felsenstein86 |
| Lee Felsenstein, ``Real Hackers Don't Rob Banks,'' in full report on |
| ACM Panel on Hacking (Lee86). |
|
|
| Frenkel87 |
| Karen A. Frenkel, ``Brian Reid, A Graphics Tale of a Hacker |
| Tracker,'' Comm. ACM, Vol. 30, No. 10, Oct. 1987, p. 820-823. |
|
|
| Goldstein89 |
| Emmanuel Goldstein, ``Hackers in Jail,'' 2600 Magazine, Vol. 6, No. 1, |
| Spring 1989. |
|
|
| Goldstein90 |
| Emmanuel Goldstein, ``For Your Protection,'' 2600 Magazine, Vol. 7, |
| No. 1, Spring 1990. |
|
|
| Goodfellow83 |
| Geoffrey S. Goodfellow, ``Testimony Before the Subcommittee on |
| Transportation, Aviation, and Materials on the Subject of |
| Telecommunications Security and Privacy,'' Sept. 26, 1983. |
|
|
| Hafner90 |
| Katie Hafner, ``Morris Code,'' The New Republic, Feb. 16, 1990, |
| p. 15-16. |
|
|
| Harpers90 |
| ``Is Computer Hacking a Crime?" Harper's, March 1990, p. 45-57. |
|
|
| Harvey86 |
| Brian Harvey, ``Computer Hacking and Ethics,'' in full report on |
| ACM Panel on Hacking (Lee86). |
|
|
| HollingerLanza-Kaduce88 |
| Richard C. Hollinger and Lonn Lanza-Kaduce, ``The Process of |
| Criminalization: The Case of Computer Crime Laws,'' Criminology, |
| Vol. 26, No. 1, 1988, p. 101-126. |
|
|
| Huebner89 |
| Hans Huebner, ``Re: News from the KGB/Wiley Hackers,'' RISKS Digest, |
| Vol. 8, Issue 37, 1989. |
|
|
| Landreth89 |
| Bill Landreth, Out of the Inner Circle, Tempus, Redmond, WA, 1989. |
|
|
| Lee86 |
| John A. N. Lee, Gerald Segal, and Rosalie Stier, ``Positive |
| Alternatives: A Report on an ACM Panel on Hacking,'' Comm. ACM, |
| Vol. 29, No. 4, April 1986, p. 297-299; full report available from |
| ACM Headquarters, New York. |
|
|
| Levy84 |
| Steven Levy, Hackers, Dell, New York, 1984. |
|
|
| Markoff90 |
| John Markoff, ``Self-Proclaimed `Hacker' Sends Message to Critics,'' |
| The New York Times, March 19, 1990. |
|
|
| Markoff90a |
| John Markoff, ``Drive to Counter Computer Crime Aims at Invaders,'' |
| The New York Times, June 3, 1990. |
|
|
| Martin89 |
| Larry Martin, ``Unethical `Computer' Behavior: Who is Responsible?,'' |
| Proc. of the 12th National Computer Security Conference, 1989. |
|
|
| Meyer89 |
| Gordon R. Meyer, The Social Organization of the Computer Underground, |
| Master's thesis, Dept. of Sociology, Northern Illinois Univ., Aug. |
| 1989. |
|
|
| MeyerThomas90 |
| Gordon Meyer and Jim Thomas, ``The Baudy World of the Byte Bandit: |
| A Postmodernist Interpretation of the Computer Underground,'' Dept. |
| of Sociology, Northern Illinois Univ., DeKalb, IL, March 1990. |
|
|
| Peters87 |
| Tom Peters, Thriving on Chaos, Harper & Row, New York, Chapter VI, S-3, |
| p. 610, 1987. |
|
|
| Spafford89 |
| Eugene H. Spafford, ``The Internet Worm, Crisis and Aftermath,'' |
| Comm. ACM, Vol. 32, No. 6, June 1989, p. 678-687. |
|
|
| Stallman84 |
| Richard M. Stallman, Letter to ACM Forum, Comm. ACM, Vol. 27, |
| No. 1, Jan. 1984, p. 8-9. |
|
|
| Stallman90 |
| Richard M. Stallman, ``Against User Interface Copyright'' to appear |
| in Comm. ACM. |
|
|
| Steele83 |
| Guy L. Steele, Jr., Donald R. Woods, Raphael A. Finkel, Mark R. |
| Crispin, Richard M. Stallman, and Geoffrey S. Goodfellow, The |
| Hacker's Dictionary, Harper & Row, New York, 1983. |
|
|
| Stoll90 |
| Clifford Stoll, The Cuckoo's Egg, Doubleday, 1990. |
|
|
| Thomas90 |
| Jim Thomas, ``Review of The Cuckoo's Egg,'' Computer Underground |
| Digest, Issue #1.06, April 27, 1990. |
|
|
| ThomasMeyer90 |
| Jim Thomas and Gordon Meyer, ``Joe McCarthy in a Leisure Suit: |
| (Witch)Hunting for the Computer Underground,'' Unpublished |
| manuscript, Department of Sociology, Northern Illinois University, |
| DeKalb, IL, 1990; see also the Computer Underground Digest, Vol. |
| 1, Issue 11, June 16, 1990. |
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