| ==Phrack Inc.== |
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| Volume Three, Issue 30, File #9 of 12 |
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| | The Truth About Lie Detectors | |
| |_______ _______| |
| | by Razor's Edge | |
| | | |
| | November 10, 1989 | |
| |___________________| |
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| Americans love gadgets, so it is not hard to explain the popularity of the lie |
| detector. Many people believe in the validity of lie detectors because the |
| instruments and printouts resemble those used by doctors and others who collect |
| scientific data and because lie detectors are simple, convenient shortcuts to |
| hard complicated decisions. Polygraphy is fast becoming an American obsession |
| -- an obsession, incidentally, not shared by the British or the Europeans or, |
| as far as we know, the Russians. |
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| American industry's increasing dependence on the polygraph reflects an enormous |
| faith in the rational processes of science. Each of us can recall a time when |
| our voices sounded funny as we told a lie. Surely, if we can "hear" a lie, |
| science can detect one. It comes as a disturbing shock, therefore, to learn |
| how fragile the polygraph's scientific foundations really are. |
|
|
| The roots of the lie detector, more formally known as the polygraph, go back to |
| the turn of the century, when infatuation with the newly discovered powers of |
| electricity more than once overcame common sense. But whereas electric hair |
| restorers and high-voltage cancer cures have all but vanished, the polygraph |
| persists and even flourishes. According to the best estimates, over one |
| million polygraph examinations are administered each year in the united States. |
| They are used in criminal investigations, during government security checks, |
| and increasingly by nervous employers -- particularly banks and stores. In |
| certain parts of the country, a woman must pass a lie detector test before the |
| authorities will prosecute a rape. In 1983 the television show Lie Detector |
| added the dimension of home entertainment to polygraph tests. |
|
|
| The National Security Agency (NSA) leads the roster of federal polygraph users; |
| both it and the CIA rely heavily on polygraph testing for pre-employment and |
| routine security screening. The NSA reported giving nearly 10,000 tests in |
| 1982 (CIA numbers are classified). Those who are labeled "deceptive" often |
| lose their jobs, even if there is no actual evidence against them. Moreover, |
| the polygraph report may become a permanent part of an employee's records, and |
| it will be extremely difficult to compel a correction. |
|
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| With the arrest in June 1985 of four Navy men on espionage charges, the issue |
| of using polygraphs to uncover spies or ferret out dishonest job seekers has |
| come to the forefront of the debate about what should be done to stem the loss |
| of defense and company secrets and to dispel potential thieves in the |
| workplace. |
|
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| Much the same issue is at the heart of the protracted wrangle between the |
| Reagan Administration and Congress over plans for expanded government use of |
| the polygraph. An executive order issued on March 11, 1983, known as National |
| Security Decision Directive 84, would have sanctioned for the first time |
| "adverse consequences" for a federal employee who refuses to take a test when |
| asked. The directive authorized tests to investigate candidates for certain |
| security clearances and to ask any federal employee about leaks of classified |
| information. (This directive was issued shortly after Reagan's comment about |
| being "up to my keister" in press leads.) Almost simultaneously the Department |
| of Defense (DOD) released a draft regulation that authorized use of the |
| polygraph to screen employees who take on sensitive intelligence assignments; |
| it, too, prescribed adverse consequences for refusal. |
|
|
| Critics of the polygraph maintain that its use represents an invasion of |
| privacy, especially when the coercive power of the government or an employer is |
| behind the application. It is hard for a job applicant to say no when a |
| prospective employer asks him or her to take a polygraph test; once hooked up |
| to the machine, the applicant may face questions not only about past criminal |
| activity but also about matters that an employer may have no business intruding |
| upon, such as sexual practices or gambling -- questions asked ostensibly to |
| assess the applicant's "character." As a result of such abuses, nineteen |
| states and the District of Columbia have made it illegal for an organization to |
| ask its employees to take polygraph examinations. |
|
|
| A question more basic than whether the polygraph is an unacceptable invasion of |
| privacy is, of course, whether it works. Seeking an answer in the scientific |
| literature can be a bewildering experience. A report by the Office of |
| Technology Assessment (OTA), commissioned in 1983 by Brooks's Committee on |
| Government Operations, summed up the problem by citing twenty-four studies that |
| found correct detection of guilt ranging from 35% to 100%. |
|
|
| Polygraph theory thrives on a sort of Pinocchio vision of lying, in which |
| physiological reactions -- changes in blood pressure or rate of breathing or |
| sweating of the palms -- elicited by a set of questions will reliably betray |
| falsehood. Lying, goes the rationale, is deliberate, and the knowledge and |
| effort associated with it will make a person upset enough to display a physical |
| reaction like a speedup of the heartbeat. The variables measured usually |
| include the galvanic skin response (GSR), blood pressure, abdominal |
| respiration, and thoracic respiration. The GSR is measured by fingertip |
| electrodes that produce changes in the electrical resistance in the palms when |
| they are sweating. The blood pressure and pulse are monitored through a system |
| that uses a sphygmomanometer cuff, which is usually attached to the biceps |
| (this is similar to the way doctors measure blood pressure). There is no |
| "specific lie response." The polygraph merely records general emotional |
| arousal. It does not distinguish anxiety or indignation from guilt. The real |
| "lie detector" is the operator, who interprets the various body responses on |
| the machine's output. |
|
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| Polygraphers claim that it is the form and mix of questions that are the keys |
| to their success. The standard format, known as the Control Question Test, |
| involves interspersing "relevant" questions with "control" questions. Relevant |
| questions relate directly to the critical matter: "Did you participate in the |
| robbery of the First National Bank on September 11, 1981?" Control questions, |
| on the other hand, are less precise: "In the last twenty years, have you ever |
| taken something that did not belong to you?" |
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|
| In the pretest interview, the polygrapher reviews all the questions and frames |
| the control questions to produce "no" answers. It is in this crucial pretest |
| phase that the polygrapher's deception comes into play, for he wants the |
| innocent subject to dissemble while answering the control questions during the |
| actual test. |
|
|
| The assumption underlying the Control Question Test is that the truthful |
| subject will display a stronger physiological reaction to the control |
| questions, whereas a deceptive subject will react more strongly to the relevant |
| questions. That is the heart of it. Modern lie detection relies on nothing |
| more than subtle psychological techniques, crude physiological indicators, and |
| skilled questioning and interpretation of the results. |
|
|
| Critics claim that polygraphy fails to take the complexities of lying into |
| account. For some people lying can be satisfying, fulfilling, exciting, and |
| even humorous, depending on their reasons for lying. Other people feel little |
| or no emotion when lying. Still others believe their lies and think they are |
| telling the truth when they are not. Moreover, the theory holds that deception |
| produces distinctive physiological changes that characterize lying and only |
| lying. This notion has no empirical support. Quite the contrary: Lying |
| produces no known distinctive pattern of physiological activity. |
|
|
| Undeniably, when being dishonest, people can feel great turmoil and a polygraph |
| can measure this turmoil. But when apprehensive about being interrogated, they |
| can give a similar emotional reaction: When they think they are losing the |
| chance for job openings or their jobs are on the line, when they reflect on the |
| judgements that could be made about their answers, or, for that matter, when |
| they are angry, puzzled, or even amused by the impertinent probing of a total |
| stranger. Some control questions may make a person appear guilty. Such |
| questions may force a subject into a minor lie or ask about an invented crime |
| that nonetheless makes the subject nervous. |
|
|
| Lie detectors are especially unreliable for truthful people. Many more |
| innocent people test as "deceptive" than guilty people test as "innocent." |
| Those who run a special risk include people who get upset if someone accuses |
| them of something they didn't do, people with short tempers, people who tend to |
| feel guilty anyway, and people not accustomed to having their word questioned. |
| All of these feelings can change heart rate, breathing, and perspiration and |
| their heightened feelings are easily confused with guilt. |
|
|
| It has also been shown that polygraphs are easily manipulated. Four hundred |
| milligrams of the tranquilizer meprobamate taken an hour or two before a |
| polygraph session can make it virtually impossible to spot a liar by his |
| physiological responses. In fact, some researchers even argue that an examinee |
| can use simple countermeasures, such as biting one's tongue, gouging oneself |
| with a fingernail, or stepping on a nail concealed in a shoe, to fake a strong |
| reaction to the control questions, thus "beating" the test. According to one |
| researcher, one prison inmate, who became the jail-house polygraph expert after |
| studying the literature, trained twenty-seven fellow inmates in the seat |
| techniques; twenty-three beat the polygraph tests used tons investigate |
| violations of prison rules. However, do not try sighing, coughing, or |
| clenching your fist or arm. Polygraphers usually are suspicious of those |
| techniques and may label you "deceptive" for that reason alone. |
|
|
| It should be obvious that the interpretation of the results of any polygraph |
| test will certainly be very difficult. Also, not all responses on the machine |
| will agree. What are the present qualifications for a polygrapher? Most of |
| the twenty-five or more schools that train examiners provide only an eight-week |
| course of instruction and require two years of college for admission. This is |
| about one-sixth the study time of the average barber college. Perhaps as many |
| as a dozendy time of contemporary polygraphers do hold Ph.D's, but the vast |
| majority of the 4,000 to 8,000 practicing examiners had no simple significant |
| training in physiology or in psychology, even though lie detection demands |
| extremely subtle and difficult psychophysiological interpretations. There are |
| no licensing standards for polygraph operators, and, with so many poorly, who |
| trained operators, thousands of tests are conducted hastily and haphazardly, |
| resulting in highly questionable accuracy. For many innocent people, their |
| judge and jury are these unskilled operators. |
|
|
| Honesty is also difficult to predict because it tends to be situation- |
| specific. Therefore, it is more dependent on motivation and opportunity than |
| on some personality trait. As Bertrand Russell once said, "Virtue is dictated |
| by results of circumstance." |
|
|
| Proponents of the polygraph sometimes cite "correct guilty detections": The |
| percentage of guilty subjects who are caught by the polygraph. This figure can |
| be very impressive: In one study that does not suffer from the failings |
| already mentioned, it was 98% correct. But the same study found that 55% of |
| innocent subjects were also diagnosed as "deceptive." The handful of studies |
| that used a truly random selection of cases and scored them blind produced |
| similar results: Overall, 83% of guilty subjects were diagnosed as |
| "deceptive," as were 43% of innocent subjects. It's no trick to push the rate |
| of correct guilty detections to 100% -- just call everyone "deceptive." You |
| don't even need a machine to do that! |
|
|
| Nature published its conclusions last year. Their aggregated findings were |
| based on the polygraph charts of 207 criminal suspects, which 14 polygraphers |
| scored independently. On the average, they erroneously diagnosed 43% of |
| innocent suspects as deceptive. Such errors, called false positives, ranged as |
| high as 50%. The corresponding errors of deceptive persons "passing the test," |
| or false negatives, were as high as 36%. |
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|
| The accuracy rates of "failed" and "passed" depend, of course, on the |
| proportion of dishonest persons in the group tested. Thus, if 800 of 1,000 |
| persons tested are truthful, a test that is 72% accurate overall will accuse |
| 144 liars and 224 truthful persons. This is not an impressive accuracy record. |
|
|
| These numbers suggest that the polygraph test is biased against innocent |
| people. The problem is accentuated when the test is used in the screening |
| situations envisioned in the Reagan Administration proposals (and already |
| established at the NSA and the CIA). Everyone is tested, but presumably only a |
| very small proportion has done anything wrong. If we assume that one employee |
| in a hundred is a spy (probably a gross overestimate), and if we use the 83% |
| correct-guilty-detection rate, we find that 51 innocent persons will flunk the |
| polygraph test for every real spy who flunks. Any test, whether it is for |
| truth or for cancer, has to be extremely accurate to detect a rare phenomenon |
| without setting off a lot of false alarms in the process. Even if the test |
| were 99% accurate for both guilty and innocent detections, one innocent person |
| would be falsely branded for each spy caught. Because of this "case rate" |
| problem, the FBI forbids the use of polygraph dragnets: The tests can be used |
| only after an initial investigation has narrowed the field of suspects. |
|
|
| Given all the doubts about their validity, why does the government persist in |
| using polygraph tests? Some clues are found in the DOD 1983 report on |
| polygraph testing -- even in its title, "The Accuracy and Utility of Polygraph |
| Testing" which suggests that accuracy and utility are two different things. |
| The most that report concludes about accuracy is that it is "significantly |
| above chance." Utility, however, is quite another matter. Perhaps the most |
| telling statement about lie detectors comes from former president Nixon, who |
| declared on one of the White House tapes, "I don't know anything about lie |
| detectors other than they scare the hell out of people." |
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